A VINDICATION OF KING CHARLES': OR, A LOYAL SUBJECTS DUTY. MANIFESTED In Vindicating his Sovereign from those Aspersions cast upon Him by certain persons, In a scandalous Libel, Entitled, The King's Cabinet Opened: And published (as they say) by Authority of Parliament. Whereunto is added, A true Parallel betwixt the sufferings of our Saviour and our Sovereign, in divers particulars, etc. By EDW: SYMMONS, A Minister, not of the late confused New, but of the Ancient, Orderly, and True Church of England. Remember (Lord) the reproach of thy servant, how he beareth in his bosom the reproach of all the mighty (wicked) people. Wherewith thine enemies have rep2roached (O Lord) wherewith they have reproached the footsteps of thine Anointed. PSAL. 89. 50, 51. His Enemies will I cloth with shame, but upon Himself shall his Crown flourish. PSAL. 132. 18. Even so, Amen. REV. 22. 20. — But thou, O Lord, how long? PSAL. 6. 3. Printed in the Year, 1648. To all that truly fear God, into whose hands this Book shall come. Christian Friends, THis Book here tendered to your view, was (for the most part of it) made in Cornwall, in the year 1645. I was quickened in my undertaking by a noble Gentleman of great faithfulness and Loyalty; that County hath many such. Before it was quite concluded, the Enemy, like a flood, broke in thither: Whereupon to preserve and finish it, I went to France, but by so doing, I had almost lost it; for my Cloak-bag, which contained it, (and all I had beside) passed (by accident) in one Ship, and myself went in another, and we landed an hundred miles asunder: that was Plundered, and nothing therein returned unto me, but only these Papers, & they by mere fortune some six weeks after. Which special Providence in their particular preservation, spoke them to my heart, Gods will to have them published, & to my hopes, his purpose to grant a blessing: Hereupon I fitted them for the Press with all speed, and they were ready in May▪ 1646. nor was the fault in my will, that they were not then committed to the same. But perhaps God had a special Providence in this also, people's hearts were not then so capable to receive a Vindication of their Sovereign from a fellow-Subject, as now they are even forced to be, by that illustrious eminency of his graces which hath beamed forth in his dark condition, even to the conviction and admiration of all reasonable creatures. Since the finishing hereof, I had occasion to see and observe the manners and conditions of the French Nation, both those of the Romish, and of the Reformed Religion; and my special care was, to understand what sense they had of the present differences in our Church and Nation; which truly to remember, is but to renew that grief I had in observing. In brief, they both conjointly rejoiced at our follies, and (as appeared to me) desired our ruin: And this did chiefly occasion the writing my Postscript, which was done the last Spring, at my return into the hither parts of that Kingdom, where I understood also of His Majesty's restrained condition at Holdenby. About the time of his deliverance from that place, by God's direction and merciful protection, I came back safe into England; but fancying the season to be then past, for publication of my Book, in regard of those great alterations which had happened since its first composall: and withal, some hopeful reasons offering themselves to my thoughts at my first arrival, made me conceive it would not be so needful. Therefore I resolved to lay it aside. But after some month's expectance (those new hopes being likely to prove tympanous) I was solicited by some friends from the farthest part of the Kingdom, to put it to the Press: now I was in a place where the same might be done; who also informed me that (in their apprehensions) vulgar hearts wanted satisfaction in nothing concerning the King's integrity, but only in the matter of those Letters, which did still scruple many of them. Wherefore they conjured me, (if I rendered His Majesty's Honour indeed) that I should give the world a speedy view, of what I had writ to that particular. These Arguments easily prevailed with a willing mind, which was encouraged farther by that free liberty which I saw daily used by others, in writing & speaking against those sins and sinners, which this Book reproveth; though to my grief withal I saw in many Papers wickedness rather scoffed at, then pursued with such grave and home rebukes as the case requireth: and sin thereby I perceived was rather made a matter of laughter, then of sorrow, even to the most guilty, (through that impudence which is in them: and yet I doubt not too but ingenious lashes are sufficiently distasteful to galled spirits, because there is truth as well as wit in them; they haply may be as rods to rotten hearts, but God's Word if closely applied, (as I hope in some measure 'tis in this Book done) will prove unto them as a very Scorpion; if those make them hiss and spit, this will make them even rage and roar; for the more Divinity a proof carries with it or in it, the more tormentful it is always unto the wicked. Sic scriptum est may haply silence Satan, but 'tis not always so powerful upon the spirits of proud men. The Pharisees were so far from being quieted by Christ's doctrine, that they grew more enraged, and were incensed thereby to seek his ruin, and had no rest till they had procured it, though they got none by it. And let any one practice Christ, or follow him in his way as close as he can, he shall (doubtless) meet with those that will practise the Pharisees, and follow them a great deal closer. It was in my thoughts (I confess) to have concealed my name, as you may see in the following Preface, and for what reasons: but I have altered my resolution concerning that particular, from these considerations. First, if I had not owned my work, I had done that which I dislike, and incurred the blame which I object to others; I had hazarded my Book to be entitled a Libel, and exposed myself to be reckoned in the number of night-birds that love darkness: yea, I had receded from my former self: for when the King was in a condition visibly Potent, I prefixed my name to all I writ; and if I should forbear to do so now, I should appear as fallen in my zeal, and abated in my dutiful affections, by the increases of his Afflictions. I read of Nicodemus, who affecting secrecy while Jesus was at liberty, came to him by night; but when he was in restraint, he thought it his duty to discover himself in his behalf, and so he did more than ever: All Scripture is written for our learning. Secondly, I held myself bound to attest my Keeping, as I had done my Taking the Protestation, and that was, by writing my name. For this, my Book is nothing else but the discharge of my Conscience and Duty in that respect: Herein I have (according to the very Letter of it) with my power maintained and defended, 1. The true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against Popish Tenants, and Innovations: 2. His Majesty's Royal Person, Honour and Estate, according to mine Allegiance: And 3. The Power and Privileges of Parliament, together with the true Rights and Liberties of the Subject: Yea, I have here endeavoured with all faithfulness, to vindicate the Dignity of that High and Supreme Court, from the scandal of Rebellion, Oppression, Injustice and other evils, which to its great disgrace have been practised under its venerable Name, and thereby (so much as in me lieth) I have freed it from the merit of that Odium which is wrought in People's hearts against it: For indeed the very name of Parliament is grown more hateful to many of the vulgar (through their ignorance,) then ever that of Star-chamber, or High-Commission was: and they wish and pray (through their folly) that the same may be quite abolished as those others are. I have also herein opposed and endeavoured to bring (by discovering their wickedness) to condign punishment those evil workers, who by Force, Practice, Counsels, Plots, Conspiracies, and every other way have done things contrary to all those things in the said Protestation contained: All which I promised and vowed to do, in a lawful way, (which is that of my Calling) even with the hazard of my life as well as of mine estate (which is lost already;) and this my Conscience says I shall not fully do, unless I publicly own my doings by prefixing my name unto them. Thirdly, I considered with myself, that by concealing my name, I should seem (in a sort) to be ashamed of that Truth which I profess to maintain, and of following my Master Christ, in his way of detecting Hypocrites, and wicked men: He saith of himself, that in secret he had spoke nothing, that is, He was no backbiter, no whisperer against any in private corners. He spoke openly against men's evil doings, and was never ashamed to acknowledge his own Doctrines: And he hath said too, that I cannot be his Disciple, that is, approved indeed, unless I follow him, viz: in his very way, doing his work after his very manner; though I meet with his Cross in the doing of it, which also I must take up cheerfully after his example, be it with the loss of my life itself; He lost his before me. Fourthly, I considered that my Book is likely to prove more serviceable by mine open acknowledgement of it; the writings of that courageous and learned Judge, Master David Jenkins, are believed to have done the more good by the setting his name unto them: nor did I think it comely that any man should appear more resolute for the Law of the Land, than the Ministers of Christ are for the Law of their God. For mine own part I am sure I should show myself most strangely ungrateful to the Almighty, and distrustful of him, (after so large an experience as I have had of his mercy and goodness) if any fear of danger, should make me upon this occasion obscure myself. My former Books (though plain) (by his gracious blessing) were not unfruitful among many of my Countrymen, unto whom my name (as of late I perceive) is not so distatefull, that I should think them unwilling to see it in print again: and from any hurt by those that took offence at them, my God hath hitherto protected me; as he hath often done (praised be his Name) from the mischiefs (of being beaten and pistolled) often threatened by some of the prophaner sort of our Cavalleers, for my free preaching against their blasphemy and dissoluteness, their selfseeking, lust-pleasing, and King-neglecting baseness. Now after David's way of arguing; He that delivered me from the Lion and the Bear, can also, etc. He is the same God still, if I can but believe, He can, yea and will preserve in the midst of danger: wherefore though it was once in my mind (viz. when I was at a great distance) both to conceal my name, and also to keep out of their reach, (as may appear by that passage page 275.) yet now being returned amongst them, I have for these reasons altered my resolution in that particular. And again, beside these Reasons, I had in my heart also these Reasonings: What if I do suffer? is it not for a King, a gracious King, to whom I have sworn Allegiance, and under whose Protection I have laboured in God's Vineyard? Is it not for a Church, a mother-Church, that admitted me first Christ's Member, and afterwards Christ's Minister? is it not for keeping the Protestation, that Protestation tendered to me by the Parliament, when it was a Parliament? is it not for discharging my Conscience and Office? for telling people of their sins (according to God's Command?) for detecting Hypocrites after Christ's own example? and shall I by suffering for the same do any other, then with Simon of Cyrene help my Saviour bear his Cross? Have I yet resisted unto blood as many before me have done? Ought I not to be willing to lose life itself for my Brethren, to redeem them from the ways of sin and error? May not haply this their redemption be effected sooner by suffering, then by preaching? Is not my exclusion and debarment from an appointed place to preach in, a kind of a call or setting aside to sufferings? Could Saint Paul have wished himself even separate from Christ, if on that condition he might have united his Countrymen unto him, and should not I be willing to go to Christ for the gaining of mine? Am I not Christ's own to be disposed of for his service? Did not he buy me for that end? Did not he honour me with the dignity of being one of his Ministers of purpose that I should bear witness of his Truth? is it any new thing to suffer for the sake of that? Shall I (if thereunto called) be the first that have attested the same unto the world? Beside, what advantage will the Adversaries get to themselves by being cruel to me? Shall they not rather confirm thereby to the world what I have written of their conditions? Nay, shall not those whom I have detected only in the general, by their being angry at me, expose themselves to be known particulatim & nominatim, and shall hey any whit strengthen their Dominion by my ruin? Shall they not rather hasten their own thereby? Was not the reign of the Popish Bishops here in Queen Mary's days the sooner at its period (in the judgements of all men) for their persecuting those Reverend Bishops and Ministers, who opposed their sinful ways, and sealed wi●● their blood that Doctrine and liturgy, which is now a pulling down in this Kingdom? These and such like also were the reasonings of my spirit, concerning this matter of prefixing my name, to this Vindication. But perhaps some of you will say, Ad quid perditio haec, what needs all this waste of words? Times are not now as they have been. Many of the Presbyterian faction, in whom the spirit of cruelty is most natural, and who ruled the Roast when most of these villainies were acted, which your Book reproveth, are either run away, or turned the other way: for the Militia (now most in the others hands) hath proved a stronger Argument with their Consciences, than their Covenant: & therefore there is no cause to fear persecution, for a discharge of duty: And besides, these are times wherein every one may speak and practise as himself pleaseth, nor can any be imagined so vile as to permit all that will; to write against that King whom God hath commanded to Honour, and that Church which baptised and taught us all the knowledge of God we have, and be offended only at those that write in their behalf: Shall we think that men have leave in these Reforming times to be any thing but true Protestants, and to do any thing but their duties? away, away with all Panic fears. To this I Answer: 1. There is a Leaven of that proud and sour Faction yet remaining. 2. There is a Generation of Apostate Priests, too much in favour with men of Power: and these are mischievous men, who having themselves betrayed the Truth, cannot abide that any should appear for it; they have hitherto been the chief movers to persecution, for those Greater persons would never (doubtless) have defiled themselves with such actions, as casting Gods Ministers out of their Possessions, if some of these little Satan's had not stood at their right hands to tempt them, & provoke them. Now these persons, (specially those of mine old acquaintance) do cry nothing but hanging, hanging against me, (for I believe, their sight of me puts them in mind of their own Apostasy, from that way of Christ, wherein formerly they walked with me) they have confidently said it, that the Parliament would hang me: And why? Because I was one (among many others) that had proved this unnatural War to be unlawful by God's Word, and had Vindicated sacred Scripture from those false and perverse glosses, which for ill purposes were put upon it: And these Prophets (that in this particular at least themselves may appear true) will do their best I believe with the Members of both Houses, to make good the word which they have spoken; for those Lords and Gentlemen whom they relate unto (if they can prevail with them) shall be all conditioned like Dionysius the Tyrant of Siracuse who sent Philoxenus to the gallows, because he would not flatter him. But as the Prophet said, so say I; As for me, behold I am in their hands, let them Jer. 26. 14, 15. do with me as seemeth meet & good unto them, etc. It hath been mine endeavour this seven years' day, and my usual Prayer, that I may be able to conclude as M. Bradford the Martyr did concerning those that had power over him: viz. If they shall imprison me, I'll thank them; If they shall burn me, I'll thank them; If they shall banish me, I'll thank them; but if they shall give me leave to preach the Gospel, I'll thank them more: and I promise them withal by God's grace, to be a daily Petitioner for their Conversion, and for the pardon of their sins. And for my kind Brethren, I will (in requital) remember them of their destiny: they may read it themselves in Isay 9 15. The Prophet that teacheth lies is the tail: So in Mal. 2. 8. 9 The Lord speaking to some of their stamp, saith, Because ye have departed out of the way, and caused my people to stumble, therefore I'll make you the most vile, base & contemptible among them. Yea, I doubt not erelong but by most men they'll be so reputed, (however of late they have been honoured:) and justly indeed do they merit to be the tail of the people, for making themselves to be Rev. 12. 3. the tail of the Dragon: which they have manifestly done by their casting down the Stars from Heaven, the Orthodox Ministers out of Christ's Church: But when this their day of contempt is come, and they are assaulted (as that Popish Doctor Bourn was in Queen Mary's days) even in the Pulpit, from whence they have vented their lies and blasphemies, (as to this it will come:) I hope (if I live to see it) I shall have grace to approve myself to them, as Master Bradford did to him; and help to conduct them away in safety from vulgar rage, & persuade the people to rest quiet; (for thus it becomes the true Gospel:) No disaffection have I now (as God knows) unto their persons, though I profess myself a perfect enemy to their courses. But now (good Readers) to leave them, there remains only two requests which I make to you. The first is this, That you would not think amiss of the most High and Honourable Court of Parliament, for those evils that are done in these days under its name; and if any suggest that such or such passages in this my Book are against the same, believe them not, for I profess unto you, I neither do nor dare think the supreme Court of Justice in this Kingdom to be all one with sin, or that Oppression, Sacrilege, Rebellion, Popery, and those other Evils, which I inveigh against, are the Actions of that, when God shall please to restore unto us a true Parliament, you shall see all these things amended; and the Authors of them severely punished: Have still therefore a Reverend esteem of Parliaments. Secondly, I desire that you would not conceive any bitterness in me or in my Book, against the persons of those men that now are called the Parliament (as perhaps some may fancy, because my usage hath not been good) for I profess here also unto you, that I do not apprehend myself, (in respect of myself) to have any true cause of hate towards them: I thank God I can say to them as the Apostle to his Galathians, You have not hurt me at all: Nay, rather I hope they have been the means to make me (in some sort) a better Christian. The Causes of my sufferings (as I learned at first from some of themselves) were these four: I hinted them indeed to the world before in my * A Book so called, Printed, 1643. Loyal Subjects Belief, and refer them now to your judgements, whether they may not occasion comfort and rejoicing in me, yea and love too towards them, rather than hatred or ill affections. The first was (as I was then told) because I was an honest man; and thereby did more hurt to their Cause (being opposite to it) in the Country where I was known, than an hundred knaves: what greater Honour could they do me, then by affording this Testimony of me? This reason I confess from their mouths was apprehended by me as a timely intimation and call from God, to do their cause from thence forth what hurt I could, which (by his power) I have since endeavoured, and (by his grace) shall continue so to do unto my lives end.) The second was, Because I had preached the Truth, which (the Member said) was not to be spoken at all times; no not by those entrusted with it of God, though also a Divine Truth, and in danger to be lost. What an high Dignity also was this to me, to be ranked thus among Christ's Disciples, and thought worthy to suffer (as the Apostles did) for the Truth of God? The third was, Because I was for the King: And what are my sufferings for this Reason, but a public Proclamation in my behalf, that I am a good Subject, and one of those few, among many, that have obtained mercy of God to be faithful. The fourth was, Because I would not preach to promote the war. Now what fuller manifestation could they make of my being Philopatris, a lover of my Country; and a true Minister of Christ the Prince of Peaee; then by their taking from me what I had; because I would not be tempted to do a thing destructive to my Nation, and mis-becoming the Gospel? yea, and more than this, themselves of late have punished divers * The stirrers up to a new War. persons for not being (like me) of such conditions. And thus (Christian Readers) having seen the Reasons of my sufferings, I believe you will judge (as I do) that I have no particular cause of hatred against these men, who have been (as I take it) but God's Instruments to give a good testimony of me unto the World: wheresore (I beseech you all) mistake me not in your reading my Book: fancy not that, under a notion of bitterness, which may be called Gratitude rather: my endeavours are, to bring them back out of darkness into Light, from under the power of Satan unto God: My expressions to this end (perhaps) sometimes are sharp and home: But I have been a practitioner in the high Art of Soul-faving this twenty years, and by God's blessing have attained to so much skill therein, that I know all sinners are not alike, nor must be dealt with in the same way; our Saviour spoke to the Scribes and Pharisees after another manner, than he was wont to do to the Common people: Some must by violence be plucked out of the fire. Last of all, I desire this of you that fear the Lord to afford me the Protection of your Prayers: I might require you by the Protestation you have taken, to maintain and defend me also other ways, (as thereby you are bound) in whatsoever I have here said or done, it being only in pursuance of the said Protestation, (which I have perfixt to the beginning of the Book, that with the more case you may observe and compare mine aims and endeavours with the words and scope therein.) But indeed your supplications to God, is that only which I desire, for next to faith in God, I count the Prayers of the godly, the best Militia under Heaven, for protection and preservation; and so the Lord of Life and Spirit rest upon you, and dwell in you for ever. October 25. 1647. Your Brother in Christ, and Servant for his sake, E. S. A Preface to the Readers, specially to the Loyal Subjects of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Christian Friends, ABout July, 1645. a certain scandalous Pamphlet, entitled, The King's Cabinet opened, etc. was published by certain unnatural Englishmen, and dispersed through His Majesty's Dominions of Great Britain and Ireland, on purpose to make Him distasteful to His own people: Yea many of the Copies were transmitted to foreign parts, to render▪ Him a spectacle of offence to the whole world: one of them (some months after the divulging) fortuned into my hands, which when I had read, and with amazement considered, the reproachful style, and mischievous scope of the Authors therein, finding it every way, (in regard of the persons from and of whom it was) more vile than Senacherib's Letter or Rabshekah's Tongue: I thought it my duty first to spread it before the Lord, and then before the world, in opening the true nature of it, which I have here done for these ends: First, to vindicate my Sovereign's Name and Honour, to which as a Subject I am bound by common Allegiance, Oath, and Protestation. 2. To warn you (my fellow-Subjects) of the snare laid to catch you; (for your subversion as well as the King's defamation is aimed at) and to this I am engaged, as a Brother, as a Christian. 3. To detect the virulent natures, and cursed dispositions of wicked men, which I am obliged to perform, in respect of mine office and calling, being one of those, whom God hath honoured to be a Seer, or Watchman in his Israel, a Minister of his Church, whose employment is to lay open Satan's devices, to discover Wolves, to uncase Hypocrites, according to Christ's own example in the days of his flesh.) And to these I may add a fourth, viz. to justify the Church of England, and true Protestant Religion, (whereof I am a member and a Professor) from all allowment and approbation, of any such unreverend, blasphemous, and reproachful language, against Sovereign Majesty, as that malicious Pamphlet is stuffed withal. Peradventure this work hath been already done by others, of like relation with myself, who have both confuted the Libel, and defended the King: but their Piety is no discharge to my Duty. I must therefore answer my part unto it, I must also declare my opinion of it; for indeed (as Elihu in Job said) I am full of matter, and the spirit within Job 32. 18. me doth constrain me: I took the Protestation as well as any, to defend my Sovereign's Name and Honour; yea and to oppose in my way, all such, as by any means should endeavour to darken, and impeach the same. And let not those persons who first authorised that Protestation, and afterward this Libel, fancy to themselves, that all men will be induced by this to break that, (though too many are:) or that God will so far neglect his Anointed, as not to stir up some (though of the meanest quality,) who by laying their actions to the rule of God's Word, shall freely (notwithstanding their stupendious greatness) discover to the world, the irregularity of their doings, in their countenancing so vile a thing (as this is) against Him, whom by all Laws of God and man they are bound to reverence and defend: whereas disdain (at least) and vexation shall be increased in them; as was in those Pharisees, whom Hosanna to the Son of David was echoed Mat. 21. 15. from the mouths of children: nay as our Saviour upon that occasion said, should such hold their peace, the Luk. 19 40. very stones would cry out in a case of this nature. As no Decree to the contrary could make all men abstain from confessing Christ; so no threats or fears shall restrain all persons from adhering to their Sovereign, and standing up in his behalf against Calumny. For a good man some will even dare to die, (says Rom. 5. 7. the Apostle) and for a good King shall not some always dare to speak? 'Tis true, He is in a low condition at the present; but must our Allegiance therefore be at so low an ebb, as to suffer Him with silence to be blasphemed? He is in His Agony, ought we therefore to sleep? upon his Cross, should we therefore leave him? True love always shareth with its Object, and appeareth most in a storm; joseph's of Aremathea did so: Christ showed his love to us, when we had yet no strength, (so the Apostle.) Ought not we Rom. 5. 6. therefore to show ours to our King, when His strength is gone? How else shall we approve ourselves Christ's members? It was the speech of * Orcham. or as some say, Luther. one to his Prince, at the dawning of the Gospel's light from the mists of Popery, Tu me gladio, & ego te calamo: and shall we that have seen the bright day, be able to say no more? surely it becomes us rather to say in this manner, Although You (Dear Sovereign) are not able with Your Sword to defend us, yet we must and will with our pens, to the danger of our lives, defend You: we should be ready to lay down our lives ●● Joh. 3. 16. for our Brethren, (as Saint John tells us) much more than to hazard them, for the sake of our Public Father. Let this serve, to justify myself, in this my performance of duty, against such as think (in regard of my meanness) that I take too much upon me; and also to Answer such Politic friends, as are apt to dissuade loyal affections, from discovering themselves this way, till the King be again in a rising condition. Now if any in their reading this my Vindication, shall conceive me too sharp sometimes and plain, in my speaking of those against whom I write: I desire such before they censure to remember, That 'tis the dignity of the Highest and most Sacred Person under Heaven that I defend: And is there not a cause to be zealous against them, who have defamed and reviled him? Wherefore should such dead 1 Sam. 16. 9 dogs (dead in trespasses and sins) curse my Lord the King, and I, even contemptible I, not be moved with the same? A Politician may haply speak from his brain, about the Honour and Duty belonging to a King, without any touch, or sense of heart: but I am a plain man, and cannot write coldly, or without affection, about things I hold dear and precious. Again, I desire such before they judge to consider also the condition of that faction against whom I write: they are a generation of people that have done more disgrace and wrong to Christ's Gospel, than ever was offered since Christ's time: Never did any in so short a space ascend to that Zenith of villainy, as they have done, or pretend more godliness, with the practice of so much wickedness. The Papists in 3. or 400. years were never able to reach that superlative pitch of dissimulation, hypocrisy, pride, and cruelty, as these have done in 3. or 4. These are the men that were wont to brag, that Never any Puritan was known to be in any Treason, but Bishops always: so Layton affirms (if we will believe him) in his Zions Plea. But were it so, the Scene (we are sure) is now quite altered by themselves; for the grandest Treason and Rebellion that ever was, is now in action upon the Stage of the world, wherein are acting all the Puritans, and no Bishops. He then, and the Smectymnists since, and Prin after them, took great pains with much spleen to reckon up many several actions in several Ages, wherein Prelates had been molestfull to the Princes of our Land: and the world (supposing they did the same, in dislike and hatred of Rebellion) did commend their zeal in so doing; but now it appears (from what hath followed upon the same) that they did it rather to another end; namely, to set forth the better their own dexterity, in a thing of like nature, to show that their own faction (when they set to it) could do more in one Act and Age, than all those others had done in many. Wherefore if their Gall then against Bishops was accounted Godliness, I desire that my tartness now against themselves, for going deeper in the same condemned paths, may not be accounted bitterness. God knows my soul is grieved at those very thoughts which arise in me sometime against many of these men, (once my dear and intimate acquaintance) and were I not forced in this manner, to disclose their unchristian wares, from mere necessity, in defence of impugned truth; and to warn the world, to avoid the contagion of seducement; I should not take that course in describing them, which I confess is rather more excusable where it cannot, then commonly where it can be spared. Furthermore, if any shall conceive that my expressions are not so respective (as they think is meet) towards those now above-board called the Parliament, (who are the Heads of this disloyal Faction:) I desire such to observe me well, that I speak not against any, as they are Parliament men, or as Honourable in this world, but only as they are Rebels to the King, and Enemies to Christ's Gospel: Nor do I apprehend (as appears upon grounds in my discourse) that they who are guilty of these grand enormities, are any true Members (however they reckon themselves) of that high Court, which I honour with my truest affections, as the very Palladium of the Kingdom. But those whom I vent my zeal against, I believe to be persons designed of God, for the public abhorment, and scorn of all men, even because they have (by this wicked Libel) exposed the Lords Anointed to be (as Christ was) Ludibrium hominum & Psal. 22. 6. opprobrium populi: for whoever will do the Jews work, must look to be paid with the Jew's wages; and therefore I hold that without offence to God, I may, yea and I ought, to speak and think of them as I do; nor must I be a respecter of any, in my opposing sin, but if I look to dwell on God's holy Hill, I must despise the vile how great soever. Besides, the example of Christ is my warrant in this case; for he (as a Preacher) did speak against such like conditioned men, with as much severity of expression, as I have done. He called them vipers, and children of the Devil, though they were Joh. 8. 44. of great esteem, both with themselves and others. And 'tis well known what manner of language Elias used to the worshippers of Baal; and in what method and words, among other godly men, Lurther in Germany, Savanarola in Italy, Philip Morney in France, Cyprian Valera in Spain, and John Fox in England did tax and discover the corruptions of the Papacy: Yea (as in the Preface to the Book of Martyrs is shown) God in all Ages hath stirred up some to lay open freely, to the abused world, the hypocrisy and villainy of those wolvish people that bore sway in their several generations. Nor will God suffer them in these days, to go long unmasked under false shows; He will stir up spirits, who in love to his holy truth, and hatred of sin, shall describe them at large, in their proper colours, yea and transmit their very names, as well as their acts, unto Posterity, (as Fox hath done the Persecutors in Q. Mary's time) to their eternal infamy. For myself, I do not name any person (unless those that have named themselves in Print already) nor do I speak so expressly of any particular, as they in their Libel do of the King: although there is never a villainy, cruel act, or blasphemous expression, quoted in this Discourse, but the persons by whom spoke or done, and the places where, might have been set down punctually: But my opposition is not against Men, but Sin, which I hate in all, and in the best most. I pray for the persons of the worst, and I desire all men to join with me in so doing, for these Reasons. First, Christ commands us to pray for them that despitefully Luke 6. 28. use us. 2. We are Christians, in whom as the sight of an enemy's misery must awaken pity, so of his sin must kindle Prayer. 3. They are our Countrymen, as those Israelites were to S. Paul, that thirsted for his blood; therefore like him we must endeavour their salvation. 4. They have deserved this duty at our hands, (though unawares unto themselves) for by their ill usage of us, they have thrust us farther under God's wing, than we were before, and made us more sensibly to feel the heat of his love, and to taste the comfort of his Providence, to be better acquainted with God, and Christ, then ever perhaps we should have been, had we always lived at Peace in our possessions. Many of us had learned to abound before, though not to want, but these have taught us that too: and to see the vanity and fickleness of earthly prosperity: they have loosened our hearts much from the world, and made us think of heaven more seriously; and doth not all this deserve our prayers? Nay and farther, God expects we should (as by this course we may) discover a better spirit to be in us, then is in them, and that we serve a better Master. And again, his Gospel being now under foot, he looks that we should raise up its honour from the dust again, in praying for these very men, according to the tenor of it: we have cause to suspect, they have sinned the sin against the holy Ghost, (at least many of them:) but we are not certain thereof, and therefore we are bound to pray for them: this is mine exhortation to all men, and the grounds of it, upon which I build mine own practice; and let not any think (notwithstanding my zeal against men's sins) that I dare be otherwise affected then thus, unto their persons. Last of all, if any shall think me worthy of blame, for not plainly expressing mine own name, seeing that I find fault with the Authors of the Libel for concealing theirs: Let such know, that 'tis not because I am ashamed of it, or of my work; but my reason is this: I am an obscure and mean person, and my name can no whit advance the credit of my labours; but perhaps, even debase it rather, yea, amongst too many of our own side, (as they are accounted) who having fleshed themselves with the moneys of the King, or the spoils of his people, can wallow in luxury, while he is in misery; and deride at mean persons for being affected for him. Besides, the subscribing my name, in regard of my low condition, is likely to be more vexatious to the great men, whom I seem to oppose, than perhaps my Book itself may be: for this (by God's grace) may be conceived (as it truly is) but a defiance against their ungodly courses: whereas that may be taken as a contemptuous affront against their very persons, nor would I willingly increase sin or rage in any. If any desire to know what I am, let this satisfy: I am one of those weak and despised things, which God sometimes 1 Cor. 1. 27, 28. makes use of, to confound the Mighty. A Member I am, and a Minister of the Ancient and true Church▪ of England: One that equally hates Idolatry and Superstition in God's Worship and Service, as I do Indecency and Profaneness. I am one that can live under another Church-Government, (in a State where 'tis established by the Supreme Magistrate) with more quietness (I believe) than they can or will do, that fight for an alteration in this Kingdom; although in my judgement I do, and shall prefer Episcopal Government above any other in the world, as being in my conscience most scriptural, and Orthodoxal. I am one that loves not to hear Calvin railed upon, by them that never read him, for I judge him to have been a great instrument of God's glory, though (I think him) not infallible. I entitle not myself unto him, nor to any man else: I am a Christian, and that's my glory. I have bid defiance (by God's grace) to the world's malice, and to the Devils works: and have manifested the same against one of them, in this my Vindication, which I here commend to the candid acceptance of all you, my fellow-subjects of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for whom I pray, that you may be all such (excepting in sins and miseries) as myself am, * A Lover of his King. Phil'anax, * A Lover of his Country. Philopatris. May 30. 1646. In regno nati sumus, Deo parêre libertas est. The Protestation, Ordered to be generally taken, Die Merc. 5. Maii. 1641. I A. B. do in the presence of Almighty God, Promise, Vow, and Protest, to maintain and defend, as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, and estate, the true Reformed Protestant Religion, expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realm, contrary to the same Doctrine, and according to the duty of my Allegiance, His Majesty's Royal Person, Honour, and Estate; As also the Power and Privileges of Parliament; The lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subject; and every person that maketh this Protestation, in whatsoever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my power, and as far as lawfully I may, I will oppose, and by all good ways and means endeavour to bring to condign punishment, all such as shall either by Force, Practice, Counsels, Plots, Conspiracies or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present Protestation contained. And further, that I shall in all just and honourable ways endeavour to preserve the Union and Peace between the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland; And neither for hope, fear, nor other respect, shall relinquish this Promise, Vow, and Protestation. A VINDICATION OF KING CHARLES': OR A Loyal Subjects duty, etc. SECT. I. 1 Of the supposed Authors of the Libel. 2. Of the Authorizers thereof, and their special Order: How fit the same should be recalled: A precedent propounded to that purpose. 3. A serious expostulation with them about the same, and of their maintaining a base fellow to deride and scoff at their Sovereign in his affliction. THe first thing observable in that disloyal pamphlet, §. 1. is, the plural manner of speaking used therein: Us, and We: Whence I gather, that it was not opus unius, the work of one alone: nor indeed had it been possible, so much venom and blasphemy, should be vomited up against Gods Anointed, without the concurrence of a whole Legion. 'Tis observable in the next place, that the Authors thereof. conceal their names; but their modesty herein is not to be admired; for Satan himself would have done as much in the same case: He acting the Calumniators part against his Sovereign, appeared to our first Parents in a strange shape, and concealed himself after these men's fashion; and surely had this Book come immediately from him, as it doth from them, he would have blushed to own it. S. Paul, S. Peter, James, and Judas, sending abroad into the world Epistles General to reclaim the seduced, prefixed their names at full length, (for nothing fell from their pens, either for form, or matter, but what became the Gospel of Jesus, and workmen that needed not to be ashamed.) But this Hidden Crew putting forth a certain thing to a like purpose, (as they pretend) have not set down so much as the first letters of their names, S. M. E. C. or the like, that the seduced might, at least, have guessed, to who they are beholding. Sed ex ungue Leonem, the devil is discerned by his Paw, and the Pulpit (alas) helps us too far in our search after these men: thence we learn, who bears the Bell in these days, for lying, slandering, and evil speaking. 'Tis commonly observed that few can act Satan now so well, as some of those, who formerly did best preach Christ: Corruptio optimi est pessima; Time was, when none might, or durst compare with them of Rome, for defaming Dignities, or Sovereign Princes; witness those books of Parsons and Sanders, in the days of Queen Elizabeth: but were those two now alive, they might go to School to our men, in each of whom Parson's spirit is both doubled and trebled. And is there not a reason? They say, These are times of more light and knowledge: indeed they are, in the art, and science of evil speaking. In those former days (of darkness, as they are now accounted) when peace, mercy, gentleness, and obedience, faith in Christ, and conformity to his example, was the sole subject of these men's discourses to the people; themselves were then but poor fellows, of an underly condition, called and known by the contemptible name of Christ's Ministers: but since this new light (so much talked on) hath appeared, and discovered a more gainful and advantageous way, they have altered their scene, turned tragic, and venting slanders and reproaches, have provoked to rebellion, war and blood; whereby they have purchased a new name unto themselves, (more suitable indeed to their present, then to their former way) and are called, The ministers of the Parliament. And these men, or some of them, (from the method, stile and matter of that book) are conceived by many to be the Authors of it: which, if they be, I require them by that name of Christian (which as yet they own) that they show out of Christ's Gospel, some one precept, or allowed example (at least) warranting any to deal thus, with their natural Liege-Lord, or with any ordinary man, that's but a brother, as they do with their Sovereign. Suppose the faults here charged upon him, were real and inherent, and not by perversion only, and imputation: yet where is there any Scripture authorising this their publication? themselves (while they were Christ's ministers) were not to allege that saying of Esay, against the intruders of groundless inovations. To the Law, Esay 8. 20. to the Testimony, if they speak not according to this word, 'tis because there is no light in them: they must give us leave to conclude so too, and to say, there is no light in their very selves now, if they allege neither Law nor Testimony for this their undertaking. But if these Ministers were not themselves the Authors of it, yet I wonder there should not be one spark of ancient love still alive in some of their breasts, towards Jesus Christ their old Master, moving them in his behalf, to vindicate the Doctrine of his Gospel, and publicly to declare, how far the same is, from allowing any to speak evilly, or defamingly of the Ruler of a people. When they were on Christ's side, I have heard some of them tax Luther very sharply for unrevernd speeches, (in a certain Pamphlet) against our Hen. 8. because he was a king, though not his own; for (said they) such Language did not become the Gospel. Is not the Gospel still the same? yes surely; and had these men but been the same still too, they could not have seen such a Libel printed, and often reprinted at London, in the midst of them, without expressing much of their zeal against it. Beside, did not these Parliament Ministers (for that now is their beloved title) take the Protestation to defend the King's Honour? Nay, were not they the men that tendered it unto others? did not they preach divers Sermons at the beginning of this Parliament, to persuade to the taking of it? (I knew one of them that preached a whole week together to that very purpose) and did they then only urge to vow, & not to pay? Did they then intent (by their example) only to draw people into Perjury? if not, it lies upon them, as they will answer unto God, (before whom they did protest,) for those men's souls whom they did persuade, to cry down this accursed Pamphlet, so contrary to the tenor of that Protestation: and never to leave begging of them whose servants they now be, till 'tis burnt by the hand of the common hangman. But 'tis observable in the third place, that this book is said to §. 2. be published, by the Authority of those, who first set out the Protestation, yea, and by their special Order too, Published by special Order of the Parliament: therefore some may think, there is no likelihood, that they who are too big to deny themselves, should be persuaded by their Beadsmen, to do any thing against their own Order. To which I answer, Were they well informed (by those whom they think well of) that it would be as much for their credit (among Christians) to deny themselves, as to contradict themselves, to recall their special Order, as to suffer it to continue in affront to their general Ordinance, perhaps they might be wrought upon; and then withal, if a Precedent were alleged, for (as they say) they work by Precedents, (though not by Rule,) peradventure they might be prevailed with. And for the things sake, I will remember them of one, and it shall be of one that is extraordinary, (for I conceive an ordinary Precedent will not serve the men that bear sway in this Parliament;) it shall be a Precedent of their own making, (which speaks it excellent) such a Precedent as the like was never heard of before, and so the more fit for their further observance. Let themselves call to mind, whether there was not an Act, (which is more than a bare Order) both made and nulled, in the same Session, since the Beginning of this Parliament, though perhaps not dashed by that full Authority which did establish it; yet was it not set aside as needless and vain, or (at least) as not sufficiently advised upon beforehand? The Act which I mean, was that which concerned the Fleet, or Navy against the Turkish Pirates, to redeem our Christian Countrymen from Bondage. For their better remembrance of which, I shall beg leave of the Readers, to make a little digression, in the relation of some few circumstances: and (if I rightly apprehend it) the matter in brief was thus: Our good King in his piety and pity to those poor Captives, had formerly, (with that Ship-money so grudgingly paid) built and sent out divers Ships to the same purpose; and (God assisting a work so Religious, and becoming a Christian Prince) he provailed therewith against the Pirates of Sally, and freed many of his Subjects, from barbarous slavery in that place: whereupon he made preparation also against those of Argyer, intending the like mercy for the Christians there, but was prevented in his design by the Scottish insurrection, which forced him Northward: And before his intentions could return to motion, for that Southern Expedition, this unhappy Parliament (by his authority) met at Westminster, where (that it might be conceived some others had Bowels as well as He) a Bill was preferred, and disputed upon, concerning a Fleet to the fore-mentioned end; for the maintenance of which, though it might easily have been concluded, by settling of Ship-money in a Parliamentary way, with an Order for the manner of levying the same, to the Subjects liking, (which had been a more safe and sensible kind of payment, than many disbursments extorted since, and might have been a mean to continue Gods national blessing upon the whole Kingdom, by interessing (in that sort) all men's hearts and hands, in so charitable and Christian a work:) yet because it was a path wherein the King had trod, and they had no purpose to deal either with or for him, in any such friendly or Loyal way, as might shadow his apprehended haltings from his people's eyes, by making that clearly Legal, which had formerly appeared somewhat warping. Besides, there wanted matter or stuff, to fill up the belly of that monstrum horrendrum, or ungospellike Remonstrance, which was purposed to be made against his Government, by which the people were to be taught to believe, that the King did never do any thing well; therefore by all means Ship-money must be damned, and cried down for ever, in perpetuam Regis ignominiam, if mouth can do it: And for the intended Navy, another course was concluded upon, to advance moneys to maintain that, viz. from the importation, and transportation of commodities. But (by the way) while these things were in agitation amongst the wise; the King (having had more sincere, and serious thoughts about that business than other men, desiring and hoping to further and speed the design, with his advice and Council) sent them his judgement concerning some particulars about the matter, only to consider upon, and to follow if they so pleased; or otherwise to proceed according to their own discretions: which advise of his, had they taken in good part from their Prince and Master, they had shown no more respect unto him, than Job was wont to show to his meanest servant: but they (lest they might seem to need his help by a civil acceptance of his Council) were so far from relishing of it, that they presently voted the same to be an obstruction cast in on purpose to stop the business, nay a plain refusal of the King, to confirm the Bill: Whereupon his Sacred Majesty (being armed with meekness against affronts) leaving them wholly to their own devices, did presently sign their Bill, and in that fashion as they would have him: so discovering to all his people, (if they would see) that a Vote of Parliament may be fallible. And now behold (to return to the matter) when this Act was thus finished, according to their desires, and all Religious hearts raised to an high expectation, of seeing their poor brethren quickly redeemed from Turkish thraldom, whether from their dislike of the King's readiness unto so Christian a work, or because they had some other employment intended for the Merchant's money here at home, I cannot tell: but that Act was never (as I heard) put in execution to this day, but even quite set aside; and as we may say (so much as in them lay) quite nullified, canceled, and repealed: and free leave given to the Turks thereby, not only to take our Countrymen at sea, but also to come into the very havens of our Kingdom, and to carry away our Children, to the ruin of Christian souls for ever: insomuch, that whereas there was but the number of some 2000 English in slavery, when this so adored Parliament did begin, there is now, November, 1645. above 5000. in most lamentable bondage, our King being robbed and despoiled by his loving Subjects, (Who consult, (as they say) to advance Christ's Kingdom) of his Ships, and Navy: wherewith he was wont to defend his Realm from such Piracies. This is that Act which I spoke of, and the reason of my remembering it at this time, is, to help the Authorizers of this venomous Pamphlet with a precedent for the recalling their special Order, whereby 'tis published. And now before I return to my work in hand, let me assume the boldness to expostulate a little with these men: I am one of God's Ambassadors; Jesus Christ, who shall be their Judge, is my Master; and in his Name, let me reason with them about this matter: for I hope I may presume to speak unto them, (at a distance) as they are like myself, but Dust and Ashes. Let me ask you a question in the first place, (O you superlative §. 3. men,) Suppose some of your Novices and underhand workers, (as alas you have too many such, I fear even about the King,) should by this Pamphlet, which you (whom they think infallible) have by special Order authorized, or by any other of like nature, published under your Protection, be moved to act Jaques Clement's part, or Raviliacks part upon the Sacred person of their Sovereign, can you imagine that the same will not be set on your score, as well as that of those Regicides was laid to the charge of the Jesuits, whose custom it was, (as yourselves well know,) while the doctrine of King-killing was appropriate to their order, to inspire men to the perpretation of that supreme villainy, by sending forth such conditioned books (as this is which you have authorized;) wherein with most reproachful language they would paint out the Prince designed for slaughter, as if he were the greatest Tyrant, promise-breaker, and oppressor of his people in the world, and a person in no sort fit to live: that so it might be apprehended a most Heavenly work to rid the earth of him, and a service most acceptable unto the Lord? when Raviliack was demanded by his examiners, to declare the reason moving him to his attempt, he answered, That the reasons why it was requisite to kill the King, they might understand by the Sermons, and Pamphlets of the Preachers. Well (Sirs) we all know the meaning both of you and of your Prophets, and therefore as Elias from the Lord, did charge Ahab with the death of Naboth, because the letters provoking to it were signed with his seal: so do I from the same Lord, charge you with all those evil opinions and hard conceits, which are already kindled in the minds of any against the King, by the means of this Pamphlet; because 'tis published by your Authority: Yea, if any further mischief shall befall his Sacred Majesty upon the same; at your hands will the Judge of Heaven and Earth require it: and know you further, that the guilt of all the blasphemies, reproaches, scorns, slanders, which are spit out against the King, either in this book, or any other published by your leave and Order, (without your deep repentance and humiliation,) shall be heaped upon your Souls at the day of Reckoning, even as if your own selves had been the Authors of them: for nil interest sceleri, an faveas aut facias: to favour and to do (in this case) is all one: nay the Apostle speaks, as if those who approve of other Rom. 1. 32. folks ill doings, were in a degree worse than the Actors themselves, and given up in a further measure to a Reprobate sense: Qui non vetat peccare cum potest, jubet: (says the wise Heathen) not to prevent a mischief when one may, is directly to command it to be done. Gentlemen, (for as your souls friend, I would fain have you recover again that Title) I charge you before the living God, and Jesus Christ, who shall one day sit in judgement upon you, to ask your Consciences in secret, whether it be not a sin, and a wickedness to speak evil of the Ruler of the people? to act Shimei's part against Gods Anointed? whether to write, or publish such Pamphlets as this, be the way to Honour the King in the eyes of his people? Whether you have thus learned Christ from the Church of England? Whether you ever met in God's word, with any saying or example to warrant you in this way of proceeding? And I require you also, as you will answer it before the Lord, to ask your own hearts, whether to Authorise such a work as this (to the King's defamation,) be a Christian work, Honourable and becoming the dignity of a Parliament, whose actions ought all to be glorious and presidential? Nay is it an Act prudential in you, thus publicly to own and countenance this prolem populi, this abominable thing, which the very Parents, and Authors of, are ashamed to father? What will you say, 'tis one of the Privileges of Parliament you fight for, to Authorise things against the King, against your own Allegiance end Protestation? surely ab initio non fuit sic: former Parliaments disdained to own such a Privilege, to tread in such paths: Or will you say, you are more Omnipotent, than those your Predecessors were, who never had those brave advantages that you have? true, nor never did desire them. But can your new Omnipotency make that which is evil in itself, turn good by your Authorization? I pray where had you this large Commission? Who gave you this Authority? Christ, in whose hand is all power, never did: let your Chaplains prove it, if they can, or your Consciences affirm it, if they dare. Nor will that Writ which called you together, and fixed you in your Sphere at Westminster, tell you, that the King (the fountain of power under God) did place you there in this sort to exercise your Activity against him: your Patent therefore, by which you have Authorized this work of darkness, must needs come ab Inferno: And can you expect that the Judge of quick and dead, will at the great day pronounce well done good and faithful Servant unto you, for doing Satan's work, for executing his Commission? O how much better will you find than it had been, if you had wrapped up your Talents in a Napkin? and in the mean time, how much more had it been to the dignity of that High Court of Parliament, (which you pretend so much to stand for) if you had but left out the name Parliament, and said, Published by special Order of the Rebellious faction in the two Houses at Westminster? But now I have begun to take upon me to speak unto you, (O you lofty men,) let me ask you a question more to a like purpose: What reward or commendation can you expect at God's hand, for maintaining your Beadsman Britanicus, to libel against his Sovereign, to teach and excite by his weekly books, the ignorant and seduced vulgar, throughout the Kingdom, to join with him in reviling and laughing to scorn their public Father, (now yourselves have most unjustly thrust him into affliction:) Dare you say, his expressions are not vile? O let me beg pardon of my Sovereign, and of all modest men, if (to the shame of these men's faces, and to the increase of indignation in all godly spirits against their courses) I do with detestation repeat over here one of his passages, published to the world on Monday the 4. of August. 1645. Where is King Charles? What is become of him? Some say, when he saw the storm coming after him, as far as Bridgewater, he came away to his dearly beloved in Ireland: Yes, they say, he ran away out of the Kingdom very Majestically: others' will have him erecting a new Monarchy in the Isle of Anglesey: A third sort say, that he hath hid himself, it were best send Hue and Cry after him. If any man can bring any tale or tidings of a wilful King, which hath gone astray these four years from his Parliament, with a guilty Conscience, bloody hands, and a heart full of broken vows and protestations; if these marks be not sufficient, there is another in his mouth, for bid him speak, and you will soon know him; then give notice to Britanicus, and you will be paid for your pains: GOD SAVE THE PARLIAMENT. O you Men of Westminster, is this your Beadsman that prays for you, that works for you? that is maintained and cherished by you? then these are the scorns of your hearts, the flouts of your Spirits, that are vomited up by his mouth and pen; if not, why have you not hanged the villain, or rather torn him in pieces with wild horses? Are not you they, that call yourselves, the Kings most Humble, most dutiful, and most Loyal Subjects? Are not you they that would be accounted the Holy, just, most Christian, and unerring Parliament? have you not talked much of reforming our Church and Government? and will you countenance and favour such persons? Is this the Reformation you promised us? the new Religion you will set up amongst us? Is this the way to Heaven, which you will trace out to your Countrymen that adore you? Doth your Discipline, purchased with the effusion of so much Christian blood, allow of such expressions, and persons, without correction? Indeed this is the way to work an Alteration from what was before: the Devil had formerly but his Chapel, where God had his Church, but from henceforth if you prevail, he is likely to have his Church, where God shall scarce have a Chapel: Well, as an Holy Martyr said to others, so say I to you; I thank God I am none of you: and my prayer is, Never let my soul (O Lord) partake in their Counsels, nor my feet tread in their paths: but give me (I beseech thee) thy grace to pray daily against their wickedness; And let it not, O let it not (good Lord) be told in Gath, or believed in Askelon, that these bitter fruits do spring from the tree of Protestant Religion: Let it rather be acknowledged and apprehended that these things are favoured and done by the men of this Nation, as they are at this present, (by Satan's working) in a deadly enmity and opposition against their Sovereign, and not as they are either his sworn Subjects, or Children of the English Church. And thus, (O my God) as thy messenger, Liberavi animam meam, I have dicharged my Conscience towards them. SECT. II. 1. Of the pretended end of publishing the Libel; the true end thereof hinted. 2. Their blasphemy against God noted. 3. How these Letters of the King might have been made use of as Evidences of Truth and Loyalty. 4. Of what stock and lineage the Authors of the Libel discover themselves to be. 5. Of their subtlety, and of that spirit of meekness which they boast of. 6. How aptly for themselves they allege the Example mentioned by S. Judas. I Now come to the Book itself, whose publication they have §. 1. Authorized: and I observe that the persons for whose sake 'tis pretended to be put forth, are some, whom the Authors call their Seduced Brethren, to reclaim them: I conceive they are so accounted, because they will not concur, in breaking their Protestation, and opposing their Sovereign: I apprehend myself to be reckoned in the number: and therefore in the behalf of myself and the rest, I desire these men, who are so careful to Reclaim us, that they would deal plainly with us; and tell us in down right English, whether it be any thing else, but our Loyalty, our love, and obedience to our Sovereign, which they would Reclaim us from: let them in the first place declare unto us our transgression, and prove out of God's Word, that we are such as they call us, and account of us: let them show who hath Seduced us: we are of the Prophet Jeremy's mind; If we be deceived, Jer. 20. 7. it is the Lord that hath deceived us: 'tis his Word that hath taught us to Honour the King, and to adhere unto our Sovereign; that is the foundation we stand upon, and so strong and stable it is, that we believe and hope these new Teachers, shall never be able either to shake it, or us from it. Nay we have an apprehension that these men are in a Seduced condition themselves, because they are gone out from us: whereas 1 John 2. 16. they were once of us, they took the Oath of Allegiance, and afterward the Protestation as well as we, to defend the King's Person, Honour and Estate, against all opposers: And now being themselves out of the right way, we fear they would draw us into the same danger: they tell us we are Seduced, only that we might yield so to be. We remember that Satan Seduced our first Parents from their duty towards God, by proceeding in the direct way and mothod of these men: he pretended pity and respect unto them as to his Seduced Brethren: and to the same purpose as these do, He standred, defamed, and reproached his Sovereign: wherefore these men must pardon us, if but for this reason, we are somewhat suspicious of them. Beside, the Scripture tells us of some men, who call Light, Darkness, and Darkness Light; Good, Evil, and Evil, Good: and what know we to the contrary, but these men may be of that number? Our Saviour informs us, that in the last days, many wolves should come in sheep's clothing, who Mat. 24. 24. (by fair pretences) should deceive many: and should carry their designs so cunningly, that (if possible) they should deceive the very Elect themselves: Now as these are the last days, so these men have fair pretences, are crafty in their carriages, do deceive many; and therefore may peradventure be those very wolves, forespoken of. Saint John adviseth us, not to believe every one, but bids us try their spirits, whether they be of God or no: wherefore 1 John 4. 1. having this warning, if we trust these men before we have tried them, we shall show ourselves as they entitle us, Seduced indeed: they must give us leave therefore to examine of what spirit they are, who thus take upon them to reclaim us: whether their doctrine be of God or no; we will go by Christ's own rule, let them except against it if they can or dare, By their fruits (saith Mat. 7. 20. he) you shall know them; and this their Book is their fruit: we will consider whether their speech and language therein, doth not bewray them. They begin thus: It were a great sin, against the mercies of God, to conceal Libel. those Evidences of truth, which He so graciously (and almost miraculously) by surprisal of these papers hath put into our hands. I confess they promise fair, like those Galathians whom Saint Paul writes unto, they begin in the Spirit, with the mention of Sin and Mercy: they have (like those Locusts Rev. 9) the faces of men, but observe them well, we shall find they have the teeth of Lions, and the tails of Scorpions: my endeavours shall be on purpose to discover them, that men may avoid them, and not be hurt by them; which that I may do, I beg of thee (O most mighty Jesus) who art the Light of lights, and dost enlighten every man that cometh into the world, to lighten the understanding of thy poor Minister, that he may be able by thy light, to enlighten thy people, so as they may clearly discern this work of darkness, which is cast forth by an Hidden Crew, to blemish and disgrace the Doctrine of thy Gospel, professed in this Church; to obscure those beams of Majesty, wherewith thou hast decked thine own Anointed; and to seduce those Souls, for which thou shedst thy precious bold, into ways of perdition and destruction: that by these my endeavours thy true Religion may be illustrated, thy Servant the King Vindicated, and thy people preserved, to the Glory of thy great Name, and to the inward comfort of me thy weak instrument, and that for thine own Merit and Mercies sake, Amen, Amen. It is evident, that the ends why these papers were divulged, after §. 2. their surprisal, together with that bitter Preface, and perverse Notes upon them; was to weaken the King's reputation among his people, to take from him the affections of those that still remain constant and Loyal, and to stir up some already poisoned to act Raviliacks part upon him; and yet these men would have us believe, that it would have been a sin in them (forsooth) yea, a great sin, a sin against the mercies of God, if they had concealed them: Nay further, they would have us think, that God himself did graciously, and even miraculously put them into their hands on purpose, yea on set purpose, that they might do with them, as they have done. We do confess, if God should so far have forgot himself, his holy Nature, his Word, and all his former doings, as to put these Papers into their hands, to that very end for which they publish them; he should have done very miraculously indeed, and what he never did since the beginning of the world before: But we the Seduced Brethren (as we are called) should prove ourselves Seduced indeed, if in this we should believe them; for we could never find throughout the whole History of the Bible, that God did ever yet allow any man to defame his Brother, his equal, his inferior; much less his Father, the Father of his Country, and Supremest Magistrate in the Kingdom; we find there a strict precept to the contrary, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Acts 23. 5. Ruler of thy People: But that God should be partaker also with the Calumniator, (as these men would have him;) that he should be chief in the sin, and help the ill disposed with occasions on purpose, to render that Person infamous, whom himself hath commanded in special to be honoured, and to whom Allegiance hath been sworn, and obedience protested: truly the Authors of this Libel must not be angry with us (whom they call Seduced) if for this their assertion, we think them guilty of most high Blasphemy; for we suppose that Doeg might as lawfully have pretended 1 Sam. 22. that God's mercy gave him advantage by being at Nob, to exasperate Saul against the Priests of the Lord: and Shimei 2 Sam. 16. might as well have said, that God's grace did adminster unto him the occasion of David's passing by his house, on purpose that he might curse him, and rail upon him. The Papists have often taxed us, that we made God the Author of evil; and now these men (as we conceive) would fain draw us into that Heresy with themselves, to confirm that slander of the Adversary: but we would have all the world to understand, that the true Protestant Professors in the English Church, were never yet guilty of this Blasphemy, they are rather Scabs, then true Members of the same, from whence doth issue this Corruption. We remember when Rabshakeh, being fleshed with his master's success, railed upon Hezekiah, he uttered himself after the fashion Esay 36. 11. of these men, as if God had sent him on purpose, to vilify and defame the King: Am I come up (saith he) without the Lord? and God observed it, and soon after punished him for it. So we hope the Lord hath both seen and heard the Blasphemous words of these men, whom their masters, (the Authorizers of their Libel) have set on work to defame the Lords Anointed, and to reproach the living God: and will in his due time reprove the words which they have spoken: we have a ground for our hopes in Psal. 50. where God taxeth some that were great pretenders to Psal. 50. 16, &c Religion, though haters of his word in their practice; for they were malicious Accusers and Slanderers of others, and (like these men to the full) they entitled God to all their villainies, saying, he was such a one as themselves: But the Lord resolves in the following verses, that there should come a time, that he would reprove them, and call them to a reckoning for all these things: yea, (saith he) I will tear you in pieces, and none shall deliver you: and so doubtless he will deal with these men, like forgetters of God as they be, unless by a timely repentance they consider of these their presumptions and most ungodly doings; The Lord in mercy vouchsafe that grace unto them: We their Seduced Brethren (as we are accounted,) do in the mean time conceive from this their beginning, what we shall have in their following discourse: and we shall wonder the less, when we meet with their unseemly Language of, and against their Sovereign, now we have seen such their high boldness against the Almighty himself. But one thing is to be noted further, in those first lines, they call those Papers which they Publish Evidences of truth; their meaning is, of what themselves have reported against the King, which they (only) call truth, and would have all men believe for truth: We know they have often wrested God's Scriptures, to make them appear as Evidences of such their truths, and therefore 'tis no marvel if (together with their own perverse notes upon them) they use the King's letters to the same purpose. Indeed I believe that these Papers might have been Evidences of truth and of Loyalty too: had the Surprizers of them, been guilty of these virtues, and so pleased; if after their surprisal, finding that by sinister construction, they might prove blemishes to the King's reputation, (should weak minds but chance to see them,) they had presently locked them up in the Cabinet again, & sent them secretly to the King: then indeed they might more properly have said, in a private letter to their Sovereign, God hath graciously, and in mercy to us, put into our hands an occasion to Evidence our truth, our honest hearts, and Loyal Affections to your Majesty. I would have these men ask their own Consciences, whether they do not think, that David would have done thus, had he met with such an advantage in the days of Saul: surely they cannot conjecture, he would have done after their fashion: for when he had as large an opportunity of doing his King a displeasure as this was, and some did advise him to make use of it, to such a purpose, telling him (in effect,) that it would be a great sin in 1 Sam. 24. 4. him against the mercies of God, who so graciously and miraculously 1 Sam. 26. 8. etc. had put the opportunity into his hand, if he should balk the same: But David being a man after Gods own heart, knew God's mind better than these men do; and being as full of truth and Loyalty, as ever he had been in his professions of the same, rebuked those who thus advised him, telling them plainly, that never any could go in that way which they counselled him unto, but would prove guilty of High Treason, and become liable to God's curse; But (says he by his actions) I'll make another use of this advantage, even to Evidence my truth and Loyalty, to discover mine honest intentions unto the King, who hath conceived an ill opinion of me: I'll take away his spear, and the pot of water that stands at his head, where he lies asleep, then I'll return them to him again, that he may perceive that I had an advantage to have done him hurt, but not an heart or Conscience disposed thereunto; and I'll rebuke Abner the General of his Host, and the rest of his Captains, for guarding the Sacred person of their Sovereign, and the things that concerned him so near no better. And indeed even thus did David do, and we know what an happy success he had of his so doing: The King's heart hereupon melted towards him, and He yields him to be a righteous man, a wronged person, and pronounceth a blessing upon him: Blessed art thou my Son David, thou shalt do great things, and also shalt 1 Sam. 26. 25. still prevail. We do conceive, that if the surprizers, and publishers of these Papers, had gone in this way of David, it would have been more to their credits, more becoming that Gospel which they pretend to profess, and the duty of Christian subjects, than that course is which they have taken; and we also believe, that if they had been as Honest men as David was, endued with as innocent and Loyal hearts towards their King, as He, they would have done after his manner; and we desire that they would ask their own Consciences, whether in this particular, themselves be not directly of our opinion. But seeing 'tis so apparent that these men are of a contrary spirit unto David, (notwithstanding their great pretences to Religion,) and seeing that God hath suffered them thus fully, and foully, to discover their false hearts, by their publication of these Papers: We for our parts may conclude more truly; it would be a great sin in us, against the Mercies of God to conceal (and not to take, yea, and to give public notice to the world of) this Evidence of the truth of their inward malice and wickedness (against their Sovereign,) which he so graciously hereby hath permitted to us, that we might not be Seduced, or misled by them. But they go on, and say, Nor dare we smother that light under a Bushel, but freely hold it Libel. out to our Seduced Brethren (for so in the spirit of meekness, labouring to reclaim them we still speak,) that they may see their Error; and return into the right way. The Apprehension and hope of these men, is to discover unto §. 4. us (by this their light which they so freely hold out unto us) some nakedness in their Father: It seems they are of the Generation of Cham; for he in like sort, did freely hold out unto his Gen. 9 22. Brethren what he ought to have hidden and concealed. But because they tell us they dare not do otherwise; we their Brethren, before we yield up ourselves to be led by them, desire to know, who it is that keeps them in such great awe, that they dared not rather to have acted the parts of Shem, and Japhet; Gen. 9 23. which we conceive had been more to their own credit and benefit, and more to the comfort of their posterity: We do not remember any punishment denounced in Scripture against those that conceal the imperfections of their Father: we are plain men, and love to deal plainly, specially with those that offer themselves thus freely to guide us, and therefore we must tell them, that we suspect them from this word we dare not, to be under Satan's bondage, for he it is that rules by fear; He it is that compelleth those that be in Captivity under him, to do wickedly according to his lust and will; to transgress Gods Holy word, and to run themselves upon his heavy curse; yea, He it is that forceth his servants so, that they dare do no otherwise: surely we believe these men cannot show a better reason for their calling us Seduced, than this is for us to hold them suspected: and therefore by this Title from henceforth we shall be bold to call them our Suspected Brethren. And the Light by which they would show us our Error, (as they call it) gives us further to apprehend, how justly they deserve this Title; for who but men whom the God of the world hath blinded, would think that the King's Errors, (for such only in their imaginations is the light which they here so liberally, and freely hold out unto us,) should be a glass sufficiently able to discover to us our faults: God's word and law, was wont to be the sole glass and rule for such a purpose: By the Law comes the Rom. 7. 7. knowledge of Sin, (saith the Apostle) therefore they must show us, either that the Law is out of date in these times; grown faulty and unsufficient: or else that the same doth allow us, to withdraw our Duty and Obedience frow our Sovereign, upon the sight of his supposed or real Errors: that God therein commands us to adhere to him with this limitation, unless he be guilty of such and such failings: except they can show us this, we are resolved not to forsake our old light, to be guided by a new, thus devised and held out unto us by our Suspected Brethren. But, (by the way) why do they call us their Seduced Brethren? §. 5. we conceive because they judge us simple, in compare with themselves, and in that regard very capable of seduction, they make themselves as sure of us, as if they had already seduced us; and therefore they call us their Seduced Brethren: we confess our inferiority unto them in this respect, for as the Serpent was more Gen. 3. 1. subtle than all the beasts of the field, so they in their generation are wiser than we, and do deserve the Title of Subtle and crafty Brethren, as well as of Suspected: But we must tell them ex magnis ingeniis magni errores, great errors have not come but from great wit: they were Giants, and Lucifer that highly rebelled against God; and S. Augustine adviseth, magis tibi metue cum in intellectu habitat Diabolus, quàm cum in affectionibus; for an erroneous Devil in the understanding, will quickly prove a furious Devil in the affections, as experience teacheth: therefore we will be content to be esteemed simple still; yea, to be numbered (if they please) among those whom Plutarch says, were rudiores quam qui poterant decipi: for so we hope the Devil will have more to do, to entrap us the Simple, than he hath had to captivate, and enthrall them the Subtle: for (as Esay says) their wisdom and understanding Esay 47. 10. hath perverted them, and caused them to rebel; and from their wisdom (doubtless) their hopes do arise to reclaim, (as they call it) or rather to pervert us by their Labours; for so they tell us, they labour to reclaim us: viz. from the Errors of Loyalty and Christian Obedience. But they tell us they labour in the spirit of meekness; that they Labour we believe, their Predecessors have done so before them, who have travailed Sea and Land to make others the Children Mat. 23. 15. of Hell as well as themselves: but that they have any acquaintance at all with the spirit of meekness, we can scarce discern by their writings; wherein we see nothing wanting save modesty, truth, and sincerity; but these being the natural fruits of the Spirit of meekness, we should have judged the Authors of this Book quite Empty of that Spirit, had not themselves informed us otherwise: And yet too by Christ's own warrant we may be suspicious of those that bear testimony of themselves: A shadow of Joh. 5. 3. meekness I grant they may have, but the Spirit is another thing. When Satan loboured with our first Parents to the same end, as these do with us, he had a shadow of meekness and love in his expressions; but not the Spirit: so those Wolves that were prophesied Gen. 3. to come in these last days, are foretold to have sheep's clothing, that is, shadows and pretences of meekness, they should Mat. 24. bleat so lamblike, that the very Elect themselves, should scarce be able to discern them; but yet they should be quite void of the spirit of meekness: and verily we suspect these our subtle Brethren to be of that number: nay they tell us, that in the spirit of meekness they Still speak. This word Still makes us bethink ourselves, how they have spoke already, and to look back to their former language and dealings with us; and we find that we have been reviled, railed upon, reproached both in Print and Pulpit, sub tecto, & sub dio, by the names and titles of Malignants, Papists, Devils and Dogs; we have been imprisoned, plundered, and violently divested of all we had, for our Conscience and Allegiance fake; we have had our dear Wives, our tender Infants, our gray-haired Parents, turned out of doors, and exposed to beggary for our sakes; ourselves being formerly banished and separated from them for God's sake; because we will not be reclaimed from the Gospel of Jesus Christ; that Doctrine of Obedience which all our days hath been taught us in the Church of England: we have been hunted up and down the Kingdom, like wild beasts by these meek men; and such as they have set upon us, to spill our blood: we have had, (some of us) the trials of cruel mockings and scorn, yea of scourge; some of us have been roasted at the fire, have had our Hands and Feet burnt off, in a far more cruel manner than Bishop Bonner served Tomkins, or Edmond Tirrell, Rose Allen, (according as it is mentioned in the book of Martyrs:) we have been tempted to take their cursed Oaths and Covenants, and we have (thousands of us) been slain with the Sword; we have been forced to wander up and down, through woods and mountains, shall I say in sheepskins and goatskins? Nay, some of us without any clothes at all, being stripped stark naked by these our modest Countrymen, as those of our Nation, and Religion were in Ireland, by the Barbarous, and merciless Rebels there, and constrained thus to shift for our lives, being destitute, afflicted, tormented: Thus hath that spirit of meekness, which rules in these our subtle and suspected Brethren, discovered itself unto us; and say they In the Spirit of meekness we still speak, but from this their spirit of meekness Good Lord deliver us. They proceed and say, For those that wilfully deviate, and make it their Profession to oppose Libel. the truth, we think it below us to revile them with opprobrious Language, remembering the Apostle Judas, and that example which he gives us in his Epistle. The Apostle Judas in his Epistle speaks of certain persons, whom §. 6. Judge, ver. 8, 9 he calls filthy dreamers, because (doubtless) they forsaking the rule of God's Word, talked and dreamed of new lights and Revelations (which also they followed) these dreamers (he says) despised Dominions, and spoke evil of Dignities, viz. of such persons to whom (in regard of their Authority and Eminency) they owed their highest duty and Reverence; and the Example which the Apostle gives (to whom he resembles these men) is of the Devil himself, who disputing with Michael the Archangel (a supreme Servant of God, maintaining the truth against him) did assault him with railing accusations; now these our subtle and suspected Brethren tell us, that they remember the Apostle Judas, and the Example he gives them: indeed we perceive they do remember it very well; they are full as good as their word in this particular; nor could any men remember it better than they do, or show a more absolute conformity unto it; for they dream of new Lights, they despise Dominions, they speak evil of Dignities: their chief contestation is with the supremest of God's Servants in this Kingdom, whom for his defending the truth they do assault, and revile with most opprobrious language: and we do verily believe too, their spirits are so high, that (according to their own saying) they think it below themselves, to speak altogether so evilly of any, as of Dignities; to offer so much despite to any, as to their betters, under whose Dominion they ought to subject themselves: for they remember what the Apostle Judas says, and the example which he gives them in his Epistle. Besides, if they should rail with opprobrious language upon those who wilfully deviate, and make it their profession to oppose the truth, they should revile themselves, and give ill language one to another, for (if practice may speak profession, and what men be) they are the most wilful deviatours from the known truth, and the greatest opposers of it, that ever sprung from the bottomless pit, in this last Age: and so they should show themselves not only forgetful of the Apostle Judas, and the example which he gives them: but also of themselves, and of that Oath and Covenant, which they have taken to hold one with another, and to assist each other in this their wilful deviation against the truth, and against their Sovereign: for though they have broken their Oath of Allegiance (so often taken) to defend his life and Honour, who is the defender of the truth, yet they are resolved, not to break that other, which they have taken since, not to lay down Arms (of which their tongues and pens are a special part,) till they have had their will of the King, and satisfied their lusts upon him; perhaps indeed afterwards, they may be at leisure to break their Oath of Association too, and may come to be so humbled by one another, that they may not think it so below themselves, (as it seems yet they do,) to revile with opprobrious language, those that wilfully Deviate, and have made it their profession to oppose the truth. But truly we, (their simple Brethren) are of opinion, that if these high-thoughted men, did not at this present think it below them, to shame themselves; to upbraid their own hearts with their own ways; to charge their own doings upon their own Consciences, but would suffer that sepulchre in their own bosoms to open: that the steam thereof might ascend into their own nostrils, to the loathing of themselves; they should do more becomingly, and what in the end would be found more Comfortable. But concerning the Scripture which these Dreamers have alleged out of S. Judas; it being the sole, and only one produced for their own Justification, in these their Commentaries upon the King's letters; we must give them their due praise, and yield it was very suitable for the purpose: They go on, and tell us of something to be seen also, saying, They may see here in these his private letters what Affection the Libel. King bears to his people, what Language and Titles he bestows upon his great Council. SECT. III. 1. The King's great and true affection to his people Evidenced. 2. How far divers of them that call themselves, His Great Council, are from proving themselves his good Councillors. The ten Rules or Precepts whereby they have proceeded. 3. Of the Language and Titles which they complain of, and how truly the name Rebel belongs unto them. 4. The true cause of that great grief and sorrow so often mentioned: An impudent Charge against the King propounded by the Libelers. THe unlearned (saith S. Peter) do pervert many things in S. §. 1. Paul's Epistles, to their own destruction, through the ignorance 2 Pet. 3. 16. that is in them: and if so, than much rather may the malicious make perverse constructions upon the King's Letters to the hurt of others, through the bitterness that is in them. Truly we do imagine that our subtle and suspected Brethren have even so done: and malum being sui diffusivum, they would fain season us with the same liquour which infecteth them: to which end, they would have us look with such Eyes as they do, and to judge with such hearts; for thereby in time we may perhaps be brought to speak with such tongues, and to act with such hands too; And (peradventure) if we cannot read with their Spectacles, or relish their interpretations, they will conclude us to be stark blind, and strongly Seduced: But if they do, we are of S. Paul's mind, and pass 1 Cor. 4. 3. not much to be judged by them, our Judge is Christ, whose Gospel hath taught us to interpret better. These Letters (we acknowledge) have been read, and as proceeding from their hands too, together with their corrupt gloss upon them: and we wish from our souls, we had seen no more disloyalty in the one, than we do disaffection in the other; no worse language in their notes against the best of Kings, than we do in his letters against the worst of Subjects: we see his tender care to preserve in being, his Protestant people in the Kingdom of Ireland; (he being made unable at the present to restore them to their former well-being) Pap. 16, and 17. we see also how desirous he is to settle a peace among his unkind and unnatural people of this Kingdom, (though with the diminution of his own undoubted rights, and the lending away, to his own great loss and prejudice, his most just Prerogative) Pap. 25. we see moreover, how his spirit is grieved in him, at the Stubbornness and perverseness of the English Rebels, that they hindered his hopes of an Accommodation by way of Treaty, Pap. 6. which (in the judgement of all that love their Country) would be the best for the people of this land, as the case now standeth: we see in his Letters, what resolution he hath to adhere to his Clergy, the Messengers and Servants of the great God, (who were wont to be reckoned among the better sort of his people, though now with these new and vile Reformers, they are the most contemptible) Pap. 1. Indeed his private directions for his Commissioners at Uxbridge, do alone speak sufficiently his fatherly and Pious Affection to his people: His words (as his very Enemies record them) are these, Paper 25. I cannot yield to the change of the Government by Bishops: not only as I fully concur, with the most General opinion of Christians in all Ages (as being the best) But likewise I hold myself particularly bound by the Oath I took at my Coronation, not to alter the Government of this Church, from what I found it: And as for the Church's Patirmony; I cannot suffer any diminution, or alienation of it, being (without peradventure) Sacrilege, and likewise contrary to my Coronation Oath: But whatever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses (if any have crept in,) or for the ease of tender Consciences, (so as it endamage not the foundation) I am content to hear, and will be content to give a gracious answer thereunto. Had any of the King's Predecessors, but offered thus much, half thus much, to the strictest non-Conformists in former times, they would have cried it up, for a token of the greatest affection that ever King did show unto his people: But the men of our times, unless their Sovereign will commit perjury, and break his Oath to God (as they have done theirs both to God and him,) to please their Humours, unless he will commit Sacrilege (as they do;) destroy his own Conscience, and damn his own soul, to satisfy their lusts, they are resolved to rail upon him for one that bears no Affections to his people. But in these his Instructions to the same Commissioners, we may and do observe more of his Affection yet, (to his own damage and wrong) unto his people; his words are these, (by the testimony also of his own deadly enemies.) The Militia is certainly the fittest subject for a King's quarrel, for without it, the Kingly power is but a shadow, (who can deny this?) and therefore upon no means to be acquitted, but maintained, according to the Ancient known laws of the Land, (no otherwise doth the King desire to have it defended and upheld:) Yet because to attain to this so much wished peace by all good men, it is in a manner necessary, (Scil. in regard of the guilty Consciences of the Rebels,) that a sufficient, and real security be given (even to them to take away (if possible) their suspicion,) for the performance of what shall be agreed upon: I permit you either by leaving strong Towns, or other Military forces in the Rebel's possession, (until Articles be performed,) to give such assurance for performance of conditions, as you shall judge necessary to conclude a firm Peace. Provided always, that you take as great a care by sufficient security, that Conditions be performed to me, (good reason,) and to make sure that the peace once settled, all things shall return to their ancient Channel. Now behold and wonder, (O all ye Nations of the word,) and judge (I beseech you) betwixt this King and his Accusers: Could any Christian deny himself more? Did ever Prince deny himself so much? Can the desires of any man be more equal and just than these are? Do you perceive in these his secret instructions, that he covets any more power, or Prerogative than is allowed or approved by the Ancient and known Laws of the Land? Can any innocent disposition upon the earth, possibly give more satisfaction to a perverse, froward and guilty Enemy, then is here offered to these men, by a most Gracious, and Honest King; only to procure life and tranquillity to his poor people, who are most mercilessly butchered, and abused by their fellow-subjects? I am confident you will all yield, that these expressions of the King, in these his private letters, do discover sufficient affections to his people: and doubtless you will judge too, that those who are not of the same opinion, are only they who desire to denude him of that Kingly right, and dignity, which God alone hath invested him withal; Yea, and of his life itself i●● possibly they can, Sed providebit Deus: God we trust will still protect him. And then further yet, in his directions to his said Commissioners concerning Ireland: the King infers, that he is willing to consent to any thing, that shall be desired or devised, may but a clear way be showed him, how his poor Protestant Subjects there, may probably (at least) defend themselves, and that himself shall have no more need to defend his Conscience, and Crown, from the injuries of this English Rebellion. I do not doubt but all men of Religion and Reason, will acknowledge in the King's behalf, that these be ample Testimonies of his true Affections; and yet these men speak, as if the King wanted affections to his people. I confess there be a Company got above-board in these times, who call themselves His people, and God's people, yea his only good Subjects, and Gods only good Children; but in very deed their works speak them neither to belong to God, nor Him: Loammi may their name & title properly be. The King may happily show his dislike of them, and their ways, but this speaks no disaffection in him to his own people, any more than our Saviour's dislike of the pharisees, & their conditions did speak disaffection to his disciples; those only are the King's people, that yield him their obedience. But they tell us also, that in his Letters, we shall see what Language §. 2. and Titles the King bestows upon his great Council: they mean the prevailing faction at Westminster, whom they call Great, because they are so strong at this present, and so powerful, for Rabsakeh upon this ground called his master the Great King, and 2 King. 18. 28. Nimrod also was called Great, from a like reason, he had by cruelty Gen. 10. 9 and oppression (as these have done) got the upper hand of all his neighbours: 'tis the nature of some to affect greatness, and to manifest the same, whereas God's delights are to show his goodness rather: Had that Great Council, (which they speak of) been of God's mind, and endeavoured in God's way, to have proved themselves the King's good Council, there would have been no exceptions about Language or Titles. Great we yield them, and wish with our souls, they were as good: But we conceive not, how that Great Council, can be the King's great Council, (as these call it) unless only in that sense, as those Husbandmen in the Gospel were their Lords servants, Mat. 21. 38. when having already killed, and beaten many of their fellows, they had entered into a Consultation to murder the Heir himself; and to seize on his inheritance for themselves: when their Lord did first commit his vineyard to their care to dress, and keep, while they laboured for his benefit and advantage, he might acknowledge them for his servants: but when once they failed in their trust, sought their own ends only, and his damage, there was no reason, he should esteem of them any longer. Lucifer and his Companions were at their first Creation, Sons of the Morning, all bright Angels, glorious Creatures, beloved of God; but when they entertained aspiring thoughts, disdained their equals, separated from them, and thought much that He who made them, should be above them; they fall from their Honour, and no longer abode in their Primitive Condition; so when mutable men, alter from what they were, they leave their former Names and Titles. We (for our parts) cannot conceive, how the mere place, or bare walls in a Council Chamber, can make or continue men to be of the King's Council; nor can we be persuaded, that the outward taking of an Oath or Protestation, to defend the King's life, Honour, and Estate, without a faithful discharge thereof, and fulfilling the trust imposed, doth speak men to be the King's good Counsellors. Good Counsellors (as we apprehend) are such as study sincerely, and are most specially careful to maintain their Prince his Crown and Dignity, to prefer his Honour fair and splendent, (as being the very life of His Majesty:) when there is any miscarriage in Government, they will rather take the fault upon themselves then suffer it in the least degree to have reflection upon their Sovereign; they will (though to their own loss) endeavour to acquit him of all blame, and to uphold his reputation in the hearts of his people: did ever any Honest Politician propound such rules to be observed by a King's Great Council, or ever any Statesmen or Counsellors, who were Christian and Religious, order their practice according to such Precepts as these that follow? 1. Promise at your first meeting to make your King, the most Glorious prince in Christendom, and take a Protestation to defend his life, Honour, and Estate, that so he may give the more credence to you, and the Common people may have the better opinion of your Love and Loyalty; and so be more apt to do any thing that you will have them. 2. When you have done this, labour by all means to make a strong faction amongst yourselves against the King: and if any of your fellows be so scrupulous in Conscience, that they will not join with you, be sure that by allmeanes, you force them from the Council-house: and if you cannot otherwise effect it, set the Common people to threaten and assault them, as Enemies to the State and Kingdom. 3. Pretend Jealousies, and Fears; and hereupon with all speed possess yourselves both of the Militia and Navy of the Kingdom, and see to it, that (in no hand) you suffer the King to have any thing to do with either. 4. Seize upon all the King's Rents, and Revenues, and starve Him if you can; suffer Him not to have the common comforts of an ordinary man, to enjoy the Society of the wife of His bosom, or any house of His own to Lodge in: if he be a Christian, put Him into his Lord's Condition; that he may say, the foxes have holes, and the birds of the Air have nests, but I have not where to hide my Head. 5. Lay all the Miscarriages that yourselves, or any other inferior Officers have committed, since the beginning of His Reign, to His Charge, in a large Remonstrance; & do what ever else you can possibly devise to make Him odious unto his people. 6. Study to Vex and Grieve his Spirit upon all occasions, by all means; pervert and misconstrue on purpose, all His sayings, letters, and doings, and yield not to His desires in any thing, be it never so just, and reasonable; but tempt and urge Him, to perjure Himself, and to commit Sacrilege if possible. 7. Authorise all base Libels, all scandalous and lying Pamphlets that any one hath a mind to publish against Him; though they be such as not only the Authors themselves, but the very Devil himself would blush to own. 8. Kill, Slay, and Destroy all that love Him, and think well of Him; suppress, reproach, ruinated, banish, imprison, or murder, all those Ministers of God, that shall dare to allege God's Word, in their King's behalf, and fail not to show special favour and countenance, to all such Preachers, as have mouth and forehead to belie Him, and to defame Him from the Pulpits, and that will speak of Him, as if He were an Infidel, an Idolater, an Apostate. 9 When you have brought Him to a most low and desolate condition, be sure you Flout lustily at Him; and hire fellows that are skilful in scorning, to write weekly Pamphlets on purpose to expose Him to be Ludibrium Hominum, & oppro●rium Populi: for this was the condition of Christ His Saviour; to which He, as well as others who are Godly, must be conformable. 10. Let all your Consultations be only to throw Him down from that Excellency wherein God hath set Him: although to bring the same to pass, you hazard the destruction of all His Kingdoms; But be sure, you hold your own still, call yourselves His Great Council, and when ever you write unto Him, let it be in this submissive form and stile: We your Majesty's most Humble, and most Loyal Subjects, considering with great grief and sorrow of Heart; etc. Can any men, that have but the least spark of grace, or modesty in them, affirm, that the Counsellors who walk towards their King according to these or such like rules, do deserve the name of the King's Council? Truly we (who are accounted Seduced) having been brought up in the plain, honest, Protestant Christian Religion, dare not either think or say they do: we know there will come a day, when all men shall be judged according to their works, and therefore in the mean time our subtle Brethren must pardon us, if we so judge of men for the present, as their works speak them; nor indeed dare we so much disparage the most High, and most Honourable Court, (of Parliament) in England, (to which alone the Title of the King's Great Council belongeth;) as to fasten the same upon such a Disloyal, Hypocritical, unchristian, and bloody Faction as this now above-board is, and which walketh according to the fore-mentioned Rules. But what are those Titles or Language, which in these his Letters §. 3. we may see the King bestows upon his Great Council, (as they call it?) we find him therein Lamenting their pertinacy, complaining of their Stubborunesse, and bewailing the perverseness of their spirits: as Christ could not look upon such conditioned persons without Grief and Anger; so the King cannot speak of Mat. 5. 3. them without sorrow and indignation: for they were once his people, though now they have plucked their necks from under his yoke: perhaps sometimes he calls them by the name of Rebels, and is there not a cause? did not Christ call some that walked in such ways as they go in, Vipers and Children of the Devil? When the Jewish Nation, whom God had formerly owned for his people, did act the part of an Impetious whorish woman; he called her Jer. 3. Ezek. 16. Harlot: 'tis fit every thing should be called by its own name; and that the name Rebel is proper to them whom the King entitles with it, we are able to show by such strong Arguments, as these their Champions (for all their Subtlety) can never answer; for what ever wickedness is or has been in any Rebels of former Ages, is superlatively apparent in these men: Let themselves but say what things do make and denominate a Rebel, and it shall be Evidenced clearly that themselves have the same Conditions. Are they Rebels that lift up a violent hand against the Supreme Magistrate? or that open a foul mouth against Him? or that publish and Authorise base Scandalous Pamphlets, to His defamation and dishonour? that violently break all Laws, both Humane and Divine? If any one of these, or all these together, be the properties of Rebels, than these men are completely qualified for the Title. Or again, is it the custom of Rebels to slight the King's Authority? to deny Him to be Gods Anointed? to rob Him of His rents and revenues? to cheat Him of His Arms, His Ships, His Castles, and Hearts of His people? to hunt Him up and down his Kingdom, like a Partridge upon the mountains? If these be the Actions, and works of Rebels, than these men above all men have fully merited to be so called. In a word, if Absalon, and Achitophel; if Sheba the son of Bichri; if Korah, Dathan, and Abiram were Rebels in their Generations, than so are these in this; for these have done over all the same things, which every of them did do, though with greater impudence and violence: Nay if Satan himself in his seduction of our first Parents, did act the Rebel against the Almighty, then also have these against their Sovereign; for they have directly proceeded in his method and way; as might be showed in all the particulars: But these Examples are all so Evident in Scripture to people's eyes, that I shall leave the matter wholly to their own observance, and listen to what these men say further; having told us of Language and Titles which the King bestows upon his Great Council, they add, Which we return not again, but consider with Sorrow that it comes Libel. from a Prince Seduced out of his proper sphere. What the King bestows we have heard already; what they return §. 4. we shall see anon: only in the first place we cannot but observe their Sorrowful Consideration, because 'tis a phrase in great fashion, even with them also whom they call his Great Council; who have many a time and oft, told the King in their letters to him, of their own great griefs and sorrows: But let their Consciences speak, what is the true ground of their sorrow, is it not this? Because they that are able to do so much to the King's damage, to raise so many Armies against him of his own people, to corrupt so many of his Officers and Commanders, for to betray the places committed to their trust, should not yet by all their injurious and contumelious dealings, (which have been more than was ever offered to a Christian Prince by Protestant people.) be able to break his heart, and sink him to his grave; still they see he is strengthened by the help of God to bear his burden: and they have heard (haply) of that his pious expression, viz. Though God hath pleased to lay on me a greater Burden of Affliction, then upon other Princes my Predecessors: yet withal he hath in his goodness, enlarged unto me an answerable measure of patience. Let their own Consciences speak whether (in very deed) their grief doth not spring from this Consideration: For if they should not Effect to vex him to death, or some way or other to bring him to his grave, all their labour would be in vain, and to little purpose; and how can they consider of this, without great grief, and sorrow of heart? But these good men (our subtle Brethren) do here pretend that their sorrow is, because their Prince is Seduced out of his proper sphere: yet verily we on the other side do consider of this with more true Sorrow (I dare say) than they do: for we confess never was Prince so far seduced out of his proper sphere, as he was; when He took them who now call themselves his great Counsel, to be Honest men: when He gave so much credit to their promises and protestations, as to be persuaded by them, to sign the Bill for the Continuation of that unhappy Parliament: then, O then be was seduced indeed, from his proper sphere, wherein his Father set and left him with this caution, Always to be suspicious of the Puritanical faction, and never to Basilic. Doron. Lib. 2. trust them above all people in the world, as being for ingratitude, lies, and perjuries, surpassing the High-land thieves and Borderers. His Seduction from this Paternal advice, was the root and cause of all our Miseries, and therefore with sorrow of heart, we his Loyal Subjects cannot but think upon it. But to do these men right: they mention their sorrow here, for the King's Seduction, to another purpose, namely as a Preface to that which follows. M. Dike in his book of the deceitfulness of man's heart, sets down, not for imitation, (as these take it) but for discovery, the method of a cunning Hypocrite in his venting a slander: First (says he) to gain Credit with the hearers, he pretends great affection to the party against whom he is minded to speak, professing that with great grief and sorrow of heart, he doth think of him, (hoping yet that he is only miss and seduced,) and so makes a long Preamble to this purpose, as if the fault he intends to mention, were as grievous to him, as a blow with a Cudgel; and then at last, out comes the slander, which his viperous tongue lays on with as much spite as malice is able, these (I remember) are M. Dikes words. Now after this very manner, and in the same Method, do these our subtle Brethren speak to us concerning their Sovereign, whom they are about to slander and defame: First they tell us in some obscure and general terms, of strange Titles, which the King bestows upon his great Council, which (say they) we return not again; but consider with sorrow that it comes from a Prince, (not so Naturally inclined, as we hope, for we would fain think better of him, but) Seduced from his proper sphere, misled by ill Council: And so much for the Preface. Now to the main business, and let all Christian people observe it well, how these good Sorrowful men, that promised even now, to give no opprobrious Language, will describe their Sovereign. He is, say they, One that hath left that seat in which he ought, and hath bound himself Libel. to fit, to sit (as the Psalmist says) in the Chair of the scornful, and to the ruin almost of three Kingdoms, hath walked in the Counsels of the ungodly. Now 'tis out: and it contains in our apprehensions these 6 Articles against the King. 1. That the King hath not only neglected to perform his Office, but voluntarily, and upon no occasion moving, hath left and forsaken his proper place and duty. 2. That in the room thereof, he hath made choice of the Scorners Chair, which is the highest seat or throne of wickedness. 3. That he hath even bound himself Prentice, as it were by oath and Covenant, to that trade of scorning. 4. That he hath resolved to follow that profession so long as he lives; for he hath bound himself to sit, yea, to sit, scil. for ever, in the Chair of the scornful. 5. That his aims and endeavours only are, and have been to ruin three whole Kingdoms, which even almost he had effected. 6. That to this very end, and for no other reason (as must be supposed) he hath abandoned the Society of most Holy and good men, and linked himself by a indissolvable tye, to the Society of the wicked, whose ungodly counsel he always walketh in. These are the particulars in this their first charge against the King: but my purpose being to uncase these Hypocritical and blasphemous men, I shall first lay open to the world, the full meaning of their hearts, in a true Paraphrase upon their words; and then I shall show how false and scandalous they be in every respect against his Majesty, unto whom they naturally owe, and solemnly have sworn obedience. But first let me beg pardon of my Lord and Sovereign, and crave of all Loyal hearts that it be not imputed for an indecorum or want of Reverence in me to Kingly Honour, if some of my words concerning His Sacred person, do sound unseemly, and unbecoming; Let it be considered, that I speak not myself, but other men, whose Hellish intentions toward their Prince, are so black, that 'tis impossible to express them in a language meetly Reverend: He that openeth rotten sepulchres may (though unwillingly) be offensive. Secondly, I desire of all men, that I may not be thought by my manner of speaking, to intend the working of any contempt in people's hearts against the High Court of Parliament, which being called in the King's name, by his Writ, and acting under the obedience of just and regal power, are with all Honour and Reverence to be thought upon, and spoken of: Yea, and God knows my heart abhors to be an instrument of working disesteem against any persons of this present Assembly, who have pious and loyal affections in them, (as I believe there be divers, even in this very Body, that do truly detest the present proceedings of some of their fellow-members.) I do here profess to all the world, though I use the name of Parliament, and Great Council, in answer to these Libelers, yet I mean only the present swaying and prevailing faction in the two Houses, who are and have been the Countenancers of all these abuses against their Sovereign, and the causers of all our sorrows: and who they in particular are, I doubt not but in due time, God the Supreme Judge, will Evidence to this whole Kingdom. This with all Humility premised and implored, I proceed as followeth. SECT. IV. 1. The Nature of their Charge opened. 2. Their villainous and bloody Scope therein, clearly Evidenced, and proved. 3. How perfectly in their Tenants they hold with the Jesuits in the points of King-killing and King-deposing, fully declared. THe Charge or Bill of Attainder against the King, together §. 1. with the Reason, why 'tis thus published to us, and to the people, by these His most dutiful and loving Subjects, (who take upon them to be His Accusers) according to their own full and clear meaning may be rendered more at large, thus: That the King, (or rather he who was once in that office) hath voluntarily, and freely, without being urged by any occasion in the world, forsaken his place, wherein he ought to have remained, and which to His great content, He might still have enjoyed, (had he so pleased) being not only obliged thereunto by His Duty; but also importuned by the most Humble supplications and prostrate entreaties of His Great Council: But He merely out of his own ill disposition, is departed thence, and hath taken up, not only a standing, but a Seat, yea, hath bound Himself by obligation, entered into a covenant with Hell, to sit, to sit (we say) as the Psalmist speak, (for we would have all the Common people know, that we have Scripture for what we say) in the Seat of the Scornful: that is, (as our Prophets interpret) to remain for ever in the Highest Throne and degree of wickedness, that man or Devil can reach unto: whereby it appears that (Ahab-like) he hath sold himself to work all evil, even with greediness; and is past all hope of recovery: Moreover, he hath intentionally and on set purpose, been already the ruin almost of three whole Kingdoms, and had been so altogether ere this, had not His Great Council, (a company of most Holy, chaste, Innocent, Wise and infallible good men) sitting now at Westminster, in their great pity, and commiseration of spirit, and out of their abounding piety, and mere natural goodness interposed themselves, whereby (thanks only to them) the three Kingdoms are yet kept in being; which (before they put to their helping hands) were at the very brim of destruction. And yet notwithstanding, this wilful King hath left their most Sacred, sweet, and peaceable society, out of a pure hatred to them, and to their virtues': and hath not only stepped unawares, but hath even eat and drunk with Publicans and Sinners: yea, and walked deliberately in the Counsels of the wicked, and ungodly: Insomuch that it is to be thought, the total ruin of the three Kingdoms, will shortly be accomplished, do what the Great Council can to the contrary, unless some Noble Brutus, some Valiant Cassius, out of love to their Country's Liberty, will take the pains to stab this Cesar: some devout Raviliack in his zeal unto Religion, will do God the service, (or the kindness rather) to free the world, and Church of this destructive Tyrant, for 'tis better (as Scripture says) that one man should die, then that all the People perish; then that three whole Kingdoms should be destroyed. We refer the matter to their own Consciences, whether this be not the true sense of their spirits, and whether they would not have the people thus to understand their words, against the King: And to prevent scruples, which may arise in the hearts of any about the Business, which they would have done, they add to the former the words following, saying, And though in our Tenants we annex no infallibility to the seat of Libel. a King in Parliament, (as the Romanists do to the Papal Chair, since all men are subject to Error,) yet we dare boldly say, that no English King did ever from that place, speak destruction to His people, but safety and Honour, nor any that abhorred that seat and Council, but did the contrary. These words (I say) are added to their foregoing description of the King, not only to further the Business aimed at; but also in way of prevention: for some might make a scruple of Conscience, (as David did) to kill the King, notwithstanding these suggestions, because He is the Lords Anointed: Wherefore these circumspect m●n, being ad omnia parati, do signify further in these words, that no man need be precise in that respect, for say they, in effect thus, We in our Tenants (which are all the truth, and the very truth, and the truth indeed, and so to be apprehended by all men living) do make no more of a King, than we do of another man, the seat of a King in Parliament itself, is no more than the seat of Cesar in the Senate-house, it may as well be empty as not, were there but no King at all, (for 'tis not so much his Presence there, which we desire and quarrel about, as his Nullity, that He might be no where:) we hold there is no more virtue in the Seat of a King in Parliament, then in the seat of an ordinary Burgesle, (no nor half so much neither:) we neither do nor will in our Tenants annex infallibility to the King's Seat; for should we make a Pope of the King? No, no: He is but a man, subject to Errors, as others be, and therefore liable to be punished for his faults, as well as others: specially since the Sovereignty is transmitted into the hands of the Parliament, which was done (as the Parliaments own self judgeth) when the Bill of perpetuity was signed. It is granted indeed before that time, the Supreme power was in Him, and we were all his Subjects: and then perhaps some might Scruple to out his throat, for there were laws then in force against Regicides, but now since his Resignation, (for so in our Tenants we hold this Act to be,) there is no scruple to be made, those laws against King-killers are suspended, and he is now become as Samson was without his strength, even like another man, any of the well affected Philistines may fall upon him, mock him, kill him, or use him as they please; if their new Lords (that is to say) the worthy members of the Parliament do but give leave▪ for he is now but their subject, their slave; they are able (by the infallibility of their Votes) to make him a malefactor, and then to order him, (if they can catch him) as such a one; for infallibly we grant is an Attendant on the Supreme power; we do not indeed annex it to the King's seat, because the supreme power is now removed from thence; while this was in the King, the Parliament itself (as appears in some of their Expresses,) did use to speak as the Law did, modestly of the King, and to say he could not err; but now, the case is altered with him, the Supreme power being transferred unto other persons, infallibility still attends the same, and not the King's person: And hence it was, that after the aforesaid Act, there was a large Remonstrance made, which the Authors of, durst never make before, whilst the power was in the King's hand▪ (it may be called the Parliaments Act of Gratitude, for the King's Act forenamed) in which they declare sufficiently, their judgement to be, that the King may now be imputed fallible, and unfit to manage the Supreme power from thenceforth any longer: And hence also it is, that a new Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to the Parliament is tendered to the People of this Land, which plainly shows, that the Supreme power is concluded to dwell in them; and that the old Oath is quite void and out of date together with the King. And for the Protestation general, (which was took at the beginning of the Parliament to defend the King's life and Honour) that is to be understood only so long as the Kingly and Supreme power remained in him, but that being once removed, the Pretestation binds us no longer to regard His Person and Honour; but the Persons and Honours of them only, in whom the said Supremacy is now seated: And therefore all the world knows, that the Parliament, or great Council, never raised War against the King, never suffered any to take away His Name & Honour, or to seize upon His revenues, so long as the Supreme power was in Him; for that had been rank Rebellion in them indeed; but now since themselves were invested in the same; they set to their business, (as lawfully they may) to establish the Kingdom upon themselves and their successors: First by putting forth their Remonstrance against the King, to loosen all the bands of ancient Loyalty, and then by seizing upon the Militia of the Kingdom, the Forts, Castles, Ships and Towns, as their proper Rights, and all the King's Goods and Houses, as being now (in regard of their Supremacy) solely at their disposing; and then too, after all this, they thought fit in wisdom, to Vote the King to be one that intends the ruin of three Kingdoms, that abhors His Great Council, which speaks nothing but Safety and Honour to Him. Yea, (and in very deed) He doth Envy those worthies, that Honour, strength, rule and dignity, which now by God's Providence, is so happily cast upon them; even as Richard the Third did grudge at those two innocent Princes, whose by right the Kingdom was, and thereupon did murder them, to get the Sceptre into His own Hands, and the Crown upon His own Head: So this man aims at the destruction of the most blessed Parliament, whose the Kingdom now by right is, and in whose Hand all Power and Authority is lodged and fastened, and there like to remain, so long as a drop of blood is left in the veins of Englishmen, who shall fight for them to maintain it: therefore let all men remember Richard the Third what peace the Land had after long Wars, when he was once killed, and let them expect the same now, if this Man (who is worse than He) could be taken away. And no man need scruple to do it, for the Supreme Authority now aboveboard doth allow it; and that is able to make sin no sin, when it listeth; that hath declared him to speak destruction to the Kingdoms, to abhor the Parliament, and never any English King did so, but he spoke Destruction to himself thereby; therefore let him have it; we dare boldly say and assure, that safety and Honour is not his portion, but destruction from the Lord is appointed to him, the Parliament so judgeth, and blessed shall he be, that shall divide it out unto him. And thus all scruples of Consciences are removed. I have been the larger in opening the meanings of these men, that I might withal express the ground of their uncouth opinions, and let no good people, who have a Charitable conceit of them, think that I stretch their words beyond their intentions, I would not force any man's faith beyond his judgement, much less against the same: wherefore let these few following particulars be considered upon, and I believe it will be evident, to every reasonable man, that I have spoken nothing, but the real desires of their hearts and spirits. 1. Consider the Nature of the Crimes which most maliciously and falsely they lay to the King's Charge; that He hath neglected His office, Forsaken His place, that He Abhorreth the Parliament, Walks only in the Council of the ungodly, that he seeks the Destruction of three Kingdoms, and is ascended to the highest pitch and throne of wickedness, The seat of the scornful, and there hath Bound himself to sit and continue; what is all this in effect, but Away with him from the Earth, 'tis not fitting he should live? 2. Consider of some of their Tenants, which to this purpose they have been a buzzing a long while, and whispering into the minds of people, viz. That the King is but only for the people's good, He is but their Bailiff, their Servant, and that the Parliament without him is above him, may wage war against him, may depose him, and turn him out of his Office, if he be not for their turn; that they can give Commission to any to apprehend, yea, to kill him, if He doth oppose them; that evil may be done to further the Public good, and in respect of the end aimed at it is not to be accounted evil; and many such like Tenants they have, which let any man consider of, together with their accusations of him, as also what they have done against him, and then say, whether all this doth not signify, that they would gladly be rid of him, if any would take upon them but to kill him. 3. Consider what high Holiness, Wisdom, Justice, care of the Kingdom is affirmed abroad, and taught to be in them, who take upon them the name of the great Council, or Parliament at Westminster: How infallible they are preached to be in their judgements, how unerring in their Votes and Censures, when in Consultation together; though perhaps, (as particular men) they may chance to Err sometimes, for 'tis confessed, all men are subject to Error; yet when they are in Cathedris, in their seats as Parliament men, they are all as infallible as the Pope; and have a power as well as he, to do what they please, to make Evil, Good; and Good Evil: to make Rebellion and Treason, to be Duty and Loyalty; and Duty and Loyalty, to be Rebellion and Treason; to Vote Sacrilege, Murder, and Theft to be no sins; Killing, Slaying, and Destroying to be acts of zeal and Christian Duty; Yea, what ever they shall authorise with approbation, (as they have done this Libel) must be received without scruple and haesitation, as pious and godly, though as full of Blasphemy as this same is: Nay, what man living will not conceive, but they who have Authorized this book against the King, will also warrant any man to kill him: to prevent his Capacity of punishing them hereafter for it? and whosoever believes it was no sin in them, to Authorise the one, will not think it a sin in them to warrant the other. 4. Consider how since that Act of Continuation of the Parliament they have plainly denied the Supreme power to be in the King, and affirm the same to be in themselves; how they have suppressed the ancient Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, and disclaimed them both, and have in the place of them framed a new Oath and Covenant, which they have put upon the Subjects of this Kingdom; to swear adherence and allegiance to themselves: how they have made a New great Seal, (as if the old one with the King were of no longer use:) How they have seized upon all the Royalties of the Crown, and upon all the Kings Personal Estate, to be disposed of as their own; How they have executed all Regal Prerogatives; How they call all those that do adhere to the King, Rebels and Traitors, and pursue them as such, with fire and sword? How they Hunt the King up and down the Kingdom, (as if he were become an outlaw,) seeking to murder and destroy him? How they (now of late) do all in the name of the Parliament Only, though at first till the people were fully seduced by them, and engaged with them, they did use the Kings Name together with it; doth not at all this speak plainly, that they thirst to drink the King's blood, and desire to have it shed or spilled? 5. Consider how in their Notes, (in this their accursed Libel pag. 44.) they tax the King as faulty, for his Soliciting the King of Denmark, and other Protestant Princes, (as they speak) to assist for the supporting of Monarchy; doth not this plainly infer that they have concluded against the Government here in England, and so by Consequence against the Monarch himself? Doth it not evidently declare, that they account him King no longer? and that all the Supremacy is now in themselves? Which being supposed, and withal, that he (according to their Votes,) seeks the ruin of his people, whose safety above all things must be regarded: It follows of necessity, that they desire the King's Destruction, and would have it apprehended, that they do but their duty to the Kingdom in desiring it. 6. Consider how they do, (as in their Pamphlets and Sermons) compare the King to Saul, Ahab, Nero, and the like; so in their malicious Notes upon his Letters here (pag. 48.) they compare him to Richard the third, (the most bloody and unjust man that ever swayed the English Sceptre,) which plainly speaks, that they would have people take him to be such a one, and to have no more true right to the Crown, then that Richard had; and that themselves would be as glad of his death, as Hen. the 7. was of the death of that Tyrant. If these particulars (amongst many others that might be propounded) be considered on; I doubt not but all reasonable men will yield, that I have done the Authors of this Libel right, in my interpretation of their intentions expressed in those their words against the King. But that I might not leave the least scruple in the hearts of any well-meaning people, that yet remain drunk with a good opinion of their Honesties; and do in Charity think it impossible, that men pretending so fair, and having so great a name in the world for Religion, should be so Diabolical, and have such Hellish designs: I will further yet endeavour their satisfaction, (for I do publicly profess, mine aims are, to do the work of Christ, in laying open men's Hypocrisy,) that mine abused Countrymen, for whom Christ died, might not longer be deceived: which work, (by God's grace) I shall faithfully pursue, though I meet in the end, with Christ's reward, at their bloody hands, for my labour. Wherefore, I will show, First, that there is no impossibility at all in the matter, notwithstanding their specious pretences which they make: and then it will further Evidence the verity of what I have said, from their own Tenants. My Argument for the first is this: Whatever hath been already, may possibly be again: (for, (says Solomon) The thing which Eccles. 1. 9, 10. hath been, is that which shall be, and that which is done, is that which shall be done:) But such men there have been, who had a name to Rev. 3. 9 be alive, when they were dead, in trespasses and sins; who said they were Jew's, (called themselves God's people,) and were so accounted by others; when (in very deed) they were of the Synagogue Rev. 2. 9 3. 9 of Satan: therefore 'tis not impossible, but such men may be also in these days, which are the last days, and therefore the worst, the very dregs of time. For proof of the Assumption, let us remember the Scribes and Pharisees in the Gospel, they had as great a name in the world then, as these persecutors of the King have now, and were as well thought on by the vulgar, in whose opinions, they were far enough from those villainies, which notwithstanding Christ did sufficiently discover to be in them; Nay, the people (though themselves were employed as under-instruments in the very business) were so bewitched with a good conceit of their Pharisaical rulers, (whom they counted the Worthies of their Nation,) that they would not at first believe, that they had any purpose to kill Christ; for when he said, why go ye about to kill me? the people replied, Thou hast a Devil, Who goeth about to kill thee? they John 7. 20. (good folks) conceived that their Holy and wise Rulers, did only provide for the safety of Church and Commonwealth, and endeavoured Christ's Reformation, whom they apprehended to be an irregular man, one that would not submit His Judgement to the Great Council at Jerusalem; nor be ruled by their Votes and Orders. Nay the very Pharisees themselves, (like these our men) would not own their own malice against Christ; for when Pilate would have delivered him into their hands, to have done with him as they pleased. O no, cry they, 'tis not lawful for us to put any man to death: (they had rather some body else should do it for them;) we are too holy to defile ourselves with His blood; out of pure love to piety, and to the peace of the Kingdom, we have proceeded thus far against Him, and have been at great Charges with the Soldiers to apprehend Him: and though you can find no fault in Him, yet you may be sure on it, if he had not been a Malefactor, we would not have brought him before you: No, no, if we could otherwise have reformed Him, we would not have troubled your Lordship with Him. But will you please to hear His Conditions: Why? He would be a King, and Rule over us, and if He be let alone, He will ruin the whole Kingdom, and bring destruction upon the Temple too, and to spoil our Religion: He bestows strange Language and Titles upon us the Great Council, the Worthies of the Nation, (who are a company of Holy and unblameable men, witness all the people) He calls us Hypocrites, Vipers, and Painted Sepulchers, and the like, which we return not again, but consider with sorrow, that these expressions come from a Jew Seduced out of his proper sphere: One that hath left the Society He ought to be withal, and keeps Company only with publicans and Sinners, ungodly persons, whose counsels he follows, and hath set himself in the seat of the scornful: For we take all his Sermons against our Ordinances, and doings to be but only invectives and scorns against us, whereby He exposeth us to be contemned of the people, as if (according to His saying) we made the Law of God of none Effect by our Traditions. When indeed none can be more zealous for it, than we are; and thus you see what a Person He is, and what His Merits are. Believe it (Sir) unless some speedy course be taken with Him, Caesar (in whom the Supreme power is now seated, and whose servants the people now are) will be wronged; and the whole Church; and Kingdom wasted and destroyed, and this we will boldly say: who ever doth not join with us against bim, is neither a friend to Caesar, nor to the Commonwealth, we are all for the Public good, and to preserve that, we desire that this our King▪ or rather this man that says he is our King, may be crucified. To this purpose was the Pharisees accusation against our Saviour: of this disposition were their Spirits against the Son of God: (as Scripture teacheth) notwithstanding their Religious pretences, and that opinion of holiness which the world had of them: it need not therefore be thought an impossible thing, that there should be men of a like spirit, and of a like esteem in these days; and that they should endeavour a like mischief against their Sovereign. Nothing but the Heart blood of Christ, would satisfy those his Enemies; and can it be any thing but the very heart blood of the King which these men thirst after? indeed they do not lay any worse things to the King's charge, (for I will do them no wrong) than those others did to the charge of Christ: And this for the first: There is no impossibility in the matter. 2. The truth of my interpretation of their meaning, is Evident from the Tenants which they mention as proper to themselves, at least as differing from ours: We (say they) in our Tenants do annex no Infallibility to the seat of a King in Parliament, as the Romanists do to the Papal Chair, since all men are subject to errors. These men desire, (as we learned by their Pulpit Doctrines of §. 3. us,) that people should believe, that those who are for the King, do think of him as the Romanists do of the Pope, that he cannot Err, which opinion by these their words they would have the world know, that they disclaim, and truly so do we as much as they; for we never did, nor yet ever dare we, give the King so undue an Attribute; nor would His Majesty suffer the same, were any of us so sinfully disposed: For we boldly affirm, that never King was more Christian than He, in yielding himself culpable, (even in some matters wherein others could see no error,) that so if possible he might give his Enemy's satisfaction, and purchase peace unto his people. But whether it be so or no, they conceive, and report that to be our Tenent: and we on the other side apprehended theirs to be, that infallibility is rather in the Parliament without a King, then in the Seat of a King in Parliament. And our Reason is, there hath been more Infallibility professed in Parliament, since the King's absence from Westminster; then ever was before, when either himself, or any of His Predecessors have been there. And though the Parliament hath been erroneous and faulty herefore, by reason of the King's faction mixed therein, (for by that name are modest and Loyal Gentlemen now called) yet that being now purged away, and driven from thence, Error also is vanished with it, and Infallibility hath taken up its dwelling there, ita praedicant, ita clamitant. And yet by the way, we must tell the world, we believe the King hath some friends still within the walls at Westminster, even as Christ had at the Jews Council Table, although (like Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arimathea) they are overpowered▪ and reviled, when they speak truth and Conscience. But to the matter: We must tell these men, that Scripture affords us better Testimony for the Kings not Erring, than it doth them for theirs; Solomon says, The King's Heart is in God's Hand, Prov. 22. 1. and a Divine sentence is in His Lips; His mouth transgresseth not in Prov. 16. 10. judgement. We find not the like expressions in behalf of an headless Parliament: but because Solomon was a King himself, He spoke (they say) in his own case, and therefore not much to be regarded: but we will not contest with them at this time about his Authority, we rather yield (because all men are subject to Error) that a King may Err: and we add further that a Parliament, consisting of men, may err too; and this Combination of Conspirators, (which to the high disgrace of the Supremest Court, some call the Parliament) doth Err most abominably, both from God's Law, and the Law of the Land: and this in very deed is our Tenent. And let them deal ingenuously with us, & say, whether they do not so hold of the Parliament, (though not of the King) as the Romanists do of the Pope? whether by their Tenants, the Parliament hath not the same power over Kings, and Kingdoms, as the Pope hath by the Tenent of the Jesuits? The Jesuits hold that the Pope may dispose of Princes and Crowns for the service of God, the good of the Church, and salvation of Souls: And do not these hold that the Parliament, may both order the King, and dispose of His Kingdom, as they shall think meet, for the advancement of their Cause (which they call Gods) & pro salute populi? Romanas Episcopus Zacharias, Regem▪ Franciscorum non tam pro Canon alias causa 15. de●●●t. quest. 6. suis iniquitatibus, quam pro eo quod tantae potestati erat inutilis à regno deposuit, etc. By virtue of which Canon (say the Jesuits) the Pope hath power to depose Kings, be they Heretical or Catholic, of vicious, or virtuous lives, if in his judgement he finds them unfit, and some others more capable of Government. And do not these men believe the Authority of Parliament, to be as irresistible, as that of the Pope, and their Votes to be as full of virtue as his Canons, and altogether as Authentic, even to the deposing of Kings, and disposing of their Kingdoms? Eudaemon Johannes in his Apology for Henry Garnet, teacheth, that Subjects may be loosed from their Oath of Allegiance, and then they cannot, (as Emanuel Sa affirmeth) be held guilty of Treason, though they conspire the King's death, because He against whom they conspire, is not their Master or Lord, they being formerly absolved from his obedience. And hath not the same Doctrine been both taught and practised by these our opposers? Have not they loosened people from their Oath of Allegiance to the King, and then put them in Arms, persuading them that 'tis no Rebellion to fight against Him? The Jesuits in their Chamber of Meditation taught, (as John chastel who gave Hen. the 4. of France, a stab in the mouth, confessed upon examination) that it was lawful to kill that King, and that He was now member of the Church, nor aught to be obeyed, or held for King, until he had received approbation from the Pope. And one of them in his Apology for the said chastel hath these words: vulnerando Henricum Burbonium, non voluerit laedere ant occidere Regem, etiamsi se talem dicebat, & in quo praeter imaginem nihil Regis quam quod genere Regio ortus erat. In striking Henry of Bourbon his intention was not to kill the King, howbeit he called himself King, sithence he had nothing left, but the appearance of a King being of the blood Royal. Our anabaptistical Crew have their Chambers of Meditation too, or their Conventicles, where they meet with their disciples, to whom they suggest (as also they do in their Pamphlets and Sermons) that the King is no true member of the Church, (because he dissents from them) but a persecutor of it, and is no longer to be obeyed or held for King, than the Parliament or representive Body of the Kingdom, in whom the Supreme power is inherent shall allow him so to be: and therefore being now deciared by them, to be an enemy to the Kingdom, and one that seeks the people's ruin; he is to be accounted but as another man, and hath but the bare Name or Title of a King, as being borne of that family and stock, which formerly swayed the Sceptre. Now my Argument from all this stands thus; who ever maintains, that the Pope or Parliament, may at pleasure alter Kingdoms, exempt people from their Oath of Allegiance, and arm them against their Prince, do maintain, that people in such a case may kill their King: But this (as appears by their doctrine and practice▪) is the Tenent of these men, as well as of the Jesuits, Ergo, these men also by their Tenants, hold it lawful to kill the King. The minor is proved already, and the major is evident to sense and reason: for no man will doubt, but a King (from whom offer is made to take away his Kingdom,) will take Arms to maintain his right, and will labour to reduce them to Loyalty that stand armed against him; and in so doing, 'tis impossible but he must run the hazard of his life, since in defending himself, he is resolute (as in Conscience he is bound to be,) not to lose his Kingdom, (which God hath committed to his care,) without the loss of his life itself. But perhaps some will say, that in some of their books and Sermons, Object. they disclaim killing the King, yea though he were an Heretic or a Tyrant. I answer, the Romish Jesuits (their Brethren) in some of Answer. their books also, have condemned not only the murdering of Princes, but also Rebellion against them, though Heretics, and Tyrants; but they mean sine permissu superiorum, it is not lawful for a private man to do it (say they) of his own head, until he be permitted by his superiors; but having leave and countenance from them, if sentence and judgement be once passed, that the King is a Tyrant or an Heretic, or not capable to govern; then obedience to the said judgement is to be given, as to the voice of Christ: So these, when they speak against King-killing, and Rebellion, are to be understood, until the King be declared by Parliament, to be an Enemy to the Kingdom, and to seek the ruin of it; but when this is done, than men may not only arm themselves against him, but kill him, if possibly they can, and by so doing, they do but the Command of God, and help the Lord against the mighty. These be the niceties of Romish Jesuits, and English Pharisees, by which they inchant men; they protest Solemnly, that they allow not the murdering of Kings; No, not they: but herein lies the craft, they acknowledge none for Kings, but whom themselves please to allow; and maintain that to kill a King whose Government they cannot brook, is not to kill a King, but a man (as they say) masked under a Regal Title. But indeed some of their faction, have been more plain in their expressions, and disclaiming this juggling distinction, have declared their Tenants in down right English, even as Parry of old affirmed, that because Elizabeth stood excommunicated by the Pope▪ he might lawfully kill her: And as Catesby stood to it openly, that because the Pope had not allowed the Catholics to receive James for King, the Powder-Treason was a work of Piety. And as Raviliak affirmed, that He had reason to kill Henry of Bourbon, because he would make war against the Pope, and so by consequent (says he) against God, for the Pope was God: even so in this plain downright fashion, we have had some of our Parliamentarians, express their judgements, and intentions, that because the Parliament hath declared against the King, 'tis no sin to kill him; yea, they have professed that themselves would do it, if they could reach him, so long as he is in this condition, not received or allowed on by the Parliament: yea (Raviliack-like) they have affirmed that He wars against the Parliament, and so by Consequent against God, and therefore it would be a work, not only lawful, but also pious for to kill him; such expressions have often fallen from the lips of many several persons among them, who might be named, if we did Belligerare Hominibus magis quam vitiis. And thus the people do now see, how those who pretend to keep them from Popery, do lead them into the deepest ditch, and most Hellish puddle thereof: themselves call the Jesuits the worst of Papists; and yet hold with them in their worst of Tenants, only the difference is this: the Jesuits place power, and infallibility in the Pope, and these place it in the Parliament, for though these (our Subtle Brethren) will not like Romanists, make a Pope of the King, yet they will make one of the Parliament, whose members are as perfect in their Seats, as Pontifex is in Cathedra: But I remember a distinction which the Secretary of Charles the 5. used to some English Ambassadors, who (upon his complaint of Pope Julius the 3. his foul play with the Emperor,) demanded of him, how he being a Papist could excuse this unkindness of the Pope towards his Master? He answered, that the Pope was an honest man, but Julius the 3. was an Arrant Knave: so saving the Honours of the Right worshipful, as they are Members, peradventure as they are men, they may be subject to errors, and be esteemed of according to their merits. SECT. V. 1. The falsity and injustice of the said Charge against the King manifested in all the particulars. 2. Who they are that sit in the Scorners Chair. 3. The Enemy's reasons and ends of Charging the King with their own Conditions. BUt we having now seen the Nature of their Charge, we will consider also the Verity of it, or the falsity rather, for we §. 1. apprehend it as false, as foul; as injurious, as High: were it all true, yet according to Christian Religion, and the doctrine of the Bible, it were a great sin in them thus to object it: For is it fit to Job 34. 18. say to a King, thou art wicked, or to Princes, ye are ungodly? When Act. 23. 5. Saint Paul understood Ananias to be the Ruler, he confessed he had done ill, in calling him whited wall, (though indeed he was no better.) But seeing there is no more truth at all in the matter, then can be infused thereinto by virtue of a Vote: We are most confident that at the General Audit, (when all things and men shall be judged, as they are and have been,) it will be found a most malicious and transcendent wickedness, in these men thus to have slandered and belied the Lords Anointed, their own dread Sovereign. Themselves know well, that the King did not leave his place or seat at Westminster, but was most violently forced and driven away from thence, full sore against his will, (for the safeguard of his life,) by the rude multitudes, who were set on work (to be so irreverend towards him,) by them that took the Protestation to defend him. And they know too, that if the King could by his requests and messages, have obtained to have had a restraint of those so high affronts offered to him, he had not withdrawn himself from thence: But because we have not (to this very day,) heard of any person punished, or so much as checked, (for that contemptuous, and rebellious behaviour) by them, whom they call the Parliament, and the King's Great Council; we do believe that (when all Secrets shall be opened) it will be found, that even they, who have now authorised this Libel, and in it this impious Charge against the King, did then countenance those very contempts against him, on purpose to force him from them: Wherefore though the King must not be suffered to enjoy the Privilege of a King, or of a Man; yet they might permit him, without blame or grudging, to have the Liberty of the meanest Creature, in endeavouring to preserve his own life and being. And (say they) He hath not only left his place, but also (as they would have it believed,) hath rejected it for ever, hath bound himself to come no more there: Yea, And do all his proffers of pardon, all his endeavours for Treaties, all his desires of Accommodation, speak only so much, and no more? Do his private instructions to his Commissioners at Uxbridge (before mentioned) evidence this, and nothing else? Do his intentions to make his Queen the Happy instrument of renewing the meeting, (if he could have had but any demonstration, that the Rebels would yield to Reason, Paper 2.) discover nothing but this? Truly we do apprehend rather all these particulars to be Arguments of the contrary: when God the wronged Party, doth beseech the wicked world to be reconciled to himself, we apprehend he is willing to 2 Cor. 5. 20. pardon all offences, and to be friends with his enemies, if they would believe him: So when an abused Christian King, doth imitate God in this particular, we conceive it rather a sign, that He would be again at unity with His Rebellious Subjects, then that His purpose is, still to keep himself at a distance. We do find that such an Accusation or Slander as this is, was once laid to the Charge of God himself by a most disloyal and Hypocritical people, who having forced the Lord from them by their wickedness, and driven Him away by their ill usage, and thereby made themselves most miserable, did notwithstanding (as these do) very mannerly, lay all the fault upon Him, as if themselves had been the most innocent, and well-deserving people in the world: and his departure had been altogether causeless and on set purpose to bring upon the Heads of his people, all those sorrows, which their own ungodly doings alone had effected and procured. Zion said, the Lord hath forsaken me, my God hath forgotten Esay 49. 14. me. Nay, (it seems) they had charged him (as these do their King) that he had even quite divorced himself from them, bound himself to come no more at them, nor to own them for his people; for God argues the case with them, upon such their Charge, and that first in a mild way (as our King hath often done with His enemies) and tells them he had not forgotten them, what ever they said of him; no, A mother could sooner forget the child of Vers. 15. her womb, than he could forget them: though they deserved not to be so well remembered by him. And then (in the beginning of the next Chapter) he comes more home unto them, and challengeth, and urgeth them, to bring their proof, to show the Bill of Divorcement, whereby (they said) he had cast them off: So may our Esay 50. ●. King call upon these his Accusers, to produce the Bonds they talk of, the Obligations whereby he hath tied himself to fit elsewhere: surely they that read this their Libel, may easily believe, that if either the Authors, or Authorizers of it, had any thing to this purpose, tending to the King's further disgrace or defamation, they would not fail to publish the same in Print, that all the world might see it. But as those Accusers of God, failing in their Evidence, had the blame retorted upon themselves, Behold, for your iniquities have you sold yourselves: So may these Accusers of the King, thus Charging their own faults upon Him, (without any injury) have the same returned upon their own Heads, the miseries which are upon the Kingdom by reason of the King's absence, they may thank their own selves for: And as the Lord in that place doth further convince them of the wrong they did him, by declaring his continual readiness to help them out of those miseries, whereinto they had brought themselves, if they would but hear him, believe in him, and trust unto him; which he proves, by minding them of what he had done formerly, what Acts of grace he had passed already for their good, inferring thereby, that he was both able and willing to do as much again, if they would but give him leave by taking his word. So may the King, and so hath the King, by the very same ways and means evidenced his innocency and freedom from those their unjust accusations: what readiness hath he always showed in denying himself to satisfy them? What Acts of grace hath He already passed? never any King hath done the like. Let the bitterest of His Enemies deny it if they can; what could be desired by reasonable men, which he hath not offered and promised unto them, if they would but believe him, and trust unto him? But this they will not be brought unto, for it is one of the most difficult things in the world, for a Person that hath been so highly wronged, as He hath been, and intends well, to gain credit from them, that have abused him: their own guiltiness makes them incredulous, and without Faith 'tis impossible that either God or the King, should be able to do any people good; as it was said by our Saviour, that himself could do Mat. 13. 58. no mighty works in a certain place, because of the people's unbelief. Mar. 6. 5, 6. So may it be said of the King, he cannot do that good he would, unto his people, because of their unbelief. As God is better than man can conceive him to be, so the King is better than these men will believe him to be; yea (in regard of their abuses of him) I may say, than they can believe him to be. It was the saying of a good Subject, since these wars begun, O that the people of England did but know their King, they would love him, they would believe him, they would not abuse him. But we must not wonder to see a good King in God's condition. We proceed therefore to their next particular, where they §. 2. Charge the King, to have settled himself in the seat of the Scornful, and we will see their truth in that. The Psalmist informs us, that those (only) that are at ease▪ Psa. 123. 4. have leisure to take up a sitting in that place, and not those that are in an afflicted condition: Did the King live the life of the men of Westminster, and had all the wealth and pleasures of this Kingdom at his command; and were he withal of their disposition, endued with their spirits, to act their parts, there might be some probability of truth in this particular; but it being clean contrary with them, there is no likelihood at all in it. 1. Had He been a Subject, and (by good fortune) chosen Burgess of some Corporation, or Knight of some Shire, and sat in the House of Commons amongst them at this present, and had concurred, first, in pretending to settle Religion, to make a glorious Church, to advance Christ: and then afterward in consulting, how to take away the Church's maintenance, to slight the places of God's Worship, that they might be of no more esteem then common Houses, Alehouses, Barns and Stables: in persecuting, banishing, and imprisoning the Fathers of the Church, and Ministers of Jesus; those in special who have been the greatest opposers of Antichristianity and Popery; and in giving liberty to all Sects and Religions, (save only to the true one, which commands Humility, Loyalty, and Obedience) had he (I say) been such a man, and thus employed; then he might justly indeed have been said to sit in the Chair of the scornful, and to have exercised his scoffs and scorns against God himself. Or 2. had he been one of those, that under pretence of advancing the Liberty and Happiness of the Subject, should vote away the Subjects right to his own goods, sometimes a twentieth part, sometime a fifth part, sometime all; under a pretence of taking away Monopolies and Illegal payments, should bring in such new tolls and taxations as the Nation was never acquainted with; excize upon bread, beer, butter, cheese, flesh, and all Commodities that are used for the life of man: under pretence of being one of the good Patriots and preservers of their country, should raise Wars, cause desolations, burn houses, hire strange Nations with their Country's money, to come to kill their Countrymen: under pretence of keeping tender Consciences from unnecessary matters, should force upon them unlawful Oaths, ungodly Covenants, even to the taking up of Arms against their Sovereign (to whom they have sworn Allegiance) to the damnation of their souls for ever, without deep Humiliation and Repentance: Had the King I say, been one of these men, and done thus, He might deservedly have been said to have sat in the Scorners Chair, and to have laughed to scorn a whole Nation. Or 3. had He been one of that number, who talk of making the King a glorious Monarchy; and yet take from Him all His Power & Authority, not suffer Him to have so much as the choice of His own Servants, the Rule of His own Family, the disposal of His own Children, the society of His own Wife: That promise to make Him the richest Prince in Christendom, & yet rob Him of all His Goods and Revenues, and not allow Him so much (if they can help it) as shall buy Him bread to eat, or clothes to wear; that call themselves His most Humble and obedient Subjects: yet obey Him in nothing, but study to vex, and cross Him in every thing; hire fellows to hunt Him, to shoot at Him, and (if they can) to kill Him: that avouch great love and affection to Him, & desires to advance His Honour, and yet Authorise Libels and base Books, to defame, slander, and reproach Him: If the King were one of this Generation, and should concur in such Actions, He might be said to sit in the seat of the Scornful indeed, and to bestow His Scorns before all the world upon His Sovereign. Or lastly, were He one of them, that partly by fraud, partly by violence, having stripped their Sovereign of all His Weapons, Castles, Ships and Towns, and of the Hearts of many of His People, and scarce left Him a place to hide His Head in, in three Kingdoms; should maintain a cursed villain to proclaim up and down the world, that He is run away very Majestically to set up a new Monarchy in the I'll of Anglesey: this indeed were to sit in, and to fill up the Seat of the Scornful: for this is right Hail King of the Jews, which was plain scorning in the Hall at Jerusalem, (according to Scripture) and so doubtless, (if Scripture might be Judge) it is in the Hall at Westminster. We do confess and believe, that were the King in this sort qualified, conditioned, and exercised, than that imputation of theirs might be laid upon him: But it being with him as it is, we see no reason above-board, why they should entitle him to the scorners Chair, unless his Magnanimity, and Christian Courage bearing his burden of affliction, be taken to be a contemning and scorning at their malice. But yet they have a reason doubtless, and ends too, for this their charging the King, though they think it fit for to conceal them. I am one appointed of God, to detect the devices of Satan, and to unkennel the thoughts of the wicked; and I dare be bolder with them, than they for their own Credit sake, dare be with themselves, and therefore I shall discover them. First their Reason (I apprehead) is this; they know themselves worthy to be both abhorred and scorned of all men; and do believe they are so in the Hearts of all the wise, for their most abominable and gross hypocrisy; yea, they know in their Consciences, that God scorns at them, (they being exercised as those are whom Scripture affirmeth God holdeth in derision:) and therefore Psal. 2. 2, 3, 4. they speak of the King's scorn at them, from the guilt of their Psal. 73. 11, 12 own merits and deservings. Prov. 3. 34. Then their Ends (I conceive) are these, first, to make His Majesty appear abominable unto the world, (which is the main scope of all their endeavours) for 'tis said, the Scorner is an abomination Prov. 24. 9 unto men. And secondly, that the blind and seduced vulgar, might not think them to be guilty of that sin, which, with so much boldness, and bitterness they do first of all charge upon the King. It is the known policy of a wicked harlot, to call her honest neighbour whore first, and of a pickpurse pursued, to cry stop the Thief, that himself might not be suspected to be the man: You take too much upon you Moses and Aaron, cried Numb. 16. those Grand Rebels, when themselves only did so: And one who had sold himself to work wickedness, laid it to the charge of good Elias, that he troubled Israel, because his guilty 1 Kings 18. 17. Conscience told him, that the Prophet, and all other honest men beside, had cause to accuse him for so doing; and this is the very case of these men, who (as we see) have done nothing in this particular, without Precedent and example; though we confess in respect of the Circumstances, these men are more bitterly scornful, then ever any were, that we read of in Scripture or elsewhere. It was bitterly done of the Philistimes, when they had weakened Samson, and brought him into an afflicted condition, to Jud. 16. mock and scorn at him in his misery, yet they did not, in those their mocks charge him with scorning them; And the Persecutors of our Saviour did deal bitterly with him, when in derision they Crowned him with Thorns, put a Reed into his hand, in stead of a Sceptre, called him King, bowed the knee to Him; and then advanced him upon a Cross instead of a Throne; yet they did not at that time in their scoffing and flouting expressions say, that His Cross was the Chair of the Scornful: and that he being fastened to that, did sit in the Scorners seat, and scorn at them: But these men are pleased even thus to deal with their King and Sovereign, as all the world may see by their Language; so that the King hath cause to complain in the words of the Psalm, Our soul is exceedingly filled with the scorn of them that be at Psal. 123. 4. ease, and with the contempt of the proud. And we his Subjects Psal. 31. 20. will pray in his behalf, as the Psalmist in another place, Let the lying lips be put to silence (O Lord) which thus cruelly, thus disdainfully, and thus despitefully speak against the Righteous. And we are confident (as the Wiseman says) that the High and Holy God scorneth at these scorners, and hath prepared heavy judgements Prov. 3. 34. 19 29. for them. SECT. VI First, of the King's Error in following evil Counsellors, and who they were: His Majesty scorned at by the Libelers for his tenderness of Conscience, and hopes in God's Justice. 2. The folly and falsehood of the Libelers Charge against Strafford and Canterbury. 3. The Enemies acquit the King of having a voluntary hand in strafford's death. 4. They hint the right Reason of his withdrawing from Westminster. THe next particular which these (honest and good men, as they would be accounted) do charge their King withal, is, that He hath walked in the Counsels of the ungodly to the ruin almost of three Kingdoms. Indeed it cannot be denied, the King hath been exceeding unhappy §. 1▪ in his Counsellors, and himself doth intimate that his walking after their advice, hath been a main cause of God's judgement upon this Kingdom. His words to this purpose are these (Paper. 22.) Nothing can be more Evident, then that strafford's Innocent blood, hath been one of the great causes of God's Judgement upon this Nation, by a furious Civil War, both sides being hitherto almost equally punished, as being in a manner equally guilty▪ but now this last crying blood, being totally theirs, I believe it is no presumption hereafter to hope, that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them, and lighter upon us, looking now upon our Cause, having passed by our faults. This Christian and pious ackowledgement of the King, these men scoff at, in their Notes upon it, and deride at that remorse of Conscience, which his Majesty discovers, for his permitting the shedding of strafford's blood. He left him (say they) to the Block against Conscience, as is now alleged; and again, Remorse Pag. 49. of Conscience suggesteth to the King, etc. Yea, and they do seem to glory in what themselves did do, to the spilling of it; and to rejoice, that none but themselves had a hand in the death of Canterbury: Yea, and further how slightfully, (if not scoffingly) do they speak of the Kings mentioning God's Hand of Justice in the business? Their words are these, Pag. 49. The King in his Letter of Jan. 14. takes it as evident, that strafford's Libel. p. 49. innocent blood, has brought the Judgement of this Civil war equally upon both sides, both being equally guilty thereof: His meaning is, that he and his side, was as guilty in permitting, as the Parliament was in prosecuting: But now for Canterbury's blood, that being totally put upon the Parliaments score, he doubts not but the Hand of Justice, will from henceforth totally lay the weight of this guilt upon the Parliaments side. (Yet the King's words are, I believe it is no presumption hereafter, to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them.) Considering the time when this their scornful Comment, upon the King's expressions came forth, viz. immediately after their Victory at Nazeby field, by their Victorious * Yet should God incline the Heart of Sir Thomas Fairfax to adhere unto his Lord and Sovereign, no doubt but some of them would as much revile him in their language, as now they seem to honour him, with the title of Victorious: Which indeed they have sufficiently done since the King's deliverance from Holmeby. Sir Thomas Fairfax (for so they call him,) we understand their sense to be this: The King talks of God's Hand of Justice, and doubts not, but the same will from the time of Canterbury's death, lay the weight of the guilt of blood totally upon our side: Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax hath answered him sufficiently in that particular, and declared to the world, what his hopes in God's Justice are come to; well, let him please himself still in those fancies, so long as we have the ●●nd of Victorius Sir Thomas Fairfax on our side, we will give him leave, to flatter himself in that Hand of Justice he speaks of, etc. And yet let these scoffers of these last times, that say, Where is the promise of his coming? for since the father fell a sleep, all things continue as successful as they did before; let them (I say) know, that God's Justice may awaken soon enough, to their Confusion. Quod defertur non aufertur, the longer the blow is in coming, the heavier will its fall be: Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est, the day of the Lord will come suddenly upon them, as a thief in the night. Quos dies vidit veniens superbos, hos dies vidit fugiens jacentes. But they go on in that place, and inform us, who those ungodly ones were, whose Council in this other place they say the King has followed, to the ruin almost of three Kingdoms, Their words are these. The truth is, Strafford and Canterbury were the chief firebrands Libel. pag. 49. of this war, the two ill Counsellors, that chiefly incensed the King against the Scots, and endeavoured to subject all the three Kingdoms to a new Arbitrary Government, and are now justly executed for attempting the subversion of that Law, which the King has perfected since. Because dead folks cannot speak for themselves, and because §. 2. it is so Voted, therefore Strafford and Canterbury were the chief firebrands of this war, and so for truth it must be taken; though one of them was quite extinct, a year before this war begun, and the other kept, by his Accusers in so close obscurity, that his sparks, (if he had any in him to this purpose) could not possibly fly abroad. But let me ask a question, did not the wisemen of the Kingdom, quench these firebrands to prevent the flame? how came it then to break forth after they were extinguished? had they lived, been both at liberty, and afforded their full concurrence, could possibly the flame have been more great and detrimental? Again, why was not the imputation proved, (at least) against Canterbury, who lived almost three years after the war was begun, when they wanted matter to put him to death? Surely the Law hath so well provided, in a case of this Nature, that if there had been any such matter, His Enemies should not have needed to solicit, for the people's Votes and Hands to get him dispatched: But it was Canterburyes Honour, to drink of his Master's cup, The voices of the people, and of the Priests prevailed. Luk. 23. 23. And indeed these quenched firebrands, were so far from kindling this fire, that we apprehend rather, they were quenched to this end, lest they should have hindered it, from being kindled: When Charles was King, and Strafford Deputy of Ireland, and Canterbury Metropolitan of this Church, we had no wars in England: strafford's blood we grant was a firebrand, which we, (with the King) believe still burns upon us, his Prayers at his death, (to the contrary) could not stop the cry of it, from pulling down of vengeance: And Canterburyes blood (we fear) will cry louder yet, against the people of this Land; who by giving their Votes, (where the Law gives none) to take away his life, have cried out against themselves, His blood be upon us, and upon our Children. But say these men, (who never slandered any but their betters) Mat. 27. 25. Strafford and Canterbury were two evil Counsellors, (and yet Strafford and Canterbury died like two Christian Martyrs; and might the latter end of their Accusers, be but like theirs, it would be their happiness in one kind, and ours in another.) They chiefly incensed the King against the Scots: (but they did not stir up the Scots against the King, in provoking them to an insurrection; nor did they hinder the King's Act of mercy and pardon towards them afterwards, much less did they after that Act of Pacification, with that Nation send for those Scots into England, and hire them with English money, to cut the throats of English men: Had they been Counsellors in such matters, they had been ill Counsellors indeed.) But say they, Strafford and Canterbury endeavoured to submit all these three Kingdoms to a new Arbritrary Government, and were duly executed, for attempting that subversion of Law, which the King hath perfected since. It was well, they did but endeavour a new Arbritrary Government, not erect it; they did but attempt a subversion of Law, not effect it; but some others since their times, have gone further, and turned all Law into Vote, and all Justice and Reason into Violence and Will: For if there be this day, in Europe, a more Arbritrary, cruel, and butcherly Government, then hath been exercised in England by some since Strafford and Canterbury were set aside, from having to do in the world, my reading fails me; if to take away lands, estates, goods, good name, and lives from men, without any allegation of Law, or reason, but only the Parliament judgeeth so; or, the People will have it so: if this be not Arbritrary Government, I know not what is: therefore if Strafford and Canterbury were justly executed, (as these say) for attempting; let all men judge, how deservedly aught these others to be executed for accomplishing such designs? But these men tell us further, that the King hath since perfected that subversion of Law, which those his ill Counsellors had formerly attempted. 'Tis too well known, that the customary way of these men's Honouring the King, is by casting on him, the scandal of their own doings: The Law we confess is subverted, and overthrown, but the King can no more be said, to have done the same, than David could be said to have killedd Abner, and Amasa, because he was the Sovereign to those sons of Zeruiah, who did the deed, and were so subtle, and strong, that he could neither restrain them from it, nor bring them to condign punishment for it. And let all modest and ingenuous men observe, how desperate, and bold these men are, in their aspersions against the King: they affirm, He hath subverted Law, and walked in the Council of the ungodly, to the ruin almost of 3. whole Kingdoms. They could have said no more, if when the Militia and Power were in his sole hands; things, had been, as now they are: But we, and themselves too, can all witness, that when the Parliament met, no drop of blood was yet spilled in Ireland; no Commotions were stirring in Scotland, for the King by his Grace and Goodness, had allayed all; nor was there any complaining of Soldiers, nor plundering in the streets of England: all the three Kingdoms were in peace; and to continue them therein, the King calls a Parliament, and gives power to the Members thereof, and encouragement withal, to settle all things both in Church and Commonwealth, for the Subjects benefit, even as firmly as themselves (who were entrusted and chosen by their fellow Subjects for that purpose) could possibly devise. He denies them nothing in pursuance thereof, suffers them to call all suspected officers and persons to account, not excepting Strafford or Canterbury; and further to assure His people of His strong desires to continue their happiness, He settles a triennial Parliament, as the most special mean to prevent ill Counsellors in aftertimes: yet these Accusers tax the King of perverting the Law; and speak as if the three Kingdoms had been at the very brim of destruction, and quite ruined ere this, if the power had not been taken out of His Hands, by those, who (by their meekness, wisdom, and frugality) have put all the said Kingdoms into a more hopeful condition of preservation, (as it must be believed, though against all sense and experience) than they were in before. Indeed had those undertakers done that work for which they were summoned, and called together, the King's good Subjects, in all His Kingdoms, might have had cause of mentioning their names with perpetual Honour: but they (as it seemeth) envying that happiness which their fellow Subjects were likely to enjoy, by those new enacted Laws, and especially by the triennial Parliament; fairly pretending other matters, did get the same Act presently made useless, by another, for the continuation of this: which hath created themselves, (as they suppose and intend) perpetual dictator's, and all their fellow Subjects perpetual slaves. For let these perpetual great Counsellors, approve themselves never so evil, and detrimental to-Church and State, yet the poor Subject must be forced by the Militia (which they have got into their hands) to believe them unerring; for He shall have no benefit by the triennial Parliament, to examine their doings. And hence also it is, that they have balked the trial of men by established Law, and (conceiving themselves above it) have shunned to punish for those faults which the Law condemneth: and to show the Omnipotency of their power, have passed sentence of death, where the Law condemneth not, though Scripture teacheth, that where is no Law, there is no Transgression: the giving way to which very thing, was, and is a trouble to the King's Conscience, and the cause of His first dislike of their Courses, witness their own words which are to this purpose. The King adjudged Strafford worthy of death, yet not for Treason Libel p. 49. as it was Charged upon him, but not being able to save his life, without using force, and finding force very dangerous, He left him to the block against Conscience as is now alleged. That the King adjudged Strafford worthy of death, for any thing, §. 3. is more than we heard before, nor have we any reason to believe the same now, upon the bare report of these men; yet to do them a courtesy, we may suppose it to be as they say, for the present; and than it follows, (as all may see) that they do not Charge the King for desiring to save strafford's life absolutely, (for they say the King himself judged him worthy of death:) but for being against his suffering for Treason: So that (in brief) the King's sin only was, according to the Testimony of His most deadly Enemies) He would that Strafford should have suffered death, only for his faults, and not for that, whereof he was not guilty. As became a righteous Judge, the King would have had His Great Council, to have done Justa, Just, Righteous things in a Righteous manner; as conceiving that way of proceeding to be most acceptable unto God, and most likely to continuate his blessings upon the Kingdom: but being not able by fair means to persuade them to that; and considering that to use force might be a remedy worse than the disease, the blood of many innocent persons, might be spilled to save one; and yet perhaps (the power and the malice of the Adversary being so High, that one not saved neither) He was constrained against His Conscience to leave him to the block; and for His being so tender Conscienced in this case, He is thought worthy of Scorn by these men, (His most Religious, Obedient, and loving Subjects.) He left him to the Block against Conscience (say they) as is now alleged. But indeed, they have sufficiently by these their words acquitted the King to the whole world, of having a voluntary hand in the spilling of strafford's innocent Blood, (for so it may be called, because he was innocent of that for which he suffered, though in some other respects, (if it were true as they say,) he might be adjudged guilty:) and like them that cried, his blood be upon us, and upon our Children, they take the matter wholly upon themselves; for which we thank them, and for which we believe that God in his due time will remember them. By those their words they have also well hinted to our understandings, how far, and in what sort the King hath walked in the Counsels of the ungodly, to the ruin (as they say) almost of three Kingdoms: To which purpose they proceed further, (in the same place) and say. Canterbury remains in the same case, and now remorse of Conscience, Libel. p. 49. (or rather the old Project of altering Law) Suggests to the King, that if no restraint be used, strafford's Precedent will cast Canterbury, and Canterbury's all the rest of the Conspirators, and so the people will make good their Ancient freedom still. Had these men remembered where all the old Projectors and Monopolizers now sit, and on which side they do Militare, or had they bethought themselves, how unable they are to instance, in any one good Law, which the King did ever alter; they would certainly have omitted their malicious Parenthesis: But by their putting it in, they give us to see, that they will not forget their old Project of casting their own faults upon the Innocent. But what doth the Old project of altering Law suggest to the King? Why (say they) that strafford's Precedent would cast Canterbury: But had not they provided a remedy against that suggestion, by ordering that strafford's Precedent should be no Precedent to cast others by, in after times? If there be any virtue in their own Order, or rather Honesty in them that made it; we cannot see how strafford's Precedent could be any prejudice to Canterbury: For who shall urge it against him, but only themselves, that made it uncapable of being urged? We cannot possibly suppose, that were the King such an alterer of Law, (as they would have it believed) that he should desire an alteration of that Ordinance to the damage of Canterbury: nor is there any other Law capable of alteration, (as we conceive,) whereby strafford's Precedent might hurt him: But when that Ordinance was made, the Authors of it had respect only unto themselves, for intending then to go in those ways, for which they had condemned Strafford, they did wisely provide that his Precedent should not be in force in aftertimes against themselves: Nor (indeed) did they then know, they should need to make any use of strafford's Precedent against Canterb▪ or against any other of the Conspirators, which they talk of: the men's heads were full of business, they could not foresee, or forethink of all things at once: nor did they remember things past, when this particular passage was written, and authorized to be published; but it makes for my purpose, and helps me well, to evidence to the world, what good Hearts they bear unto their Sovereign: And what strong Arguments they have to prove him to be an Alterer of Law. But the main thing we learn from those their words, is this, §. 4. (though Hatred will not let them speak it in modest terms:) when the King perceived by their proceedings with Strafford, what the Course was which they would take with Cauterbury, and the rest, (whom malice and faction would make Delinquents,) and observed their design, to have him to concur with themselves, in condemning the Righteous, which he found his Conscience would never digest: for it (being of a more Divine and tender temper then theirs,) was smitten with sad remorse, for what was already done, (though sore against his will,) and fearing, if he walked any longer, (though by enforcement,) in those their Counsels, God's wrath might fall down more heavily yet upon him, and his three Kingdoms: He therefore removed himself, from their Assembly: this is the thing which they intimate unto us. And here let us with Reverence and admiration observe the hand of the Almighty God, overruling the tongues and pens of these men; they had formerly taxed the King for leaving and abborring (as they were pleased to speak) his seat in Parliament, which they suggested, he did on purpose, to speak destruction to his people: but here, unawares (it seems) unto themselves, God makes them declare the true reason of his departure thence, to be, that he might not speak destruction to his people, but safety and Honour still if possible, that he might not imbrue his hands in the blood of innocent and Loyal Subjects, against Law and Conscience: yea surely, lest the rest of that guilt of blood which he saw was likely to be spilled, should be charged upon the Head of him, and his posterity: He withdrew himself from their society, and did for the present, even abhor to be amongst them: When God pleaseth (we see) he can make men speak truth, whether they will or no. And truly let any man who hath Conscience judge in the matter, whether the King did not do prudently, and conscientiously in his forsaking them, when he perceived their purpose and resolution was, to have him sit there amongst them, only with a Reed or Pen in his Hand, to sign and own, as his Act and Deed, whatever they alone should vouchsafe to do; that so they might cast the blame and Odium of all their Injustice, afterwards upon him; which is most apparent they would have done, if he had stayed; for being by his departure, frustrate of such their intentions, they seem to cast it all upon the people, by those words, if no resistance be used, strafford's Precedent, will cast Canterbury, and Canterbury's all the rest of the Conspirators, and so the people will make good their ancient freedom still: As if the people of their own accords, without being requested thereunto, or solicited by others; for the upholding and making good some Ancient Privilege, which they formerly had enjoyed, and now (if the King were able to make resistance) were in danger to be deprived of: Had desired that those men, (Strafford and Canterbury) should be put to death, only by their Votes and not by Law. Indeed I read that in Heathen Rome, the People had such a Custom, to voice men to death; (and such men they should commonly be, as had done the Commonwealth best service,) and from the Custom perhaps it was, that Pilate a Roman Magistrate, did permit the people of the Jews, (against all Law and right) to voice Christ to be crucified: But I never heard that the people of England were wont to do so in any age, till this new Arbritrary Government was set up: And we believe it will be easier for these Libelers, to make the people, (as the world now goes with many of them) Pagans' and Jews in such desires, then to prove that any such Custom did ever yet hitherto belong unto them; nor will it avail much to the people's comforts at the great day, or to their own securities in the mean while, if now they should purchase any such Privilege. But I leave the People to consider of this matter themselves, and return to these King-accusers; who have themselves well answered their own accusation against their Sovereign, and declared the true Reason of his leaving his Seat at Westminster; to which they might have added another, viz. Gods calling him from thence, both by his Word and Providence. 1. By his Word, which a King, as well as another man, is bound Prov. 1. 10. to observe, and give heed unto: My Son, if sinners entice thee, consent thou not: if they say, let us lay wait for blood, let us lurk privily for the innocent without cause, etc. My son, walk not thou in the way with them, refrain thy foot from their path, for their feet run to evil, and make haste to shed blood. 2. By his Providence, in his permitting the tumultuous people to rise against him, and to force him from thence, Consul providentiam Dei, cum verbo Dei, (says one) and when with the Word, Providence concurs, there is doubtless a special call from heaven. But the King having these grounds of withdrawing himself, some may wonder why in that former place, they so heavily charge him, to have walked to the ruin of his three Kingdoms, by abhorring his Seat and Council: as if his leaving that were the sole cause of all our woe. I answer, in a word, Their reason, I conceive, is, because the King being of a soft and tender conscience, is unwilling to bear the guilt, therefore he shall (whether he will or no, if they can help him to it) bear all the blame; being unchargeable of real evils, he shall be burdened with imaginary; the Devil and his Members desire no greater advantage against those they hate, then to see them meekly scrupulous; nor do they please themselves better in any thing, then in loading with slanders, and tormenting the righteous, when they see them to be in an afflicted condition. Shimei cursed his Sovereign, and falsely called him A bloody man, and the destroyer of Saul's house, because ●e saw him in a low condition: So these men fancy they may say any evil against their King, because he is in an afflicted condition; they may speak to his farther grief, because he is already grieved. But as David in that place says, so say we, It may be the Lord will look upon the affliction of his Anointed, and will requite good the sooner to him, even for these their accursed and false scandals of him. And O our God, our eyes are towards thee, we will wait for thy salvation. And thus I hope, I have now made it apparent, that there is as little of Verity, as there is of Piety, in that reproachful Charge, which these ill disposed Libelers, these Martin Markings have cast upon their Sovereign; now we shall observe how they proceed. They address their speech to the Reader in general, whom they suppose to be either a Friend or an Enemy to their cause, and say, If thou art well affected to the Cause of Liberty and Religion, which Libel. the two Parliaments of England and Scotland now maintain, against a Combination of all the Papists in Europe almost, especially the bloody Tigers of Ireland, and some of the Prelatical Court Faction in England, thou wilt be abundantly satisfied with these Letters here Printed, and take notice how the Court hath been Cajold by the Papists, and we the more believing Protestants by the Court. SECT. VII. 1. What that Liberty is, which the pretended Parliament do maintain. 2. And what that Religion may be, which they are about to set up: Reasons to show it may haply be the Popish, or peradventure the Turkish. 3. Six Arguments to prove, it cannot be the Christian Protestant. THe Reader may be well affected to that Reformed Religion, §. 1. which Gods holy and pure Word teacheth, which the Church of England this fourscore years' last passed hath pulikly professed; and to that Liberty which Christianity alloweth, which the Subjects of this Land above any other in the World, most happily have enjoyed under their Sovereign Princes; and which the Parliaments of this Kingdom (before this) have concurred in the establishing of; and yet no way affected to that cause of Liberty and Religion, which these men speak of: Nay, if the Reader may judge of Liberty and Religion, by its fruits, (according to Christ's Rule) He being a Christian, must needs loathe their Liberty, and being a Protestant, must needs hate their Religion. For (first) what is that Liberty which they maintain? If the uncontrolled practice of those that be obsequious to them; or if their own Acts and Ordinances may speak; it is such a Liberty as Turk's exercise over Christians; or as Cannibals in the Western World exercise over their fellow-Heathens; or as Beasts of prey do practice upon inferior Creatures. A Liberty which only the strong can enjoy, but the weak and feeble are the worse for. A Liberty which Lions, Wolves, and Kites may thrive upon, but Lambs, Kids, and Doves will be undone by. A Liberty for them that have Might and Power, to take away their neighbour's goods by Sea and Land. A Liberty to Kill, Slay, and Cain-like) their own Brethren, whom they hate; or that be not of their opinion. A Liberty to do as * See the lookingglass of Schism, by that Learned Minister of Christ M. Peter Studley. Enoch ap Evan did without danger of Hanging. A Liberty to Steal; a Liberty to Lie; a Liberty to Slander and Rail upon their Betters. A Liberty which the Devil liketh above all things. A Liberty to break the Oath of Allegiance, and all God's Commandments, (so they observe the Ordinances of Parliament.) A Liberty to be of any Religion, save only of the True. A Liberty for the Child to Rebel against the Parent, the Servant against his Lord, and for the Base to rise against the Honourable. A Liberty to shake off the Yoke of Subjection and Obedience to their Sovereign. A Liberty to take from Him, what God hath given Him, Authority, Power, Wealth, and Honour. A Liberty to mock Him, to scorn at Him in His Affliction, to write Libels against Him, to hunt Him up and down His Kingdoms, like a Partridge upon the Mountains; to murder Him if they can. A Liberty to Vote away men's Estates, and to voice away the lives of their fellow-Subjects, when there is no Law to condemn them. In a word, a Liberty for every man, to do what is right in his own eyes, or as himself lusteth, provided that He will take part with the Parliament, (as they call it) against those whom they please to judge their Enemies; we do not say, that all particulars that be on that side, do act all and every of these things, but they may, if they have power, and a will thereto, for they have Liberty as well as the rest of their faction, (who are already the Servants of Corruption) this is that cause of Liberty which they maintain. Now (in the second place) for their Religion, what is that? §. 3. Truly we cannot tell, unless we say of it, as was wont to be spoken of that of the Papists in the Prayer, on the fift of November, Their Religion is Rebellion, their Faith Faction, and their Practice Murdering of Souls and Bodies. For since they have pulled down, and discountenanced the Religion of Jesus Christ established amongst us, (which was a Religion of Peace, Patience, Obedience, Love) they have not given us a platform of any, that we might know what Faith they fight for; what Religion in particular it is which they maintain; we confess we are yet to seek what 'tis they aim at: sometime we see occasion to think 'tis the Popish Religion which they are setting up; sometime, that 'tis the Turkish; we cannot imagine that it can be the Christian Protestant Religion, for that is it which they only labour to destroy. When we observe how they deny the King's Supremacy, not only in spirituals, but also in temporals; How they take upon them to absolve from the Oath of Allegiance; to loosen Subjects from their Loyalty, to raise Rebellions; How they allow of King-slandring, King-hunting, King-killing; How they make Gods Commandments of none effect by their traditions and Ordinances, preferring these before the precepts of Christ, in their inflicting greater penalties for the not observing them: How they challenge infallibility unto themselves, requiring Faith and Obedience to their dictates and judgements; the people must believe as the Parliament Judgeth, they must hold the opinion of not Erring, and of the necessary assistance of God's Spirit in the Parliament Committees, as the Romanists conceive to be in their Papal Consistories: They must fancy in them a like unlimited Authority, to dispense with God's Laws against theft, murder, oppression, and the like, as some Papists do, to be in the Pope; and as what is done by his Command, so what is done by theirs, must be believed to be done by Gods. As he will be accounted God's Lieutenant, so will they, by a Commission of their own making; as what is done, for the advantage of his See, so what is for the furthering of their designs, must be apprehended to be done for the upholding of Christ; and as 'tis taught by some of the Popish Clergy, that whoever is out of Papal Obedience must undoubtedly perish; so hath it been Preached by some of the Parliament Ministers, that whoever is not under the Obedience of Parliament, is a Malignant, and in state of Damnation. When I consider of these and such like particulars, & withal how bold they are with the Scriptures of God, in corrupting with their false glosses and interpretations à la mode de Rome, the pure text and Word of God, forcing it to speak against itself, in furtherance of their cause. How Saint Paul himself is in danger of an Index Expurgatorius from them also: how he hath been censured already, for his speaking so broadly against the sin of Rebellion; to speak in those points or places, rather as a Politician, in respect of the times wherein he lived, then as a Divine: Considering also, how they shun disputes with us, whom they account their adversaries, (as the Papists were wont to do:) How they inhibit the reading of our Books: How they command the simple people, (who are their Disciples) not to join with us in our Prayers to God, or in our praises of God, yea, taking an Oath of some of them to that purpose: no, the Wife must not pray with her Husband, nor the Child with his Parent; if the Husband or Parent do profess themselves for the King, and for the ancient established Church of England, (as we are able to prove by particular Examples.) In a word, considering how they pursue us with lies and slanders; how they imprison us, and force upon our Consciences, ungodly Covenants; How they persecute with fire and sword, all that be not of their opinion, (as the Papists of old were wont to do.) How like to the proceedings of the Popish Inquisition, these of their holy House are, in divers particulars, which might be instanced in; when we do consider of these, and many such like matters, wherein they imitate those of Rome, we think it to be the Roman Religion which they mean to maintain, and set up amongst us. Not that we think they will admit of the Pope's Authority, for they intent to be Popes themselves: as Henry the 8. disclaimed the Pope's Supreamacy, but retained many Points of his Religion, so perhaps will they do: these be our thoughts sometimes. But then again, we fear it may be the Turkish Religion which they mean to advance, when we consider what correspondency they have with the Turks in divers things, viz. How they have sold and made money of Christian men, which none in Europe save only Turks are wont to do: How it hath been propounded among some of them, to send to Argier, and to sell for slaves the Messengers of JESUS CHRIST, together with others of their Countrymen (of better Condition than themselves) whom for their Religion and Conscience sake they have imprisoned. How themselves are turned to be robbers and Pirates like those of Argier, making all their own, which by rapine and violence they can get from Christians: How they have suffered those thieves (their Brethren) to steal away Christian Children, from these our Coasts, while themselves (possessing our means of defence) have stood still looking on, or else were busy in the interim, in taking away our goods: when we consider of these things; and also how they have chosen for the Propagation and maintenance of their new Religion, to walk rather in the way of Mahomet then of Christ, we conceive that they intent rather to be his Servants. For Mahomet did set up his Religion by fraud and force of Arms, by the sword and shedding of Blood, and so do these endeavour to set up theirs. Mahomet laid to perpetuate and continue his Religion, by introducing of ignorance, by deposition of Schools and Universities, by banishing of Learning; which is the very method of these men: whereas the way of Jesus Christ, (whom the Christians worship and obey) was clean contrary: And the Turks have judged of their cause and Religion by their military success, they think and plead it to be the best, because the most prosperous: so these men conclude by the same rule, that their cause is the better, because at the present, 'tis the most successful. These be our thoughts, and the grounds of our fears at other times, concerning the Religion which these new Religion makers do intend to set up and maintain. But what ever Religion it be, which they shall chance upon, §. 2. we conceive 'tis resolved amongst them, it shall not be the Christian Protestant Religion, what ever their outward pretences be, for this is that, which they labour only to destroy, as appears by many particulars. 1. By their persecuting and abusing the King, who is the chiefest Prince in the World, that publicly professeth himself the Defender of the Protestant Faith: and who hath maintained it in the greatest tranquillity and glory that ever it enjoyed since Christ's time; to whose Bosom all Christian Protestants in Europe have had recourse for relief & comfort, in days of darkness and Affliction: This Prince, this Man of God's right Hand, this Sun and Shield of distressed Christians; have these men laboured to obscure and darken, by lies, slanders, and reproaches; to weaken, and disable, by taking away his Authority, Wealth, and Power; to depose and murder, by hunting of him, shooting at him, and Rebelling against him; to the end he might never more be a nurcing Father to the persecuted Flock of Jesus: That the Sheep of the Lord, when worryed by Wolves in other Nations, might fly no more unto him for refuge; that the Lambs of Christ, which this Church under his Command hath brought forth may no longer enjoy pasture under so safe and so indulgent a Keeper. 2. By their discountenancing, Banishing, Imprisoning, and Murdering the Fathers and Doctors of the Protestant Christian Church, those in special, who have been the chiefest pillars and upholders of its glory; and strongest Champions against Antichristianity in their Generations; whose Works and labours are Famous through the Christian world; and whose Names after-Ages will not mention without Admiration: of which number are the these most Reverend, Grave and Learned Prelates and Doctors; Doctor Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of England. Doctor Usher, Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland. Doctor Davenaunt, Bishop of Salisbury. Doctor Morton, Bishop of Durham. Doctor Westfeeld, Bishop of Bristol. Doctor Hall, Bishop of Norwich. Doctor Ward, Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, Dr. Featly, Dr. Holdsworth, and many more of high worth and learning,) some of whom are already murdered, and forced out of God's vineyard into their Graves, by the Cruelties, Oppressions, and unkindnesses of these men: Others of them are now in persecution and banishment, and others in Bondage and Prison for the Gospel of Jesus; all of them in such a low, and disgraceful Condition, that (unless by their patience and example in sufferings,) they can do the Saviour of the world no more service. 3. By their exposing to contempt and beggary all that were in the Office of the Ministry, (those only excepted who to satisfy their lusts, were willing to make shipwreck of a good Conscience, and to Apostatise from the Faith received; to renounce the meek and peaceable Doctrine of the Gospel, which they had formerly taught; and to preach in the stead thereof, Sedition, Rebellion, War and Blood; stirring up the members of Christ, to Kill, Slay, and Destroy each other, according to the tenor of certain bloody and Antichristian Ordinances:) but all that held fast to the Testimony of Jesus, they have disgraced, defamed, silenced, banished, and beggared; Yea, one of the first things they set about, at the beginning of their meeting, was to make God's Prophets, the scorn of the World, vile and contemptible in people's eyes, that what ever they should preach, might not be believed; which they endeavoured, and in part effected, by giving public liberty, to all that would, to bring in what accusations they pleased against them; which were received and believed, without proof, though the informer were the most stinking drunkard, and vilest blasphemer, in the Country; and the Ministers, some of the most painful and conscientious, yea, were it never so evident, that malice alone, set the Accuser on work, to revenge himself, upon the Minister, for his endeavouring to reclaim him from some sin; yet should the said Accuser be openly countenanced and encouraged, by some of the shameless members; and the Messenger of God scorned, set at nought, his living sequestered, his person imprisoned, his wife and children turned out of doors, and all that he had taken from him; and the Honester the man, the worse used always, for by his known honesty, he would do Christ the more service (if let alone,) and their cause the more damage: and this sufficiently speaks their malice against Christian Religion. But 4. It appears further by the endeavours of some of them, to take away all certain and settled maintenance from the Ministers of Christ for time to come, that they might not have hereafter, any outward encouragement to set up his Religion again: Judge Cook in the Bishop of Winchester's case out of Ecclesiastical story observeth well, (and these men it seems have also noted the same) that this was the course which Julian the Apostate took in his days: He having a purpose (as these have) to ruin the profession of Christianity: Used not the sword as Dioclesian did, (though these indeed, to make the work more speedy, do act Dioclesian too) but he took away the means of the Clergies subsistence, knowing full well, that if maintenance once failed, the number of Preachers would not long continue: The said Julian also, would tell the Bishops and Pastors, when he stripped them of all they had, that in so doing, He had a special care of their soul's health, because the Gospel commended Poverty unto them. Such like flouts at the Doctrine of Christ, doth often fall from lips of the Apostates of these days. 5. By their pulling down all Christian order and forms of public Worship and Service, tending to decency and edification; by casting down, defiling, and defaming the Houses of God, turning many of them into Stables, Slaughter-houses, Prisons and Jakes; they have made closestools of Fonts and Pulpits, and done as bad to Communion Tables; they have rent the holy Bible in pieces, scorned at the Sacraments, Baptised Horses, robbed Churches of Sacramental Utensils, as Plate, Linen; calling it Idolatrous and Superstitious, because it had been only used in Christ's service: nay, the poor innocent Bells, because they have been the means of calling people together to Worship God, and to adore the Saviour of the World; must be pulled down and turned into Guns, that they may be another while Instruments of destruction to the Members of Jesus; (this indeed (as I read) was the manner of the Turks when they took Constantinople, they melted the Bells into Ordnances:) In a word, what ever evil or impiety the Enemies were wont to slander our Church withal; these men have acted, or suffered to be done, by those whom they maintain: insomuch that now the Priests of Rome shall not speak only lies as heretofore, when they tell the people, Sands, Europae Speculum, pag. 119. That in England, they abolish Church Sacraments, the means of Salvation, they either raze or rob Churches wheresoever they come, and make Stables of them; that they will neither have Temples nor form of Religion, nor do they serve God any way; yea, the English Nation is grown so barbarous, that they are very Cannibals, and devour one another. God knows, my Soul abhors to think, much more to name those things that are acted & done amongst as, nor should my pen be fouled with the mention of them, were they not visible to so many eyes, and did not necessity of defending impugned Truth, and an abused Church restrain me. But I would have all the Papists understand, (for to that end, do I thus speak) that we, who are of the true Protestant Christian Religion, do abhor and loathe these practices as much as any, and are persecuted to death by them, that do them, for our dislike of them. 6. By their suppression and demolition of all Monuments of Christianity, that there might be seen no more tokens of it in the Kingdom; as if they intended, that no man should be able hereafter to say, this Land was once Christian: The very festival times, when the Birth, Death, Resurrection & Ascension of our Saviour is commemorated, & which (next to the Preaching of God's Word, and Administration of the Sacraments) have been the most special means to confirm men's faith in the History of Christ; these they have inhibited and forbidden, as if they hated his very remembrance; God's wisdom appointed the Feast of Passeover, to be kept as an Ordinance for ever among the Jews, to mind them of their deliverance from Egypt, and to be a mean to assure their Children in after-Ages, of the truth of that great mercy: And the Church conceiving that our deliverance from sin and Satan, by the Birth, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of Exod. 12. 24. 25, 26. Christ, to be as a great a deliverance as that other, and to deserve as well to be remembered, did also apprehend that way or mean to be the best, to convey the notice of it to Posterity, which Gods own Wisdom devised; and that was by celebrating Annual Festivals in memorial thereof: but these men (it seems) have resolved to the contrary, for they will not have the same kept any longer in remembrance. Nay, that miraculous Thorn at Glassenbury, which was wont to celebrate the Festival of Christ's Nativity, by putting forth its leaves and flowers, was cut in pieces by these Militia men, that it might no longer Preach unto men, the Birth day of their Saviour. But what do I speak of days, and times, and teaching Trees? the very Doctrine itself, which Christ himself taught and practised, viz. the Doctrine of Peace, Patience, and passive obedience unto Princes, is reckoned obsolete and useless by these men: it was publicly maintained by a certain worthless Member at a great Committee in the Checquer Chamber, that such Doctrines were out of date in these days, and had been only proper to former times, when the Church was in a low Condition, and under the Persecution of Heathen Emperors. Nay, these men would not, that any true Christian Protestant should have leave to live, to relate unto posterity the Doctrine of his Saviour, as seemeth by their doings; their thirst for Protestant Blood, appeareth to be such, as if they desired that all of that Profession in the world, had but one Head, that so they might cut it off at one blow, for they have shed already more of it, within these four years, than ever was shed in Great Britain since the world began; and that for no other cause, that we yet know (for they never durst come to dispute it with us) then for holding to the Doctrine of Christ's Gospel: because we will not contrary to that, lift up our hands with them against our Sovereign. By these particulars, and many others which I might allege, it is evident (what ever they pretend to the contrary) that their endeavours are to destroy the Christian Protestant Religion. Our Saviour doth warrant us to judge of men by their fruits; wherefore 'tis no marvel if the Reader (being a true Protestant Christian) be not well affected to that cause of Liberty and Religion, which the two Parliaments of England and Scotland do seem to maintain. SECT. VIII. 1. Of the feigned Combination against the Parliament. 2. Our judgement of the Papists, and of their assisting the King. 3. Our abhorment of the Cruelties of the Irish, and how they are outgone by the English Rebels. 4. Our Opinion of the Court Faction, of what flock we are. 5. How the Libelers call themselves the more believing sort of people. BUt the Reason insinuated (by our Subtle Brethren) why §. 1. men should be affected to that their cause, is taken from the Consideration of the Persons against whom (as they say) 'tis maintained, viz. against a combination of all the Papists of Europe (almost) especially the bloody Tigers of Ireland, and some of the Prelatical and Court Faction in England. That there is any such Combination, (opposed by the two Parliaments, of England and Scotland) as these men mention, is more (perhaps) then the Readers have heard of before, or then they do yet believe upon the bare affirmation of these Relaters, who are but men, (& all men are Subject to Error.) Indeed we have heard of a most ungodly and unlawful Association, betwixt those whom they call the two Parliaments, and certain other people in England and Scotland: The tenor of which is, (if I rightly apprehend) never to lay down Arms, nor to admit of Peace, till they have accomplished their own ends upon the King and his Friends, and satisfied their Lusts upon them. And to defend and assist with their lives and fortunes, all those (whoever they be without exception) that shall join with them against the King & his Party. So that, be they Papists, Turks, Jews, Heathens, Atheists, Arrians, Irish Tigers, Devils of Hell, if they do but join with them against their King, and those that Honour him as Gods Anointed; for this very cause and reason, they have bound themselves by Oath, they have vowed and protested to defend and maintain them, with their lives and fortunes, even till death, and never to forsake them. If there be a more general illegal, and irreligious Combination then that is, (which any others have entered into) these relaters should have done well, to have given the Reader a Copy of the same; who otherwise must apprehend them in these their words, to be only at their old vomit again: Because they cannot possibly devise more evil, and mischief to Charge upon others, than themselves do practice against others, therefore they still impute unto others, their own iniquities, or else their guilty Consciences makes them fancy, that they see their own pictures in other men's faces. But we will not omit to observe the ingenuity of these men, (though it be but a little) intimated in those their two words Almost and Some; they do not say all the Papists in Europe absolutely, & all the prelatical Court faction without any limitation, have entered into this fancied Combination; But all the Papists in Europe almost, and some of the Prelatical and Court faction; the word almost, doth exclude all the Papists that either are, or may be under the Parliament Pay and Service; and the word Some, may excuse those of the Prelatical or Court Faction that hold intelligence with those at Westminster; and are men of like complexion with them, dissemblers, disobedient, unthankful, treacherous, heady, and highminded, however they carry themselves to outward appearance: And truly we believe that if these tale-tellers, would but speak out, when the fit of ingenuity is upon them, they would confess and acknowledge, that if any Papists in the world, any of the Bloody Tigers of Ireland, will but join with those, whom they call the two Parliaments against the King; and that little flock, which for Conscience sake remain Loyal to him; they shall be accepted and absolved presently, from what is past, they shall be reckoned Papists no more, Bloody Tigers of Ireland no more, but all good men, and true in a moment; and have free leave, yea, and money too, to act over again their bloody Tragedies here in England. Or if any of the Court Faction, of what Religion or conversation soever, will but vouchsafe to be more vile and wicked then ever they have been, and be hired (as Judas was) to betray their Master, or to render up to his Enemies, those places of Defence committed to their Trust, and so come off from the King to their Parliament side; they shall be welcome and Voted good, all upon the sudden: Truly we never heard of any yet, that had the Conscience to act the part of a Traitor, or of a villain against God, his Prince, and Country, but hath been accepted by them: and (as was said) we believe if our subtle and suspected Brethren would but speak out, when the mood of ingenuity is upon them, they would confess as much. But the Reason (as we conceive) why they yoke Papists, Irish Tigers, and the Court Faction thus together, and affirm them to be entered into a Combination, is this: Because they would, that the common people should have an equal odious esteem, of each of these three sorts; whom they would also should be apprehended, to be the only persons that maintain and uphold the King, and whom the King doth only respect and adhere unto; & therefore they would that we (unto whom they direct their speech) should decline him and his Cause, and join with themselves and their faction, against Him, that, and them. In Answer to which I shall only declare in a word, what §. 2. our judgements and opinions are, of each of these three sorts of people. 1. Concerning Papists, we (the Persecuted and Loyal Protestants of this Kingdom) do more abjure their Religion then these men do, that speak so bitterly against them; though we do not think it lawful to enter into a Combination, to root them out of the Earth by shedding of their Blood; (no though they should enter into such a one to destroy us) for we have no warrant in the Gospel so to do. 'tis the Word of God that is ordained to suppress false Religions, and not the Sword of Man; Fire, Sword, and Pistols are the Weapons of Antichrist, and not of Christ. And (because of their Religion) we are heartily sorry, that there are any Papists in the King's Armies, for that scandal which ignorant people take by them, (through the perverse suggestions of the crafty Adversary) who from hence, take occasion to keep their affections enstranged from their Sovereign. Not that hereby any scandal is justly given by His Majesty, for we hold it not only Lawful for him to make use of those of that Religion, but also necessary, yea, it would be a sin against God, if being assaulted by thieves and Rebels, he should not use the means for his own Preservation, and employ for his own defence, all those whom God hath submitted under his Government for that purpose; there is no man, if he should be assaulted by Robbers and Murderers, but would make use of the aid of a Turk to save his life. Yea, these very men themselves (we see) can hire Papists from other Countries, to help them to destroy their Sovereign; and is it not meet and reasonable that the King should permit Papists, his own Subjects, to help to preserve him from such their violence? Indeed we are ashamed and blush, that Papists should outgo any that bear the name of Protestants in duty and obedience to their King; that any whom this Church hath bred, should so desert their Sovereign in his danger (who hath protected them in theirs) as that he should need the help of Papists: Sorry we are at the heart, that this occasion is given, to have any of another Religion to defend the Defender of our Faith, against the baseness and violence of those persons, whom he hath defended in the profession thereof: but more of this hereafter. 2. Concerning the Bloody Tigers of Ireland, we do abhor §. 3. their Cruelties, and believe that their damnation sleepeth not, but shall in God's due time overtake and over-whelme them: But we must add farther, that the Tigers of England (even many of those whom they call the Parliament side) have been full as Bloody; nay, more Bloody and base than those of Ireland, who have persecuted with fire and sword, from among them, those only that were of a differing Religion and Nation, unto themselves; but these here, have handled them of their own Country and Religion, after the same manner; never any Tigers so thirsted after the Blood of their nearest kindred and best friends as these in England have done; nor can any villainy be named, that was acted by them in that Kingdom, which hath not been done and outdone by those in this; these also have raised a Rebellion against their Sovereign, and in pursuance thereof, have killed, slain, and destroyed, men, women, and children in some places where they have come; these also have stripped people of both Sexes naked, and then shut them up in Churches together, or other places, and afterward have come, and in a barbarous and beastly manner, have whipped and scourged them; these also have roasted Christians at the fire, and burned them by piece-meales, their toes from their feet, and their fingers from their hands, striking up half a dozen Drums in the mean time, that the shrieks and cries of the tormented, might not be heard, to move pity in any towards them; (which was the custom of them in old time that Sacrificed Children unto Moloske) was it ever heard, that the Tigers of Ireland, or the Spaniards in the Indies did ever act any such Cruelties, upon them of their own Faith and Nation? Indeed modesty restrains from expressing all their doings: and did I delight to make men odious, as well as sin; I could name the Persons, by whose Command and Authority, some of these things have been Acted, and the places where they have been done. And confident I am, if Master Fox were now alive, to search into all the places where these Parliament Tigers have come, and to write their doings; the volume would be three times as big as his former, and replete with as Savage Actions, as ever yet were recorded by the Pen of Man: Only this I must say further, I have not heard that the Tigers of Ireland, have shown so much immediate spite against God and Christ, in demolishing all marks of Christianity, in destroying, polluting, and defiling the Temples of God's Worship, as these of England have done: 'tis true, we hear that since they have got our Churches into their possessions, they have in their superstitious way, consecrated them anew: And truly, had our Tigers of England been there, and used the Churches of that Kingdom, as they have done them in this; there had been great need of a new Consecration. Wherefore (concluding this particular) I will only speak to these men, (who have thus mentioned the Tigers of Ireland) as our Saviour in the Gospel did to some of like Conditions. You Hypocrites, can you see Tigrely doings in your Brethren of Ireland? And can you not discern these more Tigrely and bloody Actions which are committed by yourselves? Amend first for shame your own doings, and then you may speak with more credit against the Evils of others. 3. Concerning the third sort, viz. those some of the Prelatical §. 4. and Court Faction in England, which these men cry out also upon, to be of the Combination, we do confess, there hath been, and perhaps still are some about the Court, or that have too near a relation to it, whom we do dislike as much, and more too, than these men do, and we have reason for it, they are such as neither serve God nor the King, so faithfully as they ought to do, but are either secret pensioners unto his enemies, pursuing their ends, (notwithstanding their pretendings and engagements to His Majesty) or else they are slaves to their own proper lusts, making provisions only, for their own Flesh and Belly; (notwithstanding God's wrath upon the Kingdom:) and from these is the special cause that the King's affairs go on so badly as they do: these be the men, who by their Power and Authority have countenanced and advanced the vile, even to abuse, spoil, and dishearten the good: lest the Lustre of inferiors merits, should discover the worthlessness of those that are in place above them; and give too happy a progress to His Majesty's business. Of which sort are they, who when by their Treacheries, Indiscretions, Negligences, or ill Governed behaviours, Towns and Countries are lost, good undertakings nulled or made frustrate, can very unreverendly, and undutifully lay the fault upon the King's ill fortune; yea, and tax His Majesty of this or that; so making his Candour the Napkin (as it were) to wipe the filth from their own Noses. These men (we would that all the world should know) we do dislike, and perfectly abhor, for such their works sake, even as we do the Irish Tigers, or the Men of Westminster themselves. But we do believe, and know, that (besides these) the King hath a Company belonging to him, both of the Nobility, of the Gentry, and of the Clergy, (our subtle Brethren may call them a faction if they will, or even what else they please) that are both truly Religious, and truly Loyal, that have sacrificed their fortunes, and are every one ready to sacrifice their lives too, in defence of their holy Protestant Religion, and of their King and Country, that do truly mourn for the miseries of this Church and State; yea, many of them stand like Mary and John, (as being able perhaps to do little else) looking with watery eyes upon their innocent and righteous Sovereign; whom they behold in their Saviour's Condition, Crucified between thieves on both sides. And of this flock we do profess ourselves to be, and to it we resolve (by God's Grace) to adhere for ever, although we should see every of them, to be in the King's very case and Condition, wronged every way, and abused by both their parties even as he; no, we will not leave to be on their side in this cause, though we believe them to be the men, whom (together with the King) the Heads of the Association made at London, have vowed to destroy: We know that the Lord whom we serve is able to deliver us from their cruel hands, but if not, let all the People know, that we will never fall down before that many-Headed Idol which they have set up, or rather which hath advanced itself to be adored by the People: And this is our▪ Answer to these subtle men, who by a tale of strange Combination, did think (as it seems) to persuade us to forsake the King, and to adhere to his Enemies. But they tell the Reader further. Thou (say they) will't be abundantly satisfied with these Letters Libel. here Printed, and take notice therefrom, how the Court hath been Cajold (that's the Authentic word now among our Cabalistical adversaries) by the Papists, and we the more believing sort of Protestants by the Court. The Reader may be abundantly satisfied by these Letters of His Majesty's longing desires to see Peace restored to His poor Subjects throughout His three Kingdoms: And he may also be abundantly satisfied by their printing of these Letters, of that abundance of bitterness, spite, and malice which is in the hearts of the Publishers of them against their Sovereign; but for satisfaction in any other matters, the Reader if he be rightly affected and looks only with his own eye, he must seek it some where else, for here it is not to be found. What they intent by Cajold, and whom by Cabalistical Adversaries, I stand not to argue, for the words are shelly, Nec de verbis est disputandum; only I cannot but observe the Title which these Wisemen give themselves, and their own Faction: We (say they) the more believing sort of Protestants. Faith it seems they have, and in their own opinion great Plenty, more than others; like them, John 9 they say they see, and like him, Luke 18. they think themselves better than other men, they are not like us Publicans, who confess ourselves to be weak and sinful, and to have need to cry daily unto the Lord for mercy and increase of Faith; they are passed their Creed already, and can tell God, Lord we believe, whereas we are yet but at our Pater noster, help our unbelief. But in whom, or in what is it, that they do believe? Surely in themselves, and their own fictions, because they have renounced the Truth of God, which they have been taught, and are turned persecutors of it, God hath given them up, first to Thes. 2. 10, 11. make, and then to believe lies, in which respect they are indeed the best believers, and in that sense they speak not amiss in calling themselves the most believing sort of Protestants, though in another sense they are the most unbelieving, for they will not believe the King in any thing, let him promise, profess, and protest never so oft and solemnly unto them; their Tongues, Pens, and actions proclaim publicly their unbelief; yea, they glory in their not believing, and do all they can, that others might be Infidels also in the same respect, as well as they; their malicious notes, upon his Letters are to this very purpose, let them deny it if they can. And as for God, they believe him as little as they do the King, for they dare not trust him for protection, they have more confidence in the Militia a great deal, and stand more upon it. Beside, if they did believe God, they would also fear him, (Faith and Fear go together) they would regard his word more, and not so oppose it in all their ways; or endeavour to make it of none effect, by their sinful Ordinances and traditions: Besides, faith in God discovers itself, by doing the works of God, and they are not Hatred, Strife, Sedition, Rebellion, Murder, Lying, Slandering, and speaking evil of dignities, which these men traffic solely in. S. James tells us of Nudifidians, who say they have Faith, and boast James 2. 18. that they have more than others, sure these are the very men, for they call themselves the more believing sort of Protestants: the bare believing sort of Protestants perhaps they are, they account good works but marks of Popery: We confess ourselves no such Protestants, for we are of the Apostles mind, As the body without the Verse 26. Spirit is dead, so Faith without good works is dead also. But they tell the Reader further, and say, If thou art an Enemy to Parliaments and Reformation, and made Libel. wilful in thine enmity above the help of miracles, or such Revelations as these are, then 'tis to be expected, that thou wilt either deny these Papers to have been written by the Kings own Hand, or else that we make just constructions and inferences out of them: or lastly, thou wilt deny, that though they be the Kings own, and bear such a sense, as we understand them in, yet that they are blameable, or unjustifiable against such Rebels as we are. SECT. IX. 1. The slander laid upon us to be Enemies to Parliaments and Reformation Confuted. 2. Of pretended Miracles, Revelations, and new Lights, the taking the King's Cabinet in Battle no Miracle. 3. The Libelers weak Argument to prove an impossibility of forgery in their Parliament. IT seems 'tis voted and decreed, that if a man be not well affected §. 1. to that cause, which the men above board do maintain; He is then no less than an enemy to all Parliaments and Reformation, yea, (past all hope of recovery) wilful in enmity, beyond the help of miracles: For (it must be understood that) all men being divided into two ranks, Elect and Reprobate, and the Elect being all on the Parliament side, or well affected at least to their cause, the rest must needs be all damned creatures; enemies to Parliaments, i. e. to the Commonwealth and all good Laws; yea, and enemies to Reformation too; that is, to God and all true Religion, and therefore away with such fellows from the earth, 'tis not fitting they should live: they that cannot err have so concluded. Here (by the way) we may see a ground of all these bloody wars, (which many hitherto are ignorant of;) a reason of all these cruel declarations, and injunctions to kill, slay, and destroy the forces raised by, or adhering to the King; why they are all Reprobates, men hardened in Enmity against Parliaments and Reformation, past all hope, of recovery, and therefore to be sent to Hell, in all haste, as to their proper place; that so the earth the sole inheritance of God's Elect ones, may be wholly left to the free possession of its proper owners; and fully cleared from those Enemies of God and Parliaments. Well, what we are, Heaven knows, for their Censures we pass not, any more than Saint Paul did to be censured by the Corinthians; we say with him, He that Judgeth us is the Lord, and whom 1 Cor. 4. 4. the Lord condemneth shall be the only condemned men at the great day; and our Saviour tells us, that then the first may be last, Mat. 19 30. and the last first, the first in men's esteem, the last in Gods and so è contra. But let us a little reason the particular, with them that thus fiercely charge upon us: Must we of necessity be enemies to Parliaments and Reformation, because we are not affected to their cause? Doth this Parliament contain in it, all other Parliaments, that ever have been, and (as they hope) ever shall be? May not a man possibly dislike the proceedings of this, and yet approve of the being of another? May not a man wish the dissoultion of this, and yet withal desire the convention of another? May not the same man obhorre evil, and love good, hate vice, and embrace virtue? May not a man affirm this no Parliament at all in the truest and best sense, because they do not do the works of a Parliament? Those Jews in the Gospel were not Abraham's Children, in Christ's sense, (which was the truest and John 8. 39 the best) because they did not do Abraham's Works; they called themselves indeed his Children, in respect of the flesh, or walls, (as I may say, that did enclose them) which they had from Abraham: But Christ calls them, A Generation of Vipers, and Children of the Devil, for all that: because they went Vers. 40. about to kill and destroy Him▪ their King and Sovereign; which thing, (says he) did not Abraham, may not we esteem of this Parliament as our Saviour did of those Jews, since there is such a similitude betwixt them both in words and manners? we know that Christ did well enough approve of those Children of Abraham, who did Abraham's Works, notwithstanding his dislike of those in particular, whom he speaks against: so may we, notwithstanding our dislike of this Parliament, highly esteem of another, which shall do Parliamentary actions. Now the Works or actions of a Christian Parliament, are to Heal and not to make breaches in a Church or State; to settle Religion and peace, not to destroy either; to make and confirm good Laws, not to null them; to suppress all sects and false opinions, not to give free liberty unto them; to consult for the King's Honour and dignity, not to countenance and Authorise base Libels to his defamation; to advise for the wealth and flourishing condition of the Subjects, not to impoverish, or to ruin them: these, and such like have been, and properly still are, the works of Parliaments; and to such conditioned Parliaments we are no enemies: we account a true Parliament our Palladium, the strength of the Kingdom; we have the same opinion of it, as the Trojans had of their Palladium, they held their City invincible, so long as they kept their Palladium inviolate; so might our Nation have been reckoned, (under God's protection) invincible, if these unhappy men, had not perverted the power and privileges of that most High and Honourable Court: But (alas!) never was Noble Nation so abused, and destroyed as this is, and hath been, per Catulos istos Catilinarios, (I may truly call them,) who have been the instruments of infection to this so much desired meeting; who if the God of Heaven do not oppose and subdue, we are never like to have any more Parliaments, which is one of our greatest fears; if these men prevail, they will assuredly never have any above them, that shall call them to a reckoning, be they never so lascivious in evil, never so mischievous or destructive of good: Now must every one that disrelisheth the courses of this Parliament, be judged an Enemy to all Parliaments? Truly 'tis too unreasonable, too harsh a censure, but 'tis our Burden and we must bear it. And yet this is not all, for we are sentenced to be Enemies of Reformation too, an Enemy to Parliaments and Reformation: But do these two go always together? May not a man possibly be a friend to the one, and no wellwisher to the other? We have heard of some that have been well affcted to Parliaments, and yet not to Reformation: But this we apprehend is only added, to exasperate the people's rage against us, that with the more violence and speed they may dispatch us, as being Enemies to all that good is. Indeed if Parliaments and Reformation were (as they ought to be,) unseparable Companions, than He or they, who were friends to the one, were also friends to both, of necessity: But these very men will confess and say that in Queen Mary's days, there was Parliament and Deformation: and so woeful experience tells us there is now, Yea and Depopulation too, of Houses, families and men; and Devastation of true Religion and Law; The Reformation (if they so call it,) by this Parliament, is such a one, as Nebuzaradan, Steward to Nabuchadnezzar made at Jerusalem, when he threw down the walls both of the City and Temple, we confess to all the world, we are enemies to this kind of Reformation, and so hope shall ever be: But to that which is of sin, and evil, whether in Church or State, we are most affectionate friends, & do humbly beg of God, (to this end) that he would please to settle the King in his Throne, and give him such a Parliament, as may have grace truly, and intentionally, (not in pretence only,) to go about it, said de his satis, only we do observe from hence before hand, how our Bill of indictment shall run, if these men lay hands on us: what those Crimes are, which the people shall be made believe, we are put to death for: Because we are enemies to Parliaments, and Reformation, to God, and all good men, yea, and wilful on our Enmity too, we would not be reclaimed by any means, no not by the help of Miracles, or such Revelations as these are. But what is this we hear, Miracles, and Revelations pleaded in §. 2. these days, and by these men? Are not these of that number who were wont heretofore, to cry out against the Papists, because wanting the written word to justify their way, they alleged Miracles and Revelations? See the strength of Resolution in these stout Champions, rather than submit to Scripture, to their Sovereign, to the Truth, to Reason, they will join hands in this also, with the Papists, whom they have formerly so much condemned; and being brought to a like strait, will make use of like Arguments to warrant their own proceedings. I confess Astonishment did much possess my spirit, for a great while, at their courses, so directly contrary to God's plain word; till at last I met with a certain Sermon preached by one William Bridge, and ordered to be Printed, by a Committee of the House of Commons, subscribed by John White: wherein the Preacher (speaking of Reformation, now so much talked on) teacheth the people, that 'tis a sin in them, to look that it should be effected in Gods ordinary way, or to expect that God's assistance should come, as in former times, to the furtherance of it: for (says he) now God is working extraordinarily, and to tie him to ordinary ways and means in such times as these, is to tempt and to limit God: this he repeats over three or four times, for people's better observance, and then concludes positively, that ' 'tis the second great sin that hath made a stoppage in England's mercies, this tempting of God by expecting reformation in an ordinary way (though it was wont to be accounted a tempting of God to expect his help in ways extraordinary.) His full sense I suppose in those his expressions is, as if he had spoken more fully out thus: My beloved Brethren, God's word was indeed heretofore, the rule and square to order your course by, and because therein you find no warrant to rebel against your King, to kill, slay, and destroy your Brethren, to go in such ways as the Parliament hath voted you shall go in, therefore some of you I see, are scrupulously fearful to lift up your hand against the King, or to cut the throats of all your Brethren that be not of your Opinion, & to work a new-found Reformation by the Sword: but hereupon it is, that we have such a stoppage made in England's mercies, the Elect of God are still kept out of their possessions, and the Land is yet full of wicked men, and herein you show yourselves most weak and simple, that you do not consider, that God is weary of his ordinary manner of working, he sees it is impossible that his Children should have their hearts desires in this life, by going in that old beaten path, himself is not able to satisfy their lusts that way, and therefore he hath now at length better bethought himself, and left his old wont, is resolved to go an extraordinary way to work, which he never went in before, & hath stirred up many extraordinary men, worthy members to that purpose; yea, and now he will have his people cast his Word behind their backs, as a thing out of date to walk by, and look only unto extraordinary Lights and Revelations, that we their Teachers shall tell them of, and go only by them: and believe it, now God hath altered his mind, and course of working, 'tis plainly to tempt him, if you expect his blessing in his old way, or ●hal observe the guide of his word any longer; they that will not now depend upon Miracles and Revelations, are obstructers of England's mercies, yea, and worthy to be voted Enemies to God's Reformation, such as are wilful in their enmity too, and past all hope of recovery. This is the sense and Doctrine of William Bridge, one of the Parliament Ministers delivered in the year 1642. at Margaret's on Fish-street hill London, and ordered to serve for the whole Miridian of Great Britain, by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament, concerning Printing, witness John White. But leaving William Bridge to his extraordinary illuminations and Revelations, we turn again to these good fellows, and desire to know of them, what these particular Miracles and Revelations be, which they here speak of, we conceive they mean these Letters which they say were taken in the King's Cabinet at Nazeby field by victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax: But truly we do not see, how things written by way of Letters, from one person to another, can properly be called Revelations, nor how it can merit the name of a Miracle, for Enemies in War or Battle, to seize upon a Cabinet of Papers: At the Battle of Edg●-hil, His Majesty's Soldiers took certain Letters, wherein by divine providence was discovered, how one Blake was hired by them, that call themselves the Kings most loving and obedient Subjects, to signify by some token, the place where His Majesty was in the field, that they might more directly level their Shot thither, and speak forth their Loyalty by the mouth of their Ordnance: we apprehended it indeed a special mercy of God to us, but we did not call it by the name of a Miracle, or a Revelation. Yea, but these men it seems, do co●nt such an accident, when it falls out on their side, a Miracle and a Revelation, and a sufficient one too, to convert all of us unto their opinion, if we be not beforehand wilful in our enmity against Parliaments and Reformation: But if any be so obstinate, and will not be wrought upon by these means, 'tis supposed that he will either deny these Papers to be written by the Kings own hand, or else, that the constructions, ●●d inferences made out of them are just, and true, or that these Papers are blameable against such Rebels, as they are who have published them: for it seems these are properties essential to one wilful in enmity: yet whether it be out of our weakness of judgement or no, we leave it to reasonable men to determine: we the simple Brethren do confess that we believe it is possible that a man may suspect whether all these Papers, as they are here published by his deadly enemies; were written by the Kings own hand or no▪ yea, and he may also absolutely deny that the Constructions and inferences, which they make out of them are just and right: and further he may declare and show, that nothing in them is so blameable, as they would have the world believe, seeing they are against such unparallelled Rebels as they are; and notwithstanding, be free from any such enmity as they speak of. It seems their guilty consciences expected some such matter, and therefore they endeavour so well as they can (poor men) to answer for themselves, saying, As to the first, know, that the Parliament was never yet guilty of Libel. any such forgery, the King yet in all the Letters of his which have been intercepted, never objected any such thing, and we dare appeal to his own Conscience now, knowing that he cannot disavow either his own hand-writing, or the matters themselves here written, (All the Ciphers, Letters, all circumstances of time and fact, and the very hand by which they are Signed, so generally known, and now exposed to the view of all) will aver for us, that no such forgery could be possible. Their Argument, in these words unto the first, stands thus, If these Letters were not written with the Kings own Hand, than the Parliament should be guilty of forgery, but the Parliament was never guilty of such forgery. Ergo. The Major in this Argument they take for true, but it is not currant, unless they will prove that none had to do with these Letters but the Parliament, and that the publication of them was the Act of the whole Court; which we do not believe, because the end thereof, being (as was shown before) only to defame and endanger the King's Person doth speak it a work un-beseeming a Parliament consisting of Christian men, unless we take only a part for the whole; perhaps indeed it might be the Act of some amongst them, viz. of the prevailing Faction: but crimen paucorum diffundere in omnes, is not our custom. But their Minor only they prove, and that thus, If the Parliament were guilty of any such forgery, than the King in some of his Letters, that have been intercepted, would have objected the same. But the King never objected any such thing, Ergo. To this I answer: it would be as great a shame, if a whole Parliament should be guilty of forgery, as if it should be guilty of the forementioned Act of Authorising this Libel: but yet some of the rotten Members thereof, (as they are men) may possibly be as guilty of the one, as of the other, for all men (say these) are subject to Error. Nor is it an impossible thing to show, that some of them have not dealt so sincerely, as became honesty: when they were yet in ways of entreaty, with their Associate Counties, for free benevolence, before they came to their weekly Taxes and Contributions; some of them being sent by the rest into the Country, to pick their neighbour's purses; whilst they have been persuading the poor Countryman to new Loans and Charges, for the maintenance of this unchristian and unnatural War; Providence (as must be pretended) did usually at the very instant time, send some Letter or other, wherein was related, (with thanks to the people for their former assistance) what a great Victory (by the help of God and them) the Parliament had lately obtained against the King's Forces, with little or no loss to themselves: so that now the work was in a manner quite done, one Contribution more would finish the Business. These Letters were suspected, (even by the abused people themselves) to be but mere forgeries, devised on purpose to cozen them of their moneys, when afterward they understood there had been no such Victories at that time; verily those that dare belie God's Providence, and forge Letters from that, may be suspected, will be as bold with the King, in pursuance of their own designs against him. But (say they) if the Parliament were guilty of any such forgery, the King in his Letters, which have been intercepted, would have objected the same. The word intercepted, might have been omitted, for if in any of the King's Letters, which have by Accident come into their Hands, any such thing were objected, yea, and sufficiently proved, yet we are confident of their wisdom so far, that we dare say for them, they would never have divulged the same, nor suffered the world to know of it, if they themselves could help: But for their whole Argument 'tis only negative, and therefore weak and fallible. The King hath not accused them of forgery, Ergo, they are not guilty thereof, is no necessary consequent: There is many a Malefactor in the Kingdom, that deserves hangging▪ yet was never brought to his trial, is he therefore innocent? As it doth not follow, that they are most faulty, that are most ill spoken of; no more doth it on the contrary, that they are most free from blame that are least taxed. But if the King hath not objected forgery unto them, the more is his goodness and wisdom; he that desires peace with his Adversary, is sparing, even in his just objections, that no obstruction be cast in by him, as a bar to union; whereas they that love strife, though themselves have already offered most wrong, yet are still most full of clamours; and when they can find no faults to object, they'll invent some to keep the fire burning: doubtless if the New great Seal be remembered, it must be acknowledged by all men, that the King hath had more cause to accuse them of forgery, than ever they had yet to Accuse him of Perjury; but by their own Confession we see, the King hath been more careful of their credit, than they have been of his Honour, or of their own Souls. But being conscious of the weakness of their Argument, they hope to strengthen it with a second, which is nihil ad nos, as the other was nihil ad rem; 'tis their appeal to the Kings own Conscience, who (say they) cannot disavow his own handwriting: this may indeed be aliquid ad regem, but what is it to the Reader? Would they have every one in these Kingdoms, and beyond the Seas, (to whom they have dispersed these Copies) make a journey to ask the King, whether these Letters were of His own Handwriting? And to this second they add a third, which is even like the former: they tell the Reader, that all the Ciphers, Letters, all the Circumstances of time and fact, and the very hand▪ by which they are Signed, so generally known, and now exposed to the view of all, will aver for them, that no such forgery could ●e possible. And yet the Reader all the while sees nothing, but only that which comes from the hand of the Printer, or did he see the very Ciphers or original Letters they speak of, were the hand wherewith they were Signed, exposed generally to the view of all, could all men know it to be the Kings; or swear it were not forged? I suppose not, unless He had first submitted his faith and judgement to believe only, as the Parliament Voteth. In a word, I conceive that (not withstanding all they say to the contrary) they who forged the King's Seal, may possibly forge Letters under the King's Name. I do not Accuse any to have so done, only I speak thus, to show that their Arguments are not so convincing as themselves think. Forgery in this case might be possible. But they come to the second objection, which they believe may be made against their Notes upon these Letters, and say, As to our Comments and Annotations, if there be not perspicuity Libel. and modesty in them, there is no common Justice, nor place for credit left among mankind. SECT. X. 1. Of that perspicuity and Modesty which the Libelers boast, to be in their own Annotations. 2. Their pretty confident way of persuading all men to be of their Opinions. 3. Their Reasons why they did not publish all they had against the King. IF any shall dislike these Comments and Annotations upon the §. 1. King's Letters, He is confuted in these words very substantially; for the Authors of them say, that they are all very good: and we know men can best judge of their own works, they can give the fairest interpretation of their own doings: the Crow can see beauty in her own bird, though none else can; so these men can see perspicuity and modesty in their own Notes; yea, so confident they are, that their sight is good, & their judgement true, that they dare boldly conclude, there is no Common Justice or faith left amongst men, if all mankind be not of their Opinion in this particular. Was not this stoutly spoken? Are not these valiant men? We see they are resolved to hold their own, though all mankind say to the contrary. Truly upon this their commendation, their Notes have been read over again, and again; and I profess, I can see no perspicuity at all in them, unless of spite and malice; which indeed I find set forth with the Highest and most transcendent impudence against Sovereign Majesty, as I believe ever Mankind saw: Nay, I dare affirm it, that never any Protestant Christian Subjects did discover the like, under Countenance of such an Authority as these pretend. And I require these boasters to show but one word or expression, savouring of true modesty, and Christian reverence to their King, in all their Annotations: and I promise them it shall excuse with me a multitude of their other errors. Nay, let their own Consciences speak, concerning this perspicuity which they talk of; whether they did not on purpose transpose these Letters (in this their publication of them) inverting the Order wherein they were written, setting some that were first, last: and some that were last, first: that so their dependence upon each other being broken, they might be less perspicuous to the Reader: who might (had they all been placed in their right order) with facility and clearness, have discerned the reasons of many expressions, which (without regard to their reference) may be apprehended in a worse sense, than they do naturally bear. They took all these Letters together by their own Confession, why then must they place those writ in May, before them that were writ in March; and those in March, before those in January? those of this Year, before those of last, or of the Year before, but only for the Reason forementioned? Had they studied to evidence that perspicuity they speak of, (if these Letters must needs have been printed) they would at least have placed them in that order, as they were sent from the King and Queen to each other. O but then, they would not have appeared so offensive, as now they hope they have made them to do, nor been so liable to sinister interpretations. Truly in this very thing, there doth appear to our apprehensions the perspicuity of their malice. Which also is further manifested by their picking out here a Sentence, and there an Expression, from out these Letters, which being disjointed from that which goeth before, and that which followeth in the same place, (and attended with their spiteful gloss upon it) doth seem to be, what in its self 'tis not, (when read entire by a Christian Eye with its full Coherence) wherein they imitate that profane Atheist, who to prove his opinion, alleged that part of the Psalm, non est Deus, but left out the preceding words, Dixit insipiens in cord suo. Yea, and the perspicuity of their malice is seen more abundantly yet, in their perverting his Majesty's words to as bad a sense, as possible man or Devil could wrest them; to the end that none (if they can bring it to pass) might harbour a good thought of him: yea, they endeavour so much as in them lies, not only to put all his Subjects, but even his own Child, into a way of disobedience against him; by that which they wrest in their Notes from the eleventh Paper. Yea, though they hate the Queen, with a most mortal, and perfect Hatred, (as appears sufficiently by their dealings with her) yet how doth it irk them that she loves her Husband, and how fain (out of their superlative malice against him) would they break that bond of Affection between them, is evident by their publication of the 34. Paper, which concerneth only a private business between them, (as Man and Wife) written of some 20. years ago, about the time of their first Marriage: were there nothing else to make the superfluity of their malice abundantly perspicuous, the divulging▪ of that very Paper alone, (to the end for which they do it) were fully sufficient. Thus we see their perspicuity, now for their modesty, which all but their own dear selves will go near to suspect to be shameful impudence. For 1. He whom they accuse and reproach is the Person, whom above all men in the world, they are bound in duty, and have solemnly sworn to defend and honour; and is this modesty? then Ziba was a modest man for accusing his Master; and Absolom was a modest man for accusing the King his Father; and so was Shimei too, in his reproaching and accusing David his Lord and Sovereign. 2. They seek occasions of accusing, they search for iniquity, yea they have accomplished a diligent search in their reading his Letters, Psal. 64. 6. and in their sifting his Actions; and though they find no sufficient matter, yet they accuse; they pervert his words, and invent matter, like them that said, Come let us devise devices against him, and Jer. 11. 18. smite him with the tongue, and is this modesty? then the Pharisees Luk. 6. 7. were modest men in their dealings with Christ, and so were daniel's Dan. 6. 4. enemies in their accusations against him. 3. They accuse him for good, (wanting matter of evil to charge him withal) as for loving his Wife, for tendering her health, for desiring her welfare, for endeavouring his own defence, and the upholding of Monarchy, which God hath entrusted to him, and many such things of like nature, they heavily tax him withal: and what they want in weight, they make up in number; hoping that the blind and seduced world will suspect, (at least) somewhat amiss, when they hear him charged with such a multitude of accusations. And is this Modesty? then they in the 12. Psal. that resolved With our Tongues we will prevail, were modest creatures. 4. They Accuse him for that which (themselves know) is most contrary to his nature and disposition; as of dissimulation, breach of Oath and promise, and averseness to the good and welfare of his people: whereas To the first, they cannot deny that his plain-dealing hath afforded to them their best advantage against him; what moved him to Sign that unhappy Bill for continuing the Parliament, but the sincerity of his spirit, in his conceiving them to be after his own Heart, Honest men? but (as one of the crafty Members ingeniously acknowledged) I confess (says he) in that, we were too hard for him. To the 2. their own Consciences can witness for him, that his constancy in keeping his Oath (made at his Coronation) to defend the Church of God in that estate of weal wherein he found it, (which they would force and compel him to break) hath been a chief cause of this great persecution stirred up against him. And for the 3. their own hearts will affirm, (if they would let them speak) that never Prince did more hunger and thirst after his people's good than He, never did any further deny himself, than he hath done, as appears Paper 25. or offer more of his own undoubted rights to purchase their peace; never did tender Father look with a more doleful eye, upon the miseries of his Child, than he upon the calamities of his Subjects: Nay, never was any abused Prince so unwilling to shed Rebellious blood as he; with what sadness did he hear of those expressions of Joy, for his victory gotten at Stratton fight, Alas (says he) but they were my Subjects. And with what passion of joy did he praise God, at the beginning of these troubles, when after a long personal expectance of an answer (after the limited time) of his Summons to Banbury: the Town at last, was surrendered to him: Blessed be the God of Heaven (says he) that hath given me Victory this day without blood. And when His Majesty was upon the Hill opposite to Foy in Cornwall, and was shot at by the enemies, (who then lay in the town) and had a man killed close by him: though his Ordnance was ready planted, and some with him would fain have shot, and beat down the town: which might with ease from thence have been effected: His Majesty by no means would permit the same. * This hath oft been related to me (with tears of affection to him) by divers Inhabitants of that poor Loyal Town, who heard the expression from His Majesties Lips. I understand (said he) that I have many good Subjects in that town, who are inhabitants there, and I had rather spare the lives of an hundred Rebels, then venture the hurting one of them; wherefore sure if it be medesty, to accuse the Sun of darkness, or Piety itself of wickedness, than these Annotators are wonderful modest men. 5. They accuse him most plentifully of those things whereof themselves are most guilty, they lay their own faults to his Charge: as Corah and his companions dealt with Moses, as Ahab dealt with Elias, and as Nero with the Christians; so do these men with their Sovereign; was there ever in any Age, read or heard of grander Hypocrites, greater deceivers, oppressors, scorners, more cruel, Tyrannical, or treacherous Persons, greater Oath or Covenant breakers, than these men are, who now oppose their King? and yet in their superlative modesty, they are pleased to calumniate & burden him with these conditions. Nay, that one Charge of theirs upon the King, Pag. 44. which they call stirring Rumours about his Mother: may make all Englishmen stand amazed at their impudence, for all that had ears to hear, and lived near London, can witness how publicly base, and villainous they were in their scandalous inventions and designs, against the Honour of that our disseised Queen; as well as against Her that is now living: and because His Majesty complains of this their transcendent villainy in a private Letter unto the Danish King, (who was interessed with him in the wrong) these Diabolical wretches are so impudent as to publish this private Letter, and then to tax him, as if he thereby had raised that Rumour, which themselves, I say, first contrived, and now have the 2. time divulged only to vex his Spirit: now if this be modesty, than Potiphars Wife was a modest woman, for accusing Joseph of incontinency; & Satan himself was a modest creature in his charging Job with blasphemy: Nor need any wonder, that these Royal Ladies, should fall under the lash of these men's defaming Tongues, for 'tis well known, that the Blessed Virgin Mary herself (by divers of their crew) hath been used in the same manner: so that in this, those two Queens are but fellow-sufferers with Christ's Mother. And thus we have seen a glimpse of that perspicuity and modesty which is gloryed to be in these Annotations, we shall perceive more thereof anon: surely had it been of any other sort or kind, than what it is, they could never have been so confident as they are, that all mankind shall be injurious, and do them wrong, if they fail to commend of them, such perspicuity, and such modesty, is in very deed the foundation of such Confidence. But what do they tell us in the next words? Indeed (say they) most of all the main circumstances, want no illustration Libel. at all, to the most vulgar Capacities, and therefore we affirm nothing necessary to be believed: but what the Printed Papers will themselves utter in their own Language. Could any men in the world speak more effectually, to persuade §. 2. us all to be of their opinion? Polus in the Spectrum of Erasmus did never act his part better. He feigning that he saw a strange sight in the sky, did by his expressions so well set it forth, and demonstrate it by his words and fingers, unto the other spectators, that every of them at last, one after another, lest they should seem to be parum oculati dim-sighted, Adfirmârant se quoque videre, said that they saw it too, and just as he had described it: pudebat enim non videre quod tam esset perspicuum, (as the story goes) they were ashamed not to be thought to see, what he said was so easy to be seen: even so these men, having told us a pretty tale, of a certain Spectrum of modesty and perspicuity in their own Annotations; they affirm it is so evident to every Eye, that it needs no illustration: yea and what ever they say upon the King's papers, is so manifestly true, that the Papers themselves do speak the same, even to the easiest capacities. Wherefore they hope, unless people will yield themselves, fools and blockheads, such as have no understanding to perceive, what they read; they will all (out of hand) be of their opinion, and speak just as they do: for it may be a great shame to any body, not to observe that, which these say is so perspicuous: Nor indeed will it be safe, for any that resolve to sleep in a whole skin, not to be persuaded of this matter, for it is concluded, by those of that side, to kill, slay, and destroy, at least to banish, and turn out naked, as men wilful in Enmity, beyond the help of Miracles and Revelations, all such as are contrary minded unto themselves. But suppose any body should be so impertinent, as to desire a further Testimony, of what they would have believed of the King, than these Papers do afford? Why these Publishers tell us, for our further satisfaction, (but we must take their bare word) that they have, (in some by-corner sure) more Papers, than yet they have made show of: their words to this purpose, are these that follow. And yet for that which is not so clearly warranted here, we have Libel. other Papers for their warrant, were they not so Numerous and Vast, and too much intermixed with other matters of no pertinence, for publication at this time. The reasons why they do not produce their full store, we perceive are two, 1. The overflowings of their own Modesty & Civility, they will not weary their Readers, with things so Numerous and so Vast. 2. Their predence and discretion; there is too Great an intermixtion of other matters, of no pertinence for publication at this time: for haply it is of such matters, as would clearly evidence to the abused world, so much of the King's goodness, as could not possibly be clouded, and darkened with their spiteful glosses, which would rather oppose then further their present purpose: For (indeed) should the King's gracious disposition be fully known unto His people, they would be all more sensible of the wrong He suffers, and so perhaps the men of Westminster, might be forced to yield up into His Hands again, His Sword and Crown, and be made to return into the Order of their Predecessors, the Parliament-men in former times, which to do as yet they have no intention. The way to maintain their own Reputation, is to Defame the King; to keep themselves up, is to keep Him down. In a troubled State all discontented persons, (whereof the land is full) do naturally draw to the grieved party, even as humours in the Body to a sore place; wherefore if all the people of this Nation, (who have been wronged, peeled, and oppressed, by these men's means, since power hath been in their hands) were but well certified of the King's Candour, they would all with one accord, (in consideration of those unexpressible abuses offered unto Him) unite themselves in His behalf, & join with Him against them. Therefore it is great wisdom in these men, and their Masters, to do as they do; and to conceal that which might hurt themselves if known. It may easily be gathered, from what they have said and shown, that if they had any thing else, which could have been wrested possibly against the King, the world should have been made acquainted with that too: But because what remains in their hands is intermixed with other matter of no pertinence for publication at this time, therefore it is thought fit to conceal the same, lest otherwise they should have played the fools, and done a prejudice unto themselves. And thus we have seen their Answer to the second objection, which they conceive may be made against their Annotations; now we shall hear what they say to the third, their words are these: Touching the last objection: if thou art a perfect Malignant, and Libel. dost not stick to deny, that there is any thing in these Letters, unbeseeming a Prince, who professes himself defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and has been so Sanctimoniously engaged with frequent special vows of Affection, candour, sincerity, and constancy, to His particular Protestant Subjects of England, and Scotland; then know that thou art sacarce worthy of any reply, or satisfaction in this point. SECT. XI. 1. Censuring superiors unlawful, why the Enemies must continue to slander the King: How easy a thing it is to deprave the best writings. 2. Of the King's integrity and goodness, and of England's happiness under Him. 3. The main Particulars of Offence under His Government nominated; No just matter of blame from them can now be Objected to His Majesty. OUr Saviour in the Gospel forbids us to Judge our equals, we Mat. 7. 1. are confident: therefore he will never approve of us, if we take upon us to sentence our superiors; yea the Highest of all, our Sovereign, who is God's immediate servant, and with whom none but He, whose Title is, The only Ruler of Princes hath to do: What hast thou to do, to censure another man's servant? (says the Rom. 14. 4. Apostle.) And Saint James assures us, if we be masterly in that Jam. 3. 1. kind, we shall thereby increase only our own damnation. But these men we see, teach us another lesson, for they tell us plainly in effect; that if we be so nice, and scrupulous, as to give respect to God's Word, in things of this nature, if we will not censure our King, as themselves do, and condemn Him too, (upon their bare Testimony) of doing unbeseemingly, we are perfect Malignants (that is to say) as complete Devils, as any be in Hell: But truly we had rather they should call us Malignants for obeying our Lord Christ, then that Christ should call us Hypocrites, for our conforming to their example; as he doth some in the Gospel, who were of their Conditions; those that can see a Mote at a distance, can worst of all see a Beam near at Hand; (as the Author of truth and wisdom informs us.) And we observe in the Gospel, how they who could find so much fault with the Son of God, for every thing he said or did, could see nothing amiss in themselves; no not when it was evidently shown them; 'tis possible there may be such men alive now, that can see a fault in their Sovereign where it is not, and none in themselves, where are great plenty: But for our parts, we affect not to be of their number, our work lies most at home, and there we desire to be employed: our studies are, to know and practise the Subjects Duty: the Prince his Actions, belong not to our inquisition; we remember the Apostles precepts, Study to be quiet, 1 Thes. 4. 11. and mind your own Business: (which if all men had done, we had had no fighting.) Nay did we see in the King, what they say, (which we believe is not to be seen,) yet durst we not speak after their fashion, for we have not so learned Christ. If we have a warrant in Scripture to Judge any, it is only those that censure others, and not them neither, but by their fruits, and in matters of our own Alloy, which concern our own Cognizance, and wherein it becomes us to have skill and knowledge; and indeed upon this ground, we dare boldly say, what ever they tell us of, to be unbeseeming the King in these his Letters; we are certain in their Notes upon them, there is nothing to be found, but what is most unbeseeming subjects, and men that profess themselves Protestant Christians, (who have been so Sanctimoniously engaged, with frequent special Vows of Allegiance, and Loyalty to their Sovereign, of affection, and duty to his Person:) this we are confident that none (unless their own dear selves,) will deny: For their Annotations themselves do full loudly utter the same, in their own proper Language. Nay, we are persuaded the very men of Westminster would not deny this, were it not so much to the prejudice of their own Safety and Reputation to confess it; both which (indeed) are supported for the present, among many people, by this vilifying and slandering the King, insomuch that (doubtless) a kind of desperate necessity lies upon them, to do, and to countenance such things, as they have done. For (say their sinfully-resolved Consciences within themselves) Woe would be unto us, if the people whom we have Cozened of their wealth and peace, and got engaged with ourselves in this black Rebellion, (under pretence of Religion,) so contrary to Christ's Doctrine, should but at length, have a right apprehension of the King's good spirit and disposition, they would reckon us the veriest Villains upon God's earth: yea they would fall upon us, with one accord, and cut our throats to expiate their own guilt, and to recover peace to themselves and to the whole Nation, should they but know in truth, how we have used their Sovervigne. Wherefore we must be wise in time and look to ourselves, Suprema tantum nos queant facere securos mala, our only safety consists in acting the highest evils: We must slight Majesty, we must contemn God's Image, and bedaube his Anointed, with our bitterest inventions; we must pervert his words, and put the foulest gloss, and construction, that Hell can teach us to make, upon all that proceeds from him: and so we shall increase and continue that blind and ungodly odium, which by our fine policy, we have already wrought in men's hearts against him: Imperium iis artibus retinetur quibus partum est, by lying and sland ring his footsteps, we be began our matchless undertaking, and by the same means we must maintain it: the Common sort having swallowed down our poison already, if they be kept strictly to their diet, Mithridate-like, may live upon it, and adhere still unto us, until we have quite destroyed him, whom we hate, with a perfect Hatred for those unsatisfiable wrongs, which ourselves have done him: yea, and the people will think too, that they do God good service in their helping of us, specially if we be but successful against him; and also by our following this course, we shall uphold our own Dignity, and retain the repute of Holy, and good men; all we do will be thought to be done out of zeal against sin, and out of pure love to our Country; we shall be looked upon as impartial men, that will wink at sin in no man; no not in the King himself: we will persecute and destroy him, (though he be our Common Parent,) rather than suffer sin to abide, and domineer in him: yea we shall be apprehended by the vulgar to be Gods special favourites, elected, and appointed by him on purpose, to punish the King, and to pull him from his Throne, that so Christ in us (the Saiuts) may be set up, and rule in his stead; And what ever the King suffers at our hands, shall be interpreted, (by the help of our Preachers, men fitted for our turns,) to be Gods just judgement upon him, for those very crimes, which we lay to his Charge, as Perfidiousness, and Breach of special Vows made to us, his Protestant Subjects of England, and Scotland, for so we call ourselves, and under that guise we go covered. No doubt, (I say) but the Consciences of those I mentioned, have spoken to this purpose within themselves, or else they would confess together with us, that there is nothing in those Annotations upon the King's Letters, but what is most uncomely, and misbeseeming Christian subjects. And truly it is no difficult matter for men resolved, and engaged by all they care for, (bodily safety, and worldly reputation,) to deprave the most innocent writing, and to pick out matter thence to defame the Author: Julian the Apostate, (these men's elder Brother,) having a deep hatred against Christ, did employ his maliciously-fine brain, against the Sacred Bible, and took great pains to cull out thence, all shows of error, or places seemingly contrary to each other, (which he would formalize to his own purpose;) all ambiguous expressions, (which he would wrest and pervert to the most sinister construction:) and all obscure places, (which by a further entangling he would make more dark and cloudy:) and thus for a season, (with some men) he disgraced Christ, and his Holy Religion. Now hence we gather, that if one man alone was able (by the help of Satan,) to do thus against the Sacred writings of God himself: It is no marvel if many of the same rank and spirit, laying their heads together, shall with the like assistance do thus against the writings of the King, who is but a man: for as we do not make our King infallible, like as they do the Parliament, so we will not put His writings, into the same scale of perfection, wherein they weigh their Votes: But this we will say, (and from their Malice against him do firmly believe,) that he is a lesser sinner than other men are: for the more like in degree their spightfulness against him, is to that of the Pharisees against Christ, the more like unto Christ in innocency and Holiness, is our Sovereign the object of it: That Hatred which is most deep, and deadly (in such men as these are,) is always the most unjust. And further too, this we affirm concerning our Sovereign, that of all the Kings His Predecessors, (that swayed the English Sceptre, as he hath done,) we believe him to be the least sinful; and we may conclude it, from the pride and fatness of these his people, who Jessurun-like, have kicked up their Heels against him; had he not been so good, so mild, so gentle towards them, they had not been so malapert, so proud, so injurious towards him: had he been a wanton Edward the fourth, and borrowed a pace the rich Citizens moneys, and repaid them again, by lying with their wives; or had he been a boisterous Henry the eighth, and chopped off his Subjects heads, in lust and anger; doubtless he had found much better respect and fairness, both of Carriage, and Language, from the men and women of this Nation: * That free & famous City cannot say that the King in all his time did ever imprison so much as one Lord Major. London had not shut up their Gates thus long against him; had he deserved less love, they would have shown more fear and Reverence to him. No man was ever so perfect, (Christ alone excepted,) but at some times have been guilty of some obliquities; which should they all, that were committed through his whole life, be mustered up, and presented in one view, and continuation together, would make him appear most strangely sinful; whereas if his life were displayed, in that tenor only as led, he would haply be an object of admiration, for sanctity and perfection. These men and their faction, have set nothing of the King to the world's view, since their unhappy meeting, but his oversights and blemishes, which they have narrowly searched for, throughout his whole life and reign; nay they have made use of the ●ins and corruptions of those Monopolising Lords and Gentlemen, (who are now right dear unto themselves, and sit amongst them,) to make the King distasteful to his people, they have▪ bedaubed him, with others crimes, for want of somewhat more proper; and what have they (to their utmost) done thereby, but purposed for an object of scorn and abhorring Him, whom God by endowment with Principal and choice graces, hath marked out for a ‛ Pattern of Honour and imitation to all Princes and men. We dare challenge malice herself to open her mouth so wide as she can; and for her better Advantage, let her borrow the tongues and pens of these men, to vent her worst of all, and then let her speak out, and tell the world, what personal Crimes she can Charge the King▪ withal: Nay must she not needs confess, (if she say any thing,) that He hath been an example of meekness, Temperance, Charity, Patience, Mercy and Justice, to all his Nobles, and to all his people? Had some of these great ones, now with them, been in these Virtue's conformable unto him, they had not haply been in that high esteem, wherein they are, at this present amongst them. Nay because the Libelers, in their height of impudence, do speak of the King, as if he were not, (according to his profession,) a defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and sincerely affected to the good of his Protestant Subjects in England and Scotland; we do appeal to all the world, to Name an Age, since England was a Nation, wherein the Church and Faith of Christ flourished in such high lustre, and glory: wherein the Subjects of this Kingdom, of all ranks and degrees, did more abound in wealth and riches; and wherein those of the true Protestant Religion, (which is the Religion of truth and peace, of Humility and obedience,) were more countenanced, and favoured, than they have been in his days: was there ever so much Splendour, Bravery, * The abundance hath appeared by the many millions of treasure which they have ●ent within these six years. and Abundance in the City? So much Plate and Money in the Country; so many Pleasant Houses, and Stately Buildings in all places, throughout the Land? Was there ever so much Feasting and plenty of food among all sorts of people? so many good Garments and clothes worn, by men and women of all degrees? so large Portions and dowryes given with Children in marriage? were ever the Protestant Subjects of the Kingdom more frequently taught, or better fed? did they ever in any Nation under the Sun, enjoy more Peace and Happiness, than they did all the time of His Reign, until this unhappy Parliament turned all things up-side down, and so made us, of all Christians in the world, well-nigh the most miserable and disconsolate? Certainly though the Parliament Ministers * Tho. Case in his Sermons of waiting on▪ God. are pleased to cry out in their Rhetoric, O the Affliction, the Misery, the Wormwood and the Gall of those times! Yet Posterity in after Ages will acknowledge, that the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Citizens, and Common-people of this Nation, in the General, did all arrive at the height of earthly happiness, in King Charles his time, whilst he alone did sway the English Sceptre. It is true, there were Particular grievances from particular men, both in Church and Commonwealth, (and can it be expected otherwise, while we live in this world?) and some good men haply, did suffer some hard usage at the hands of evil; but did the King ever stop His ears at any Petition? Did He ever deny Justice to any that did require it? Or did He ever harden His Heart from showing mercy, where ere it was needful? There was perhaps much whispering abroad, and murmuring in Corners, but was there always a cause? Man's Nature is apt some time to complain for nothing, even when there is more reason to be thankful. I will name the main particulars of offence, and let the world judge, what matter of blame, did truly arise from them unto the King. 1. The Bishops were cried out upon to be too Rigorous: but §. 3. hath not the carriages of that faction, (which the Bishops did oppose) since they have gotten Head, largely acquitted them of that imputation, in the judgement of all wise men? surely they forefaw the mischief which we all now feel, and did labour (as became them in their places) to prevent the same: Perhaps every of them did not go the best way to work, nor did use such apt Instruments as the case and time required, I justify no man in all particulars; and perhaps too, some of us, (who are now imprisoned, banished, and divested of all we have, by this Reforming Parliament) did in those days suffer more molestation from some of their unworthy Officers, than many of those did, who since that time have been most revengeful. Three factious fellows had their ears clipped, by the sentence of the Lords in the Star-Chamber, and were set in the Pillory; and this was exclaimed upon for great cruelty in the Bishops, (because they (having been abused by them) did not beg their pardon;) but how truly their necks also deserved the H●lter, hath well appeared by the late temper of their spirits; and the little good use they have made of that their too small, and gentle chastisement. 2. The Star-Chamber and high Commission were two great Eyesores: for many great and heavy fines, were laid on men, (for their sins sake) in those Courts, by the King's Nobles, and Judges; (some of whom are now great men with His greatest Enemies:) But how many of those fines did His Majesty in His tenderness and goodness afterwards remit, or cause to be mitigated? and since the people would so have it, He hath now given way, (even before the Act of continuing the Parliament) that those Courts should be suppressed, and so be no more offensive. 3. Many people of the Kingdom voluntarily departed hence to New-England, and this was pretended persecution, from some who differed in opinion from them (whom they called their Antichristian Enemies:) but now 'tis plainly apparent, (by that spirit which stayed behind in some of their fellows) that the true cause of their departure was only pride. In themselves, Cesar-like they could allow of no superior, either in Church or State, no Bishop, no King: (perhaps, some of them might have tender Consciences through weakness or misinformation; and some of the plainer sort might be honest men, and went for company with the rest they knew not whither, in the simplicity of their Spirits.) But 'tis well known, they had all the countenance of the King and Council, to further them in the voyage and Plantation; they carried their Wealth and Goods with them, and had supply of relief sent them, continually from this Kingdom afterward, until this War caused the return of many of them, to help forward the destruction of their native soil and Country. Indeed some are of opinion, that they went to New-England, only to learn and enure themselves to shed man's blood, (we hear of few of the Heathens converted by them, but of many masacred:) and by accustoming themselves to slaughter Infidels, they have learned without scruple to murder Christians, & are better proficients then the Spaniards themselves, in destroying those of their own Nation and Religion. But (as was said) when they went first from hence, they were suffered to carry their wealth with them; they were not used as they and their faction use us, who now suffer at their hands, for our Conscience and the Gospel's sake: They take away all our goods, make us beggars, and then afterward, if they do not murder us, or starve us in prison, they banish us into strange and desolate places, with scarce clothes on our backs to seek our fortunes. 4. Great Complaints also there was of monopolies; people paid an halfpenny more for a thousand of Pins, than they were wont to do; and almost half a farthing more, for a pound of Soap and Starch then in former times, when money was not so plentiful and such like heavy grievances did mightily oppress them; and made them weary of the King's Government, because He did permit of such things. And yet the Excize upon bread and beer, and flesh and clothes, and such like things as are sold in the market for man's use, or spent in families, was not then set up: the * Committee-men and S●questrators were not yet known. Monopolizers durst not be so detrimental to the poor Subjects of this Kingdom, while the King had the sole power in His Hands: But since they got to be Members and Favourites of the Parliament, they with their fellows, have (Epimetheus-like) opened this Pandor●'s Box, and let loose amongst us all those Dutch miseries; and (they say) the people are content to have it so; though perhaps when they have been peeled or milked a few years longger, by these new-State men, it will be confessed that the Old Government, (viz. that of the King) was far the better and the more easy. 5. But the greatest complaint of all, was Ship-money, Shipmoney, O that was a grievous burden indeed, not to be stood under, (for a twentieth Part, a fift Part, weekly Contributions, billeting of Soldiers, seizing on Rents, plundering of houses, cutting of throats, ravishing of women, deflowering of Virgins, and such like matters were not yet in fashion, nor yet felt or known by the people of the Kingdom; and therefore Shipmoney that was the great grievance.) But was not Shipmoney disputed and judged Legal before His Majesty did require it? And when he had received it, did He spend it in Luxury upon Himself, or unprofitably to the damage of His Subjects? Was it not employed for the dignity and preservation of the Nation? Were not the Ships (built therewith) the strength of the Kingdom? Were we not by means of them, become formidable to all about us? Surely from hence it was, that our Merchants sailed with more freedom at Sea; and their Factors did negociate with more success and regard abroad; hence it was that the inhabitants by the Sea Coasts, slept more securely in their beds, the worshippers of Mahomet durst not revel so near them, nor venture to steal their Children from them, * 26. Children taken at once by the Turks from off the Coasts of Cornwall, July Anno 1645. as alas, of late days they have done: In a word, by the means of those ships, (had they still continued under the King's Command) all our poor Christian Brethren had been pulled ere this, out of Bondage and Slavery from Turkish Dens, (through God's assistance) as divers of them before had been: yea, and (as was noted before) all the people of this Kingdom had been interested in that so Pious and Christian a work, by such their Contributions of Ship-money: yet this was it they called their great grievance. And thus I have shown in brief, the main things, for which the King was clamoured against at large: Now let all the world speak, whether the Church and State were unhappy under his Government, whether in the whole course of his Reign, he hath not approved himself a Defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and sincerely affected to his Protestant Subjects: And whether these men be not highly ingrateful both to God and him, for their suggesting the Contrary. But (say they) in these Letters are things unbeseeming a Prince who professeth himself to be such a Defender, such a Father, and so affected, and a perfect Malignant they pronounce him to be, that denieth this or cannot see it. SECT. XII. 1. The Adversaries industry to find somewhat unbeseeming the King in his Letters. 2. Certain Christian Considerations propounded to the Readers evidencing them to be free from any such matter. 3. Of the Adversaries pertinacy in their Rebellious way; their endeavours that their King's promises might neither be believed nor performed. TO which we Answer and say, That were the King but an §. 1▪ ordinary man, and did we observe such things in his Letters as they pretend; yet remembering the benefits enjoyed by him, the personal virtues, shining in him, throughout the time of his prosperity, we should think it disagreeing both from Christianity and Humanity to publish such our observations against him, in his adversity. But considering him withal to be●our King, our Sovereign, we are confident, (if we did see any thing unbeseeming) that we are not bound to say we saw it: or to tell others of it; nor do we indeed hold it lawful, but rather to hide it, or to make the best of it. Apelles was not bound openly to paint Alexander's scar, it was allowable for him, to lay his finger on it: nor was that other Painter obliged plainly to paint Alphonsus wry necked, it was lawful for him to make it so, as if he were looking up to Heaven; for Alexander, and Alphonsus were both Kings, and so is Charles, and by God's grace shall still continue so to be, in despite of all opposers. But in our view of these his Letters, we find that which we conceived might have made their hopes desperate of doing his Majesty hurt by their publication of them: and surely (we think) had not their confidence been great in that strong infection, which they suppose their own Notes upon them, do carry with them; the world had never seen them: for whereas heretofore, their endeavours were, to darken, and disparage the intellectual virtues of their Sovereign, (and peradventure his Majesty's easiness at first, in believing them to be Honest men, upon their Religious Pretences and Protestations, gave too great a furtherance to that design, David upon like grounds was so deceived in Achitophel.) But now these his Letters have quite dampt that business, for they discover in him such Strength of judgement, such Abilities of mind, and Dexterity of parts, that we are confident in this their divulging of them, an everlasting check is given to that malignant Accusation. And now his Moral Virtues only are the Objects of their spleen, which by their tongues and pens, they hope to blemish and defile, and from these his Letters, they hope somewhat may be made use of to their assistance. But what that Somewhat is, will be seen hereafter: In the mean time, I shall be bold to propose a word of advice to the Readers of these Letters, to be observed by them in their perusal of them: For as my Duty doth constrain me to defend my Sovereign, so my Conscience and Charity doth persuade me to advise my Brethren, for their good: though I know the Enemies think to scare me and all men else, with the name of Malignants for performing either: these men in their impudent Notes have one special passage, (amongst others,) to this purpose, (Page 46.) Their words are these, The King will declare nothing in favour of his Parliament, so long Libel. as he can find a party to maintain him in his opposition, nor perform any thing, which he hath declared, so long as he can find a sufficient party to excuse him for it. We guess to what purpose this is spoken, viz. To intimate that all such, who (out of conscience or duty) shall endeavour to vindicate the King from their unjust Caluminations, and to preserve people from their snares, shall be accounted Maintainers of opposition, and excusers of sin; and as such persons they intent either secretly, or publicly to murder and massacre them: But we hope, (through God's good grace) that neither their tongues nor their swords, shall ever terrify us from discharging our Consciences: and we are confident that our God, whom we serve, who is the God of Peace and Truth, will witness for us, that we neither delight in maintaining strife, nor yet in excusing sin. And for this advise which shall be propounded, let the Readers examine it, by the Gospel, and if it be not agreeable unto that, let no man follow it, or regard it: It is this, If they meet in these Letters with any thing, which (in their §. 2. apprehensions) seems to speak a failing on his Majesty's part, in performing what he had formerly promised, (which indeed is one main thing that these King-accusers labour to fasten upon the Readers faith) before they imitate these his Enemies, and pass a sentence peremptory, and condemnatory against their Sovereign, let them but consider of these three particulars. 1. Whether the King was Able to keep his word, in those things wherein he is apprehended to have failed? whether the cause of that failing, was not rather Lack of power, then want of will? and whether his disloyal Subjects, (who are most apt to accuse him) were not they that robbed him of his power, and on set purpose, do still detain it from him? Our observation of them hath been this, They wanting matter to make their King odious to the world, (as they desire he should be) did labour all they could to disable him, from doing as he had said and purposed; that so they might (upon his failing) have some pretence, to tell the people, he was perfidious, and a Promise-breaker. 2. Whether the King's promises when first made, were not intended performable only upon the Condition of their Faith and Obedience, who now tax him; and whether they have performed their duties in those particulars: we conceive that as God's promises, so the Kings, are made upon such supposals. If ye be willing Isa. 1. 19, 20. and obedient, (says God) ye shall eat the good of the Land; but if ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be devoured by the sword: and again, The Lord will be with you, while you be with him, but if ye forsake him, and walk contrary unto him, He will forsake you, and 2 Cor. 15. 2. walk contrary unto you. If the King's promises should be more absolute than Gods, they might be sinful; and so a sin, to keep them, though he had power: beside, faith and obedience doth not only make people capable of the thing promised, but doth also enable the party promising to make his intended goodness manifest. It is said that Christ could do no mighty works, (in a certain Mat. 13. 58. Mark 6. 5. place) because of the people's unbelief. Did men's unbelief weaken Christ's hands, and can it strengthen those of the King? I conceive no man can justly tax the King of any breaches in this kind, unless they can show, that his promises were absolute, and notwithstanding their continuation in Rebellion and opposition against him; or at least can name some one particular of them, (for which they took his word and waited on him, in the way of obedience) which he did not perform to the uttermost of his power. 3. Whether those men (who take such pains to have the King, accounted it in the world a Promise-breaker) be themselves free from the same crime; whether they have been precise, and punctual, in keeping all their Oaths, Promises, and Protestations made unto the King: If not, it may be suspected that their Policy, is greater than their Honesty; and that they hope to cloud their own fault, by means of this dust which they raise against the King; as conceiving that men will not be so uncivil, as to think them guilty of that which with so much mouth, and fieriness of Spirit, they censure in the King. And yet (verily) many are of opinion, that it cannot be shown, from any story, that there was ever a like pack of perfidious wretches, under the cope of Heaven, professing the Christian Protestant Religion, that have broken more Oaths of Allegiance, Bonds of obedience, and Protestations of Loyalty than these have done. Again, I do further advise the Readers, that if (from any 2. passages in these Letters) they shall conceive, they see in the King some failing, concerning his trust, and dependence on God; that he doth not so totally cast himself upon his strength and providence, as in their thoughts, it be seemeth the Anointed of the Lord; and as at the beginning of his troubles he resolved to do, but seems to look out for other helps, as of Foreigners, and people of another Religion, which (in their apprehensions) is not so proper for him (a Protestant Prince) to make use of: Yet before they pass a rigorous censure against him, (after the manner of these men) Let them also consider of these three particulars. 1. That the King is in the state of Mortality, and so hath frailties in him as well as others: Nor was it ever known, that Faith was at all times alike strong, and lively in the best believers; sometime they have relied wholly upon God: but sometimes again they have been full of doubtings, specially when afflictions have been hard upon them, and God seemed to stand afar off. David at some time thought that God had quite cast him off, and Ps. 13. 1, 2. etc. forgotten him; though sometime again, he could say, that God was his salvation; and when Peter that great Apostle felt himself sinking, Mat. 14. 30. his Faith failed him: Now considering how tedious, bitter, and heavy the King's afflictions have been, we (who are more frail) should rather magnify and admire the strength of God's grace in him; that hath supported him so far, and so long, then condemn him for his weakness; the best of us, (perhaps) had despaired, and been distracted or dead long ere this, under the like continuance of a far less burden. 2. That necessity is a Tyrant, and forceth men beyond their wills, and purposed inclinations, and therefore Seneca well, Magnum imbecillitatis nostrae patrocinium necessitas, quae omnem legem frangit, it breaks all laws, and resolutions, and thrusts a man with a kind of Authority into by-paths: it did David, when (notwithstanding God's particular promise to settle him in the Throne of the Kingdom, and after a large and frequent experience of Gods delivering him from Saul's rage) he said, I shall one day 1 Sam. 21. 7. perish by the hand of Saul; and thereupon used (that which is now counted an indirect mean) for his preservation, the help of Foreigners, and men of another Religion: He sought protection from Achish king of Gath; and indeed behaved himself in his court (being there also put to his shifts) somewhat unseemly. And Gen. 12. 12. so Abraham notwithstanding God had promised him his special guard, whereupon he had the more reason to be confident, and to Gen. 20. 2▪ depend upon him, yet being in a straight, to save his life, used an undirect mean two several times, and hazarded the loss of his Wife's Honour. Our King hath had no such personal and special promises of God's preservation, as those holy men had, therefore if he had been so weak in faith, (as some will happily apprehend him) yet had he shown himself therein, but the son of David, the son of Abraham. It would doubtless better become the best of us, to pray with the Psal. 125. 8. Psalmist, Let not the rod of the wicked, lie always upon the back of the Righteous, lest the righteous put forth his hand unto wickedness; then to condemn or censure a righteous Prince, for his putting forth his hand for foreign help, in a cause of this nature, when he is in danger to be deprived both of life and Kingdom: but more of this hereafter. 3. Let it be remembered how highly guilty of hiring, and impolying foreign aid, these his Accusers with their faction are, who oppose his Majesty: notwithstanding that great strength of ships, arms, wealth and men, which are at home under their Command, they have the aid of all men, whomsoever they can get or hire, to help them in spoiling the King, they called in the Scottish Nation to this purpose, and it is well known by divers where * In Cornwall when Essex his Army was there defeated by his Majesty. near thirty of their men being at once taken together Prisoners, were found upon examination to be of six several Nations, and all Papists: wherefore then, may not the King fight with his Enemies at their own weapons, and oppose strangers to strangers, Papists to Papists? Is it so great a sin in him to use such men, and are they no whit to be blamed for the same thing? may not he with as much dependence upon God, do in his necessity, what they do in the midst of plenty? may they employ foreign aid to thrust him out of his inheritance, and may not he with as good leave make use of the like, to keep the possession of what God hath given him? surely upon this consideration, if the King for his part, be worthy of censure, they also deserve a portion of the same Condemnation: no honest man but is of this judgement. This is that advice which I propound to the indifferent Readers; and which I conceive to be most agreeable to Christ's Gospel: if they now please to follow it, they may (through God's blessing) not only be kept out of a sinful path, but also have better satisfaction, in the matter discoursed upon, than they are likely to receive from these Annotators, whom I write against; for these High-boys say plainly, that all such who are not of their opinion, are perfect Malignants, and not worthy of any reply or satisfaction, at all in this point, viz. at their hands. And they further proceed, saying, Our Cause is still the same, as it was when the King first took Arms, Libel. and as it was when the King made most of these Oaths and Professions. Our three Propositions concerning the Abolition of Episcopacy, the Settling the Militia of the three Kingdoms in good hands, by the advice of Parliament, the Vindication of the Irish Rebels being all our main demands at the Treaty in February last, and no other than the Propositions sent in June 1642. before any stroke struck will bear us witness, that we rather have straightened, then enlarged our Complaints. But were our case altered, as it is not, or were we worse Rebels then formerly, etc. These words are added to evidence their former, And the Argument in them stands thus, If our Cause be still the same as at the Beginning, and ourselves as bad Rebels as we were at first, than the King is such a one as we do repute him, or would have him believed to be, and those that think better of him are perfect Malignants, and as unworthy of future satisfaction, as we judge them; But our Cause is still the same, as it was at the first, and we are as bad Rebels as at the beginning, Ergo. The Minor in this syllogism we shall easily grant: But did we not understand how unworthy we are in their account of any reply, we should be bold to deny the Major: For we conceive not, how either the unalterableness of their Cause, or their persistency in maintaining it, can prove the King (who opposeth both it and them) to be as they report him. Indeed if their reports of him were of a clean contrary nature to what they are, the Argument might well stand, for the longer he perseveres to resist Rebellion, and rebellious men, the more fully doth he approve himself according to his Title and Profession, The Defender of the true Faith, and a tender Father of his Country; for the continuance of their cause, and of them in their way, speaks a continuance, if not an increase of their strength, and this must needs infer a decrease of the King's Power, because what they have is taken from him: and the King's weakness affords an opportunity of showing his own true worth. He being debarred of outward assistance and supportments, is separated from that, which makes disfigured Monsters look handsomely. Patience is a more substantial virtue than temperance, and he that endures famishing without alteration, hath more virtue, than he that comes from a feast without a surfeit. But I will not spend words to them that list not to reply, wherefore desiring all men to observe the simpleness and insufficiency of their Argument, for the proof of what they would have it; I shall show the reason why their Cause is still the same as at the beginning, when the King first took up Arms in his own defence. It is (in a word) because themselves are still the same. Trait●rs, Heady, highminded, lovers of themselves, (of their own lusts and wills) more than of God, their King and Country; nor indeed, can men ever love, where they have cause to fear: they must still mistrust, without all hope of reconciling whom they have injured beyond all remedy of amends; Injuriam qui tulit oblivisci potest, qui fecit nunquam; though the King in his goodness may forgive, yet they in their guiltiness cannot believe: and therefore they are still the same men, and their Cause is still the same. Besides, they have entangled themselves in such a labyrinth of mischiefs, as (in their own apprehensions) they have no place left of acknowledging their error, without a total ruin, both of their Estates and Persons, therefore also having learned the wisdom of Spes quisque sibi, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are still the same men, and their cause is still the same. And moreover too, should they deny themselves in the least particular, or retract an hairs breadth from their first position, what a Jealousy might it breed in people's heads of their infallibility? how easily might those whom they have led all this while on the blind side, suspect them also erroneous in other matters? and so might they come to be despised in those minds, wherein hitherto they have been enshrined with all devotions. People's love is commonly according to their hope, it grows and fades with it; therefore should their hopes in these new State-men begin to fail, their love towards them might fail too; yea, and perhaps be turned into hatred of them; and so people returning to their former Loyalty, might force those grand Impostors (that have seduced them) to yield up the Militia to its right owner, and betake themselves to the due order of their predecessors in former Parliaments, which to do, as yet they have no intention, and therefore are still the same men, and their Cause is still the same, as at the first, when they forced their Sovereign in his own defence, to make use of those few Arms his friends brought him, even to maintain that breath, which God had given him. At which time to dissuade (if possible) from this un natural War, which he saw they did intend, (and foresaw, would be destructive to his poor Subjects) the King endeavoured to heal their ulcered minds with all Princely favours, and true shows of trust; to which purpose, he made many of those promises, which they reckon up (in a reproachful way, as not performed by him) at the end of their notes; and wanting other means to manifest further the reality of his heart, in those his professions, (they having robbed him of all his power) he did for their very sakes, (that they might have the more assured confidence) confirm his promises with an Oath; but they being otherwise resolved (as now appears) would themselves believe neither; nor would they (so much as in them lay) suffer any others to credit any thing which the King did say or swear. How many loyally disposed Ministers did they imprison, and take their livings from, only for endeavouring to make their Sovereign's honest mind known unto his Subjects, by publishing his Declarations (upon his Command) to that purpose? And how many times also did themselves set forth perverse notes, and contradictory glosses, upon the King's Books, that so the people might learn from them, to misconstrue his sincere and good intentions. Indeed because they were but new State-men, many of us thought it rather an ignorance in them of wars miseries, than any resolved purpose of acting Nero, in destroying their own Mother Church and Nation, which caused them at first to take up Arms; for though an easy Capacity might foresee that they could do nothing by such an enterprise, but increase their own sins, and the sins of the Kingdom; yet we were willing to lend what charity we could to the worst handed undertaking; but their persistency in their savage course makes us now fear, that even Ahab-like they struck at first of all, a Covenant with Hell itself, and sold themselves to work wickedness. But (alas, alas!) besides their loss of Christ and God, what will they purchase hereby to themselves? not the Titles of Fathers of their Country, as they might have done, had they behaved themselves accordingly, and believed their Sovereign: But Masters of a slaughtery will they be called, because they delight so much in the slaughtery of mankind: Posterity will judge them to have been Satan's darlings in their generation: the foremen of his shop, whom he employed to act his most glorious Stratagems, his generosa scelera, his choicest villainies; his divina mysteria iniquitatis, his divine mysteries of iniquity: Indeed they have (Manasseh-like) filled 2 King. 21. 16. the Nation with innocent blood, and made the whole Land a 2 Cor. 23. 12. very Acheldama or field thereof: And oh that it would please the Judge of all the world to deal with them, as he did with that Manasseh, bring them into Bonds and Chains, that so if possible they might be humbled, as he was, before they go hence and be no more; but I return to them. It is yielded (as they see) that 'twas the truth they spoke, when they said, their Cause was still the same, as when the King first took Arms, and as when he made most of his Oaths and professions. And so in like sort is our God the same still, as when the King was first at Nottingham, and there set up his Standard: But they tell us further, to their former purpose, that their demands at the Treaty in February, were no other than those sent in June, 1642. before any stroke struck. Which Argument they repeat over the second time, in the 53. Page of their notes, to the same end also; our demands (say they) at Uxbridge in February 1644. were the very same as they were in June 1642. (indeed they are as bold, as high, as unreasonable to the full: Ergo, (say they,) The King hath no reason to look upon us now, any otherwise then as he did then. All this is very true; who denies it? these men (sure) love to dispute with their own shadows: The King had cause to look upon them then, as he doth now; though now he hath cause to express himself further against them, than he did then: It is the course which God himself takes when people Rebel against him: He endeavours at first to reduce them by promises, and allurements unto obedience; but if they slight, and contemn these, and oppose him the more for his lenity and goodness, he than useth to express himself with more wrath and severity against them, and hath reason for it, we do not apprehend that the King can transgress, (whatever these wise men say,) so long as he walks in the way of God; though he did not call them by their proper name at first, yet now he may. But for this their Argument, which they seem (by their often use of it) to be so proud of; had they any true touch or taste of Christianity in them, they would blush to use it. The Propositions are the same now as they were two or three years ago; scil●ful as high, full as unreasonable; and is this to their commendation? Is it to their praise, that the shedding of so much Christian blood, hath wrought no Remorse at all in them? no obedience at all to God's word, (which commands, if possible, to live peaceably with all men?) no submission to their King, who hath so often wooed them with the tenders of mercy, and pardon to be quiet? No Humanity, no Piety to their poor native Country, that lies a bleeding to destruction? is this a matter to be gloryed in now, that they are still as stiff as ever? as far from practising the first lesson in Christ's School, (the point of self-denial,) as if they had never heard one word of Christianity? surely this their glory will one day be their shame; and God grant it may so be, before the great day, that then (if possible) they may find mercy. Truly this their impenitency, and hardness of heart, may afford us great matter of Admiration; that neither all the blood that is shed, nor God's protection of the King's person among so many treasons and dangers; from their malice, and against such multitudes of men, who both by secret treacheries, open Hostilityes, foul mouths, black pens, and bloody hands, have endeavoured his ruin: Nor yet those remarkable judgements, upon Brook, Hampden, and Hotham, three of the first instruments of motion in this Rebellion; together with many other Notable Accidents of God's providence upon many other of their Associates: * And now of late they have been paid home in their own coin so many ways (even as themselves have dealt with their Sovereign,) that they would confess with that Heathen King, Jud. 1. 7. (had▪ they but as much sense of the Deity as He) and say, As we have done, so God hath rewarded us. I say it may well be matter of amazement to us, that none of these things have been able to work any touch of Conscience, or alteration unto good in them; pray God (therefore) they be not given up to a Reprobate sense, and that the seal of damnation be not set upon them. Indeed (they say) they have rather straightened then enlarged their Complaint, (of which this their libellous, and defamatory book is a sufficient witness) their propositions also they have straightened from 19, to 3. but it is proportione Arithmeticâ non Geometricâ, for these three contain in them fully as much as those 19, and more if possible. Well, but what be these 3. Propositions which they now stick so close unto? themselves say, they are these in their order. The first concerns the Abolition of Episcopacy, (or pulling down of the Church.) The second concerns the settling the Militia of the Kingdom in good hands by the advice of the Parliament, (or the pulling down of the Kingdom, or Kingly state.) The third concerns the Vindication of the Irish Rebels, (or the full completion of a perfect Babel.) Indeed the method is rightly suited, for the restauration of a Chaos. First down with a well governed Church, then with a well- ordered State, and then a Butcherly confusion follows presently, not only in one, but in all places. But I shall take the boldness to make a few queres about the particulars. SECT. XIII. 1. Of their Propositions at Uxbridge: Four Pretences for their Abolition of Episcopacy. 2. Four true Reasons of that their sinful request. 1. WHy the Abolition of Episcopacy? Was not their pretence and promise at first to make the Church Glorious, and according to the Pattern of Primitive times? and was not the Church then Governed by Bishops? Was not the Doctrine and Discipline of this particular Church, settled here in King Edward's days by Bishops, (who sealed the same afterward with their blood?) and hath ever any particular national Church so flourished, as this hath here done under that Government? did the first establishers of any other Ecclesiastical Discipline, ever give so real and substantial a Testimony of confirmation as these did, to what they had in this kind done? Or was their work ever approved with a like measure of God's blessing? Hath ever any one Church since the Ascension of our Saviour, brought forth in four-score years space, so many learned men, defenders of verity, and oppugners of Antichristianity? So many able Preachers and expounders of holy Writ? so many knowing Christians, and well gifted people of all sorts, as the Church of England hath done, under the Government of Episcopacy? And must it now be abolished in all haste? For what causes I pray? Pretences they have, which we will first consider on; and their true reasons afterward. 1. They say, because 'tis Impious, Unlawful and Antichristian: Were then those Martyr Bishops, Cranmer, Ridly, Hooper, Latimer, Farrer, all Antichristian? Were Jewel, Downam, Andrews, Abbot, King, and many others of that Order, (that writ against Antichrist) all themselves Antichristian? Must God's Wisdom now receive a check for suffering his Church to flourish thus long under a Government Antichristian? Will this new Generation undertake to teach the Almighty also, to rule his Flock and Family, (better than He hath hitherto done) by their Abolition of Episcopacy? Indeed some of them have taught, that Hierarchy itself was Antichrist, though Scripture speaking of Antichrist, calls him a man of sin; not a sinful Order, (if Hierarchy were any such thing) but no marvel that those who think they can teach God himself, do take upon them to contradict the Scripture. O but (say they) the Romish Religion is Antichristian, and the Government of that Church is by Episcopacy: And yet this Government is more Ancient than that Religion (as now professed) and therefore that Religion cannot make it Antichristian: Nor is that Church Antichristian because of that Government; but rather because the precepts of men there, (like our Ordinances of Parliament here) are preferred before the Word of God. The Bishops there are called Antichristian, because (like our men of Westminster) they are such abrogators of, and such dispensers with God's Laws, and such tyrannous exactors and importuners of their own: Because (like them) they are (or have been at least some of them) so treacherous in their pretences, so barbarous in their executions, so contrary in their doings, to the meek and mild Doctrine of Christ's Gospel, breathing forth cruelty, fire and sword against those that are not of their own opinion, though no otherwise offending them, then in their desiring to amend them: Because they are in their conditions, so like unto those that would from amongst us abolish Episcopacy, therefore are the Bishops in the Romish Church called Antichristian, and for no other reason. Their Second Argument or pretence why Episcopacy must be 2. Abolished, is, because (say they) all other Reformed Churches have abolished Bishops, and till we have abolished them too, Reformation will not be perfect in this Nation. This Reason is false; Or were it true, yet the conclusion from it, is most untrue: The Churches in Denmark, Swevia, and Poland do retain Episcopacy, after the manner of the Greek and Russian Churches, and those of afric, and the Eastern Countries. And for those particular Churches that have abolished that Government, it is first to be inquired, (before there be a conformity to their practice) whether therein they have done well, or no, and whether since that time, they have thrived better without it, than we have done that have enjoyed it. If it be remembered, what is recorded to be said, at the meeting at Dort to our English Divines, by some of them, that were sent thither from those other reformed Churches, concerning their own unhappiness, in respect of the want of such an Episcopal Government as ours was, and concerning our Church's felicity in its enjoyment thereof; perhaps it would be concluded, that this similitude aimed at with other Churches, is only in misery and imperfections, and that those other so admired Churches come short of ours, in perfection of Reformation, and not ours of them; and of this opinion (doubtless) were those wise and learned Divines of the Religion (as they are called) in France, who petitioned the Cardinal Richlieu (as I have heard credibly reported) that they might be permitted to have Bishops over their Congregations; But he answered, No, for than you would have at least the face of a Church among you. That learned Gentleman Sir Edwin Sands, tells us in his Europae Speculum, that the Papists are more awed with the Reformation of Religion in England, then with that in any other Country, and have been (says he) more busy in their attempts against our Church, as conceiving it to be most perfect of any other, in regard of that peaceable and orderly alteration introduced therein, which was not (says he) in a tumultuous headlong way, as was that in other Churches, but by the general consent of the Prince and Realm, representatively assembled in solemn Parliament, as also in regard of the continuation of the Government by Bishops, and vocation of Ministers, which the inconsiderate weakness of other Churches did not retain, or rather the violent wickedness of profane men, (coveting the Church's possessions) would not suffer. Thus he. But now we have (amongst ourselves) some above-board, who (it seems) are resolved, though with the destruction of Church and Kingdom, to free the Papists from their Ancient dread; they will have all things here, as they are and have been in other Churches: that former orderly Reformation, which did so awe the Adversary, shall be overdone, and made perfect by an heady tumultuous innovation; our Government by Bishops shall be quite abolished even root and branch; and all the Church's Revenues shall be employed to profane uses; that so we may be fully conformable to other Reformed Churches, this is the issue of their second Argument. Their 3. Pretence to the same purpose is this, bishops' must be 3. abolished, because they have been (specially of late) such enemies unto, and Persecutors of God's People, viz. those of their Faction. For (as if they were all Kings of China) they engross to themselves the title of Filios Coeli, God's Children, Heirs of Heaven, with exclusion of all, that be not of their opinions, I pray God they may prove so at last: but as yet (sure we are) their actions proclaim them to be Filios inferni rather. The Bishops, in regard of their office and place in the Church, were bound in Conscience, as they would answer it to God and the King, to suppress Schism, to keep down Faction and Rebellion, and to punish those that were Seditious; and they apprehending (from some strange positions vented in Pulpits, and from the refractoriness which they found in some spirits, unto the Government established) that some great mischief was in hatching, did endeavour to hinder the sowing of that seed, which hath brought forth these bitter fruits, which now (alas!) this whole Nation feeds upon, and weeps under. Now because they would not sleep, and suffer those envious ones to scatter their tares into people's Hearts, so quietly as some desired, therefore they open the mouth against them, as against the Enemies and Persecutors of God's People. Perhaps (as was said before) every particular of the Bishops might not be so wary and considerate, in the management of what they did, as had they known the event of things they would have been: and perhaps too, they employed some persons of too course or base an Alloy, to act in the business, who pulled up Wheat and Tares together, or peradventure sometime, and in some places the Wheat alone, and not the Tares at all; and so the Bishop's good intendments became scandalous, by the illness of their instruments: But I believe now, (experience hath taught it to all sober men) that it will be confessed, the Bishops were not such great persecutors of God's People, or Hunters of Christ's Flock as was so loudly voiced, but rather good Shepherds that endeavoured to keep under those ravenous wolves, who now so much destroy it. Ask but the Country Farmer, and even he will now tell you, that since the Abolition of Episcopacy, hath been in hand, Christ's Sheep and his, have had but unsafe and unquiet pasturage, in compare with that, which they enjoyed formerly; and thus have we seen the strength of their 3. Pretence or Argument. A 4. follows and 'tis this, Episcopacy must be abolished, because 4. it hinders the punishment of sin, in that brotherly way, which suits with Christ's rule in the Gospel, which says, if thy brother Mat. 18. offend, first, tell him of it in private between him and thee, if he do not reform, then carry two or three with thee, and admonish him the second time; if he will not yet hear, then Dic Ecclesiae, tell it to the Church, and make a public manifestation of his wickedness. But by the abolition of Episcopacy, this discipline of Christ shall be set up; men's reputation may be saved, and their moneys too, (which is needlessly spent in Bishop's Courts) and people may be kept in good awe without charges. So they say: And the War they have raised to punish Delinquents, doth sufficiently discover their brotherly way: but not to insist upon that; let us consider how well they have begun to put their discipline in execution with particulars. First, in the publication of their so much studied, and unmannerly Remonstrance against the King, they begun their discipline at the wrong end, even at Dic Ecclesiae, or at Dic Mundo rather, before they so much as touched upon a first or second Admonition: Yea, and though His Majesty beforehand, by his suppressing offensive Courts, and establishing a triennial Parliament, had largely testified His resolution of rectifying what was amiss, had the things been true which they Charged upon him. And 2. how Ecclesiastically have they dealt with him now also, in their divulging these his Letters, whereby they have done their worst to make him accounted an Heathen and a Publican, without ever so much as the least hint or brotherly Admonition before hand. But perhaps they'll say the King is a singular person, and considering the state of opposition, wherein at this present he stands with them, (or they with him;) he is not worthy or capable of any such respect at their hands. Let us consider therefore, how fairly they have proceeded with others, and how according unto Discipline. And to this purpose let us but remember one particular which was before mentioned, viz. how at their first meeting, when they took from the Bishop's power of punishing sin; they made a kind of a public, O yes, to the whole Kingdom, and put the same in print, that none might plead ignorance of it, and sent it into all parts and corners of the Land; whereby they invited all the Raskality of the Nation, to bring up to Westminster all the complaints they would or could against the Ministers of Jesus; which were there received with all alacrity and cheerfulness, though never so false or so malicious: and in their open Committees, the man in the Chair would give the Title of Sir, and Master at every word to the basest beggerliest villain, that had but the forehead to come before them, and act the Devil's part against his Minister: and sometimes also on the other side, he would rattle up and be- Sirrah the Messenger of the Lord, before the rabble; and all this before any first or second Admonition; yea perhaps, before they knew upon proof whether he were guilty of any fault or no; only they saw somewhat written against him in a paper. And then further yet, lest the negligent world, should chance to forget in after-Ages, this remarkable Act of Zeal and Discipline in them, concerning the Reformation of the Clergy: One John White, (than a choice Member of the Lower House, though now gone to his proper place) did make a Book, and Authorized it his own self, wherein the said presentments (though never proved) were transmitted to posterity, and this was his Dic Ecclesiae. And to the end, that foreign Nations also, as well as the Children yet unborn, might the more fully note, and know, the Christianity of these Abolishers of Episcopacy, they Authorized in like manner one William Prin, (a dear friend we may be sure of the Bishops) to write an History in two volumes, (beside his Commentary upon the Arch-bishops Notebook) wherein all the obliquities of the Bishops that were whispered, or could possibly be invented, were at large recorded, which was a Dic Ecclesiae to the purpose. If Prin had made good use of that great Reading, which he would the world should think him guilty of, he might have remembered that the Ancient Counsels, when they deprived any Bishop, never recorded the offence, but buried it in perpetual silence. Or had reason bore any sway in him, though things blameworthy had been in the Bishops, yet to ascend from their persons, unto their calling, and to draw that into question, he would have judged it high Injustice; but for those his Books, I leave him to the torture of his own Conscience: when he writ them, he was (surely) in that his Tartarean Ecstasy, which his brother John Goodwin affirms him to be sometimes in, and then (says he) he speaks the Dialect of Dragons. And (by the way) that the world may the better know him, let but the Testimony be remembered, which the said learned brother of his, gives publicly of him: Since the mountains (saith he) * Calumny arraigned & cast: Or, answer to Prins rank passages, in his book entitled, Truth Triumphing over Falsehood. Pag. 14. Pag. 13. ejusdem. were brought forth and settled, it may probably be thought, that there was never any son of Adam, whose pen made a broader digression, from that Christian brotherly way, which himself speaks of, than his own; for look as low as the earth is beneath the Heavens, so far is Mr. Prins way of dealing with his friends beneath that which is Christian and brotherly: (and if so, we cannot suppose him, to deal better with those, whom he accounteth his enemies) He can spy Bears and Tigers, Lions and Dragons, where other men can see nothing but Doves and Sheep; and hath eyes given him to condemn all the world beside of blindness; this is the very Testimony which John Goodwin one of the Parliament Ministers giveth to the world of William Prin; and He professeth Pag. 12. solemnly withal, that himself can hardly refrain, from taking a solemn Vow, and protestation, in the sight of God, Angels and men, to have no more to do with him, either in word or deed, until He turns Christian: But (as I said before) I leave him to the torture of his own Conscience, as well as to John Goodwins censure, and return to my proper business. I remember the forenamed Sir Edwin Sands in his fore-mentioned discourse, tells us, that when he writ the said book, (which is above 50. years ago,) the Papists, (in their hatred against the Church of England) did give out, that they had a Book in hand of the lives of the Ministers of England, viz. of defamation against them: if that Book be not yet out, (as for aught I know it is not, for want of matter perhaps to make up, or strength to bring forth:) they may now spare themselves the labour, for John White and William Prin by strong Authority, have done the work for them; and with as perfect spite and vileness, as the worst of them could possibly have done it. I wish with my soul that dissolute and corrupt Ministers, upon sufficient testimony of their guilt, had in a d●e and orderly way, received exemplary punishment, to expiate the scandal and reproach, which by their means hath been cast upon our Holy Office and function: but undoubtedly the course which Prin and White have taken, and which these Abolishers of Bishops, have countenanced them in, is most base and beggarly; and altogether unworthy ingenuous and true Noble spirits: Sure, had their delights been, to have soared on high, in the pure and candid paths of verity, they would have disdained in that sort, to have raked in the puddles of obscenity: but in that to their baseness of discoveries, they have added Injustice too, and suffered Malice to prefer, Spite to increase, and Slander to taint, all that was done in this nature; they have deservedly purchased to themselves a place, with the grand Calumniatour himself, whose title is, The ●●cuser of the Brethren. And thus we have seen what their grand pretences are, for their Abolition of Episcopacy: now we shall note their true reasons which are these, some say, 1. Because Episcopal Government, confines people, (as God's §. 2. word doth) to the Bonds of Wedlock, and punisheth those that vitiate themselves in forbidden paths, by ordering them to stand in a White sheet, or to pay a good sum of money for a Commutation: Yea some persons of place and note in the world, (who think it no shame to commit folly, but to be reproved for it) are liable to suffer rebuke, and so disgrace, (as they take it) for their wantonness; if Bishops continue still Honourable and in esteem amongst us, (for the outward dignity of the reprover adds much vigour to the reproof with some men:) Wherefore that people might be free, and enjoy their Liberty without check or Control, the Persons of Bishops must be vilified, their Estates and revenues taken away from them, and their Jurisdiction from henceforth quite abolished. Indeed it makes all modest men blush to hear what Harlottry and filthiness is voiced to be practised and countenanced (even by them that would be esteemed the Reformers of our Church and Nation,) since the Courts which punished that sin have been suppressed, (notwithstanding Gods heavy judgements upon the Nation ever since;) nor must men now speak their minds freely, for fear of being accounted disaffected persons, Enemies to the State, and to the Privileges of Parliament: But as Saint Paul said in his time to the Corinthians, so I must say (for I am God's Minister) to those above board in these days, I hear there is such fornication committed, and such filthiness suffered to go unpunished amongst you, as is not to be named among Saints, much less to be connived at, by them that would be esteemed members of the High and Supreme Court of Justice. It was not thus when Episcopacy was in force, nor when Bishops had their place in Parliament: O might there but come forth an Ordinance to warrant and encourage all men to bring in Complaints against Bawds, Panders and Harlots, with their abetters and maintainers, (as there was once to invite all that would, to bring in accusations against God's Ministers,) the world might haply see, or hear some new Centuryes of ill livers, yea, and proofs too into the bargain: Yea perhaps they might hear how some unworthy Members have attempted to ravish and deflower Ladies of Honour, and no punishment inflicted for the same; How some others neglected their own wives, have kept divers lewd women, yea, and allow yearly pensions to filthy Bawds to furnish them with such Commodities, for the satisfying their brutish lusts, and base appetites: How some have deflowered young Virgins whose Parents (in respect of their abused Children) are unwilling to publish their dishonour to the world: How some, having committed this vile wickedness with young Gentlewomen, have used, (or advised) to means to hinder conception, yea and to destroy the fruit in the womb when conceived, (which I believe in the sight of God is no less than rank murder.) How some (having undone Gentlemen of good quality, by taking away their estates,) have taken advantage of the poverty of their Children, and allured their daughters (personable and proper women) unto their own baseness, to the loss of their Honours and precicious Souls for ever; (and to continue in these courses without control is thought by many, to be one of the chief designs which divers of these new reformers aim at;) I say, these and many such like things might haply be evinenced to some men's shame (if they have any left in them,) might but as free leave and Countenance be granted to impeach such persons, as was once to accuse God's Ministers: Well, some men imagine this to be one This reason I received lately from the judgement of others and therefore thought fit to insert it in the first place with these that follow. reason of the Abolition of Episcopacy; that the Fathers of God's Church might not have power to punish and suppress such kind of offenders. 2. Because Episcopacy is the upholder of truth and order: this is evident enough to be another reason: themselves cannot deny, that the same was first ordained & established in the Church, for a Remedy against Heresies, Sects, and Schisms, (which even in the Primitive times began to spring up among Christians; the Smectymnists themselves confess this) and also for the maintaining of Order and Decency in God's worship and service: wherefore truth and order, being the things which these men purpose to suppress and destroy, (as appears by that inlet, which they have given to all false Doctrines and Teachers, and by that confusion, which they have set up in all places;) therefore a necessity lies upon it, Episcopacy must be Abolished, as being a main obstruction to that their intendment or undertaking: This is the second. 3. Because Episcopacy is a great friend to Monarchy, a main supporter of it. King James upon experience and observation was wont to say, No Bishop, no King; which saying, those that found most fault with it, do now endeavour to make good unto the full, for they intent the utter destruction of Monarchy in this Kingdom, (as will appear by their words anon) a form of Government indeed, which their Faction have always maligned and laboured to destroy: King James in his Basilicon Doron, pag. 4. (which he made before he was King of England) complains of the men of this faction, then in Scotland, how they did use to calumniate him in their popular Sermons, not (says he) for any evil or vice in me, but because I am a King, which they think the Highest evil: and again, they informed (says he) the people that Kings and Princes, were natural enemies to the Liberty of the Church, and could never patiently bear the yoke of Christ, (which hath been the very Doctrine of these times.) Wherefore that wise King was most specially careful all his days, to countenance and establish Episcopacy in all His Kingdoms; not only as the main preserver of Religion, but also as the special upholder of Monarchy; and he lays it as a charge upon his Son, to imitate him therein. And indeed these innovators know full well, that they cannot bring their designs to effect against Monarchy, without the Abolition of Episcopacy▪ for this keeps down those unruly fiery spirits of the Ministry, which are used as chief incendiaries in all State- Combustions; this restrains them from reproaching their betters, and Speaking evil of Dignities; this maintains that Common form of Prayer in this Church established; by the use whereof as by a daily Sermon of obedience, people's hearts are seasoned with Duty and Loyalty; in that they are taught continually * In the daily Collects or prayers for the King. to acknowledge God to be the only Ruler of Princes, and the King's Heart to be in God's Hand, who alone must be sought unto, to guide and dispose the same; in that also we are all taught (as we are subjects) daily to consider, that it is God's Authority which the King hath; and that we are faithfully to serve, Honour, and humbly obey Him in God, and for God, Viz. because God hath so commanded, and because He is in Gods own stead by his appointment, and ordination over the people. And by many other such like Divine and Godly expressions, people are taught in their use of that book, to make profession of their Duty & Loyalty unto their Prince, all which make directly against these men, and their designs; therefore Episcopacy the upholder of this book (as the main impediment to their Project) down, & the Common-prayer Book too, without any reason * Stet pro ratione voluntas. at all alleged on their parts, that take upon them to be the Abolishers. In a word, Episcopacy with her Common-Prayer Book, will not admit Treason to stand in the first rank of Christian virtues, (as these new-Reformers would have it) nor be held the fairest, and shortest way to Heaven; Ergo, She and that too must be both Abolished; to make way for the downfall of Monarchy, in this late most flourishing and happy Kingdom: This is the third Reason. The 4. is, because the King at His Coronation, did take a Solemn Oath to maintain Episcopacy, it being the Government then established in the Church; and the endeavours of these men are not only to destroy the King's Honour, by their Tongues and Pens; His Body and Estate by their violence and oppression: but also His Soul (if they can possibly) by forcing upon Him, the guilt of perjury; which if they could effect, beside that unappeasable grief, (which in so tender a Conscience as the Kings is) they know they should create, they would also purchase to themselves, an Argument for confirmation of those their slanders already cast out against him, to the same purpose, viz. that he is regardless of keeping his Oath and Promise. And besides too, if they can make him their Instrument, to ruin the Church of God, (which he loves so dearly) and to destroy Monarchy and Kingly Government, whereby himself and his posterity are supported: if they can make him their Agent to ruin himself, it will speak them admirable gifted, and to have outgone all the Machivillians that ever were before them: most worthy therefore, and fit to enjoy the Supremacy in the State, and to be feared of all people. And then further yet, if they can get the King at their motion, to Abolish Episcopacy, they shall occasion him to break the Charge which his Father laid upon him to the contrary in his Basilicon Doron, which he calls his Testament: The Charge and Caveat there given, is in these words: Take heed (my son) of those Puritan● Bas. Dor. p. 42. which aim ●t a parity, who are the very pests in Church and Commonwealth, whom no deserts can oblige, no Oaths or promises bind, they breathe nothing but Calumny and Sedition, aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and making their own imaginations (without warrant of the Word) the square of their Conscience. I protest before the Great God, (and since I am here, as upon my Testament, 'tis no place for me to lie in) that you shall never find with any Hie land or Border-theeves, greater ingratitude, more lies, and viler perjuries, then with these fanatic spirits: And suffer not the Principals of them to brook your Land, if ye like to sit at rest, except you would keep them for to try your Patience, as Socrates did an evil wife. These were the words of the King's Father, wherefore should His Majesty let these men, with his good will and approbation be principal in the Church, and yield for this purpose, to their desires in abolishing Episcopacy? God (doubtless) would be much offended with him, for not minding the Commandment of his Father: Yea, and peradventure too, these his tempters would go near afterward, to suggest unto his Subjects, (for they have mouth and forehead enough to do it) that the King like his Predecessor, Edward the second, had neglected to observe his Father's Testament, and therefore (as one under God's curse) ought meritoriously to be dealt withal, as Edward the second was first deposed, and then put to death, and so would they make use of that Act of his, in fortifying themselves another way, to do him a further mischief: but God we trust will prevent them, and guide him. And thus we have seen the true reasons of their first Proposition concerning Abolition of Episcopacy: And we hope if His Majesty be forced as Henry the third was, to subscribe to any thing against his will, he will do as some of the Martyrs have done in a like straight; first of all require of them that urge these unreasonable propositions upon him, (before he signs them) to imprecate publicly, and in a solemn manner upon themselves and posterities, all the demerit of guilt and sin, which shall be incurred at God's Hand by such a subscription. If their Consciences think there be no sin in the matter, they will easily do it; but if they refuse, it will manifestly appear to the whole world that they are most devilishly minded thus to press the King to things unlawful. In the next place they require the settling of the Militia of the three Kingdoms in good hands by advice of Parliament. SECT. XIIII. 1. Their unreasonableness in desiring the Militia to be in their sole disposal: Four weak and dangerous pretences for it. 2. Four true Grounds of this their demand. 3. How sinful and dangerous a thing it would be to the Church, People, and Kingdom if the King should grant it. IT is to be noted, the Militia not of one, but of three Kingdoms; §. 1. they must have all or none; as Moses would not leave an Hoof behind, with King Pharaoh; so these will not leave a weapon with the King. They will have the whole Militia of the 3. whole Kingdoms settled (say they) in good hands. But what Hands are those? If gentle, peaceable, and Religious hands are such; then was the Militia of the Kingdom in good hands before, until by the fraud and violence of these demanders, it was wrested thence: But if by good Hands, they mean such as have now gripped the same into their possession, God forbid that the King should ever willingly yield it should be settled there, or that the people of the Kingdom should ever consent thereto, for so they might pull the guilt of that Innocent blood, which hath already, and is still likely to be shed by it, (while so settled) upon their own heads. It was always (till now) without scruple believed, for an undoubted truth, that those hands were the best, which Gods Word and the Law of the Land so judged, and committed the Militia into; and those were only the Kings, no law Common or Statute can be showed, whereby it was ever settled elsewhere; And in God's Word, Kings though Heathens, are entitled Gods sword-bearers, Rom. 13. 4. in respect of their office, to execute punishment upon evil doers. In the story of Israel's Government, we read of King Saul's 1. Sam. 13. 2. selected band, which himself alone made choice of: and of David's 2 Sam. 23. Worthies, and of his appointing Captains over hundreds, and over thousands, the Militia it seems, was in his sole hands then: Himself made Joab the General of his Host, and displaced him 1 Chro. 11. again at his own pleasure: Indeed we know, that the form of Government in the Jewish Commonwealth, is much slighted and scorned at by our new State-mongers, as weak, unperfect, and unfit for this Nation; the Government of Heathen Rome, is in their Judgements the most absolute, and this is that (say they) which they aspire after: But we are of opinion that God Almighty's wisdom is better than theirs is, or then that of the Heathens was: and we believe that those State-Governments are the only best, and most fit for Christians that come nearest unto that, which God himself contrived, and prescribed unto his own people; and we well remember, when ours here held a near conformity unto that, we best flourished: Nor can we conceive, why the same we had, should be more unsuitable to the Nation now, all upon the sudden, then heretofore; but only because these Innovators have at the present unfit people for God's Yoke, by making them Rebellious: And for this reason (it seems) we must now forsake the direction of God's Word, and of Law established, to listen after a certain new advice, from these few men, who call themselves the Parliament: who as if all wisdom were lodged in them, must take upon them, to Nominate some New good hands to settle the Militia of the Kingdoms in, for aftertimes. But we are confident beforehand, they will (like him that chose himself Pope) determine only for themselves; and judge their own hands the best of all others, though, (alas!) the whole Kingdom hath felt the Contrary, by smarting experience. But may it not be imagined, that men so excessively wise, are full of reason? what therefore may the grounds be of this unreasonable demand? the like to which I never met with in any story: and doubtless should it be granted, the King (as himself says well) should remain But the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a King: For in the Militia of the Kingdom, consists the King's power, his Authority, and to yield to the settling of this in any hands but his own, were to yield up his Crown itself: his very Kingdom. Now therefore by what right, or reason, they should claim the King's Crown, I cannot imagine; unless (perhaps) they have bargained for that right, which the Pope had thereunto, by King John's resignation: The story says, that the King received it back of the Pope to hold from thenceforth in fee farm of Him, and his Successors for the yearly rent of a 1000 Marks; Now (perhaps) upon the King's nonpayment of the said rent, they have gotten the Pope's right conveyed to them, and do bottom this their demand upon it: and that strict intelligence which Lenthall the Speaker brags that himself keeps with the Pap. 1. Cardinal Mazarine, may peradventure be about the settling of the said conveyance; but this is a secret, which the people must not know of, or will not believe, (nor will I press it upon them) and therefore they have other pretences, and say, they demand it. 1. Because those good Hands which the Parliament will make choice of to settle the Militia in, are sure hands, that is, hands that may be trusted, which will never part again, with what they have once gripped, or laid hold upon; never a pack of Knaves in the world, shall be able to cheat them of their Magazines, their Ships, their Towns, and Castles, if once the whole power of the Kingdom be at their disposing; they will not take men's words, nor believe their Oaths, nor credit their Honesties as the King hath done: nor will they be so scrupulous as he hath been, of giving occasions of suspicion, to his inferior Subjects. Besides themselves being (as themselves say) Gods Children, have all power and authority, and what ever else is good upon the earth, of right belonging unto them, as their proper inheritance; though hitherto it hath been kept from them by usurpers, (such as Kings and Princes are, and all others that be not of their Faction) therefore, if now by any means, they can but be stated in their own rights, it is very probable that▪ they will see the whole Kingdom destroyed rather, then part with the same again, for the Israelites did never deliver back the Egyptian Jewels, after they had once borrowed them; nor did they ever resign to Og the King of Basan, his Kingdom any more, when once they had gotten possession of it: Ergo, because these good hands are such sure hands, such hold-fasting hands, they would have the Militia settled in them. Indeed we do remember that for the space of two seven years before this unhappy Parliament did begin, vulgar hearts were seasoned with this Doctrine; that God's people only have a right to the things of this life, and all others (Kings and all) are but usurpers of what they do enjoy, and therefore may justly be dispossessed of the same, by them who call themselves the people of the Lord. But we do not believe this to be a true Doctrine, because Christ hath said, His Kingdom (or that which properly belongs to his people) is not of this world; Therefore we conceive the Argument, and reason built upon the same▪ to be neither substantial nor sufficient, but only a bare pretence, to gull the ignorant, and to seduce the simple. 2. They desire (as they say) to have the disposal of the Militia, that so they may go throughstitch with their Reformation, (as they call it.) For (say they) it is an hard task we have undertaken, and like to he long in doing, for we shall meet with many rubs, and therefore have need of Power to remove obstructions. Indeed we grant that Rome was not built-in one day, it was many years before she had gained her present height of wickedness; and before ●he could reach the same, she did wrest the Militia, out of the Emperor's hands, whereby she was able to bring her Sovereign's neck under her Pope's feet, by making him glad to hold the stirrup: And now a like design being here on foot, it must be pursued in a like method; the Militia must first be seized upon; beside the doctrine of Christian obedience, hath been so long riveted into people's hearts, that though it be shrewdly shaken already, by these Militia-men, yet it is likely to settle and appear again, unless they have the strength continued in their violent hands, to suppress and keep under the growth thereof. And then further too, that Public form and manner of worshipping God, wherein people have been bred and nourished in the Church, hath been so decent, and Reverend; that this beastly and slovenly way, which these New Reformers (as they call themselves) would introduce in the room thereof, is never like to be well digested; and therefore as the Papists on the one side, have need of a bloody Inquisition, to uphold their ridiculous fopperies, and superstitious vanities in their worship of God: so these on the other side, have as much need of the Militia to maintain, and force their unhandsome carriages, and proud undecencies in their serving of him. But these men pretending to reform a Christian Church, do they not make use of a wrong instrument? Was the Militia of kingdoms ever appointed of God to such an end? We have always believed that the Word was the ordained mean for such a purpose: the Sword of Christ's mouth, and not of men's hands, must both cut sin from Christ's members, and subdue his enemies. Had these men set up a faithful teaching Ministry, in all parts of the Kingdom, we might have hoped for some good by them; but as that Pope, who cast away his Keys, and betook himself to his Sword; so do they betake them to their iron and steel, they desire the Militia of the Kingdom, with which they persecute, and destroy the faithful Preachers, and this they call Reformation. Indeed Antichrist and Mahomet, went this way to work, for the erection of their Religions; and our men coveting and exercising a like power, to a like end, may be truly called their Disciples, whom they imitate; we would fain have them declare unto us, how this course which they take, and which it seems (by this their desire) they are resolved to proceed in, can possibly consist with that Religion, whose root is truth, whose branches are charity, and whose fruit is good deeds, both towards friends and Micah 3. 9, 11. enemies: we find in Micah the Lord complaining of some wicked Heads of the people, and false Prophet, who juggling together Vers. 10. did endeavour to build up Zion with blood, and Jerusalem with iniquity, (and had got the Power and Militia into their hands to that purpose) and that the silly people might think, that God was well pleased with that their way, they would (says the Text) lean upon the Lord, and were so impudent as to say, the Lord is among us, or on our side: But how did the Lord take this at their hands? It follows in the next Verse, For your very sakes (says Vers. 12. God to them) Zion shall be ploughed like a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps, and by those unfit means, wherewith they pretended to build up the same, was brought to pass its destruction. Wherefore doubtless this second Reason, which is alleged, to get the Militia settled in their Hands, is not only weak, but extremely wicked, and tendeth not to Reformation, but to the destruction and ruin of Christian Religion, and of the Nation. Thirdly, They pretend it would be for the People's greater preservation to have the Militia of the Kingdom settled in their own good Hands: for (say they) we stand for the People, we are the men whom the People have chosen, and therefore it is most likely, that we shall employ the strength of the Kingdom best, to the People's safety, which above all things is to be looked unto. Thus they speak, and well have they evidenced their pretended care for us the People, since they got the sword into their hands; for therewith the first thing they did, for our preservation, was (Mustapha, or Mahomet, or Amurath-like * I am not certain which of them it was: and I want Books to help my memory. to cut off fair Irenes' head, (with whom indeed the whole Nation had formerly too much wantonized) and what have they done beside, but often strewed our fields and highways, with heaps of mangled carcases, and filled our Channels with the spilt-out blood of our murdered Countrymen? O woe, woe and alas! they have done that, quod nulla posteritas probet, quod nulla taceat; what true English heart, without most bitter Lamentation, can think or speak of their doings? What persecution? What banishment? What confiscation of goods? What corporal bondage? Yea, What cruel tortures? What merciless burnings? What secret murders? What public massacres, have they committed upon the people of this Nation? only because they refused to renounce that truth and Loyalty which themselves also once professed, and we still maintain: truly we have had such an ample experience already of their goodness, in our preservation, that we publicly profess to all the world, we daily find in England, what our poor captive Brethren do feel at Argier, that there is no such cruel Turk as the Renegado Christian. When the sole power of the Sword or Militia was in the King's Hand, the poor Countrymen, as well as the rich and Noble, lived in peace, slept securely under his own roof, and without any fear, did eat his bread with gladness: he could say that what he had bought and paid for, was his own; and if any did injure or oppress him, the Law was open to do him right. But since these new Preservatours (as they call themselves) are risen up, those Golden days are vanished, and Iron times are come upon us, * Maerentia tecta Caesar h●bet, vacuasque domos legesque silentes, clausoque justitio tristi foro. Judgement is turned away backward; and Justice standeth a far off: Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter. Yea, truth faileth, and he that departeth from evil, maketh himself a prey, Esay 59 14. 15. Our Nobles and Gentry are debased, our Rich-men are beggared, and many thousands of all sorts are killed or starved: the whole Commonalty of the Kingdom in the General, are in the same Condition with the Asses of France, thought Lucanus. fit for nothing but blows and burdens; no man can now command the use of his proper goods, or the service of his own Children: we hear daily of rapes and robberies, burning of houses, depopulation of Towns: violence and oppression reigns in all places, and confusion is poured out in full measure among us; insomuch, that our wel-ordered Commonwealth that was, is translated into a very Conjuration of Tyrannies, by the means of these men, whose aims and endeavours are only to keep us in perpetual slavery, Militari Jure, by the Militia, which yet (forsooth) they desire may be settled in their good hands for the people's security and preservation. 'Tis true, the people at first chose them, and now they feel them, and have cause to know them: and to confess of them, that they are very Scorpions to them, and that their little finger is ten times heavier than the King's Loins. The people chose them, to be Arbytratours on their side against their King, to compromise, as it were, on their behalf, some matter between the King and them, (for under that notion do the people commonly choose their Parliament men) and such shall only be carried on their shoulders, whom they apprehend will be most stiff against their Sovereign, as if he were the only great Enemy to their welfare and prosperity: But by this time the greatest part of them, (we believe) are otherwise instructed, and (as some of them have confessed) their apprehensions of the King and Parliament, (as they stand now in the terms contradistinct and opposite) is like that, which the Heathens have of God and the Devil: as those adore the Devil with gifts and sacrifices, for fear of mischief from him, so do these the Parliament; but God (say the Heathens) is good, and will do us no harm; so (say these) is the King, and therefore they neglect to do him service: And (doubtless) might people have but liberty now to speak their minds freely, they would utterly renounce the preservation of those their Arbitratours, and desire again the King's protection, after the manner of former times: And whereas these new Governors desire to have the Militia of three Kingdoms settled in their own hands, for our greater security, we must needs apprehend from the proof they have given us, of what they promised us, that this their pretence is but one of those bitter flouts, which in scorn at our simplicities for thinking them to be honest men, they cast upon us: Sed Deus vindex, God shall one day sit in judgement on them. 4. They have said, It would be to the King's great glory, to let them have the whole and perpetual managing of the Militia, for than they should be fully able to make him the most glorious Prince in Christendom, (which thing they have a long time promised, purposed, and endeavoured, and all this fighting must be believed, to be to that very end) for had the King but tamely at first delivered up into their hands, what God committed into his, trusted them for ever, with that Power and Authority, wherewith God hath trusted him: Had he but for their sakes, denied God to be the only Ruler of Princes, and acknowledged them his Governors and Guardians: Had he but resigned unto them, what King John his Predecessor once did unto the Pope; they would have made the Pope their Precedent in this, as well as they do in many other things; and have returned it back again to him, as he did to King John: and so the King holding his Kingdom from thenceforth immediately of them; they would have done more for him, (I that they would) then ever his old Landlord God Almighty, either did or meant to do: For whereas God made him King but only of England, Scotland, and Ireland, they would have given him moreover, all the Kingdoms of the World, and the glory of them; so that, had not the King stood in his own light, they had Conquered for him, long ere this, the Kingdoms of France and Spain, and the Empire of Germany; yea, and the last year they had pulled out old Antichrist by the ears, and burned the whore Babylon with fire, together with all of her Trinkets; and at this very instant, they had been stepping over unto Constantinople, for to ding down the great Turk; and in the next half year the Mogul of Persia had been taught to submit himself; and then also the King of China had been summoned to an account, for his usurping the Title of Filius Coeli, (which is proper to no man living, but only to those of their faction) and by that time, the Grand Cham's of Tartary, would have learned so much wit, as to forbear call themselves Domini Dominantium, and to leave that stile wholly, unto these superlative Abamocchoes. And now who will not say, it had been a Glorious thing to the King, for the world to take notice, that so great a brood, of such mighty Alexanders, should like that Cadmeyan Progeny start up on the sudden at one time in his Kingdom. But it seems the King wanted faith, and thought such great Acts might be sooner purposed then performed, or else was jealous of these his Worthies, that in their subduing of these Kingdoms, they would not have dealt with him, as Joab did with David at the taking of Rabbah, and yielded to him the glory of the Conquest: Now whether the King were too blame or no in so thinking, let wise men judge. But let me reason a little with these men, about this their reason; Suppose the King should settle (as they would have him) the Militia of the Kingdom in their hands: and then they should chance to Vote Bonum est nobis esse hic, 'tis better to stay at home, and play 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, then to adventure abroad: How would the King then appear so abundantly glorious? Do they imagine it could be any thing to his glory, to have it reported in the Courts of foreign Princes, that the Monarch of Great Britain, after twenty years managing his inheritance left him by his predecessors, and wielding the Sceptre of three Kingdoms, to the great prosperity and wealth of his Subjects; hath submitted himself to Pupillage under the Command of a few ordinary Gentlemen, his own vassals, at their requests, who think themselves wise enough, and therefore take upon them (as his Tutors and Guardians) to Govern not only himself, and his Kingdom, but also his very Family and Household? they appoint him what Servants shall wait upon him, and have power to dispose of his Children in marriage, without his consent: or (if they please) against his wil Can any man think that such a report, would speak the King in a Glorious Condition? Would not Strangers reply, and say, Is this the Honour of the English King, and his great Privilege above other Princes? He may enjoy it sure without Emulation, no man will ever envy him this glory. But is this indeed the English men's kindness to their Common Father? their gratitude for all their happiness and peace under him? Is this the upshot of all their great promises to him? Is this that Royal Prerogative, that happy freedom, which those who stand so much upon their own liberty, can in their good nature, find in heart to afford unto their Sovereign? Would not the meanest of them all disdain to be in that Condition? What? Neither have Command over his Subjects, nor yet over his household servants? Neither have power to choose a Wife for his Son, nor to bestow his Daughter in marriage? Must the Right Worshipful his Tutors and Guardians, have the sole disposing of his Children? No doubt but they will have a care to match them, into such Haggard stocks, that the English Nation shall never more be blessed, with any Right-bred Eagles. Thus would Foreigners descant upon our King's Condition, should he yield to the desires of these men; and this they would have us believe would be to his great glory. Yea, and furthermore, they have been teaching the People ever since the Parliament began; that the King's office properly, is but only to put in Execution, what the Parliament shall Decree, to see offenders punished according to the mind and pleasure of his great Council. From whence we learn, that there is a preferment waiting for him, if he have but a care to please his little- Great Masters well, and be diligent to come when they call, to go, and do as they bid; in lieu of his settling the Militia of the three Kingdoms in their hands, they will bestow upon him, the grand Executionership of the Kingdom, which He and His after him, shall hold of them, and their successors, quàm diù se benè gesserint; which may be an Office not only of profit, in such Tyrannical times, as we are like to have under their Government; but also of pleasure, if the King will but put off his merciful disposition, and learn of them to delight in slaughter, and shedding of blood. And thus we see what great Dignity and Glory, upon his resignation of the Militia, is like to be conferred upon England's King. But what man now not void of Reason, (considering withal the terms these Demanders stand in, at the present with the King,) will not conclude this their pretence of making the King Glorious, to be only one of their Flouts, which in their pride and bitterness they are pleased to put upon their Sovereign? even for his easiness and goodness, in giving credit at first so far, to their Oaths and Honesties, as to suffer them already to overreach him: truly as a plain scorn we apprehend it; for let them Answer us a question or too: Would dutiful and loyal Subjects, (as they call themselves) desire any thing in earnest of their Prince, and not first lay down their Harness? Do not these their weapons speak, that by violence or dread, they intent to obtain their purpose? Have not these very men, seized already by fraud and force upon that very thing, without the King's leave, which they require of him to grant them? Do they not by calling themselves the Militia, declare Evidently, that they account themselves the everlasting Masters of it? Do they intent, if the King shall think meet to deny their request, to yield up presently that possession which they have already of the same? We suppose not, for they claim in their Tenants all earthly power and Authority to be theirs, by right, as they are Gods Children. They are so bold as to say God's Providence hath cast into their hands, that strength of the Militia, which by unjust means they have seized upon; and they have entered into an Oath and Covenant, in effect, to keep the same in despite of the King; and with it to suppress and destroy all them that shall aid, and assist the King, to recover His own again. And what is all this, but (as Micha speaks) to oppress a man, Mic. 2. 1, 2. and his House▪ Yea, a King and his Heritage▪ and to resolve to continue in so doing, even because they have gotten a power into their Hands? But tell us, (O you pretenders to Piety,) where (in the Rom. 13. 5. mean time) is that Subjection to the King for Conscience sake, 1 Pet. 2. 23. which S. Paul calls for? and that obedience for the Lords sake which Saint Peter requireth: will you all hold, (as some of your fellow-members have maintained,) that these Precepts were only in date, in the Primitive times, when the People of God lived under Heathen Persecutors, and are of no concernment in these days, now God's people have got strength? Or do you think the bare calling yourselves His Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, a sufficient observance of those injunctions? We believe neither of these excuses will satisfy Christ Jesus at the reckoning day. But in the interim, doth not your desiring the King that the Militia may be settled in your hands plainly infer, that in your own Consciences, you have done him wrong, in seizing already upon it without his leave? Surely if the right of settling it be now in him, the right of seizing upon it before was not in you: but you did a manifest injury to His Majesty in meddling with it against his will, and a far greater yet▪ you intent to do him, by your resolving still to keep it, by force, if you may not have it confirmed by his Approbation; unless you will yield, that this your demand proceeds from the scorners Chair; you must of necessity grant us thus much. But in very deed, these men have other reasons, for this their §. 2. unreasonable request, though they are ashamed to name them, I shall do it for them, for mine aims are (like those of Christ my Master in his preaching,) to discover Hypocrites, that men might beware of them: They are these. 1. If the King can be gotten, to settle the Militia in their hands, all the Injustice and unlawfulness of the war on their side, will be thereby canceled, and whatsoever they have done against him, and his subjects will be Authorized as found and good: their crafty seizing upon it, at first, and their violent use thereof since, to the destruction of so many, will go for worthy deeds, and the King will be judged, to have been much to blame, in making any opposition against them, and for his calling them Rebels: His own Act, will be the eating of those his own words, and speak them to have been His most humble, dutiful, and obedient subjects, all the while they fought against him; yea and all they did in that kind, to have been done out of pure love, to His Good and Glory, and for the benefit of Church and Commonwealth: And then too, if withal the King shall but confer some new Titles of Honour, upon their Chieftains, (as when time was he did upon Lesley,) for this they expect and intend to demand too; then they shall appear, White all over, and who will dare to say to the contrary, and full as good subjects almost, as their Brethren the Scots? That is one Reason. 2. If they can get the King to settle in their Hands, that depositum of Power and Authority, which God hath entrusted in His; they shall bring him, (as they desire) into their own condition: and make him such a one to God, as themselves have been and are to him: whereby God's displeasure may be so far kindled against him, that he may permit them, (having all the power in their hands,) to bring their endeavours fully to pass in destroying Him, and His posterity: and then the world shall be taught to believe that Heaven hath punished him, for such His sin: and confirmed with its blessing, all their sayings and doings against him: that God was of their mind all the while, as now by the success is most apparent: Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit, (says Seneca:) the highest Villainies, if successful, shall be accounted virtues, and these men care not to obtain truths, but opinions warrant. 3. They desire the Militia may be settled in their hands, quia omnis in ferro salus est, their whole safety consists therein, it is the Nurse of their wealth, and the sole Anchor of their security: for O si pateant pectora virûm, quantos intus sublimis agit fortuna metus! what great fears, have these men's High fortunes created in their Bosoms, could we but view their insides? They dare neither trust the King, nor yet the Country that trusted them; for should the strength be in any hands but their own, they might be called to an account for all their doings, the Law might be in force again: and Justice suffered to show her face; Treason should sit no longer in the seat of Religion, Truth might appear above-board; and Peace be restored unto the Nation; and Order might come again into fashion: Yea, had the King His power again, He might call a Parliament, a true Parliament, a free Parliament, which is a thing that they quake to think on; for then like a Company of poor Hope-losts, they should stand below, and look up to that place of Honour, where erst they sat, and have so much abused; and who in their condition, can endure this? Nemo Hercule nemo: No marvel therefore, if they desire to hold fast the Militia in their own hands. 4. Should they part with it, they should not only degrade 4. themselves of their present Honour, and disarm themselves of safety, but of their wealth and riches too, for all is now at their Command; the Lands, Estates, the goods and Fortunes of all their Countrymen: which the Militia of the Kingdom, hath invested them with a right in: and possession must be maintainted by the same means as obtained: But should the Militia return into the Hands of the right owner; Honest men would enjoy their own as before, and they who are now so Gay, would remain stark Naked, (like Jack-daw in the fable, when every bird had re-assumed her own feathers.) And then further too, their pleasures would also cease, that sweetness they feel in shedding of blood, would be no more: which very want would be as bad as death unto them; their Natures are now so accustomed unto it. In a word, (as Amos speaks) they have gotten them Horns by Amos 6. 17. their own strength, or sleight, and the Horns are the defence of the Head; the Militia are these Horns, and should they part with that, they fear they should not keep their Heads long after: and therefore great reason they have, rather to desire the settlement of it, for ever in their own Hands. But (with their favour) what reason hath the King to trust §. 3. them, that will not trust Him? them with His weapons, upon that experience He hath had of their love and kindness: Who will not trust Him with His own? Can it be imagined that they will employ them otherwise, than they have done, (considering what their delights are?) Nay, may it not be expected, that they will make Him the Author of all their Evil, which from thenceforth they shall do, when by His consent the power is once settled in their goods Hands? Surely they that used His name to the raising of so many men against Himself, to the killing of so many of His Subjects, when He openly opposed them, will not scruple to do all their mischief, under His Name and Authority, when they have so fair a pretence for it. Nay should the King do in this, as they would have Him, may not the Just and Holy God account Him a partaker with them in Evil? His Majesty (by His own pious confession) hath smarted under the Hand of God for His consenting, though (doubtless) against His will, to the shedding of strafford's innocent Blood: and should He again after His Humiliation for that, by a new consent, make Himself guilty of many more Bloods; the continued Anger of the Almighty, might be too heavy a burden for Him to bear: No doubt but they are, and will be, the more importunate for His consent now; because they see His heart hath smote Him for His consent then; for how ever it was blattered much at the beginning, by those of their faction, against forcing of tender Consciences, yet verily, we believe there were never men that delighted more in offering violence to the Souls and Consciences of the righteous, than themselves do; wherefore should His Majesty yield to them in this particular, it would be in singultum cordis, a corrasive to His Heart for ever; and therein a glory unto them: and also it would argue too great a distrust in God's defence of Him; and be a mean to delay God's punishment, from falling upon the heads of these lofty Rebels. And besides all this: His Majesty hereby shall give way to the settling of all those Sects and Heresies, to the destruction of Christian Protestation Religion, which by their crafty and violent seizing upon the Militia, were but only let in to the Church: May it please His Sacred Majesty, and all His Loyal Subjects to remember, when the Pope of Rome, (these men's Grandsire, for however in words they disclaim kindred with Him, yet are they wholly like Him in Conditions, they tread in His steps, & observe His method, & end, in all their undertakings:) when He (I say) after the fashion of these His Nephews, had fraudulently & forceably seized upon the Militia of His Sovereign the Emperor; then did all Corruption and false Doctrine make entrance into that Church, the light grew dim: And when the Emperor afterward gave his Consent that the said Pope and his conclave (formerly His Subjects) should have that His power and Authority, (which at first indeed, he laboured to recover again unto himself) settled in their hands, than was all that wickedness, (formerly but admitted) confirmed and established; and the faithful Church, became from thenceforth a very Harlot. Let Story be observed, and it will be found, that the fall of the Empire, the rise of the Popedom above it, and the spring of Mahumatisme happened all about one time: and the two last might be permitted of God, for a punishment of the first. For it is no small sin, for the Supreme Magistrate to part with that depositum out of his hands; which the Almighty hath entrusted solely with him: Histories do sufficiently testify what extreme molestations, the Emperor hath been put unto, and what base affronts have been put upon him by his proud Subjects of Rome: Since he gave his consent, that the Militia of that City and Country should be settled in their Hands: Himself is there now, but vox non significativa: He hath the Title of Roman Emperor, and no more: And such must be the condition of our King, if he be not warned by the Emperor's example: He must be content to be only an unsignificant voice too, in his own Kingdom, yea, and to be regulated in his expenses, if he have leave to live, yet he shall be so ordered, that he do not live profusely, or have wherewithal to dare, to practise aught to their prejudice. Yea, and he must learn to hold the Stirrup too, to kiss the Toe, to bow the Knee to the Supremacy, or Popes of the Lower House, if they shall at any time please to frown upon him; or to Vote him a Delinquent. Well, let but these things be seriously, and with judgement thought upon by moderate men, and then let reason speak, whether it be fit that the King should yield to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they would have him: whether it be meet he should suffer the Sword, to be carried before the Gran Concilii, rather than still before himself; and should settle the Militia of the three Kingdoms in their hands, which are good only by their own Testimony. But I have been (perhaps) too tedious, in scanning the Reasons of this their second demand: we come therefore to advise a little upon the third Proposition, which (say they) concerns the Vindication of the Irish Rebels. SECT. XV. 1. Of their Vindicating the Irish Rebels. How fully they have done it in one sense. 2. And how glad should we be if themselves would go and do it in the other: Their true intention in that demand opened. TO Vindicate in the most vulgar acception, is to Justify and acquit from blame; and if they take the word in that sense, they have Vindicated them too sufficiently already, and much more than hath become men of their Profession: For as God by his Prophets tells Jerusalem, that she had multiplied her abominations more than her sisters, Sodom, and Samaria, she had justified Ezek. 16. 51. them in all which they had done; in her going beyond them in wickedness: and that she was a Comfort to them: so may it be Vers. 54. said of these men, they have multiplied their transgressions more than their Brethren, the Rebels of Ireland, they have Justified them, in what ere they have done, they have been a Comfort to them: Surely the Irish doings, shall not be remembered in the day, that the impieties of those of this Nation are reckoned up: Did the Irish●ob ●ob, kill, and roast Christians? So have these done: did they burn Houses, strip Men and Women naked, scourge them, and expose them to the wide world? These have not been behind in such doings: did the Irish Rebel against their Sovereign? These have both overtaken, and also gone beyond them in this sin: for though nothing should cause men to Rebel, yet to say the truth, the Irish lived formerly under a more hard bondage, which might provoke their corruptions: whereas these Jesurun-like) rebelled out of mere wantonness: Nor did those Irish execute their savage Cruelty, (as was noted before,) on those of their own nation and Religion, as these English have done; they did not defile their own Churches, nor kill and abuse their own Priests; but these have delighted, to profane and destroy those places, where themselves had formerly met to worship God; and have offered most special despite to the Ministers of their own Religion, who baptised them, and preached God's truth unto them. Besides, the Religion which the Irish Rebels profess, is not so directly opposite, to such barbarous Cruelties, which they have committed, as is that which these of England pretend unto; nor have they been so bold as those, to entitle God unto all their outrages, they think they need a pardon, both from God and the King, for their inhumanityes, and Rebellions: whereas these stand upon their Justification, and have often despised the King's mercy, when tendered to them: nor have they in Ireland persecuted and pursued the King's Sacred person; they have not reviled, nor railed upon him, as these have done: Never any such reproachful Libel, (as this which we oppose) do we read was sent abroad by the Rebels of Ireland, against their Sovereign; nor yet did we hear that ever those Irish took so solemn a Protestation, at the beginning of their Parliament, (as these English did,) to maintain the King's person, Honour, and Estate. In a word, Those Irish are not so impudent, (as these hard-fore-headed English are,) as to call them Rebels and Traitors, who according to their Oath of Allegiance and Protestation do labour to maintain the King's life, and right against them: but they yield themselves to be, or to have been in a Rebellion. Wherefore who will not say, that the English Rebels, have out gone the Irish, and by committing evils, in a more abominable way, have even Justified those their Brethren; as Jerusalem did her sisters Sodom, and Samaria: And yet as if all this were nothing, these good men desire to be still Vindicating the Irish Rebels: and would have the Militia of the three Kingdoms settled in their own good hands to the same purpose. But perhaps by Vindication these mean punishment, and revenge, which they pretend * Until the sword be restored into that hand where God did put it, and he whom God hath appointed, be the orderer and disposer of the affairs in Ireland: we must never expect God's continued blessing upon our Forces that are sent thither, therefore in their desiring the sole management of the Irish affairs, (with exclusion of the King,) they do but oppose God (whose Vicegerent the King is,) and endeavour in vain to do a great work without him: I desire the English Protestant Nation to think seriously of this. they would inflict upon the Irish Rebels, for that Protestant blood shed by them, would but the King give them leave so to do. Truly if they would go themselves, and fight it out, with those Rebels in Ireland, we dare affirm, they shall have not only free leave, but thanks too; yea, and moreover they shall have, not only the usual boon of such Malefactors, (as act the executioners part upon their fellows) viz. the grant of their own lives: but (by our consent) they shall also be the very great O's of Ireland, and they shall hold this Dignity, by their dearly affected Irish Law of Tanistry, which is, That he who is best able by force and violence to wrest unto himself, the estates of others, shall be the Chief Commander among them: We perceive by their doings, that they would set up that Law here in England, in stead of all others, which they have put out of date or use: But we conceive it is not so suitable for this Nation, where men have been wont to enjoy their own, and to leave their inheritance to their own Children: and therefore we suppose, it will be an hard matter for them to introduce, and settle the same here. But in Ireland it is a custom established to their hand. Yea, and further yet, upon Condition, that they will go thither, and so we in this land may be rid of their Companies; we will all supplicate the King for a further favour in their behalf, viz. that every great O amongst them, may have the Honour, to give the Earl of Tyrones own Arms, (which is a bloody Hand) for their own proper and most deserved Cognizance; and that they may also be, all Barons of that Strong Island, which Tyrone fortified, and called Fough-na-Gaul, the Hate of Englishmen: For in very deed, no man living, did ever better merit that Title, than they have done. But (alas!) we have read that Ireland harbours no venomous Vipers; therefore we are confident the great O's of Westminster, will never adventure thither in their own persons: But if they can get the Militia of the Kingdom, settled by the King, wholly in their Hands, (that so they may fear no rising here against themselves) they will therewith force, and press all the English people, (who will not take their unlawful and ungodly Covenant) which is in effect to renounce the Doctrine of Christ's Gospel, and their obedience to the King for ever; and send them thither, where they will expose them to be starved, or slaughtered; as many thousands have been already: and therefore let all the Countries that have stood out longest in their Loyalty, and at last accepted of these New Lords, expect to be thus punished for their tardiness in Apostasy. And for those lusty Clubmen, in the Counties of Wilts, Somerset, and Devon, and the like; let them look for this reward at the hands of their Militia-Masters, for taking part with them, against the King's men. Such fellows as will gather together, and make head against those that wrong and abuse them; will be dangerous to live in a New State. They that did thus against the Cavaliers, may do as much against the Roundheads, when they are but a while as well acquainted with their Conditions: They that will be forced from their Duty to their Sovereign and natural Liege-Lord, by such wrongs and oppressions, as (in these troublesome times) are offered to them by the unruly Soldiers; will be easily driven upon a like sensible occasion, to make resistance against tyrannical usurpers; those Beasts that will decline from their Allegiance to the Kingly Lion, will never long rest contented under the obedience of Cat-a-Mountains; therefore a timely course must be taken with such persons, they shall all be sent into Ireland (out of hand) and be hampered there, for Ireland must be the continual Spain, or Carthage, to our New Rome, to rid her of all such mutinous and tumultuous persons: and then shall these Saints, these Bloody Butcherly Saints, have free Elbow-room to inherit this land; and having neither truth nor King, nor Enemy left, for to disease them; they shall be at leisure (if Pride and faction will give them leave) to live at peace together. And thus have we seen the scope of the third demand also, which concerneth Ireland. Now from what hath been said concerning these matters, let any man judge, whether these men have not reasons to pursue their desires without giving back an hairs breadth from their first proposals; and whether the King hath reason or no, to consent unto them; Nay, whether the Subjects of England have cause to wish the King's compliance with them in all these things; for my part, I profess sincerely in the sight of God, I apprehend their demands to be the most unreasonable that were ever made; and therefore do hope that God will ere long awaken in the King's behalf, for such hath been his wont formerly, in cases of like nature: When Nahash the Ammonite required of the men of Jabesh 1. Sam. 11. 2. Gilead, (to purchase a quiet bondage under him) that he might pull out their right Eyes; So when Benhadad required of the king of Israel, his Strength, Treasures, Houses, Wives, Children, and what ever was dear and pleasing unto him; when Senacherib required 2 King. 20. of the people of Jerusalem, to forsake their own natural 2 King. 18. 29, 30. King, and to submit their necks under his yoke, to yield up themselves into his hands, to be carried from their own good Land, they knew not whither. We find that God did continually awake in the behalf of each of these distressed: and most severely punished, every of these unreasonable demanders: and doubtless he did so for the very unreasonableness of those their requests. And shall not we believe that he will awake now also, when all these unreasonable demands proceed together at once, and from the same men; who first require the Abolition of Episcopacy? there is Nahash request, to pluck out our right Eyes. Secondly, they require the Militia of the three Kingdoms, that is Benhadad's request, for all that the King and his friends have. Thirdly, under the title of Vindicating the Irish Rebels, they require that the people of this Kingdom, should be at their disposal, to translate from their own Native Country, and never to see it any more, there is Senacheribs request. Therefore Awake, Awake, as in times of old, O Lord our strength, arise for our succour, at this present, and redeem us, for thy mercy's sake: Behold, O God (our shield) and Look upon the face of thine Anointed, as thou art the Judge of all the Earth, and helpest them to right that suffer wrong. Amen. Amen. I now proceed to Answer these men, who in their Libel go on, and say: But were our cause altered, (as it is not) or were we worse Rebels Libel. then formerly, as none can affirm that takes notice of our late sufferings, and our strange patience, even now after the discovery of these Papers, and our late extraordinary success in the field: Yet still this clandestine proceedings against us here, etc. SECT. XVI. 1. Of the Enemies late sufferings. 2. Of their strange Patience. 3. Of their extraordinary great success, and the true grounds of it. 4. Success no Argument of a good cause. 5. The worst men have always made most use of it. HEre is much remarkable stuff in these few words, which §. 1. I shall endeavour to discover. First, (say they) Were our cause altered, as it is not, or we worse Rebels then formerly, as none can affirm, etc. We granted them before that their cause is still the same in specie as it was at first, and so are they themselves no whit altered from what they were, but only a malo in pejus, from bad to worse, and the Moralists account this an Alteration. And let any one that hath the use of sense and reason judge whether Age doth not make some difference in sinful men, as well as it doth in Satan himself; who in the beginning of the world, was a Serpent, (as these at the beginning of the war were Rebels) and it is true, he is but a Serpent still, but he is come to be now an old Serpent, so called Rev. 12. and that is aliquid amplius. Antiquity in evil, speaks both a further ability to evil, and a larger measure of iniquity; and in this respect he may be called a worse Devil then at the first; and so may they, worse Rebels. But I will not with Arguments either prevent, or assist those proofs, too sufficiently given of themselves, by their own actions: I had rather spend time to pray them better. But they tell us of Notice to be taken of late sufferings, which they have undergon, and of some strange Patience, which (it seems) as they say, hath manifested itself of late to be in them; Yea, even now since the discovery of these Papers: Truly we must confess our error, we have not hitherto observed any such thing, but we are resolved (upon this intimation) to make inquiry, first after their late Sufferings, and then after their strange Patience. These Sufferings of theirs we find upon Consideration, began about the year 1642. some certain months before the ●●rth of those 19 Propositions: about the time of the King's first removal Northward, which as we imagine and remember was Lent time, (and therefore most accursed doth that superstitious season deserve to be, and for ever to be blotted out of John Booker's Almanac, as well as Christmas day, because therein did begin, their late great Sufferings) Then, O then most sadly they fell into the same Condition, that Richard the third was in, when (alas!) full sore against his will, the whole care and burden of the Kingdom, was cast upon his shoulders; then (alas!) and from thenceforth, (woe and alas) they were forced (out of mere Necessity) to begin to seize upon the King's Magazines, His Forts, Towns, and Castles: His Navy of Ships, Houses, and all he had, to their great discomfort and displeasure. And how hath all their very Senses, since that time, been continually troubled, and molested? their Ears (O lamentable) have been loaden with the most offensive acclamations, and Honour of the people: their Gust and Smell hath been tormented daily with the perfumes and feast of the City: their Eyes and Touch have been most vexatiously tortured with those so loathed heaps of Plate, and moneys which from all parts of the Kingdom have come trolling in unto them: While the King (in the mean time) hath been in great prosperity, wandering up and down in Fields and Mountains, Cold and Wet, Weak and Weary, Faint and Hungry, with few friends, and little money: Yea, while he hath had time and opportunity to get himself a Stomach; they (good souls) have been well nigh surfeited with good cheer, and done to death with abundance: Yea, (poor creatures) they have been constrained to sit warm, and to lie soft, to be served in state, to drink Wine in bowls, to be behonoured, be worshipped, to be crouched and kneeled unto, and so forth: Wherefore if that Pope of Rome, when he lay beaking himself in the midst of his Luxuries, had cause to cry out, Heu quantum patimur pro Christo! then great reason have these Complainants, to cry out also of their late great Sufferings. Yea, and besides all these corporal calamities, their very▪ spirits, have been also distracted many times, with most frightful fears and Jealousies, as of Plots, strange Plots under ground, Regiments, great Regiments of Subterranean Horses lay in wait for them; Conspiracies, dangerous conspiracies, were contrived against their corporal welfare; (as that honest Tailor that sat close in moorfield's can abundantly witness) which doleful matters have ofttimes put them into as pitiful a plight, as that good Alderman of London (their friend) was in, when he thought himself to be shot in the breeches. Nor is here all yet, these fears of theirs, have been followed with increase of cares also, to provide plenty of Prisons, and strong holds, to hamper and restrain the Ministers of God, (those great enemies to their undertaking) to devise means how to destroy both them and their doctrine; and all that (with them) adhere fast to the testimony of Jesus; concerning obedience to God and Caesar. These and such like have been the late sufferings, and great troubles of these men; And they are indeed (as we now confess) the more remarkable, because sufferings of this kind, are seldom the portion of God's children, (as these call themselves) nor had we apprehended that this kind of life (which they have lived) had been a suffering; if themselves had not so called it, and put us in mind so to account of it: Indeed some of the Brethren of the Independent faction, (as M. Edward's that free-spoken Presbyterian in his Book detecting their late manner of living in Holland, doth inform the world) did call such a kind of life, (themselves living it) a Persecution, and a suffering; otherwise we have not heard that appellation given unto it before. But indeed these are new times, and many other things have new names; Loyalty is called Treason, and Treason Loyalty; Obedience Rebellion, and Rebellion Obedience; Truth Falshood, and Falshood Truth: and why may not as well a pleasant life be called a life of sufferings, and a suffering life, a life of pleasure, if it please the new Omnipotency, now above-board, so to ordain and establish? No man must move the lip, open the mouth, or so much as peep against it. And thus at last (they may see) we have taken notice of their 2. late sufferings, and confess them rare: Now we shall view their patience too, which themselves call strange, specially that which they have shown even now, after the discovery of these Papers: Indeed their publication of them, together with their Preface, and Notes upon them, after their discovery, is testimony sufficient of the strangeness of their patience. And yet we must tell them, that we conceive by the effects of this their patience, that we have read of such a like patience before now, in some others beside themselves: as for example, in a certain Dragon, Rev. 12. 15. who when he had persecuted a woman there mentioned, (whom some interpret to be the Church of Christ) and driven her into a wilderness, i. e. into a low and desperate condition: his patience provoked him, to cast out of his mouth after her, waters as a flood: which (as Expositors say) were multitudes of slanders, reproachful speeches, scandalous reports and lies, hoping thereby to drown her honour and reputation for ever; (for they would be more easily believed of her, in her affliction) and to carry her away so far, that she should never appear in any credible or comfortable condition more: Nor did his patience end here, but the Text tells us, vers. 17. that he went (farther in the heat thereof) to make war with the remnant of her seed, that keep the Commandment of God, and have the testimony of Jesus. We are sure this was such a patience, which these men are seasoned withal, and which they have shown since their discovery of these Papers, and do still exercise towards their Sovereign, and all that remain faithful and loyal to him. Nay and farther too, we must tell these men, that this humour which they call patience in themselves, though the name which they give it be something new; yet for the nature of it, 'tis no whit strange or singular, for many men, before these times, have been infected with it: Cain was, when he killed his brother, because Gen. 4. his own works were evil, and his brothers good: and so was Nimrod, that mighty Hunter before the Lord, and oppressor of his neighbours: Gen. 10. 1 Sam. 19 2● Saul in the Old Testament was full of this patience, when the Evil Spirit was upon him, and made him throw his Javelin against David at one time, and against Jonathan at another; and Act. 9 1. so was that Saul in the new Testament too, at such time as he went panting up and down like a bloodhound, & breathing forth 2 Sam. 16. threatenings against the People of God: Shimei also was brim-ful to the very mouth of it, when with his revilings and execrations he saluted David in the depth of his affliction; and Achitophel did overflow therewith, when in all haste he would have pursued his Sovereign, while he was faint and weary: This Patience was in Haman too, when to be revenged for Mordecai's stifness, he endeavoured the ruin of the whole Jewish▪ Nation; it was in Nebuchadnez●ar also, and made the form of his visage change against Sedrach, Mesach, and Abednego, when in scruple of Conscience, they refused to submit to an Ordinance of his, almost as damnable as the Parliament Covenant. And in the Scribes and Pharisees it was most plentifully abounding, as appears by all their dealings with Christ and his Apostles: Thus (I say) this condition, which these men commend in themselves, for the matter of it, is not so new and strange; though I confess the Name, (by which they call it) seems so to be; for it was wont to be termed Rage, Cruelty, Wrath, and Fury, and not Patience: Yet I remember Master Fox tells us that Bishop Bonner, and those of his bloody Consistory in Queen Mary's days; who (having with as much rage and passion as can be imagined, handled, and oppressed the Martyrs) when they came to read the definitive sentence, and to give them up to the secular power to be put to death; were wont to make proclamation, (as these men here do) to the whole world, of their great meekness and strange Patience, which they had used towards those obstinate Heretics, as they called them: So that we see this Patience here mentioned, is not only by Bishop Bonner's Authority a strange Patience, but also such a Patience, as Master Fox himself doth make mention of, in the Book of Martyrs. But the poor Church of Christ hath felt enough, and too much of this their Patience, therefore at this time, I will speak no more of it, only I conclude in the words of the Prophet Micha, The best of them is Mic. 7. 4. as a Briar, the most upright of them, is sharper than the thorn Hedge. The next thing they mention (wherein they Triumph indeed §. 3. and glory) is their late extraordinary success in the field: some perhaps may wonder, how these three can accord together, great sufferings, strange Patience, and extraordinary good success, and all of late: but they must remember, that their Sufferings and Patience, being of that kind, as was showed before, may well stand with extraordinary good success, yea, in such men as they are, such sufferings, and such patience, are the natural fruits and dependants of prosperity, and Extraordinary good Success. But by the way, take notice of their end, in yoking these three together; Prosperity and good success, which of old, went currant only among the Papists, for a Note of the true Church; is now admitted also by these men, to be a special mark of the goodness of their cause; but in regard our Religion hath hitherto taught, that sufferings, and patience were rather the marks of Christ's true flock, then extraordinary success in the world; therefore Euphoniae gratia, for sound sake, the name of sufferings and patience, are still retained, and joined together here, with extraordinary good success; Alteratio non fit in instanti, if the Change from one extreme unto another, should not be by degrees, it would be too gross, and palpable: but by that time the three Propositions be granted to them, Extraordinary good success will be able to stan alone, and to go currant among all their Proselytes, for an unquestionable note of the true Church, or cause: it will not need the countenance of these two names of Suffering and Patience, which shall from thenceforth be rejected, and wholly disclaimed, as infallible marks of Loyalty and Malignancy. Indeed, success is the best Argument they have to win and hold people to themselves, and to their Cause: wherefore 'tis requisite that for further discovery, I show the invalidity, and weakness of this their Argument. But first for our better progress therein, we shall consider what this extraordinary success is, which they so brag and boast of, and what are the true grounds and causes of it. Their Success (I confess) to narrow Capacities, and low brains may seem (as they call it) extraordinary: but to those that consider the causes of things, together with the means and manner of their proceedings, it appeareth nothing so. 'tis well known how by fraud and policy, they seized at unawares upon the King's Militia and Navy: How they engrossed into their hands, most of his Towns, Castles, Rents, Revenues, and all he had; leaving him nothing of his own to subsist on: How they rooked to themselves, all the Plate and Money of the Kingdom: and how by the service of false Teachers, they poisoned the hearts of his Subjects; drew them from their Allegiance and armed them against him: And having done all this, they were able to get a Victory against him at Nazeby-field; after they had taken away, what ere he had to defend himself, they made a shift to beat him with his own Weapons; after four long years pursuit of him: and what extraordinary matter is there in all this? Nay, some say too, they had not prevailed then neither, but that they ploughed with the King's Heifer: (as they also did, in their taking those Towns and Castles, which since they entered upon:) Had not some, whom the King trusted, been perfidious, these great conquerors had not been so prosperous: Wherefore the case being rightly stated, it was not altogether Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax, but partly also victorious treachery, and victorious money, which was the procurer of such their late extraordinary great success: And yet (perhaps) Sir Thomas Fairfax may be a right valiant man in his way, as many other Commanders on that side are, worthy all to be * And I hope through God's mercy to them in God's time they may, to their own eternal comfort & honour; & the recovery of the Kingdoms lost glory. engaged in a more noble and righteous quarrel; and I wish, with my Soul, for their Souls sake, and for the honour of the English Nation, that either the cause which they strive to maintain were better, or that their industry wherewith they maintain it, were not so good. But that none may think that the extraordinary success, which these perverters of Order, these underminers of Government, have had, and which these troubles of Israel, these overturners of Christianity do boast of, is to be attributed to any goodness in their cause, or to any Celestial or Divine benediction upon it. I shall desire them to consider of the true Grounds and Reasons of it. I shall name only those that are most visible, amongst which I might mention private divisions, between our Chieftains, who Nemo parere gnarus, nemo imperare. to revenge themselves of one another, seemed not to care what advantage they gave to the common foe, nor what detriment to the King: but this hath been too sufficiently, yea, too shamefully visible, without further notice. I might mention also the Indiscretion, or inability of those, who have undertaken to manage the King's Affairs: The greatest talkers (says the Proverb) are not always the wisest men. He Strenui lingua multi, ignavifere omnes opera. that can make a witty speech, is not always meetest to sway a Council; nor are men of quickest gust or relish, always men of the best and sagest spirit; 'tis one thing to give directions, for dressing of a good Dinner, and another thing to give orders, for the governing of a great Army: Beside, the Genius of some men, is neither public nor noble enough, either to gain, or keep the Hearts of people, who by a certain instinct from above, are most regardful (in troublesome times) of those, whom they apprehend, to be most neglectful of themselves. Assuredly the King and his Cause both, have received the greatest wounds from the hands of Friends. I might also mention men's dishonesty, in falsifying the trust imposed in them, when they have by their oppression and violence, Denique in duribus ipsis non consilium non fides. Lips. beggared the people committed to their care; by their excess and harshness, weakened their hearts, and loosened the joints of Loyalty in them: and made the places strong and fensible, (as if they had been there set, only to enrich themselves, and to make preparation for the Enemy, and this being done, their work were done) they have delivered up all into the adversaries hand, and so departed. But to omit these and many more particulars, (which might be named) which have occasioned that great success so gloried in; I shall mention only three, viz. Remissness in the best of ours, Profaneness in the worst, and Popular fury. 1. Remissness. The best on our side in general, being not armed or quickened, with such stings of Hatred, as they on their side are, have been more heavy and dull in their opposite desires, and inferior to them in their attempts and practices, They by tumbling and tossing like heaps of snow rolled up and down, have grown great and mighty: and we, by our frosty coldness, have given them leave to harden: Whereby they are increased to that stupendious heap we see; though 'tis possible yet that a thaw may come, for rota fortunae is in gyro, notwithstanding their present bigness, they may be sensible of a diminution, might but the glorious Sunshine of God's Countenance, return again upon our Sovereign. And yet (perhaps) this Remissness (which I seem to tax in these of ours) hath been more from other's restraint, than their own sluggishness; for (alas!) the chiefest care of too many amongst us, hath been to damp the endeavours of good men, in such places where they might have been most serviceable: yea, to prevent (if possible) their being trusted, or employed at all; for fear (I think) the King's Affairs should thrive too well; if such had had the managing of them: many of the King's friends (as they have been called) have been so faithful to Him, that they would neither do their own duties, nor suffer others to do theirs; having themselves deserved ill, they could not abide, that others should deserve better; it hath been one of the hardest things, for a known honest man to obtain leave of them, (since the King's troubles began) to do His Majesty faithful service: yea, I have heard it often said, that the surest and speediest way, for one to bring himself to ruin, among many of the King's men, was to be more active, and honest, than others, in doing the King's work. Nay, if a Minister of Christ hath but laboured earnestly and zealously in his proper way, (according to his Office) in the behalf of God, his Sovereign, and his Country; He hath grown remarkable on the sudden, and been noted by many (that should have encouraged him) for an unsufferable fellow; fit for nothing but for slaughter, (unless presently silenced and dismissed) for they have cried, He will spoil the King's Cause if let alone, and make all the Soldiers stark Puritans, rank Roundheads, or else stir up all the people against us: (and all this, but for his faithful and true dislike of that which spoiled it.) Remissness therefore in good men, is granted a mean to preserve their own safeties, but withal 'tis undoubtedly one of the special things that hath damnified the King's Cause, and advanced that of the Enemy. 2. As Remissness in some, so profaneness and high impiety in 2. some others of our side hath weakened us, and aided them: 'tis a true saying, A divine blessing doth always accompany good causes, where wickedness and wilful witlessenesse doth not bar against it; but when either of these oppose, the blessing is obstructed: and (alas!) Hinc dolour, Hinc lacrymae, hence also is the source of our sorrows, and of our enemies good success: Sir Edwin Sands in his Europae speculum tells us, that the Jews in their speculations of the causes of the strange success of worldly affairs, do assign the reason of the Turks prevailing against the Christians to their Blasphemies, and horrid Oaths, which do wound the ears of the very Heavens, and cry to the throne of Justice for Divine vengeance: whereas the Turks hate profanation, and will not suffer Christ to be ill spoken of: the same reason may be given for the enemies prevailing of late against the King's men. (Though I do not say that all on the Enemy's side, are free from this hellish sin, or so respectful of Christ and God, as the Turks are in this particular: for there are with them, even with them also, most horrid swearers, and most execrable blasphemers: but their evils hurt not us, as our own do, nor are so mis-becoming their Cause, as ours are to that which we maintain.) And indeed never any good undertaking had so many unworthy attendants: such horrid blasphemers, and wicked wretches as ours hath had: I quake to think, much more to speak, what mine ears have heard, from some of their lips: but to discover them, is not my present business; a day may come, when the world may see, that we who adhere to the King for Conscience sake, (what ever is said of us to the contrary) have as truly hated the profaneness and vileness of our own men, as we have done the disloyalty and Rebellion of the Enemy: For indeed, the truth is, betwixt them both (as betwixt two millstones) the King, his Cause, and ourselves too, are ground in pieces: and were the matter well opened, it would appear, that both those and these, have had but one and the same end, even to satisfy their own lusts, and enrich themselves, with the ruins of their King and Country. But without all question, neglect of Religion, and want of Discipline, hath weakened and undone the King's Armies: O had His Sacred Majesty's Commands, and Orders for the exercise of both, been put in Execution, the Enemy had never been able to have stood before us. 3. Popular Fury, (which is like the rushing of mighty waters) 3. comes also in, to the making up of this Land-floud, which gives the Adversary such occasion of glorying: the Addition of the many, though it can add no true credit to their Cause, yet it makes the success appear extraordinary: The People (says Jeremy) Jer. 5. 4. are foolish, and know not God's way: and our Saviour says, the Multitude walk in the broad way; they are led much by mouth and noise, and incline always to the strongest: their delights are, to lift up those that are already up, and to throw down lower, the already down: with them the winner hath always praise, let a man get power or prosperity how he can, he shall not want virtue in their opinions. A notable Testimony of this we have in that prophetical vision, Rev. 13. (wherein is foreshewn Rev. 13. what shall fall out in these latter times) we are there told of a certain Beast with many Heads, whom all the world wonder after, in regard of his Power and Authority, which (notwithstanding) was not lawful, or rightly come by, (as the Text infers) For the Dragon or Devil did give it to him, and not God, yet such was the blindness and fury of the People, that they did worship and adore him for it. And by the way, let us here note: that Satan is sometime said to give power (by God's permission) as well as God: and as that power which is gotten by honest and lawful means, is God's gift, of which kind was that of Pilate, (though abused by him) John 19 11. it was conferred upon him, by the voluntary designment of Caesar, the Supreme Magistrate: and therefore (our Saviour says) it was of God, or from above: So that strength and Authority (on the other side) which is obtained by unlawful courses, is the gift of Satan; and such was that of the many-headed Monster forementioned: He is said, to have received power from the Dragon, because by fraud, violence, and unjust ways, he had gryped a great strength of the Militia into his hands, whereby for a season he was succesefull in many designs. Yea, says the spirit, vers. 7. He made War with the Saints, and overcame them; He prevailed over men of all sorts, small and great, rich and poor, free and bond; and compelled them to receive a Mark, or to take a Covenant, and no man might live and trade, buy or sell in all his Quarters, that scrupled at it. And in regard of this his great Power, and success together; all that dwelled upon the earth, or in the Countries where he had to do, (those only excepted (says the Text) whose names were written in the book of Life) did worship the Beast wondered after him, and admired him: saying, who is like unto the Beast? who is able to make War with him? And no doubt but the Beast did admire himself too, for such his greatness and success among the People, whose foolish and froward access (indeed) did make the same so extraordinary. These I conceive are the chief causes of that prosperity which the enemy so much glories in; what invisible reasons there be in God's secret Council for his permitting this, I cannot tell; but sure I am, (though the Adversaries may have received their power as that beast did, to do as they have done, yet) God's Hand itself, is in the Judgement, as 'tis a punishment. And indeed we have sinned one with another, and therefore are justly punished one by another; we had made this happy and rich Kingdom the stage of our wickedness, and therefore it is become unto us an Acheldama, or field of blood; and should God make it an Hell also, for ever to torment us in; it would be but our due merit, and his true Justice: Let us give God his due glory, He is righteous in all his doings. The Judgement (indeed) hath fall'n hitherto, most heavy upon the King's Family, and Party; and this I believe is of God's special permission too; but whether because Judgement doth usually 1 Pet. 4. 17. begin at Gods own house, or because we on that side, are in the general so sinful, and the best of us so little affected with these national miseries, and so little humbled under our own, I cannot tell, God's Counsels are a great deep: But let this be confessed to our shame, (of which I wish we could take more unto ourselves, for this is a time and season to do it in) I think since the world began, there was never so great a Judgement less laid to heart, (wherein so many are concerned) then this is by us. Alas, Alas! Who amongst us yet speaketh aright? Who repenteth him of his wickedness? Who lamenteth for his sin? Who smites himself, and says, What have I done? Every one (in a manner) still Jer. 8. 6. goes on ●in his old course, and runs desperately upon his own ruin, even as the Horse that wanteth understanding, rusheth into the battle. We have those that seem to hate Religion, as much as the Rebels do Loyalty; yea that make Religion a mark of Rebellion, even as they on the other side do make Rebellion a mark of Religion: Nay I would they did not hate both Loyalty and Religion too; sure they use those worst that are to both these best affected; we must needs think that God hath an high indignation against such persons, and disdains sure, to make them successful instruments in his righteous Cause, and perhaps till they be cut off, the enemies shall prosper: and then the wheel shall be turned another way; and the truly Loyal and Religious, in quos victor victusque furit, that suffer by both sides, may see bette● times. We find the Church in her complaint of such men, prophesying to this purpose, O Lord, thy hand (scil. of Justice) is lifted up, and Isay 26. 11. they will not see or acknowledge the same: but they shall see, (scil. before God hath done with them, and feel too) yea, and he ashamed for their envy (or malice) at thy people, (viz. who make better use of the judgement than themselves do) for the fire of thine enemies shall devour them, i. e. the fire of rage, and power of doing hurt, shall be the longer permitted to God's very enemies, until these wicked, and ungodly wretches, are devoured, scattered or destroyed: And till then (as is inferred also in that Chapter) even the righteous people that keep the truth, and wait for God, in the way of his judgements, must with patience submit themselves, and meekly bear the indignation; remembering that God hath always had his time to sift and try, whom he hath formerly taught and fed: and this to them is that season: this is God's threshing time, His fan is now in his hand; he is taking away his wheat, and hath carried much of it already out of sight, the chaff remains still in great heaps upon the floor; and having received little or no diminution, glorieth in its extraordinary great success, not thinking what must shortly be done with it, how 'tis designed to the fire. But because Success is so great a plea with these men, and so §. 4. prevalent with most people: I will first show, that 'tis the weakest Argument that can be alleged to prove the goodness of a Cause; and then, that the wickedest men have most used it. But of both these briefly. Concerning the first, David in the 73. Psalm, describing the Psal. 73. outward estate of evil men, says, they were successful in their affairs; insomuch that people thereupon came in apace unto them, yea so prosperous they were in their way, that himself in a manner Jeremy 12. was non-plussed at the matter. And Jeremy the Prophet argues with God about the same thing, why it should so be, That they who dealt very treacherously, should be so very happy: Whose conditions also in another place, he describes more fully in these words. Among my people are found wicked men, who lie in wait, Jer. 5. 26, 27. and set traps and snares to catch their Brethren, their houses are full of deceit and wrong, yea they do (in their injustice and cruelty) surpass the deeds of ordinary wicked men: they take upon them to be Judges, and yet judge not the cause, no not so much as the cause of the fatherless, or the right of the needy, and yet they prosper, are become great, grow rich, waxen fat and shine. Here was prosperity we see, here was success, but no Honesty, no goodness. So the Prophet Habakkuk complains of treacherous Hab. 1. 13. 15, 16. dealers, and wicked persons, who devoured men more righteous than themselves: They catched them in their nets, and gathered them in their drags, and thereupon rejoiced in themselves, and offered sacrifice to their own nets, burnt incense to their drags, because by them their portion was fat, and their meat plenteous. We read in Rev. 12. of the true Church, How she was driven by the Dragon into the wilderness, i. e. into a desolate and obscure Condition, Delituit in Cavernis, non eminuit in primariis sedibus, Rev. 12. 14. (as one says) she was not visible, ●as formerly, nor had she power and liberty to show herself in her family, or to govern her Children, as she was wont to do; she was in the very same Condition, as our Mother-Church of England is now in; the devil had obtained great success against her, but shall we conclude from thence, that He was in the right, and she in the wrong, or Him to be the beloved of God, and she the hated? we have no sufficient reason for it. So in the 7. ver. of the next Chap. where Rev. 13. 13, 7. that Beast is said to make War with the Saints, to overcome them; doth it therefore follow, that his cause was better than theirs? I Dan. 11. 36. etc. think not. In the 11. of Daniel a certain vile person (so entitled) is prophesied of, who should do much mischief, against the Holy people, whom he should kill and destroy, and against the Sanctuary, or place of God's worship, which he should pollute, taking away the daily Sacrifice, (or Common-prayer unto God) and setting up the Abomination of Desolation in the room thereof; Yea, he should exalt himself (above Him he ought to obey) and speak Blasphemous things, against the God of gods; He should Honour only the God of forces, i. e. He should trust only in his Militia, or strength of weapons for safety and protection, (all these it seems are the conditions of a vile person) yet should he prosper for an appointed time, until the indignation be accomplished, (says the Text) which was determined to be done. We know that C●in prevailed against Abel, yet Abel was the better man, and offered the better sacrifice: Nay, the Pharisees (we know) prevailed against Christ himself, for a season, had their wills of him, got him Crucified by the common vote and consent of the people, even according to the desires of their own hearts. And from hence it was believed by a great many, that Christ was even such a man as his Enemies reported him: scil. a Deceiver, and a Malefactor: and that it was the just judgement of God upon him, for his sins: He was despised, rejected of men, (says the Prophet) Yea, we esteemed Esay 53. 4. him smitten of God, (scil. for his own sins) and afflicted. Nay, some of his Disciples themselves were so staggered at the matter, that even they, made a question, whether he were the man, whom they took him to be, because of that success which his Enemies had against him: we trusted (say they) it had been Luke 24. he, that should have redeemed Israel, as if they now feared they were deceived. Indeed it is the Humour of men, (though often warned to the contrary) to pass sentence upon others from a view of their outward condition; if they prosper, than they conclude them good, and beloved of God; if not, then wicked presently: When the Viper was seen hanging ●n S. Paul's hand; He was Act. 28. 3, 4. judged a Murderer immediately, and the worst man in all the company: so those whom Pilate s●ew, (while they were at their devotions) and those ●n whom the Tower of Siloe fell, were thought Lu●e 13. 2, 3. greater sinners, than other men, because of their misfortunes, which opinion our Saviour himself conf●teth: Yea scripture throughout, and daily experience both, doth inform us, that the best men are usually the most afflicted, for this world is the furnace wherein, and Affliction, is the fire wherewith, God neals his people, and makes them fit for a better habitation: And thus we see that to argue from success, is but a weak kind of Arguing; nay, these very men that now use the same in their own behalf, were wont to say heretofore, (when others have prevailed against their faction) The more Knave the better luck; I know no reason but that Proverb is still as t●●e as ever. ●. But I shall now show in the next place, that the worst men §. 5. have always ●in wont to plead this Argument; Two or three examples amongst many shall be alleged to this purpose: The Scripture tells of ●●bsakeh, when he moved the people of Jerusalem, (as these men do us) to make a general revolt from Hezekiah, he pretended that God had set him on work, and had Isai. 36. 10, 19 said, Go up against this land, and destroy it, and his main Argument was, his Master's extraordinary great success: to which purpose, he reckoned up (as our enemies do) a great many Cities, Towns, and Castles, which he had taken; as H●nah, and Ar●●●d, Sepharvaim, Henah, and Iva●. And so the Turk argue at this day against the Christians, that their Religion excels ours, because they have prospered better, and prevailed more than we have done. And in like sort the Independent faction may urge the same thing, against the Presbyterians here amongst ●s; for they have been the most successful: and if the Argument be good, then down must go the Presbytery (as well as Episcopacy.) r●●t and branch: and the Parliament have erred in Voting for it, yea, and the Covenant taken to conform the Government of this Church, to that of Scotland, becomes frustrate and of none effect: But to proceed▪ As Ra●s●akeh and the Turks, so the Popish Bishops in Qu. Mary's time, did insist much upon this Argument, (as Master Fox Fox Martyred. witnesseth) they would urge upon the Martyrs their extraordinary success, which they and their cause had, by King Edward's death, and Queen Mary's coming to the Crown, (against such great endeavours to the contrary) these very men, who now use the same Argument, in their own behalf, will not allow, that it was sufficiently good then, in the behalf of the Papists. I ●il mention but one example more, and that is of Pope Alexander the third, who (as story speaks him) was none of the best men; when he had prevailed against the good Emperor Frederick the second, his Liege-Lord (as these have done against their King) by getting a great victory against him, wherein, most unfortunately his son was taken prisoner: for redemption of whom, the Emperor was forced to prostrate himself upon the ground, and yield his neck to be trodden on: and to acknowledge Alexander to be rightful Pope, (which by reason of a schism was before denied) and to restore what ever had been taken, during the war on his part: when (I say) the Pope had brought him to all this (and to such like things would these men now bring their Sovereign, as is evident by the Doctrine of their Preachers, who tell the people that God will bring the necks of Kings under the feet of his Saints, that is, (as they interpret) under the feet of their faction) then did He, (the said Pope) insult and glory, (as these already begin to do) in his Extraordinary great success; and made it his Argument, to persuade the foolish world, (after these men's fashion) that his cause was Gods, and that God had favoured his quarrel, as the most just and lawful. Henry ●ypr. d● Valer. in his Book, called, The lives of Popes. King of England, and Lewis King of France, were both in the Seduction, in token whereof, being both on foot, they held the Bridle of the Horse, on which the Pope rode, the one with the right hand, and the other with the left. And thus also we see that the worst men, have been wont to use this kind of Arguing, which our Adversaries now think to be so good, and do stand so much upon. But from this consideration, we (for our parts) shall beware of being swayed by it, or of judging God's love or hatred from outward Accidents; fools only build upon such foundations: Evil Stulius ab eventu sacta notanda p●●at. is the touchstone of Good, and often gets the better of it, to try goodness Constancy. The Ark was taken Prisoner by the Philistines; it doth not follow thereupon that God did hate the ● Sam. 4. same; no more doth it now follow, that he hates the King, because he lets his Enemies (for the present) prevail against him. For Israel's sin, God suffered the Ark of his glory to be obscured, (for a season) so for our sins it is that our Sovereign is afflicted. And let not these Insulter's persuade themselves, that our Allegiance is so weakly knit, that it can be loosened with this Argument, we are not of them that draw back; nor yet of them, that Heb. 10. 39 blush not to affirm, that so long as the King is able to protect them, they are bound to serve him, but no longer: these waters of affliction, that have so plentifully showered down upon his Head, are not able in the least degree, to quench the heat of our love, they are as oil rather, to enlarge the flames of our affections: the Enemy's success against him, and ill usage of him, doth but make him appear in our eyes, more like our Saviour; and so locks our hearts the faster to him. And let these King-Tormentors know, that God hath an hook for their Noses, and a Bridle for their lips, and the things that are coming upon them make haste: Nulla sors l●nga est, the weathercock may turn; alieno in l●co haud stabile regnum est, there is no constant sitting in another's seat, ima permutat brevis Hora summis, who knows what a year, a month, or a day may bring forth? quos foelices Cynt●ia vidit, vidit miseres abitura dies: Great and wise Agamemnon professed, that he had learned by his victories 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that great things are overturned in a monent: Troya nos tumidos fecit, nimium & feroces, (saith he) Troyes Conquest hath made us proud, and cruel, fierce and haughty: Et Stamus nos Danai loco, unde illa cecidit, we the Conquerors are in the same condition, from whence she fell: Hodie mihi, cras tibi, is the Motto of all Mortals, our portion of sorrow we have to day, they shall have theirs to morrow; the times may so alter, that Affliction may chance to stand again for a mark of God's Children, even in their Calendar, res Deus nostras celeri citatas turbine versat. And so I have done with this particular, and come to that which these Libelers add in their next words: Having minded us of their late extraordinary success in the field, they proceed and say, Yet still this Clandestine proceedings against us here, condemning Libel. all that are in any degree Protestant's at Oxford, as also granting a Toleration of Idolatry to Papists, indemnity to the Murderous Irish, in a close trading way, for mere particular advantage, cannot be defended by any, but by the falsest of men, Papists; and by the falsest of Papists, Jesuits. SECT. XVII. 1. Another Charge against the King Confuted: of Clandestine proceedings. 2. The Kings condemning all that be Protestants at Oxford, a most impudent and malicious slander. 3. His toleration of Idolatry another: The Occasion of the Kings promising to take away the Penal Laws concerning Papists. 4. The Reasonableness of that promise, at that time, and upon that occasion. 5. The Objection of the King's former resolution to the contrary answered: As also of his promise not to Abolish the Laws against them. HEre is a new Charge upon the King, consisting of many particulars. §. 1. 1. Clandestine proceedings against them at Westminster. 2. Condemning all that are in any degree Protestant's at Oxford. 3. Granting a Toleration of Idolatry to Papists. 4. Indemnity to the murderous Irish: And all these are aggravated by three main Circumstances, one from the time inferred in the word yet still: another from the manner of working, in a close truding way; and the third from the end, for mere particular advantage: all which put together, make the King (in their judgements) uncapable of all defence, unless by the falsest of men living, who (as they say) are in general Papists, in special Jesuits. These men surely having read in the 9 of John, the Pharisees trick of affrighting people from professing Christ; do here make an experiment of it, hoping for a like effect, that as none durst speak in Christ's behalf, for fear of exclusion from the Synagogue, and of being accounted as an Heathen or a Publican: So none will dare to contradict what they have said, or to speak a word in the King's defence, for fear of exclusion from their approbation; and of being reckoned the very worst of men, a Papist, nay, a Jesuit, and used accordingly. But (perhaps) here in they are not so wise as they would be taken, nitimur in vetitum, we love in these days, to look narrowly into things forbidden: this bridle they would put upon us, makes us believe, that they seek to smother those beams of wisdom; and to suppress those sparks of truth, which if laid to view in these Letters, would quickly f●ie into their faces, and give the Lie to their observations. If they be able to Justify what they say; why should they bar any man Liberty of opposing? truth fears no stirring; nor do honest men fear sifting: we are commanded to prove all things, to the end we may hold fast 1 Thes. 5. 21. only that which is good. Wherefore notwithstanding the danger laid before me; I shall obey God in doing my duty to the truth, and to my Sovereign. I will examine the accusation as it lies, and begin with their yet still, or first Circumstance. Yet still must needs (according to Grammar) have reference to what precedes, as well as to that which follows: that which precedes, is their late extraordinary success in the field, scil. when these Papers were surprised: that which follows, is the relation of divers crimes, which (as must be supposed) they have found in these Papers: now yet still is uttered as an aggravation of the said crimes, as if after their extraordinary success (which must be believed, spoke God's approbation of their cause) the King had been guilty of that, which they lay to his Charge out of the said Papers, and had written all that is found amiss in them, after they were surprised. So that yet still imports thus much: Notwithstanding God's manifestation of himself against the King, by the late extraordinary success in the field, which the holy and blessed Parliament had against him: He (contrary to this conviction) hath used clandestine proceedings against them at Westminster, hath condemned all that were in any degree Protestant's at Oxford, hath granted a Toleration of Idolatry to Papists, and indemnity to the Murderous Irish, and what ever beside is liable to blame (according to their fences) in these Letters. But this pretty Aggravation of theirs, is but a bare circumstance, and therefore I pass it over only with this little notice. The Charge itself follows, which consists of an huge heap of heinous words, resembling a man of straw, that at first blush, carries some proportion to our seeming, but being felt and poized, is discovered to be a mere vanity, serving only to fray Crows. 1. They cry out of Clandestine proceedings, scil. against them at Westminster, for by us here, none else can be intended; these (it seems) they would have in the first place to be marked with a Noli me tangere; and great reason for it, many fields in England have been watered with humane blood, to keep them from being touched: they have deserved so abundantly well of their Country and Nation, in keeping safe the Religion, Peace, and Wealth thereof, without any the least Schism, breach or diminution; that it were a mortal sin, but to think amiss of them. Wherefore the King must needs be much too blame, for using any clandestine proceedings against them at Westminster: and the rather, because they were never guilty of any clandestine proceedings against him. They went openly to work in all that ever they did: told him at first, when he called them together, what he should look for at their hands: yea, and when they sued unto him, to sign their Bill for continuing the Parliament; they plainly declared, how they would serve him: that they would seize first upon his Magazines and Navy; and then raise a bloody War against him: that they would separate his Wife from him, and hunt his Person up and down the Kingdom: rob him of all his Wealth, and the Hearts of his people: they foretold him of all; nor had they ever any private Conventicles before hand, to plot their business, nor since their meeting, did they ever make use of a close Committee: They never had any Clandestine packing with those of Scotland, nor with any other, of any other Nation; but have done all things clearly, and in the face of the Sun: If aught hath befell the King to his dislike or distaste, he may thank himself only for it: for he knew their minds before hand, they hid nothing from him; and therefore it must needs be granted, that the King doth very ill, to use any Clandestine proceedings against such honest plain-dealing men, as those be, that sit at Westminster. But (by the way) what are these Clandestine proceedings trow ye? why we must look into these his Letters for them, wherein we shall find him plotting with his Queen, about bringing the Treaty at Uxbridge on foot again, and to make her the Instrument thereof: (could there be but a preassurance, that the Rebels would submit to reason) Thou (says he) art the fittest Person, to be the means of so happy, and glorious a work, as is the peace of this Kingdom. Pap. 2. (was not here Clandestine proceedings now, and a dangerous conspiracy against them at Westminster, who are resolved to have no peace, till all be destroyed?) Again, he doth advise his Queen, (being in France) to inquire whether Lenthall the Speaker (according to his own brag) doth keep a strict intelligence with the Cardinal Mazarine, Though I will not swear (says he) that Lenthall says true, yet I am sure 'tis fit for thee to know. Pap. 1. Here was another Clandestine business. And further he doth consult with her about supplies of Men, Monies and Powder, for defence of his life against them of Westminster, Pap. 3. and gives her direction for the conveyance of it in some other Papers: (a business Clandestine and shrewd too:) And in Paper 6. he assures her in private, that Hertogen, the Irish Agent was an arrant Knave, (a particular which might concern the men of Westminster, and touch them more close, then perhaps every body will yet believe) Besides, in most of these Letters, we shall find the King, and his Queen comforting and supporting each other, under their heavy burdens, with mutual intimation of perfect love, and pathetical expressions of conjugal affection: All which, are notable proceedings indeed against them at Westminster, and great obstructions to their endeavours, which are to break the Hearts of both, and sink them to their graves presently: And thus we see the nature and danger of the first particular in the Charge, concerning Clandestine proceedings, which are so evident, that we can say nothing against it. The 2. follows, the proof whereof, is more and obscure: and that is condemning all that are in any degree Protestant's in Oxford; by which they would have it believed, that the King is so great an Enemy to Protestant Religion, that his very friends at Oxford, who have forsaken all they had for his sake, are hated by him for their Religion sake, so many of them as are Protestant's in any degree: But how this is manifest in these his Papers, we are to seek, for though these men have forehead enough to affirm it, yet their fortune is not good enough to prove it. Indeed we find the King in his Letters to Ormond, Paper 16. and in his Directions to his Commissioners at Uxbridge, taking great care, and giving strict Charge, for the preservation of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland; but in no place can we see so much as a syllable tending to the condemnation of Protestant Religion. But these men cannot leave their old trade of Taxing the King with their own Conditions: Heaven and Earth can witness, that never was there in England, greater enemies to Protestant Religion, than themselves have been; never was there so much Protestant Blood spilled in this Nation, since the beginning of the world, as hath been by their means within these four years: Never was London so full of Prisons; never the Prisons so full of Protestant Divines; Protestant Nobles, Gentry, and Christians of all sorts, as they have been, since these good men kept Court at Westminster. Besides, how they have Countenanced and brought into the Church, all kind of Sects and Heresies to the ruin of Protestantisme, which the King for the Honour and Health thereof, was always careful to suppress and keep out? How have they maintained and preached Doctrines of Devils, scil. of strife, murder of Brethren, Rebellion against Princes, oppression of neighbours; and practised the same; which are all directly opposite to the Religion of the Protestants? How have they abolished the Book of Common-Prayer, established by Parliament, to be the Protestants public form of Worshipping and serving God in this Kingdom? Had the King done but any one of these things, or were he not himself a most constant and zealous Professor of Protestant Religion in his daily practice, these men might happily have had some Colour, for this their confident Charge against him: and so to have created suspicions of him. But seeing all things are so clear contrary, we learn only thus much from this particular on their charge, that they are men, whose hearts are not overspiced with honesty: They pass not what they say, nor with what face, so they say no truth. The third particular which they load their King withal, is §. 3. Toleration of Idolatry to Papists: which they speak, as if Idolatry sub eo nomine were already allowed, and set up by the King's Authority, in contempt of God and true Religion, and so (doubtless) they would have it apprehended. Reasonable men will yield that there is a difference betwixt Idolatry, and the Penalty thereof; the penalty may be suspended, altered, or taken away for the time, and yet the sin itself not tolerated or allowed: These doughty Champions will not yield that their Parlia. have granted a toleration to Adultery, though they have abrogated the penal Laws against that sin, and so taken away the means to punish it: Nor can they prove that the King hath promised any more to Papists, than the Parliament hath already granted to fornicatours. In their after-notes, (where they make repetition of this matter) they refer the Reader to Paper the 8. for their ground of it: In which we find the King relating to His Queen, how the English Rebels had transmitted the Commands of Ireland, from the Crown of England to the Scots: an expression worthy (by the way) to be observed by all Englishmen, that regard the honour of their Nation, considering that the King Himself is a Scot, and that the men of Westminster intent, if they cannot kill Him, to thrust Him and His Children, (as some of their Hang-byes have whispered) to His Ancient Inheritance in Scotland; when they have made use of His People of that Nation, to help to destroy His Kingly Power here, not one Scot of them all, shall have any footing, or any more to do in this Kingdom: I say, considering this, every true Englishman hath cause most highly to reverence the King for His Justice unto, and His care of the dignity of the English Crown. But to proceed; the King tells His Queen, that, by that Act, (that base and ignoble act) He found Reformation of the Church, not to be (as they pretended) the end of this Rebellion: and concludes, it would be no piety, but presumption rather in Himself, not to use all lawful means to maintain His righteous Cause: And as one mean to that purpose, not thought of before, He giveth His Queen leave to promise in His Name, that all penal Laws in England, against Roman Catholics shall be taken away: as soon (says He) as God shall enable me to do it; upon this Conditiion, so as by their means, I may have so powerful assistance, as may deserve so great a favour, and enable me to do it. Now how truly from these words, that accusation is collected, let the Readers Judge: Here they see, is no absolute grant, or toleration of Idolatry (as they pretend) but only a conditionary promise of withdrawing the penal Statutes against the Papists His Subjects, if by their means, He may be delivered from this bloody raging, and malicious persecution of the Puritans, and settled in His power and throne again. And well may the Papists expect as much favour from the King for such a service, as Adulterers have had already from the Parliament gratis. Nor perhaps will the King appear so abundantly culpable in this case (as these men would have Him) if these 3. following particulars be well considered upon. 1. The lawfulness of using the aid of Papists, specially being His own Subjects, in case of life and extremity, of which I have spoken somewhat before * Pag. 80. to which I refer the Reader. All that the Enemy can object is, the King's Resolution to the contrary at the beginning of this Rebellion: His words to this purpose, they fail not to allege in the end of their observations, Pag. 55. where also they tell us, that the King made a strict Proclamation for the punishing those of that Religion, that should presume to list themselves under Him; and that a way by Oath was prescribed for discrimination of them, and instructions granted to the Commissioners of Array in all places to disarm them. All which doth but speak His Majesty's full purpose of keeping his Resolution, for the King doubtless did verily believe, (till experience taught the contrary) that Protestant Religion had such a power in the hearts of those that pretended so much unto it, that they would never suffer Him (their Sovereign and protector) to stand in need of the help of Papists to defend Him. And these men (in the same place) confess, that at the battle of Edge-hill, the Papists were taken into the King's Army of mere necessity: and they allege (in scorn) the excuse (as they call it) which the King gave for the same, namely, that by law, they were prohibited Arms in time of peace, and not in time of War: which distinction (say these) bore date long after the War begun, but that was want of invention only: perhaps so, for who could have believed that men of their pretendings, should prove so highly vile, and base, as they have done in driving their King to such exigents? or that the People of our Religion should prove so ingrateful, as to leave their Sovereign, and protector so desolate, as that contrary to His own Resolution, He must be forced in defence of His life, to use those of another Religion, and be put to excuse Himself by that distinction? This makes me remember, that in Seneca, when Hercules' family was abused: Ingrata tellus nemo ad Herculeae Domus auxilia venit, vidit hoc tantum nefas defensus Orbis. 2. The time when this Letter unto the Queen was writ wherein this promise was made, and the occasion moving thereunto. The time His accusers confess was March 5. 1644. immediately after the breaking up of the Treaty at Uxbridge, when all hopes of peace by way of an accommodation were frustrate, and dissolved, when the King's affairs were very low, and the enemy high, having newly taken the Town of Shrewsbury, one of His Majesty's best Garrisons. And the particular moving him at that time, to think of this mean of procuring assistance from his Subjects of that Religion, was (as appears in the Letter) His discovery that the English Rebels had (so much as in them lay) transmitted the command of Ireland from him to the Scots: Which might easily persuade him, that their purpose was to take that of England unto themselves; and so his whole Authority in all his Dominions being totally rent from him, and divided amongst them, he was like to be but a Sans terrae, or a Cipher signifying just nothing in his three Kingdoms: which also spoke plainly to his Conscience, that it was nothing less than Reformation of Religion, what ever was pretended, that the Puritan Rebels aimed at; upon which considerations he concluded with himself, (as the Letter infers). That it would be no Piety at all, but plain Presumption in him, to neglect any lawful mean for defence of himself, and that authority which God had entrusted him withal: or still to stand upon scruples, (which word the malicious Observatours Pag. 45. would have the people take special notice of) and truly what is it but a Scruple, a needless Scruple, for any to question, whether a Protestant Prince, should use the help of Papists in case of necessity, to defend himself in his natural rights, and Royalties? it being not only lawful, but according to his Office and duty, to preserve his Crown and Dignity, by the help of his Subjects of what Religion soever: they being by the providence of God lotted under his Government, as the proper means and Instruments for that very purpose. Wherefore (now at length) though the King had not hitherto, (as himself says) though of this mean, (scil. with intent to use it) yet upon this occasion and consideration, I give thee leave, (says he) to promise in my name that I will take away, etc. 3. The thing promised, which is the taking away the penal Statutes against the Papists, provided (that in this his necessity) they afford him that powerful assistance, as shall enable him to do it. And truly if extraordinary success, be such a full proof of a good cause, (as these Libelers would now have it) and the King, by the assistance of his Popish Subjects, should obtain the same against his Puritan Rebels; then their cause and Religion must for another while, be concluded the best; and (this Argument being fore-swallowed,) much wrong should they have, in the worlds deem; if (at least) He whom they have enabled, should not suffer them to enjoy the free use of it under his protection. And (besides) if we do but consider, the Carriages of the Rebels themselves, what allowance they have given, and what promises they have made, to men of all Sects, and Religions, for to purchase their assistance, in taking from the King his inheritance and Authority: What advantages they have made, of the King's fore-mentioned purpose, and promise, not to use the aid of Papists: How they have sued for that assistance, which he resolved against, and have entertained many of that Religion into their Armies; and what proffers they have made, to those whom they could not prevail with to help them, only to sit still, and not help him. I say, if we consider of these things, this promise which the King made, will not appear so unreasonable to men of understanding, as these would have it. But they Accuse the King (afterward) for offering this to the Queen, in behalf of the Papists, without either her or their request. It may be easily believed, that they have sued for it heretofore: Besides, if it be but considered, what the fashion of the world is now come to be; since the Puritans pricked up their ears: Namely, to Capitulate, and bargain with their King, for what they shall have, and what he will grant, before any duty or service shall be afforded to him: and then too, if it be remembered, what large and unreasonable demands, the Kings worst deserving subjects, do require at His hands, only for the purchase of life and peace to himself and his people: No man will wonder, if the King do think, the Papists will look (at least) for Liberty of Conscience, and Religion under him, when by their means the land is restored to tranquillity, and the King to his Crown and dignity: For (doubtless) the Religion of the Papists, is as dear to them, as the Religion of Miles Corbet, Edmund Prideaux, and Zouch Tate, (the three chief examiners of the King's Letters) is to them; and may with as little detriment to any Church or State be tolerated. And besides, the Penalty which the King promiseth to take away, is not as (I conceive) to be levied upon the Papists, merely because such: for it may be exacted upon others also though of another Religion, if they be guilty of these particulars: Scil. if they shall refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance to the King. 2. If they shall Raise disturbance in the Church or State. 3. If they shall Seduce the King's Subjects, from their Religion, and Obedience. 4. If they shall Refuse to come to Church once in a month, (at least) or to hear Divine service. 5. If they shall, (many of them together) Keep private Conventicles, and meetings; in such cases only, (as I conceive) the Laws are in force against Papists, and against all men else as equally, of what Religion soever: Wherefore let any man of understanding and justice speak, whether these fault-finders themselves, be not under the same Penalties, as deeply as ever were the Papists: Have not they renounced the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance to the King, by making a new Oath, and placing the Supremacy in the Heads of their faction? Have not they raised such distractions and Rebellions in Church and State, as the like was never known? Have not they had their private meetings in all places of the Kingdom, and seduced thousands of the King's Subjects from their duty and obedience? Do not they refuse to come to Common-Prayer? Nay, have they not Abolished the same out of Churches, that no man at all might come unto it? May they, (doing these things, and endeavouring the King's destruction withal) be freed from the Penalty of these Laws? And may not the Papists, remaining in their due obedience, and assisting their Sovereign against his Enemies, according both to Law and duty, reasonably enjoy the same freedom? though peradventure they come short of one of the particulars; which perhaps too, is not so much out of Malice, (as in these others) but out of ignorance and misinformation: and that is, not coming to Common-Prayer: to which neither can they come now, (if they had a mind) because it is taken away by those very men; who would have the Statutes still in force against the Papists, for not allowing of that which themselves with all contempt and scorn have abolished. But in the last Page of their Notes, they Object in this case also, the King's resolution, and promise, not to Abolish these Laws, but to join with his Parliament in suppression of Popery. In answer to which, let what hath been said already, be well remembered; and withal how they that call themselves His Parliamant have not suffered the King to concur with them: but have opposed and persecuted him, ever since he declared that his Resolution, to the end he might not be able to pursue the same: Yea, How themselves have compelled him, (in the continuance of his affliction,) to do that which they cry out upon him for; & have endeavoured all they could to force him further, had not a great measure of Divine grace upholden him: He may justly complain of them, as David did of some in his time, They have 1 Sam. 26. 19 driven me out from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord; saying, go serve other gods. They have done what they could to violence him from his Religion, and to force him to be a Papist, according as they voiced him. Never Prince had greater temptations and enforcements, yet never Prince was more constant in his Religion, blessed be the Majesty of Heaven for him. A perpetual disgrace will it (questionless) be to Protestant Religion, (in the eyes of all the world beside) that any pretending to it, should show themselves so unworthy, as to suffer so gracious a Prince to stand in need of Papists to defend him; much more that they should by ill usage, force him with such promises to seek their aid; but that they should accuse him also for doing the same, after they have enforced him to it, we must needs cry out, O nullo scelus credibile in aevo, quodque posteritas neget! the Height of their villainy is the only advantage they have, that it will not be believed by posterity: Well (I say) let all those particulars be thought upon, by all sober men of this Age, and if they be not sufficient, (in their judgements) to plead the King Excusable in this case, then let them remember (as they were advised before) that the King is a man, (as others are) and in his extremity he declared himself, to be the Son of David, and the Son of Abraham. SECT. XVIII. 1. The Kings granting indemnity to the murderous Irish another Slander. The necessity and Reasons of the Kings yielding to a Peace at that time with the Irish: And the Conditions upon which that Peace was to be granted: This Act not contradictive to any of his former expressions against their detestable doings. 2. The Vanity of their Charge against the King for going in a close trading way. Two sufficient Evidences of His Majesty's sincere and constant affection to the Protestant Religion. 3. The whole Charge against the King most truly retorted upon the Objectors. WE come now to the fourth particular in their Charge, which is, (say they) granting indemnity to the murderous Irish. This is collected (as they tell us in their after-notes) from the King's Letters to Ormund, Pap. 16. 17. 18. 19 in all which, I assure the world, there is no such word or phrase to be found as I will, or I do, grant indemnity to the murderous Irish: Indeed I find therein his Majesty consenting to a peace with the Irish, and he sets down the reasons necessitating him thereunto, which these honest Observatours have totally omitted, to take notice of; lest there should have been no appearance of blame at all, in their accusation: in which they do altogether as wisely, as Satan did when he spoke Scripture to our Saviour, for he did omit but only so much of the sentence, as would (if expressed) have made that part alleged nothing to his purpose: And of this all men shall judge, for I will set down in the Kings own words the grounds moving him to write to that purpose unto Ormund, Paper 16. Ormund: THe impossibility of preserving my Protestant Subjects in Ireland by a continuation of the War, hath moved me to give you these powers and directions, (that is one ground. A 2. follows in these words) It being now manifest that the English Rebels, have as far as in them lieth given the Command of Ireland to the Scots, that their aim is at a total subversion of Religion, and regal power, and that nothing else will content them, or purchase Peace here, I think myself bound in Conscience, not to let slip the means of settling that Kingdom, (if it may be) fully under my Obedience. Now if to preserve the lives of Protestant Subjects, (impossible otherwise to be done) if to keep Religion and Regal Power from subversion, be not two sufficient grounds to excuse (at least) a Christian Prince in a disabled condition, for the Consenting to a present Peace, with the vilest Murderers in the World; I know not what is. Yea and beside, if the Conditions be observed, which the King (in his low estate) requires, to have this Peace granted upon, perhaps they may speak the same very commendable. 1. It must be such a Peace as must not be against His Conscience and Honour. 2. The Penal laws against Appeals to Rome, and Praemunire must still stand, (The Accusers themselves confess these two.) 3. It must be on this Condition, or so far forth, as the Irish remain in their due Obedience to him, and lend him their faithful assistance against his enemies, (as becometh Subjects) This is apparent Paper 19 However these Calumniatours please to interpret, to me it seemeth, that this Peace with the Irish, is like that which Solomon 1 King. 2. made with Shimei. That wise King laid such an injunction upon him, for the grant of his life, as he foresaw he was likely to break, and so would come afterward to a due punishment of his former offences: and even so hath our King done, in that his grant: for doubtless it is as hard a thing for the Irish to abstain from appealing to Rome, or to continue long in their due obedience, as it was for Shimei, to forbear going to Gath, when he heard his servant was run thither: and by that time, the King (through God's assistance) may be able to do justice upon them, according to their merits. Kings (what ever people think) have choice spirits, differing from those of other men, are better guided, as being in a special sort in God's hand, which directs them in using a connivent lenity, where a sharp insight or notice, may work a greater damage for the present. In matters of Government, (which every one that can find fault with, skilleth not in) such accidents fall out sometime, that the Prince must not stand to ask, what may be done by law; but must do what is necessary to be done in that case. If a Choleric man, (as one says) be about to strike, I must not go about to purge his Choler, but to break his blow. So doth the King in this case: He labours to break the blows of the Murderous Irish that they may fall no longer so heavy upon his Protestant Subjects. Time was when He would have gone in person, to have purged their Choler, and to let them blood, and so have redeemed his poor afflicted people, from their fury, in a more Kingly way; only his good Subjects here, that take upon them to command him, would not give him leave so to do: wherefore he must now do as he may, and not as he would. And surely if those Abbots of Westminster, that sit there at ease, fatted with the wealth, and pleasures of the Kingdom; sporting themselves with reports of blood and slaughter, had but any sensible feeling of those miseries, which our poor Protestant Brethren in Ireland do endure, by the continuation of that War, they would be glad of a peace upon any condition; so it were but with the enjoyment of Conscience and Religion. But they (as is conceived) were the first kindlers of the fire there, thereby to gain advantage to themselves, of raising combustions here: and as their phrase, so their fashion is, to go through with the work, Ergo, till there be a total ruin, and desolation of all, they will admit of no peace in either Kingdom; wherefore the King (as the case then stood) went the only right way, at that present, by a pacification with the rebellious Irish, to enable himself to suppress the rebellious English, (those roots of war, and seeds-men of sedition) and so to recover a Capacity sufficient to correct all offenders, and settle a firm tranquillity among all his Subjects. But these Accusers at the end of their Notes Pag. 55. do object divers of the King's expressions, against the doings of the Irish, which (as they apprehend) this his consent to agree with them did contradict: His words (say they) once, were these: We hope the lamentable Condition of Ireland, will invite us to a fair intelligence, and unity, that we may with one heart intent the relieving and recovering of that unhappy Kingdom, where those barbarous Rebels, practice such inhuman, and unheard-of outrages upon our miserable people, that no Christian ear can hear without Horror, nor Story parallel. And at another time (say they) thus the King speaketh: We conjure all our Subjects, by the bonds of Love, Duty, and Obedience, that are precious to good men, to join with us, for the recovery of that Kingdom. Also in July (say they) at the Siege of Hull, He conjures both Houses, as they will Answer the contrary to Almighty God, to unite their force or recovery of Ireland. And in December the King answers some Irish Protestants thus, Since the beginning of that monstrous Rebellion, I have had no greater sorrow, then for the bleeding Condition of that Kingdom. Truly their bare repetitions of these pathetical expressions, and desires of their Sovereign, (with which themselves were no whit moved, to unite with him in so pious and Charitable a work) doth plainly discover them to be none of that number of good men whom the King conjured, nor to have any fear in their hearts of Almighty God. And doing the same to this end, viz. (as they hope) to disgrace the King, who at the end of their relation, they blush not to tax for his laying the blame of the Irish miseries upon the Parliament, (i. e. upon the faction so called) which if he should not do, he would sin highly against God and the Truth. I say to repeat those his expressions to this end, (as they do) doth witness them to be given up to Reprobate sense, and to remain in the most hardened condition of impenitency: And thus have I done also with the fourth particular. There remains now only to observe the other Circumstances §. 2. annexed to this their Charge for aggravation; taken from the manner of working, whereby these things are said to be effected in a close trading way: and from the end; for mere particular advantage. I shall answer both these together, in a word, thus; The King writes Letters to his Wife, and his Wife to him again, wherein they communicate their hearts and minds to each other: Now because they did not show those their Letters to the faction at Westminster before they sent them, and crave their approbation of what they had written; therefore they are here accused to go in a close trading way, and to aim at their own particular advantage, by certain men, who (as must be supposed) did never do any thing covertly in their lives, nor seek themselves in any matter. But how close and selfish they have (indeed) been, in their proceedings, I have hinted already, and the world hath too sharp a sense of it. Had the King from the beginning been more close and reserved; perhaps ere this, he had quite blown them up: at least (as by a countermine) had given a check to their proceedings, and therein done no other, than what became a politic General, whose wisdom 'tis to outgo his Enemies in their own way, and to beat them at their own weapons: But the King's sincere and plain dealing hath added much (through their wickedness) to his own undoing: and yet now at length, writing but a few words in private to his own Wife, about his own necessary preservation, because he did not acquaint them with it beforehand, he is inveighed against, and cried out upon, for trading in a close way, for mere particular advantage. But the thing they intent chiefly by these words, is to persuade the world, (which is also the main drift of their whole Libel) that the design which the King drives at, is to advance Popery; & to this end he useth clandestine proceedings, against them at Westminster, (the only supporters as must be believed of Protestant Religion and condemneth (as they say) all that be in any degree Protestant's at Oxford: granteth toleration of Idolatry to Papists, and indemnity to the murderous Irish; which (in regard of his many Protestations to the contrary) he being ashamed to own openly, is fain to betake himself to a close trading way, to pursue and accomplish. In Answer to which grand Calumny, I shall only set down the extract of a Letter closely sent indeed, (that the world may most truly discern the Kings close trading way) by his Majesty to the Commissioners in Ireland, immediately after Nazeby Battle, when he was in Wales, and in a most low condition, written by the hand of the Lord Digby, his Majesty's Secretary, I wish I had the full Letter itself to set it down verbatim, for I confess this to be but the abstract of it, which I received from a Gentleman of most approved truth and Candour, as he did only bear the same in memory; which notwithstanding he is confident is but little (if at all) differing from the Original. My Lords and Gentlemen, HIs Majesty hath Commanded me to let you know, that according to your promise and agreement with him, he long since expected your aid, and doth much wonder you should neglect him and yourselves so much as to retard it; because immediately after His, your ruin must necessarily follow: but He is informed, that taking the advantage of His low Condition, you insist upon something in Religion, more than formerly you were contented with. He has therefore commanded me to let you know, that were his condition much lower than it is, you shall never force him to any further concessions, to the prejudice of his Conscience, and of the true Protestant Religion, in which He is resolved to live, and for which He is ready to die, and that He will join with any Protestant Prince; nay, with these Rebels themselves, how odious soever, rather than yield the least to you in this particular. I refer it to all men's Consciences, whether this be not a sufficient evidence of his Majesty's sincerity and affection to the Protestant Religion, considering the estate wherein his affairs stood when this Letter was written; and also whether it doth not fully confirm the truth of what I said in effect before, viz. That what ever concessions were made to the Papists and Irish, were rather by the enforcement of the Puritan Rebels, then by any inward affection of His Majesty to their Religion. But indeed it was needless to have alleged any other of his secret Letters for this Evidence: For these which the Adversaries have here published, and declared to be Evidences of truth, do manifestly speak to this purpose; we read in the eighth Paper, how the King tells the Queen, that He differs from Her in nothing but Religion. Are not these the Kings own Words which themselves have published? Was not this Letter sent (as well as the rest) in a close trading way, as they call it? Do they think the King ever intended it should come into their hands? And when they laid aside many other Papers, as not fit for publication at this time, was not this thought fit to be divulged by their own wise selves? Is not this one of those Evidences of Truth (they speak of in the beginning) which to have concealed, would have been a great sin against the mercies of God? Truly I dare boldly say, that neither the King for himself, nor any of his friends in his behalf, could possibly have given a better evidence to the abused Subjects of this Nation, that His Majesty is a true Protestant, than this is which his Enemies have given by their publication of that Letter: Surely the Finger of God was in it. For people's more clear understanding and notice of it, I will set down the King's Words as they stand in the Letter: Writing to his Queen, about that business of Ireland fore-mentioned, he speaketh thus, I need not tell thee, what secrecy this business requires, yet this I will say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to thee; for it is no thanks to me, to trust thee in any thing else but in this which is the only thing of difference betwixt us; and yet I know thou wilt make as good a bargain for me, even in this; I trusting thee (though it concern Religion) as if thou wert a Protestant. O what a discovery is here made of the King's sincerity in his profession! When for an obligation upon his Queen, to make a good bargain for him, he tells her in his most bosom expressions, that he trusts her to do it for him a Protestant, as if herself were one. The world may here see, though these Observatours themselves (who have helped us) will not; that in the closest way of trading (according to their own phrase) which the King useth, he tradeth as a Protestant, and acknowledgeth in his most secret Letters to his Queen, that there is a difference (though it be the only difference) between Him and Her in matter of Religion. And thus have I vindicated my Sovereign's Honour, against §. 3. this particular Charge also of his enemies; and do expect that I have hereby procured to myself, (though not deserved) from these men and their Faction, (whose baseness I have in part detected) the imputation and Title, of the falsest of men, a Papist; yea, of the falsest of Papists, a Jesuit, for it was voted and concluded before hand, that whosoever should do as I have done, should be so accounted. But notwithstanding all that I have said in the King's behalf, yet this I confess to these men, so much as concerns the position in general, I am wholly of their opinion, viz. that whoever is guilty of those four things, scil. Of Clandestine proceedings against the Honour and being of Parliament; Of condemning all that be Protestants in any degree; Of granting a Toleration to Idolaters; And of indemnity to Murderers; or that goes in a close trading way (to effect those things) for mere particular advantage, cannot be defended by any, but such as deserve the imputation of the worst men. And therefore I am of opinion that all those, who take upon them to defend the men now above-board, who under the name of Parliament, have not only undermined the King their Sovereign, but also the Parliament itself, in destroying its Privileges, which they pretend to stand for: who have condemned all, to be Popishly affected, that are in any degree Protestant's at Oxford, calling them by the odious names of Malignants, Papists, Devils, and Dogs; who have not only granted a Toleration of Idolatry, but set it up, and persecuted with fire and sword, banishment and confiscation, all that will not commit the same: (themselves whom they call the Parliament are the Idol, whom all the people of the Kingdom must fall down unto and worship) who have also granted indemnity to the murderous Irish. For I would have them but speak out and say, of what Nation and Religion their Plunket is of; Nay, let them tell the world (if they dare) what promises have been made from them, by their Instruments, (in a close trading way) unto that Plunket and Muskerry, (whom they Tax their King, for showing countenance unto) upon condition they would but sit still, and not help their Sovereign. Who also have further yet, in a close trading way, cozened us their fellow Subjects of all we had, that was dear unto us, our Religion, Liberty, Peace, Wealth, and Friends, for their own mere particular advantage, that themselves might rule alone, and bear the sway over our Sovereign, and ourselves; over our Consciences and Estates; which they spoil and sell away according to their pleasures: I say, I do verily believe that whoever they be, that shall take upon them, to defend these men, under what colour and pretences soever, are as bad as the worst of men, yea, falser than the Papists, than the Jesuits. But we will listen now to what these men add farther; they say, Hitherto the English have had Commission to Chastise the Irish, Libel. and the Irish have had the like to Chastise the English; both have spilled each other's blood by the King's Warrant, yet as both hath been in part owned, so both hath been in part disowned, and the King himself hath not appeared with open face in the Business. SECT. XIX. 1. The Enemies malicious devices to Scandalize the King with favouring the Irish Rebellion detected and confuted. 2. The Kings requiring secrecy of the Queen and Ormond in the matters writ to them Justified. The Libelers Blasphemy against God's Providence, ●and in as king God's Blessing upon their Libel noted. THe English have had Commission to Chastise the Rebellious §. 1. Irish, and the Irish have had the like to Chastise the Rebellious English, both have spilled each other's blood, by the Kings warrant; and what harm is there in all this? The King is the Minister of God, and bears the sword (says the Apostle) to execute Rom. 13. 4. wrath upon them that do evil: and therefore so far forth, as the same hath been managed to the punishment of Rebellion, whether by English or by Irish, under his command and Authority, the King hath with open face owned it: But in as much, as the same hath been used by the one or other, against himself, His Crown and Dignity, against the Law, against His Loyal Protestant subjects, to the hurt or damage of them and their Religion; the King hath both secretly and publicly disowned ever, and still doth: For why should he sin against God, His own Conscience, and honour in taking upon himself the scandal of others doings; as those that call themselves his great and wise Council desire he should; who themselves commit the sin, and would have him bear all the * Yea all the blood that hath been shed, by them and by▪ their means, in this unnatural war (which themselves for no cause have raised not only against the Kings will but also against his person and his friends) must, and is by them, laid to the King's Charge, their Militia & success persuade them to it. blame, (for this is their way of Honouring their Sovereign in the eyes of His people) And to this purpose, when at first by decolation of Strafford, the Irish Governor, they had put that wild and unruly people into a fit Capacity, and proximate potentia of Rebelling: and perhaps too in their close trading way, (wherein for their own particular advantage, they are of all men living most skilful) had helped to draw that power into Act; to the end the people of this Kingdom, (whom they were to use to another purpose) might not so soon suspect them guilty of so much evil; they published abroad that the Rebels in Ireland had the Kings warrant for all their bloody doings; & to put some colour upon this devilish slander, they printed certain examinations, (as they called them) of certain inferior men & women; who reported (as they tell) that they heard some say, they heard from others, who received it (perhaps from 3. or 4. persons) that some Commanders among the Irish Rebels had affirmed that themselves had the King's Commission for what they did: Which thing if any of the Irish Rebels did say, or affirm, what wonder is it? do not all Rebels use to pretend the best authority, for their own wicked doings? have not even they of Westminster themselves, raised all their forces of men and moneys against the King's person, under the Kings own name? was not the King and Parliament the only word in use with them at the first, though now the King's name is left out? for they apprehend the people to be so deeply locked with themselves in guilt and blood, that they dare not leave them: I dare boldly affirm it, that many thousands of our English, had never been ingulpfed in those Rebellious ways wherein they are, had they at first but been acquainted with the devices of Rebellious Heads; but now things are come to that height, that they know not how to disengage themselves, without a present ruin from them who have engaged them. But hence (I say) it plainly appears to be no wonder, if the Irish Rebels did pretend the King's Authority also, in the beginning of their accursed undertaking, (though whether they did or no, I cannot tell, for I did not hear them;) only this I am sure of, that they who published and printed those reports in this Kingdom, did hope thereby to work (as indeed they did) a disaffection in many people against their Sovereign, that so themselves might be strengthened with their concurrence in their intended project against him, and all his friends that sided with him; with whom I may affirm they have even dealt as the Cyclops in Homer did with Ulysses and his Associates; who finding no reason to misuse them, yet having a great desire to feed upon them, would needs persuade that they were Pirates: So these not knowing any sufficient reason to quarrel with the King and his friends, or to stir up the people against them; yet having a great hunger after the Authority, places, Rights, and profits which they possessed, they would needs persuade they were Popishly affected, and were approving and consenting to the Irish Rebellion: And because the King would never be persuaded (as the people were) to yield himself guilty of those evils and miseries which (as themselves quote his words) He could never hear named but with a bleeding heart; therefore they are pleased here to add and say, that the King himself has not appeared with an open face in the business. But (say they) now by God's providence the traverse curtain is Libel. drawn, and the King writing to Ormond and the Queen, what they must not disclose is presented upon the stage. Their meaning is, that now the King is made to show his face, whether he will or no, and to appear (as they think) such a one, as they have reported him: For those secrets which he would have to be kept close, (for fear they should discover him) are here presented to public view, by the direction and Authority of his Great Council, who in their faithfulness and Loyalty to him, have opened all unto the world, yea and set it forth with an additional Advantage. But (indeed) this act of theirs, speaks those men of that Great Council, to have no great acquaintance with that Precept of Christ, Do to others, as ye would have others do to you; For certainly themselves have sometimes writ to their wives and friends such particulars, as they would not have all the world to know of: For though perhaps they may not be hurtful rightly taken, yet (they'll say) ill constructions may be made of good meanings, or a good design may be obstructed, if the means intended for accomplishment be divulged, and therefore if they require secrecy of those entrusted, they believe they have reason for it, and no man ought to cavil at it; But the King it seems (of all men) must not be▪ allowed this Privilege; he is here exclaimed upon, to be as culpable as they have voiced him, merely for his requiring silence in a case of like nature. His experience had taught him too well, that they studied to cross him in all he did, and to mistake him in all he said; yea, so they might prejudice him in his Affairs, and in his people's hearts, they cared not to go in the way of perverseness, which (as the Apostle says) doth lead unto their own destruction: which to prevent if possible, He gives the Queen and Ormond this Caveat, not to disclose some particulars mentioned to them in his Letters. But (as the saying is) no man can avoid his proper destiny, for they being (as it seems) ordained to stumble, and made to be destroyed (as S. Peter says some be) shall not escape their means of ruin: these very Papers (notwithstanding the King's care) shall miscarry, and fall into their hands; whereby is administered to them, an occasion of falling, and so of perishing in their own Corruptions by their evil speaking; and perversely interpreting the things they understand not. And themselves say, there was a Providence in this, which notwithstanding they seem to blaspheme, by making it the Author of their Evils: by God's good providence (say they) the traverse Curtain is drawn, yea but that, what ever the King would have Ormond and the Queen conceal, is presented upon the Stage together with their own malicious conceits upon the same; they entitle all to be the Act of God's Providence (as if themselves had not had so much as a finger in the business) but 'tis no marvel, that they, who begun their reproachful Prologue, with an abusive mentioning of God's Mercies; should also conclude the same with a speaking evilly of God's good Providence. Indeed I confess there was a Providence, and a better Providence too, than they will acknowledge in their surprisal and publication of these Papers, for hereby 'tis come to pass, that they who before (Lapwing-like) cried furthest off from their own nest, are detected and discovered. They who formerly (Janus-like) looked two ways, are made to have but one face. They who pretended love and Loyalty to their Sovereign, are unmuffled, and have the traverse Curtain so drawn from before them, that their malice and hypocrisy is presented upon the Stage, and made transparent to every Eye: insomuch that those people, who did before by their means, transire ab ignorantia ad prejudicium, leap from ignorance to prejudicated opinion of their King; without taking a good Judgement in the way; have now gained, such a full view of the Hearts and true dispositions of their seducers, that they may conclude of them, as Thomas Whittle Fox Martyr. the Martyr, did of the Enemies of his days: That in them appeareth so lively, the very image and shape of Satan, that a man (if it were no prejudice to God's Word) might well affirm them to be Devils incarnate: Which very thing also, that little of theirs which follows, doth seem further yet to evidence, 'tis their Conclusion, and in these words. God grant that the drawing of this Curtain may be so fatal to Popery, Libel. & Antichristian Heresy here now, as the rending of the veil was to the Jewish Ceremonies in Judea, at the Expiration of our Saviour. That which they here call Popery, and Antichristian Heresy, can be no other than the true Protestant Christian Religion, for that only was it, which was here established, which the King professeth and maintaineth, and which themselves were formerly of, (as they pretended) to the same now, under those odious names of Popery and Antichristian Heresy, they wish such a final conclusion, as the Jewish Ceremonies had, (which were never to endure but for a season:) and according to their wish, hath their endeavours been, even quite to ruinate and destroy the same, which in a great measure they have already effected, as to woeful experience is too manifest; and to bring this their wicked work to a more speedy end, they have by these their scandalous notes endeavoured to blast the honour and dignity of that Prince, who hath been, and is, the chiefest defender of it under Heaven: and the Publication of them they call the drawing of the Curtain, which they are bold to ask God's blessing upon, that the same (through his help) may be as fatal a forerunner of the ruin of verity, (which themselves only call Antichristian Heresy) as the rending of the veil was to the Jewish Ceremonies: they▪ would have this Act of theirs as affectual to the one, as that of our Saviour's expiration was to the other: and this time of their own breathing, to be of like account with that of our Saviour's expiring: now what may be thought (at the present) of these men, let all that have reason and Conscience Judge. I'll conclude with a prayer too; and it shall be this. God grant that this my drawing the Curtain from the faces of these Libelers, may not only prove fatal to all Hypocrisy, Rebellion, and Antichristian disloyalty: but also instrumental to work such a shame of themselves in the hearts of these very men, and of their Masters at Westminster, that they may look with better eyes then ever yet they have done, upon Charles their Sovereign, whose honour they have pierced; and may have better breathe then ever they have had, after Christ their Saviour, whose Gospel they have scandalised. Amen. SECT. XX. What good use might have been made of these Letters. Of the faults laid unto the Queen's Charge, specially in loving her Husband. I Have done with their Prologue to the King's Letters, and in a §. 1. manner with their Annotations upon them too, which (for the most part) contain but the same over again, with the mixture of more malice, therefore in examining the one, I have also in a sort dispatched the other. Nor do I love any more than needs must, to busy myself in repetitions. There are (I confess) a few particulars in these their Annotations, which (as I remember) have not been touched upon, in the discussion of the former General; these I shall cull out, and only show them (which will be enough) and so leave them to the world to be judged of. They begin at the end of the King's Papers, their Observations thus. Much use may be made of these Precedent Papers, and many Libel. things therein will appear very worthy our notice. In which they speak truth, and had not themselves been of too spiderous a nature, they might have made much good use of them indeed; and have noted from them, such dexterity of understanding; such undantednesse of resolution; such fortitude of spirit in adversity; such conjugal faith and affections; such paternal care and pity to his people, and such true Christian patience and piety to be in their Sovereign; as cannot be altogether Paralleled at this day, in any Prince of Christendom. In a word, these Papers speak our King to be completely a Counsellor, a Soldier, a Gentleman, and a Scholar, and had he but trusted to himself more, and less to the advice of others, in the management of his Affairs; thousands of his Subjects from these his Letters, are most confident, that his enemies had not now been triumphant. But the notice of such matters, serveth not the turns of these men, nor can their coloured eyes, see any thing of this nature in these Letters; faults and errors, only are thought worthy their observance, of which they fancy, they have espied great plenty, in the King and Queen both. The Queen's faults, though (for show sake) they have branched them out into many particulars, may all be reduced to one, and that is Loving of her Husband. Indeed they begin their Complaints against Her, with saying, She is implacable to our Religion, Nation, Government, but they can instance neither in word or action, to make the same appear conjectural; only they tell us afterward, of her great care, that our Bishops be provided for, (and the blessing of God be upon her for it:) they hope that people do still believe, that Bishops were enemies to all good, and therefore if the Queen doth but manifest any respect to them, in their present affliction and persecution, it doth sufficiently speak her implacableness to our Religion, Nation, Government. Well, I wish with my soul, that the men of Westminster had proved themselves no worse affected, to our Religion, Nation, and Government, than the Queen hath done; for than I am sure, they had all still been in a most flourishing and happy Condition. But the Queen being the King's Wife, must help to bear her Husband's Burden of blame as well as Sorrow; even as it shall please these His vassals to cast it on Her. Indeed they tell us also afterward, out of Paper 27. that the Queen desires the disbanding of the Parliament: in which perhaps they would have her thought an Enemy to our Religion, Nation, Government: But we shall first read Her words, and then we may judge whether they import such an interpretation: the Queen writing to the King from York saith: I understand to day from London, that they will have no cessation, and that they treat at the beginning of the two first Articles, and afterward of the disbanding of the Army; certainly I wish a peace more than any, and that with greater reason, but I would the disbanding of the perpetual Parliament first; and, certainly the rest will be easily afterwards: I do not say this of mine own head alone, for generally those that are for you, and against you in this Country wish an end of it. These be the Queen's words entirely. She desires a peace more than any, and in order to that, she wisheth a disbanding of the perpetual Parliament, because otherwise, peace is never likely to be had; and this is not the judgement of herself alone, but of all in general: that are both for and against the King, in that Country: wherefore if this be an Argument of the Queen's enmity against our Religion, Nation, Government, than all those that are both for, and against the King, in that County of Yorkshire are Enemies as well as she, because they join with her in wishing an end to the War, and restoration of peace unto the Kingdom. But (by the way) I wonder why they should Tax the Queen with implacableness to our Government? is not that of our nation monarchial, and that of our Church Episcopal? and her Husband the Head and upholder of both? can the Queen then be believed to be disaffected to either of these? the men (doubtless) have lost their senses, together with their Loyalty. * This particular digression was inserted from my own observance of her Majesty's goodness in France. Concerning her Majesty's affection to our Religion and Nation, let me be bold (though one of the meanest) upon this occasion, to give a Testimony unto my Countrymen, from mine own experience: Those English Protestants who have been in France, in these times of persecution, cannot but witness the same with me: and say, That the Queen hath been to the uttermost of her power, a most tender careful nursing Mother, both to our Religion and Nation, in that her Native Kingdom; for by her sole means and great industry, we had places allowed us, to meet together to serve God in (even publicly) after the English manner, in each of which, God's Word was faithfully Preached on the Lord's Day, and truly read, together with Divine Service twice a day throughout the week; whereunto she was careful that her own Servants of our Nation and Religion (whereof she hath many) should duly and constantly resort; which great privilege and favour to us, was looked on with much regret and spleen by some Jesuited Papists, who wickedly reproached Her Majesty for the same, exclaiming upon her for a Lutheran, and a Protestant, even because she had manifested such love to our Nation and Religion, in providing for us these Synagogues: which rebukes and reproaches she (good Princess) was content for our sakes, to bear with meekness and patience; undoubtedly it may be easily believed from this sweetness and goodness of her nature, (after her receipt of so many abuses from some amongst us) that had our deportments towards her been such as our Religion commandeth, she might ere this, in all probabilities have preferred the same before her own; even as she hath done our Nation; many have heard her at a well furnished Table say, one of these Dishes in England, with my Husband and Children (might I but enjoy it there in peace) would please me better, and be sweeter to me, than all this plenty in this place. So great is her affection to our Nation; (whose great ingratitude and unkindness to her, so unbecoming the Gospel, the Lord pardon.) Let the Reader pardon this digression: her Majesty's wronged Innocence, and the truth did extort it from me: I return now to her Accusers: from whom I learn, That her Majesty's main and proper fault is Loving her Husband, and this (I confess) they Evidence at large, from many quotatious out of her several Letters, as first (they say) she performs the office of a Resident for him in France, and is restless even to the neglect of her own health, to assist him (against them his Enemies.) 2. She vows (they say) to die by famine, rather than fail him, in her faithful endeavours. 3. She confines not her Agency to France, but solicits other Princes also for shipping in his aid. 4. She sends Arms into Scotland to Mountrosse; and many such like particulars they allege, which doth abundantly evidence this her fault of loving her Husband: Nay, and the most heinous matter of all is the Counsels which she gives him, namely, to be suspicious in his Treaties with them (who have deceived him so much already▪) to take heed of his own safety amongst them; and not to think himself safe any longer, than he defends his friends that have served him: for which they quote, Pap. 31. these they call Counsels of very pernicious Consequence, of which nature also, is that manifestation of her Judgement, that peace cannot be safe to the King, without a Regiment for his Guard, (a la mode de France) (say they) they might as well have said, a la mode du Parliament; and of all this, they allege their punctual proofs out of these Letters: wherefore 'tis very plain, that the Queen is guilty of a most dear and tender affection to the King her Husband, and in order to him, she desires the welfare of all his friends: and for this cause, is deemed by these men, a fit object of abuse and hatred. But truly, if I did not evidently see them to be given up to blindness of mind, by reason of that malice which is in them; I should much admire, at their folly in these their exceptions, against the Queen. I dare say, that Henry Burtons' Wife, or John Basticks Wife, might have done full as much for their husbands, when time was, (had they been in a like capacity) and been no whit blamed by these men for the same: Nay, they should have been commended rather for such Testimonies of their faithfulness and affection. O but the Queen's fortune is to be the King's Wife, and therefore she must not look to find such grace and favour in the eyes of these jolly men; as to have that in her not censured for a fault, which in mean women is entitled virtue. Nay, I am further confident, that if this truly royal Mary, Wife to our Sovereign Charles, had like that Queen Isabel, wife to our Edward the 2d. joined issue with some of the Enemies against the King her Husband, she should have been in as high account with these, as that other was with the Rebels of those days: her difference in Religion should have bred no disaffection at all in them towards her; for 'tis not so much an unity in that which they desire and aim at, (as to all is plainly apparent, from that multiplicity of Religions allowed amongst them) if there be but a facile community another way, in things more sensible: it will abundantly serve the turn, to give satisfaction to these blessed Reformers. But because the Queen is Chara fidaque marito, dear and faithful to her Lord and Husband: therefore must she be exclaimed upon, and hated; yea, hunted and forced out of the Kingdom, by certain wise and well-bred Gentlemen, (as they would be accounted) that rule the roast at Westminster: who, if they could but lay hands upon her, would also murder her, for with open mouth they have charged her already with no less than Treason, (Treason against the New-state forsooth) even for her affectionate adherence, unto the King her Husband, in these times of his affliction. Observe it (I beseech you) and consider well of it, O all ye Princes and Nobles of the world, and all you that are true Gentlemen of what Nation and Kingdom soever, and say, whether you ever read or heard of the like! Behold, here a most Royal Lady, of most noble and high Virtues, and incomparable parts; Great Henry's Daughter, Sister to the late French King, and Aunt unto the present, and Queen of England, who hath been defamed, slandered, reviled, railed upon, shot at, persecuted, and driven to banishment; brought upon the public Stage for a Traitor, condemned and threatened with death, and forced to fly into other Countries, to preserve herself in being, (like that woman in the Revelation, from the face of the Dragon) and all this only for her faithfulness and loyal affections to her Husband in his distress: consider of this thing I beseech you, and speak your minds. And you my Countrymen of England in general, examine your thoughts, and then say, Hocci●e est Humanum factum aut inceptum? Is there any Generosity, nay, any Humanity in such dealings? Can you imagine that such demeanours towards such a personage, will be ever chronicled to our Nations praise, or read by posterity with approbation? Was ever such harsh, and hellish usage offered by the hands of English men before now, to a daughter of France? Duke Reiners Daughter, (Wife to that good, though most unfortunate King Henry▪ the 6.) was used much better by Richard the third, she had no such despites offered to her person, because a woman, and though she brought much foreign aid into the Kingdom, yet was she not (as I read) ever accused of Treason for the same; she was ra●her interpreted to have done thereby, her proper duty to her Husband: no man (I am sure) can say that our Protestant Religion allows of this behaviour; or that our holy Mother Church, did ever feed any of her Children with such nourishment, as should cause them to break out into such exorbitancies; Her milk was always seasoned with the Doctrines of Humility, Reverence, Civility, Gentleness, Affability, and graciousness of conversation to people of all sorts, even to inferiors and to enemies. Much more to superiors and to friends. Surely if this our (once most generous and courteous) Nation, had not now (in too great a measure) laid aside common Humanity, as well as grace: were there but this one reason, which I shall name, it would be abundantly enough, to make this Queen most dear and precious in all our apprehensions, scib. for that she hath been, tam partu potens, & ●tero toties enixa gravi pignora pacis, she hath so highly enriched this Kingdom from her fruitful and chaste womb, with so many sweet and Royal pledges of future happiness, as few Queens before her have done ever the like. But O my dear Country, thou art fallen, thou art fallen from thine ancient glory; for thou hast brought forth in this thine unhappy Age, a generation of vipers, who have laboured to destroy both Religion and good manners in thee, and by whose operation Stigii profundi claustra & obscuri specus laxantur, Hells own self is broke loose into thee: The Lord in mercy yet once again vouchsafe a gracious look upon thee. But (by the way) who can choose but admire the strength of malice? because these men themselves do hate the King, they cannot abide that so much as his Queen should love him: they have robbed him of the hearts of his People; the Comforts of his Crown, and it grieves them they cannot alienate from him the Affections of his Wife, the comforts of his bosom; they grudge him the enjoyment of her love at a distance. How have they by their spiteful promulgation of the 34 Paper, (which was written twenty years before, and no whit concerneth them at all) endeavoured to work in her, an alienation from him: and by that they say upon Pap. 11. to weaken the duty of his Son towards him: but praised be the majesty of Heaven for it; those that are most nearly his own, cannot be loosened from him: though of all Princes he is most unhappy, in too ma●y of his people, yet is he most blessed of all men, in his Wife and Progeny: never had Husband a more loving Spouse; never had Parent more sweet conditioned and respectful Children, than our Sovereign hath of the Prince of Wales, and * This was written when the Duke of York was either in Oxford, or supposed to be there. Duke of York; and as our prayers, so our hopes are, that God's grace will so preserve and keep those other Princes, whom the Rebels have got into their bondage, that not all the temptations they can use, shall ever make them decline from duty. But further, (as if there were no cause of fear at all on her part) they tax the Queen for being jealous of her Husband's safety, if He should venture himself to go amongst them: Truly considering the spirit they are of, if She should, in her tenderness fear, they might entertain him, Thyestaeis dapibus, seeing they have wherewithal to do it, I should not think Her worthy to be blamed: which thing how horrid and incredible so ever, the hear-say of, may seem to people, before it is done; yet should the same be acted by Order from the Lower House, and Voted meet in that manner to torment the King: many of the Vulgar are in such a Captivity of Judgement to them, that they would quickly cry it up for a most remarkable and comely Act of Justice. And let Reason speak in the Queen's case; She hath had ample experience of their inveterate malice against her Husband; full Testimonies of their bloody dispositions, both against him, and herself: besides her own Father was Murdered by an Assassinate of theirs, who hold the Principle of King-killing, as these men do: May not she therefore being a tender Lady, and full of affections be excused by all men, if she fears the like may befall her Husband? and for prevention thereof, desireth he should have a Regiment for his Guard, (which themselves only interpret should be, a la mode de France. Yea, * It was generally believed when this was inserted that the Kings trusting the Scots with his Person could not possibly but make them ashamed to prove unfaithful, but their late Act hath given all men to understand, that though Judas (for the love of money) may keep touch with the Pharisees, yet he is no fit or safe man, to be of the Guard unto his Master. and why may he not have a Regiment of Scots, for his Guard a la mode France? (the Scots are his Countrymen) to defend him from them and their Assassinates, who have Authorized this Pamphlet against him, for the ends aforesaid. But to conclude this particular; let these virulent men speak their pleasure against the Queen: I hope (by this time) the world hath sufficient knowledge of them to her Honour; she being the object of their Hate, cannot but be a Map of goodness. And most Noble Queen, (if one of the meanest, and most obscure of your Majesty's subjects, may presume to speak to so great a Princess) let me assure your Highness; however these English Catiline's have censured your virtues▪ and abused you for them: yet there be many thousands of true Protestant English hearts, who (according as our Religion teacheth) have you in the most high esteem of all earthly women, for your tender Care, and constant fastness to our Sovereign, in these times of trouble; your zealous endeavours to assist him, hath so increased the flame of our Loyal affections towards you, that we are confident the whole flood of waters which the many-headed Dragon throws out of his mouth, shall never be able to extinguish it in us: Yea, and by the strength of that grace, which our holy Religion hath wrought in us, we shall never cease night and day, to make you the special subject of our prayers, until we see you restored with honour to your Throne amongst us; or hear that you are advanced with glory to your seat in Heaven: And let your excellent goodness (I beseech you) pardon your Vassal this great boldness. SECT. XXI. Of the King's fault in loving his Wife: The manifest and malicious falsifications and perversions of divers of the King's expressions to his Queen noted. THus have I examined the Queen's faults; and (notwithstanding the ponderous aggravations, which these enemies of Honour and virtuous Ladies, do set them forth withal) have found them light and easy: I come now to see what they say further against the King, whom they do accuse in the first place, for loving his Wife again; as well (it should seem) as she loves him. It is manifest that (notwithstanding their late extraordinary great success) these men's hearts are not yet freed from jealousies and fears: they are suspicious still of Conspiracies; yea, that the King and Queen have entered into a Covenant to love each other, for to spite them, in giving them a good Example in cases of like Nature. They tell us, that He communicates his thoughts and affairs unto Her, and though She be the weaker sex, yet he makes her privy to his secrets, and takes advise and counsel from her; yea, and more than this they say, He professes to prefer Her health before His worldly affairs, for which they bid us see Paper 14. which we have done, and the world shall hear what we have there seen. That Letter was written by his Majesty to the Queen, January 8. 1645. immediately after his taking of Leicester, wherein he hath only (to this purpose) these words, I Must tell thee, that 'tis thy Letter by Fitz Williams assuring me of thy perfect recovery, with thy wonted kindness, which makes me capable of taking contentment in these good successes: for as divers men, propose several recompenses for themselves▪ for their pains and hazard in this Rebellion: So thy company is the only reward I expect and wish for. These two last lines were scraped by Miles Corbet the Examiner, for the Printer to put into a different Character, that the Reader might the better observe, the King's fault in them: But fearing the dulness of men's Capacities, (if let alone to themselves) these quick-scented Note-mongers have put too their helping hand, and Collected from them, that the King professes to prefer the Queen's Health, before the Exigence, and importance of his own public Affairs; and they hope that people will from hence believe, that he prefers his private Affections to his Wife, before the care of the whole Commonwealth; and therefore will judge it very fit, that he be not only put by his Office, (for that he is already by his new Masters at Westminster) but also kept out for ever, and never trusted more, with any Affairs of importance. And further they accuse him, for avowing Constancy to his Wife, and (as they express it) to Her grounds and documents: which they would have the Reader apprehend to be, to whatsoever the Queen had already, or hereafter should propound unto him, concerning Religion, and the Government of the Commonwealth: to which purpose also, they say; that His Counsels are wholly managed by the Queen, though She be of the weaker Sex, born an Alien, bred up in a contrary Religion; yet nothing, great or small (say they) is transacted without her privity and Consent. And for this they quote Paper 38. by all which it is apparent, they would have it believed, that as divers men's Wives, (being of Masterly dispositions) do take upon them, to command their Husbands, so the Queen doth take it upon her, to rule the King, and all his Affairs: and as many men have submitted themselves to their Wife's yoke, so hath the King yielded up himself to his Queen's direction: and therefore they hope that people have wit enough, to conclude from hence; that it is not fit the Government of this Church and Kingdom, should remain in such hands as heretofore; but rather in the hands of his Great and Wise Counsel, who are men, all of this Nation, and bred up in the Protestant Religion, and so fitter in all respects, than the Queen is, Who is one of the weaker sex, born an Alien, and bred up in a contrary Religion. This mischievous suggestion, (if swallowed for a truth) may be of dangerous consequent: and therefore I hold it necessary, to show the falsity of it, which I shall plainly do, both from these letters which these Calumniators have published for their own pernicious purpose, and also from their own very words and confessions in another place of these their Annotations. 1. The Queen is far from that disposition, to take upon Her to rule Her Husband, wholly, and in all things, (as they would have it believed:) for the direct Contrary is most apparent in Paper 29. where She submits Herself, wholly to His direction, and desires Him to send Her His commands, concerning a particular business, that She was requested to write about, affirming that She neither would, nor durst, do any thing in it without His direction: Her words are these. I thought it to be a matter of so great engagement, that I dare not do it, without your Commnad; therefore if it please you, that I should do so, send me what you would have me write, that I may not do more than what you appoint. Had She been of such an imperious spirit, towards Her Husband, as these Her back-friends report Her, and would have Her supposed, surely, She had never writ, so like an obedient Wife for His Commands, and particular directions: Thus the Queen is cleared. Secondly, Neither is the King, (as they suggest) of so subjective a Nature, as to submit His affairs wholly to His Wife's guidance, (were She, as She is not, ambitious of the same) He is more a man, then to forget himself to be an Husband; if the 34. Paper be observed, it will be clearly Evident, that the King was never so weakly uxorious, no not the first year of His marriage, (when in most men affection prevaileth over judgement) as to lose any whit of His Husbandly Authority in matters of Household Government, He would not consent to any thing, (though of private concernment) which was either unfit for Her as a Wife to undertake, or for himself, as an Husband to permit: and is there any liklyhood, He should now have submitted all His public Affairs, and Kingly Counsels, wholly to Her managemeet, and disposal? no man of wisdom or reason can believe it. If that which is intimated in the said Letter concerning the Queen's disposition, when She was young, and yet unacquainted with Her Husband's instructions, be compared with Her present dependence upon his Commands (already proved) and that abundant readiness now in Her, to do Him service, (which these men so tax and blame Her for:) there will appear to every Eye, not only the King's Pious discretion, and the Queen's Godly obedience, but also Gods gracious blessing, of his endeavours upon Her spirit: and doubtless this inward benefit received from him, is a ground of Her more strong, and fervent affection towards him: and makes Her resolve, rather to neglect her own health, yea to die by Famine, then to be failing in Her Negotiations for Him. A full compliance in all things, but rarely found, between man and wife at their first meeting; nor is the same so perfectly effected afterward, in many persons, as is evident to be in this Royal pair; for either the Husband wants that Wisdom and care to work it, which the King had; or the Wife that goodness of disposition to be wrought upon, as was in the Queen: I could name some Lords and Gentlemen too, amongst the King's enemies, who were never so notable for wit or honesty, as to seek their Wife's Conformity in this Christian way, as their Prince hath done: But I spare them now, and return to the thing in hand. It is probable (at least) by this time, that the King's Counsels, rule the Queen, and not the Queens Him: (as these slanderers say) but to put the matter quite out of doubt; let us listen to what these very men say themselves, to this purpose, in the next Page, where among other railing expressions against the King, (forgetting what they had said before) they affirm, that as He surpasseth the Queen in Acts of Hostility, so in the way of managing the same, scil▪ with more close and deep secrecy: and a little after they tell us, that He urgeth the Queen to make personal friendship, with the Queen of France, (they do not like the word friendship) and (say they) He doth furnish the Queen, with dexterous policies, and Arguments to work upon the Ministers of State in France: All which, (as I apprehend)▪ puts the plain lie, upon that their former Charge, which they had took such pains about to collect from the fifth and 38. Papers, which now also, we will look into, for the further manifestation of their Honesty. The fifth Paper, (from whence they collect, that the King vows Constancy to the Queen's grounds and documents) was written Jan. 2. 1645. when there was a way making for the Treaty at Uxbridge; And a Rumour of somewhat the King would do, had beed presented to the Queen (as appears by the Letter) in the ugliest form, which also Her love to Her Husband might make more affrightful, (perhaps it was that, He would trust his person among them.) But what ever it was, it seems the Queen had writ thereof unto the King, in Her former Letter, and receives his Answer in these words. IF thou hast not Patience to forbear judging harshly of my Actions, before thou hearest the reasons of them, from me, thou mayest be often subject to be doubly vexed, first with slanders, then with having given too much ear unto them: To conclude, esteem Me as thou findest Me, constant to those grounds, thou leftest Me withal. Now from hence they gather, that The King vows Constancy to the Queen's grounds and documents: as if at Her going away, She had left certain Grounds and Documents, as rules of direction, for the King to go by: whereas the words are not, to the Grounds Thou leftest with Me, (as then they ought to have been;) but to those Thou leftest Me withal, that is, which I had formerly resolved upon, thou shalt find me constant in my ways and purposes: I am still the same I was, when thou leftest Me, and thou shalt never find Me swarving from the Grounds of Conscience, Justice, and Honour, which Thou knowest Me to be balanced withal. Let the world now judge of the Honesty and truth of these observatours, by this their manifest forgery; and of the Honour which the Parliament have purchased to themselves, in publishing this Observation by Special Order. The 38. Paper, (from whence they conclude, that the King's Counsels are wholly managed by the Queen, and nothing small or great is transact without her privity and consent) begins thus. Dear Heart, I Never till now knew the good of Ignorance, for I did not know, the danger thou wert in by the Storm, before I had an assurance of Thy happy escape.— I think it not the least of my misfortunes, that for my sake Thou hast run so much Hazard, in which thou hast expressed so much Love to Me, that I confess it is impossible to repay by any thing, I can do, much less by words, but my Heart being full of Affections to Thee, admiration of Thee, and impatient passion of Gratitude to Thee, I could not but say something, leaving the rest to be read by Thee out of thine own Noble Heart. By which words (we see) that the Letter was writ to the Queen, after She had lately been in a great danger by Sea, even to the hazard of Her life, for the King's sake▪ and had thereby, as also by Her discreet and faithful management of affairs for Him beyond the Seas, given the largest testimonies of Her true Affection, as in his judgement could possibly be given. Now (therefore) if in his Passion of Gratitude, (to use his own phrase) he had professed to make Her of His Council in all His Affairs; yea and that He would thenceforth, think it a wrong to Her, to do any thing without Her: I believe it would have been, (with men not disposed to quarrel) a very excusable error. Some more expressions then ordinary, or Con●ugall indulgence are allowable to any wife, after so great an affright, and danger, (as must needs be supposed the Queen was in) to revive and lighten Her Spirit again: But to a Queen, to a King's daughter, to a Lady of such splendour and parts; that had run so great an Hazard, as a greater could not be imagined, for the love of Her Husband: what well-bred Gentleman under the Sun, but will blush to say, that any expression of esteem, can be too Honourable, or too High to be used unto Her? But if we look further yet into the Paper, unto the words which they ground their observation upon; we shall find them ●ttered upon another particular occasion: for when His Majesty had testified his joy, in gratulating His Queen's deliverance, He discourseth to Her of another matter, scil. of His being persecuted (it is his own word) for places with importunity of suitors, whereby He was put to a kind of distress, for an evasion, that he might not (if possible) offend any, by granting to some, what others also gaped after: (for, alas, such hath been the Condition of our good King, that He hath been forced to fear to offend: and such hath been his infelicity, that too many of those that served him, did more seek themselves then him, proposing, (as himself says in another place) several recompenses to themselves, for their pains and Hazard in this Rebellion, and if to one was granted, what others expected, and sued for, these being frustrate of their expectations, conceiving themselves slighted, have grown sullen upon it, and no more service would they do; Nay peradventure dis-service rather, to revenge themselves upon him: and happy had it been if all Suitors for places, had been discarded, at their first appearance: For doubtless those of best desert, and most faithfulness, have had more modesty and wisdom, then to persecute and torment the King with any such selvish motions, in these times of distraction, as might any way tend to his disadvantage: But the King tells the Queen in that his Letter of those his straits, and how he delivered himself: I answered, (says he) that having professed to have thy advice, it were a wrong to thee, to do any thing before I had it. This is all; yet from hence these nimble-witted, spacious conceited fellows, make shift to collect all this long matter, and that plainly too, (as they think:) It is plain (say they) here, that the King's Counsels, are wholly (or altogether) managed by the Queen, though She be of the weaker Sex, born an Alien, bred up in a contrary Religion, yet nothing great or small is trans-acted without Her privity, and consent, and for this see Paper 38. Truly (I hope) all the world sees, that this adds but little more to the credit of the Authorizers of this Pamphlet, than the former observation did. And thus have I also discovered the vanity of their exceptions against the King, for his loving the Queen. SECT. XXII. Of the King's fault in labouring to uphold Monarchy. His soliciting the King of Denmark to this purpose, no whit Contradictive, to his former resolutions of not calling in foreign aid. ANother Grand particular (beside this) they have against Him, and that is, His employing Colonel Cockram, to solicit the King of Denmark's assistance: Whence they Conclude thus, He makes not only Papists our Enemies for Religion sake, but all Princes (though Protestants) for Monarchy sake. From whence all people must learn and believe three things. 1. That 'tis only Religion, and nothing but their Religion, which the King doth oppose these men for; yea, and for their pure Religion it is, that he makes Papists their Enemies. 2. That 'tis an heinous crime, and sin in the King, to endeavour to maintain Monarchy; or to solicit any Princes, though Protestants, and of his own nearest blood and Alliance beside, to aid him therein. 3. That all Princes are contained, and included in the King of Denmark, for in the Kings soliciting him, he solicits all them: Whence by the way, we may also observe; how provident these times are, in providing for the credit of their future Clergy: for 'tis (doubtless) for their sakes, that an Argument à singularibus ad universalia, is here (amongst other like stuff) made pa●●able and good, by Authority and special Order of Parliament. Concerning the Religion of these men, it hath been made apparent already, that the fruits and effects of it, speak it to be such a one, as deserves the hatred of all men, though it cannot under any proper name be the object of the King's opposition; for no man can directly say what it is; themselves are not yet resolved upon it, nor what to call it; But whatever is the ground of the Kings opposing them, 'tis evident that the Cause of their resisting him, (which I hope all Christian Princes will take special notice of) is for Monarchy sake, he would maintain Monarchy; He will not tamely admit the downfall of Monarchy, in this noble Kingdom; which these men (as appears by their own words) would fain effect, and therefore they thus persecute him, and exclaim upon him: nor are they either ashamed or afraid to intimate the same to the whole world; let all the Monarchs of the Earth, take it as an open defiance if they please, they think themselves able to grapple with them all, yea, they and their faction, (where ere they prevail) are resolved not to leave a Monarch standing. I desire of all you, His Majesty's Subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, who have unfortunately been seduced by this faction, but to observe well this discovery which themselves have made (by this passage) of their own intentions: they have told you oft, and perhaps may tell you again, by some impudent speech or declaration, that they intent still to maintain true Religion, and Monarchy in this Kingdom, to have a King over them, and that they be only ill tongues & Enemies to Parliaments, that say otherwise, etc. But I beseech you, believe not a word they say to this purpose, for God hath here made their own tongues and pens to betray their Hearts for your sakes, that you might speedily withdraw yourselves, from their seduction; and not be their Instruments to imbrue your hands in the blood of your Sovereign; and to take from him, his Inheritance, who hath always defended you in yours, with peace and plenty; till by their fraud and violence, he was disabled, and how have you enjoyed yourselves, and comforts since, let your experience speak it to your own Hearts. Be you assured (from what you have felt) that Monarchy is the Protection of this Nation, and of you the good people in it: call but to mind the days past, when a Monarch only had the Militia in his disposing, quàm placide po●ens dominusque vitae, how pleasingly powerful was he in the use of it? with what innocent hands did he sway the Sceptre? How unbloudy was his whole reign? How tender and sparing of the lives of his Subjects? Populus iste non bella nôr●t, non tubae fermitu● truces, non arma gentes cingeres assuêrant suas muris nec urbes, we knew not what Wars or Alarms meant, nor did we need weapons to protect ourselves, nor Walls to defend our Cities, pervium cunctis iter, every man might travail safely, & communis usus omnium rerum fuit, there was a common use of all Common blessings, yea, and every man beside without disturbance, enjoyed the comfort of his own Labours. But since monarchial Government hath been obscured by these men's introduction of themselves, upon the Stage of Action, what hath been in practice amongst us, but all kind of Oppression, Tyranny, Injustice and Villainy? whereof I heartily wish that your Experience did need my further information; wherefore I pray take special notice of this passage, 'tis published you see, to the world by Authority of Parliament, yea, by their special Order, and therefore you have reason to believe it, to be the true intent of their Hearts: and the rather, because 'tis so agreeable to all their Actions; (yea, though the contrary should be told you hereafter by the same Authority.) Be it known (I say) unto you all, and remember it well, the end of all these wars and fightings against the King, is to destroy Monarchy in this Kingdom, and to keep you the freeborn Subjects of it, in this turbulent, slavish, and underly condition whereunto a few of your Tyrannical fellow-Subjects have already brought you: they tell you sometimes, that 'tis the Militia of the Kingdom only▪ which they would have settled in good hands, and the King shall be King still; but your experience have taught you, that no hands are so good as his; neither can the King's bare Title be able to defend you in your possession. They tell you that they will defend you; but you have paid for so much wit, as to judge of what you shall have, by what you have had already from them: therefore as no man having tasted old wine, straightway desireth new, (viz. if he be also acquainted with the relish of the new) for he says the Old is better; so you having had a sufficient taste of both Governments, the Monarchical, and the other new one (which we cannot yet tell by what name to call) have no reason by any means, to allow of this, since you are so sure that the old is better. In a word, let this Conclusion be rooted in your Hearts, which experience hath in part confirmed unto your senses, that as the Moon and Stars would fall infinitely short of that bright Lustre, which now they have, if the Sun were stripped of his abundant shining; so take from the King, his Royal Prerogative, let him be as a King and no King, and all the people great and small will quickly feel, that from his flourishing Condition proceeded all their happiness. I shall not here need to spend time in showing the Excellency of Monarchy above all other Governments, and the fitness of it for this Nation; abler Pens have done that abundantly, since the beginning of this unreasonable Rebellion; only this I say, to introduce any other form into this Kingdom, is a new thing never yet in being here, and therefore I apprehend such an Act to be a perfect opposition unto Gods revealed will, whosoever be the Agents in it; for as the saying is, Qui mala introducit, voluntatem Dei oppugnat revelatum in verbo, qui nova introducit voluntatem Dei oppugnat revelatum in rebus, and therefore I advise all Statesmen consulere providentiam Dei cum verbo Dei, to take Council of God's Providence, as well as of his Word, in cases of this Nature. But I return again to these men. Who would have us, by these their words, (of His Maj. soliciting the King of Denmark, and in him all other Princes) to take notice that he calls in foreign Aid: which fault they amplify over and over in other places, for though themselves may, without offence or sin, call in another Nation, and hire them (with I know not how many 1000 Pounds a month) to help them cut the throats of their Countrymen; yea, and may make use of any foreigners in the world, of what Nation, Religion, or Spirit soever they be to help them to destroy and pull down Monarchy; yet the King may not without exclamation, desire the aid of a Protestant Prince, no not of his nearest Kinsman, the King of Denmark to uphold the same. But what is the reason that the King must be confined to this restraint, & themselves walk so much at Liberty? Why they tell us, at the end of their notes, that the King had made resolutions and promises, that he would never bring in foreign forces. Which themselves indeed never did, nor ever intended, for doubtless they resolved at first, to bring their defignes to pass by any means, and rather than fail, to get assistance Flectere si superos nequeunt Achero●●a movere, and therefore themselves are free, and do as they please, whereas the King is entangled in his own promises. They say Pag. 58. As to the bringing in of foreign forces, The King, Mar. 9 1641. in his Declaration from Newmarket saith, Whatsoever you are advertised from Rome, Venice, Paris, of the Pope's Nuncios soliciting, Spain, and France, for foreign ●ydes, We are confident no sober honest man, can believe Us so desperate or senseless, to entertain such designs, as would not only bury this Our Kingdom in soddain destruction and ruin, but Our Name and Posterity in perpetual scorn and infamy. Also they tell us of other words, which the King spoke some three weeks after, to the same purpose, which indeed (as I take it) do express the inward ground and Motive, that caused him to speak the former, viz. We have neither so ill an opinion of Our own Merits, or the Affections of Our Subjects, as to think Ourselves in need of foreign force. Also August the 4. in his speech to the Gentry of Yorkshire the King acknowledgeth (say they) that He is wholly cast upon the Affections of his people, having no hope but in God, His just cause, and the love of his Subjects. Now these observators having quoted these three expressions of the King, do conclude, saying, What distinction can now satisfy us, that neither Irish, French, Lorrai●ers, Dutch, Danes, are foreigners? To which I answer; First for the Irish, they are no more foreigners than the Scots are, nor in some respect so much; for Ireland hath been a dependant unto the Crown of England, many hundred years before Scotland was: and then for French, Lorrai●ers, Dutch, and Danes, I shall answer concerning them, when they are landed, for the King's assistance: and in the mean time it would be but just, that they should satisfy us, that neither the Irish, Scots, French, Burg●ndi●●●, Dutch, Walloons, Italians that are already in their Armies, are neither Papists nor Foreigners, as I said before, the time and place is known to many, where near 30. of their men being taken were * At Perin in Cornwall, when the King defeated Essex and his Army. examined, and found to be of six several Nations, all foreigners, and all Papists. But these words of the King alleged by these men against Him, do plainly discover to every honest eye, that His Majesty's design was, never to use any but His own Subjects; nor did He think it possible, (and the rather in regard of His own good merits) that people so long instructed in Protestant Religion, should ever prove so ungrateful, as to force Him (their Prince) to stand in need of foreign assistance: and therefore the Heads of the faction, having in their malicious policy, (to work fears and jealousies against Him) told the people, that the Pope's Nuncio (that great Bulbegger) was soliciting both in Spain and France the King's business for foreign aides: and of this they said they were advertized, from Venice, and Paris, yea, and from Rome itself; (with which it seems they held intelligence even from the very beginning.) * Myself did hear (in Avignion) a Gentlemen, belonging to the Cardinal Barbarine mention by name one of their Agents, at Rome: and how many thousand pounds a year (he believed) he did there spend in his Negotiation, for them. Now to remove this foolish vanity, and to retain a clearness in His people's hearts, the King expressed himself in that sort unto them; assuring them that they were all forgeries against Him; and that he did wholly cast Himself upon the Affections of His people, and was confident that no sober man, could believe Him so senseless, as to entertain such a design, which would have been so detrimental both to Himself and His Kingdom; and in very deed, if before he had tried his own people, he had called in such Armies of Foreigners, as they reported, it must needs have been confessed a desperate part in him, & a mean to have brought a sudden Destruction upon his Kingdom, and a perpetual Infamy upon His Name. But if after three years, (as long as was allowed to the figtree in the Gospel) the King finding his Subjects unfaithful and cold in their affections towards him: Nay more, perceiving by so long experience, that their endeavours were to take from him both his Life, and his Inheritance, yea, and his Honour too, and that they abused his good opinion of them, by misinterpreting his professions unto them; and conceiving him tied thereby, from using others help, for defence of himself and Monarchy: I believe if he had or should alter his Resolution, and call in any Prince in Christendom to his assistance, in the maintenance of Regal Authority, which God hath entrusted him withal: and of that Government, (which as the most absolute) God established among his own people, and hath always blessed this Nation under; (He being utterly disabled to do it otherwise) it should be reckoned by the Almighty, at the great day, (if any fault at all) but among his infirmisies: Yea and if destruction thereby, should fortune to come to the whole Kingdom, the whole infamy and guilt thereof, should be charged upon the Heads of these his most perverse and injurious people; even as that of Jerusalem by Titus Vespasian is laid upon the seditious, that were therein, even unto this day. But my humble prayer to the Almighty is, that he would yet please to spare us, and to bestow his grace at length upon the people of this land, that they might cease provoking his Divine Majesty, to punish that way, this so Horrid a sin, and so High abuses to his own Anointed. And thus I have done also with this particular. SECT. XXIII. 1. The Libelers Cavils at the word Mongrill Parliament: At the Commissioners for the Treaty at Uxbridge: At the Kings pawning His Jewels, answered. 2. His Majesty's Affection and Goodness to His Subjects (for want of other matters) objected as a fault against Him by these Libelers. IN the third place they accuse the King, for a slight esteem of his friends at Oxford, whom they would fain seduce from him: to which purpose they take great advantage, from a word they find in one of his Letters (scil. in Paper 13.) which they dress up for their own purpose, with 2. more of their own adding, (according to their wonted honesty) and affirm them to be spoken by the King, and applied to the persons of his friends. But in answer to this matter, (or word rather) I shall allege the Copy of a Letter writ by His Majesties own hand, to Secretary Nicholas about the same, I received it also from the mouth of the forementioned Gentleman, of whom I had the former, which to another purpose I have set down: He had the perfect Copies of both, though at a great distance, but he had so well observed them, that he was confident, he failed but little (if at all) in remembering the very words, Which to this particular were thus, I Am very sorry, that I have been so unfortunate to have my private Letters taken by the Rebels, but if all men's private thoughts were seen as mine are, I believe I should appear as innocent as any: it may be that many expressions in those Letters, might have been prudently omitted, but if one be well understood, I care not although the rest take their fortune, and that is concerning the Mongrel Parliament at Oxford; indeed when I was disturbed in mine Affairs, by Sussex and his faction, in my passion I writ so to my Wife, but both by the precedent, and subsequent clauses of that Letter, it may easily be understood, that I meant it of him and his adherents. And indeed let the Letter be read, and to an equal eye, it can appear no otherwise to be intended then his Majesty hath expressed: Yet these liars in wait, do collect from thence, and tell the Lords and Gentlemen at Oxford, that the King despiseth them all, and that only for their retaining some little Conscience to Religion; and because they be not wicked enough to serve his purpose fully; that is, (as they say afterward) to think and act the same things, which the inhuman Irish Rebels, or the worst foreign Enemies of our Religion and State could wish to be done: and thereupon they compare their Sovereign, (the most Religious and Gracious Prince that ever this Nation had) to Richard the third; who first rejected and then beheaded the Duke of Buckhingham, because when he had furthered him, in deposing and disinheriting the two Princes, he was not wicked enough (say they) to consent also to the Murder of them; and to advise the Lords and Gentlemen to take warning by the Duke's example, and timely to turn away from the King unto goodness, that is, to their society: it is sufficient only that I have related what they say; that villainy needs no further discovery or Confutation: Only I add this, those Lords and Gentlemen whom they labour to seduce; and whom love and Conscience hath engaged to their Sovereign, are not capable to be drawn from him by these men's insinuations, or driven from him by their violence: How cheerfully have they all Hazarded (yea many of them sacrificed) their lives for Him? How joyfully have they endured the spoiling of their Goods for His sake? With what admiration do inferior men behold the chieerfulness and contentedness of great persons in great afflictions? and are ready daily to cry out unto them, O Christians most truly Noble, How much better have you learned Christ then we have done? Assuredly as never Prince was more unhappy in many of His people than ours is, so never was any more Happy in others of them, than He hath been, more truly beloved, more sincerely affected, (even by some of all sorts) and this Himself hath so well acknowledged, and merited from us; that our grief is, that we have no more Fortunes and Estates to lose, nor more lives than one to adventure for Him: The Libelers do but labour in vain, if they think to draw us from our obedience. Another thing they lay to His Charge in these words; He seeks Treaties in show, and wins upon the people by that show, yet chooseth such Commissioners, and binds them up, with such instructions, that all accommodation is impossible: The Rancour of this Accusation needs no Confutation neither: for how real His Majesty hath been in his endeavours for Peace, Heaven and Earth can witness; yea, the very choice of his Commissioners, (as these men well know, notwithstanding their perverse Cavils) sufficiently proves it, being persons of such approved Honour, and candid affections to their Country; that none in the Nation goes beyond them: and let the Directions which the King gave them, be viewed by all men, and judged of; whether they be such as speak all accommodation impossible; unless with the most unreasonable men living, who will have no Peace: O how oft (as the world knows) hath His Majesty tendered them pardon for all their unrepairable wrongs done against him! if they would but let Him and his People live in quiet? yea, How oft hath he been heard in secret to say: O that I knew what I might do to satisfy these men! In very deed, what these Libelers are pleased to report of the King's Commissioners; was true of those that were sent from the men of Westminster; they were tied up, (as themselves in open conference at Uxbridge did not stick to acknowledge) whereas the King declared openly, that he meant not his Directions to his Commissioners should be obligatory, only by them, he did acquaint them with his sense, and left them free to themselves to do that which became men of Honour: and all this the Authors and Authorizers of this Libel, knew well enough, therefore from this their Accusation we only learn, of what great use sometimes to some men are brass brows and hard foreheads. They accuse him also for pawning the Jewels of the Crown, their Anger is, because they escaped their fingers; they can see no Error in themselves for robbing him of all things el●e, and bringing him to such a distress, as he was forced to part with them, for supply of his necessities, but they observe a great fault in him, for not suffering himself to perish, rather than Pawn his own Jewels; that these men want nothing but matter, appears by this, and will be more evident by and by. For having vented as much Poison, as their venomous skill would serve them, to suck out of the King's inoffensive Letters: to lengthen the Catalogue, and make the heap show bigger, they begin to object as faults against him, divers of his former most affectionate expressions, and desires for the good of his people: hoping that now, they have embittered men's hearts against him, with their virulent lies and perversions, even his greatest indulgencies will appear distasteful. The first of which they instance in, is his profession, Dec. 2. 1641. which they say, was in these words. I am so far from repenting of any Act done this Session, for the good of my people, that if it were to do again, I would do it, and will yet grant whatelse can be justly desired. And he concludes (say they) with a recommendation of the business of Ireland, and (finding the preparations for ●he same slow) again (say they) on December 14. He is pathetical in quickening them thereunto: thus they. Then they are not ashamed to relate the whole story of their own unchristian and currish behaviour towards him: and his most meek and gentle carriage towards them. I need not balk to repeat, what themselves blush not to set down, which I shall do as briefly as I can, and with a better heart than they have done it: let the Reader but afford patience. SECT. XXIIII. The Story of the Rebels unchristian behaviour toward their Sovereign, and his meek and gracious Carriage towards them, since the beginning of these troubles related by themselves, and their impudence therein noted. THey begin thus: Notwithstanding all this (scil. the gracious profession forementioned, and pathetical quickening them for the relief of Ireland) the Parliament out of their Jealousy, did open the indisposition of the whole State, in a plain and sharp Remonstrance; to which the King Answers, (most mildly indeed, as themselves witness, by alleging his words to be these:) For the preserving the peace and safety of the Kingdom, from the designs of a Popish party, we have and will concur with all the just desires of our people, in a Parliamentary way. For Ireland we thank you for your care and cheerful engagement, for the speedy suppression of that Rebellion, the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the safety of the British there, our Honour, and this Nations so much depending thereupon, etc. your promises to apply yourselves to such courses as may support our Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home, and with Power and Reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your Loyalties and affections. Now mark these men: because the King had not answered their rude Remonstrance, with a like stile and spirit as they did write it, they quarrel at him, and begin thus: Here are words that sound nothing but grace, and here is a clear Testimony from the Kings own mouth, concerning the merit of this Nation unto this day: the King had too good an opinion of them, and gave better words of them, than they deserved, and this was his fault; or else their thirst was strong for blood, their fingers itched to be fighting with him; and because by his soft answer to their wild and unparaleld provocation, they were delayed, and put off from doing mischief, therefore they open the mouth against him: their Consciences told them, that the words imported more Grace, than belonged unto them, therefore they cry, They are but bare words: and to persuade others thereunto, they add, But notwithstauding these promises and Testimonies, the King discovers more and more regret for strafford's execution, (as if it were impossible the King's regret for that, and these promises should be consistent) Yea and (say they) He sticks closer to the Counsels of the same faction, (but who were of that faction, could never be named unto this day, only all in general, that were Loyal and loved the King, or hated Rebellion, Sedition and Blood, since strafford's death, have been esteemed of strafford's faction.) Then they tell us of a Business, which they had published to the world, at least an hundred times before, and repeated over, (for want of other matter) nine several times in one of their particular Declarations; and for people's better observance of it, lest happily we had forgot it, they again relate it, scil.. The King's Charge of Treason against the six Members: His coming to the House to require Justice against them: (though they never mention, how the King was provoked thereto, by their neglect, and contempt of his Messages, sent formerly unto the House to the same purpose:) And this (say they) was the fatal commencement of the War (now they had that occasion of quarrel so long thirsted after) for the House declares the next day, that themselves could not sit in safety any longer at Westminster, and thereupon adjourn for some days, and retire into the City, require a Guard, which the King dislikes, with these expressions. We are ignorant of the Grounds of your apprehensions, but protest before the face of Almighty God, had We any knowledge or belief, of the least design in any, of violence either formerly, or at this time against you, We would pursue them to condign punishment; with the same severity, and detestation, as We would the greatest attempt upon Our Crown: And We do engage solemnly the word of a King, that the security of every one of you from violence, is, and shall be ever, as much Our care as the preservation of Us and Our Children. These words of the King (they confess) were sweetly tempered, but (say they) won no belief, (for they were resolved to go on in their way, and a Guard they would have against His will, if not with it: Yea, and the Tower of London, rendered up into their Hands to boot) wherefore the Major, Aldermen, and Common-council of the City, are set a-work to move for it, that the same may be disposed of to persons of trust. The King answers, That his reception of such an unusual request, is a sufficient instance of his singular estimation he hath of the good Affections of the City, which He believes in Gratitude will never be wanting to His just Demands and service. From which they gather: That the King speaks nothing hitherto, but in justification of the Parliament and People's Loyalty: it seems he had not yet learned to amend his Error, in speaking better of them, than they deserved. Then they go on and mention the Tumults about White-Hall, of which they speak very sparingly, as if they had been raised neither by the rabble, as (they say) the King imputed them, nor yet by the King's party, (as they had formerly affirmed) but by their own very selves, saying, They amounted to no War, viz. to no such bloody War yet, as they intended. Then they declare us two more of his faults. 1. The Kings declining the prosecution of the six Members, as if themselves had offered them to the trial of law, but He having nothing to charge them withal, declined the Business. 2. His departing the City, which was because * Had His Great Council shown but half that zeal in their Master the King's behalf, as of late they have done in their own, (concerning a like tumultuous business) He had not departed from them. His great Council, would take no order upon his earnest request, to suppress those unlawful Tumults. He might well think, they desired to have him Murdered by the hands of the Rabble▪ and therefore had reason to provide for his safety by departing; wherein he did according to Christ's example, when they would have thrown him down headlong. * Luke 4. 30. He departed from among them, (says the Text) and went his way: and according to David's Example, who thought it no safe staying for Him in Jerusalem, when Absolom had stolen away the hearts of the people. 2 Sam. 15. Yet soon after (they tell us) the King sent them a message to state the differences between them on both sides, promising that when they shall be digested into a body fit to be judged of, it shall appear what He will do. In this (sure) the King was in a great error, thus to send to them about composing differences, when their intended work, was to make, and widen them rather: wherefore wholly neglecting that particular, The House of Commons, (say they) the Lords refusing to join, did only in Answer thereto requi●e the Tower of London to be at their disposing, and withal, (for the King ever saved as little, by delaying to grant their first demands, as by yielding to them) they require now, that the Militia of the whole Kingdom, be put into such hands, as they should recommend: to which the King makes a reply, (which is also to be reckoned among the rest of his faults) in these words as themselves testify. That the Militia by Law is subject to no Command, but His own, which He will reserve to Himself as a principal and inseparable Flower of His Crown, and professes to take care of peace, and the rights of the Subject, equally with His life, or the lives of His dearest Children. He further also conjures them, by all Acts of Duty and favour received, by hopes of future mutual happiness, by their love of Religion, the Peace both of this Kingdom, and Ireland, not to be transported with fears and jealousies. Surely here was enough from the mouth and hand of a Religious King to have prevailed with any, that had not before entered into a Covenant with Hell: But (say these men) the Parliament could not (because they would not) believe themselves secured by these professions, and asseverations: and the King would not (because He could not) understand, that the settling the Militia at this time in confiding Hands, to prevent Civil War, was any other, than the taking the Crown from his Head. Hinc illa Lacrymae (say they.) So they are resolved (it seems) at the very first, to raise a Civil War, unless the King would believe that he might put more confidence, in other men, then in himself, and that he might maintain his Crown and dignity, without having any Command over the Militia: Well yet notwithstanding all these affronts, put upon His Majesty's faithfulness, and these contempts of His gracious Asseverations: The King (say these men) nevertheless persists to declare his abhorrence of the Irish Rebellion, frequently inciting the Parliament to send succours, (which made them more averse thereto, lest the King should please himself, in thinking they regarded Him, or his desires in any thing, which (indeed) would have been, a very Grand error in him.) Then they relate, How the King abjures any privity to plots and designs against the Laws, and makes strict Proclamation for putting them in execution against Papists, (who were reported to be the plotters) that so if possible He might give satisfaction. But the Parliament being resolved, do still pursue their own design, and (as if it had been the only Business, for which the King by his Writ did call them together) they still urge Him to settle the Militia upon them, And (as they remember us) upon his refusal so to do, (thoughts of peace being laid aside) they seized upon the Town of Hull, (His Magazine of Arms) without his leave, and held it out against Him, and so taught him to seize upon Newcastle: And now (say they) the War being thus far advanced, yet it is not agreed, which part was put to the Defensive, and (as it seems) to resolve this, the 19 Propositions were dispatched to the King: which indeed were the means of Light to thousands in this Kingdom, of discovering the scope of their intentions, namely to be, to ruin the King, and to bring him into a worse Condition than his meanest vassals. Many men (whereof myself was one) did conceive from the grossness of them, that they had been divulged, by the special endeavours of the King's friends in the House; for to discover to the world the unreasonableness of the then growing turbulent faction; to the end that people's spirits might be awakened to appear generally against the same, in the defence of the Honour, the Rights and Liberty of their Sovereign. SECT. XXV. 1. Their Pretences of bringing Delinquents to punishment made a ground of the War: The King acknowledged by his Enemies to be on the defensive part. 2. His Majesty's good opinion (a long time) of the Parliament objected as a fault against Him by themselves. 3. The King makes no War against His Parliament Evidenced. This Conspiracy of Traitors at Westminster no true Parliament fully proved: The Conclusion of the Answer to the Libel. BUt the main thing in those 19 Propositions, (say these men) were Reformation of Church-Government: that power Military and Civil might be put into confiding Hands: and that Justice of Parliament might pass upon Delinquents; We grant they were; for these three contain all the rest. But here I must beg leave of the Reader to digress a little, to speak a word of this last particular, having discussed at large of the two first already. They had, or have two Reasons, for their requiring of the King, that Justice of Parliament might pass upon Delinquents. 1. To punish the King's Error in his requiring the Justice of Law against six of their Members; it shall cost Him the Estates and lives of all his friends, (if they can bring it to pass) that He may the better remember hereafter to do no more so: His fault was so great and high, in desiring that half a dozen of them, might be tried by Law, that it cannot be expiated, without His yielding up many thousands of his friends, yea, of all that love him, to be condemned without Law, by bare Vote, which they call Justice of Parliament, from which, Good Lord deliver us. 2. To outvoice the Kings demand forementioned: for if they should not show zeal against sin, in calling themselves for punishment to be done upon Delinquents, the world would think that the six Members (whom they rescued from a legal trial, which the King would have had them unto) might be very faulty, and that His Majesty had just reason to take Arms to bring both them, and their abetters to it; but to prevent this, they (by affirming, they take up Weapons to bring Delinquents to punishment) do avow the War to begin on their side, and so leave the King to be Defender. Although I must tell the world that this device of bringing Delinquents to Punishment, was resolved upon, to be a chief ground of the War, some certain months after the War was begun: I believe I could name the place and time, when it was first taken into Consideration, and upon what occasion; and though I nominate not the Persons, yet I may tell the story. Upon a time, divers of the Members were met together at a certain easy Lords House in the Kingdom, (who was also in his Country, one of the main Pillars of this rank faction) where in like sort were present, some of their Chaplains, and amongst them, there was one Scholar; who I think (truly) was an honest man at that present, (and verily I believe, doth still so continue) he being (like that Disciple which was known to the High Priest) well John 18. 16. acquainted with the Company, and therefore might speak more freely to them, and amongst them, than another man could be suffered to do; and indeed so did: He moved them to this purpose, while they were at Supper, or sitting at Table. Gentlemen, you have begun a Civil War in this Kingdom and you are come bear into the Country, to draw us further to your assistance, by requiring us to Associate with you: You shall do well to declare what it is, that you do bottom your War upon, and what is the cause of this your undertaking, that Seeing your Grounds to be lawful and good, we may with the better Conscience concur with you: for though we take you to be wise, and honest men, yet it doth not become us to yield you our blind obedience, in a matter of so High concernment as this is. Say therefore (I pray) for what cause do you wage this War? Is it for Religion? Can you complain of any restraint in that? Are not the Temples open? Have we not Liberty to Preach and profess the whole Truth of God? Is true Religion so freely exercised in any Nation under Heaven as here? Is not the King himself a Protestant ● Hath he not granted you a power to devise for its continuance, and a promise of his concurrence with you, to establish and settle it as strongly as you please? What can you hope to get more by War, concerning this thing, than you may have, nay, then is offered to you in a way of Peace? Wherefore declare (I beseech you) whether it be for Religion that you fight: and if so, what Particular in Religion it is, that you would have us join with you to maintain and defend. One of the Members that thought himself the best speaker, undertook to Answer the Scholar, (for the Chaplains (poor souls) were posed, they sat still and said nothing: though some of them had been as far as Edge Hill.) And at length, did (after some shuffling) fairly confess, being thus urged, that in very deed, it was not Religion they fought for; the Doctor asks, Why do you then pretend it to be so unto the people? His answer was, we shall never else win the people to us. Well, but what is it then? (replied the Doctor) Is it the Abolition of Episcopacy, that you so contest about? You know God hath sufficiently manifested his approbation of this Government, by his so abundant blessing of this Church and Nation under it: none in the world hath thrived better, nor so well under any, as ours hath done under this: you know also, that the King hath given you leave to punish, or to see punished in a regular way, all persons, that have miscarried themselves in the execution of that Government (without exception of any.) He hath given you power to see that all abuses in Discipline be removed, yea, and what ever is liable to exception in our Canons and liturgy to be altered, for the ease and satisfaction of tender Consciences: yea▪ He hath yielded to you, for prevention of injustice afterward, the taking away the High Commission, and hath left it to you to purge all Ecclesiastical Courts beside; and as a pledge of Assurance against all growing Corruptions; he hath enacted a triennial Parliament, for the calling of ill officers, and faulty Church Governors to an examination, every three years before yourselves. Now do you think that notwithstanding all these particular Considerations, that the Abolition of Episcopacy is a thing of that grand necessity, as to imbroile this whole Nation and Kingdom in its own Blood? The Member (being convinced also by these Reasons of this particular) answered, Truly it was not; but as the former, so this pretence also was to be used, to win and hold the * Let the people observe by this, how they have been cheated. people. Why then (says the Doctor) will you tell us, what is the cause, why you fight? The Wiseman answered, to bring Delinquents to punishment: and so (for aught I know) the disputation ended, for this is all that I heard of it. But I would have any of them all, to name six Delinquents if they can, that were so declared to be▪ when they raised their first Forces; some 3. or 4. persons perhaps fled the Kingdom, but must the whole Nation bleed for that reason? 'Tis true (indeed) they fell afterward to make Delinquents apace, and all that would not renounce the Doctrine of Christ's Gospel, which is a Doctrine of Loyalty and obedience, and which they had always been instructed in; all that would not abjure their Oath of Allegiance, & break that Protestation lately imposed by these very men, (which was to maintain & defend the King's Person, Honour, and Estate) are looked upon as Delinquents, and persecuted as such, with fire and sword: yea, divers of the Members of both Houses who had (to speak in these men's own phrase) so much Conscience and goodness in them, as not to desert their trust in Parliament, to their King and Country, by giving up themselves to their wills, are all become Delinquents too upon the sudden, and to bring all these to punish nent, (that Justice of Parliament may pass unto them) are these Wars said to be undertaken and pursued: and when they have by their Votes, put all them to death, whom they have done wrong unto, perhaps they will sit still and be quiet, but not before. Well fare the good King yet, He named six notorious Delinquents, (whereas these men never named any) and when he saw he could not have the Justice of Law against them, rather than make any further disturbance, he declined their prosecution; indeed he is blamed for his so doing by these men (as was noted before) but O that they had had the grace to have been guilty of such an error! And thus much by way of digression in the case of Delinquency: I now return to their Story. They tell us that the Answer returned to the foresaid Propositions was, That if these things were granted, the King should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a King: which very Answer (they say) was the Trumpet of War, and the sound of defiance, scil. in their ears; who had a great lust to quarrel, now they had got weapons: but their misery was, the King still crosses them, for He would not permit it to be so owned, Still (say they) He says, He intends not to fix any disloyal design, upon both or either House of Parliament: He is rather most confident of the Loyalty, good Affections, and integrity of that great Bodies good intentions; but the malignity of the design (He says) hath proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous practices, and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits, not without a strong influence upon the very Actions of both Houses. Thus they of the King. And the Result which they make of this their whole relation is twofold. 1. To justify themselves; which they would do from the King's expressions of them: He did not give them such ill language as they gave him, Ergo, they would conclude themselves to be as Innocent as they make him Faulty: to his words last alleged they add, this was the utmost Charge that could be then brought against the Parl. they argue a non velle ad non posse: He did not, or would not, Ergo, He could not: Let the Reader judge of this Argument. 2. To cast further blame upon the King, scil. for having a worse opinion of them now, then (by these expressions) he seemed to have had then, when he returned that answer to their 19 Propositions: Our Propositions (say they) at Uxbridge in Feb. 1644, being no other in effect then those of June 1642. This inference may be truly made, that the King hath no cause to look upon us now, otherwise then as he did then: and if he have varied since from those Vows and Asseverations which He made then, the blame will not remain on this side, but on His; so that the bare calling to mind what hath been said by the King, is now sufficient for our purpose. These be their direct words: But how ill a consequent they make, and how false an inference this is: how truly little to the purpose, I have shown already, and to what is there said, I refer the Reader. They then fall to reckon up the Vows and Affeverations, made by the King, which they would have apprehended to be broken by him, which I have opened the nature of, and answered already also, yea and manifested evidently, that if the King hath swerved any thing from his primitive purposes, it hath been full sore against his will, and only by their enforcement. I add but this, we find in the 11 Paper, these words of the King to his Queen, The breach of my Word, is that I hate above all things: and we remember that the publishers of these Letters have told us, that what we find in them are Evidences of truth, and therefore we are abundantly satisfied concerning the King's truth in his promises, what ever can be said by them to the contrary. Indeed we do believe that as Gods promise to the sons of Aaron did not bind him to the sons of Belial, no more doth the King's promises to his Great Council, tie him to his Grand Enemies. I said indeed (says the Lord to Eli) that thy house should walk before me (scil. in the Priest's 2 Sam. 2. 30. office) for ever: But now (I say) they that Honour we will I Honour, and they that despise me, shall be lightly esteemed: If holy Priests turn filthy Adulterers, or if good Subjects turn impudent Traitors, neither doth God, nor the King swerve from their former selves if they break with them: Hophni and Phineas might with as much justice have taxed God, as these men do their King. But there remains yet one particular, and only one not replied unto, which I shall also now do, and so conclude. They accuse the King of making War against his Parliament: Having (not only spoke so well of them, as before, but) renounced all intentions of War: to which purpose they allege chiefly his Declaration at York, June 16. 1642. wherein (they say) are these words: We assure the World, in the presence of Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, We have no more thought of making War against Our Parliament, then against our Children: yea, and again in July the same year (after the date of Essex his Commission from them to War against him) He desires (say they) no longer the protection and blessing of Almighty God upon himself, and his Posterity, than He and they shall solemnly observe the Laws in defence of Parliaments: Also in August 12. He acknowledgeth that the King and Parliament are like the Twins of Hypocrates, which must laugh and cry, live and die together. These were the King's words (say these men) It is true indeed (say they) afterwards, He was driven (by their making Wars upon him) to save himself by distinctions, saying, He had not disclaimed all War in General, but all invasive War; all War, but what was in order to his own defence: which distinction they scorn at, and say, it was not thought of, or fore-seen before: perhaps so, for it was beyond the imagination or foresight of man, that any Subjects pretending as they did, being so dealt withal, as they were, should bring their Sovereign to such a straight, or drive Him ever to use any Distinction at all. Then they deride Him also for another, which they did put him upon, scil. That the King may defend himself, against a Parliament, but not fight against it; or He may assail a Malignant party in Parliament, and yet not touch the Parliament itself. And surely so He may: For as there may be a Malignant party in a Church or family, that may be assailed and corrected, and yet the Church or family itself, be no way damnified or hurt thereby, but bettered rather: So also in a Parliament; for as the whole Church of God, consisting of Head and Members, is said not to Err in matters of God, though there be many wicked men in the Militant part thereof: so in matters of State, a complete, and whole Parliament, consisting of Head and Members, may be said not to Err, though there be many wicked ones amongst them, that deserve punishment. And they are not ashamed to say, that the distinction which they deride the King for, is good when themselves use it, but not when the King useth it: it will hold (say they) on our side, but not on His. All things are lawful to them, but unto the King nothing is allowable. But (say they) by what distinction will the King put a period to this pertual Parliament without violence? Or how can He deny it the name of a Parliament without hostility? As if they had said more fully out thus, We are sure we have posed him in one thing, and put him to a nonplus: We had him on the hip, when by feigning ourselves honest men, we got Him to sign the Bill of continuation of the Parliament, which we resolve shall be perpetual, and last for ever in despite of him: All his distinctions shall not serve his turn to put a period to that; He must do it by open force and violence, if he do it at all; but we by that fine Christian Policy of ours, in getting him to pass that Act, have got possession of so much strength and power, that we are able to keep it in being, for all the violence that he can use to the contrary: we have fastened him now upon the Cross, wherefore if he be the Anointed of God, and would be so accounted, let him loosen himself (if he can) and come down; (but let him be sure he shall never do it without violence, if he can do it that way, and we are able to hold it out against him no longer) than we will believe him, and acknowledge him. Confident we are, that he cannot, (at least he shall not) deny us the name of a Parl. without hostility: secretly indeed we understand by his Letters, that he doth not acknowledge us to be a Parl. though he doth it publicly: He imparts unto us the name, but not the thing; yea, but we having got all the Militia, by Land and Sea into our Hands, we are resolved to fight it out with him, in maintenance of ourselves, and of our Title: we are a Parl: and we will be a Parl. yea, and a perpetual Parl. too, in despite of him, let him say and do the best he can to the contrary. These are pretty men (we see) every Age cannot show their fellows: But (truly) if there was no othet reason for the King to desire and seek to put a period to their Parliament, this were alone sufficient, in that they call it perpetual, and intent so to make it, for the King's Office and duty is, not only to give his people good Laws, but also to see, they have the use and comfort of them; now I would have these men, with all their wisdom, show the world, how we shall ever enjoy the benefit of the Tryennial Parliament (which was the highest Act of Grace ever granted, and the most likely foundation of future happiness, that was ever laid for the Subjects of this Kingdom) wherein all corrupt instruments and enemies of their Country's welfare, of what rank soever, are to be called to answer for their demerits, and to be censured accordingly. I say, let them show how possibly we can enjoy the benefit of this Act, unless a Period be first put to this perpetual Parliament (as they call it) which indeed is rather a Combinanion of Tyrants Covenanted together, to enthrall their Countrymen in perpetual bondage, a very Confederacy of Conspirators against the Realm and Church: therefore 'tis undoubtedly the King's office and duty, as he will answer it to Almighty God, to do his utmost to disband them, and to bring them to their Legal trials, and this he may do without making War against his Parliament; nay, (in order to his solemn observance of the Laws) in defence of Parliaments. Yea, and all those that have taken the General Protestation, are bound by the same (as well as by their Oath of Allegiance) to aid and assist the King and His Friends, in the bringing to condign Punishment these dishonourers of Parl. who under the name thereof, have scandalised and defamed its reverend esteem and dignity: and by Force, Practice, Counsels, Plots, Conspiracies, and all other ways have done things contrary to every thing in the said Protestation contained: let all men read over their Protestation, and withal consider well of these men's doings; and then speak their Consciences in this particular. But further, to answer these men, though they think they have posed the King, when they say, How can he deny them the name of a Parliament? Yet let them know, that not only his Majesty, but all men else too of reason and judgement, may both deny them the name, and also prove that (in the truest and best sense) it Rom. 9 6. doth in no sort appertain to them; for as S. Paul said, All are not Israel, that are of Israel; so may we say, All are not the Parliament, that are of the Parliament. As there was of old, a malignant party, that stood more upon the Title of Israel, than the true Israelites did: so is there now a like company, that make more ado about the Title of Parliament, than those who are the true Members of it, whose endeavours rather are (as they ought to be) to approve themselves, by their actions, worthy of the name: our Saviour John 8. in the Gospel, disputes the matter at large, with those false Israelites, who pleaded lustily against him, (as these do against the King) that they were Abraham's Children, which our Saviour denies to be true, in the right and best sense, for, (says he) You do not the works of Abraham, you go about to kill me, a man who hath told you the truth, (your Saviour and your Sovereign) so did not Abraham. I desire that these men would but seriously in their consciences, consider whether this be not the very case: and if so, then let them be content, that the King should imitate the Son of God, in his thinking and speaking of them; and deny them to be a Parliament in the truest & best sense, or some time (as they say he doth) yield them a Parliament in public, and yet secretly not acknowledge them so to be: for as S. Paul yields the Jews to be Israel, and yet not Israel; and as Christ yields them to be Abraham's Children, and yet not abraham's Children: so the King may yield them to be a Parliament, and yet no Parliament. Again, as the Council of Trent is denied by all the Reformed Churches of Germany and other Countries, to be a true Council, because it was not free for all persons to come unto, with their Appeals, their Complaints, and their Reasons, (as Counsels ought to be) for the honest Protestant party were not admitted a safe conduct, but in danger of their lives, if they did adventure to come, by the Malignant and Popish faction, who bore all the sway, and were both Accusers and Judges; so upon the very same Ground may this Parliament be denied to be a true Parliament, for a Parliament ought to be free ('tis the special Privilege of it) for all men, specially for its own Members, all of them ought to have liberty to speak their minds and consciences, and all the Kingdom beside to bring their grievances and petitions thither: But in this particular Assembly, which they call the Parliament, there is no such thing; for as at Trent, so at Westminster, the Malignant and rebellious Faction alone, bear all the sway, they are both Accusers and Judges, they imprison, murder, persecute the honest side; yea, many of their own Members they have forced and driven away from thence, whereby in very deed, themselves have dissolved the very being of the Parliament, and made it to be no Parliament at all: indeed as that Assembly at Trent, is customarily called a Council, and therefore (perhaps) hath that appellation also, even among the Protestants: So the King may happily sometimes call that Assembly at Westminster a Parliament, but 'tis only fo● custom sake, and because 'tis so fancied by the Malignant party. Once more, upon the very same grounds, that Rome is denied to be a true Church, by the men of this faction, (which we are troubled with) may themselves be denied to be a true Parliament; they say, Rome was once a true Church, at its first institution; but now so many corruptions have crept into it, that it hath un-Churched itself, and is become no true Church of Christ: but even the very Throne of Antichrist, thus they: And thus may we say of them, they were once a true Parliament, at their first constitution and meeting, but now they swarm so much in evils, are guilty of acting and authorising so much wickedness, that they have plainly unparliamented themselves, and are become no true Parliament, but even the Throne and Synagogue of Satan. Besides, a true and complete Parliament, (as every one knows) consists of Head and Members, of King and People; and as a man without an Head, is no true man; so a Parliament without the King, is no true Parliament. Indeed if the King should come to Westminster, and sit amongst them, and they behave themselves towards him (yet at last) as becometh Christians and Members of that Honourable Court, I know no reason but they may (by the King's mercy and favour) recover again that truly honourable Name and Title. Though some affirm, when both the Speakers fled This was inserted be reason of the late Accident. from them (in regard of these late tumults) that according to Law, the Parliament was dissolved; The true Parliament, (they say) ran away, and that which now remaineth is an Adulterous Parliament, a very Junto, and there must of necessity be a new Writ from the King, to the making of a true Parliament. (But I leave that to be argued by the Lawyers) My observation only shall be, of God's Hand in that business: First, that themselves were driven away from the Houses, in the same manner, as by their procurement, the King and His friends were formerly. Secondly, that the Almighty by his permissive Providence hath exposed them, (who thought and called themselves a perpetual Parliament) to be denied to be any Parliament at all, by their own Adorers, and to become a public scorn and derision, by the means or assistance of those that had so many years together paid their devotions to them: Let all the world admire God's wisdom: And let all that fear the Lord, praise his holy Name. And thus all may see whither I have brought these men, or rather more properly whither they have brought themselves, by this their impertinent and peremptory question, How can the King deny us the name of a Parliament? They are proved to be no true Parliament, by the witness of Jesus Christ, (who is Truth itself) by the testimony of S. Paul in a like case, by the judgement of all Reformed Churches in Christendom, and by the evidence of their own dear selves and faction, in their way of opposition unto other parties: Wherefore still may His Majesty in truth, and with a good Conscience say, as He did at first, We again in the presence of Almighty God, Our Maker and Redeemer, assure the world, We have no more thought of making War against Our Parliament, then against Our own Children. And He may desire still no longer to enjoy the Protection of Almighty God, upon Himself and His Posterity, than He and They shall solemnly observe the Laws in defence of Parliaments: for as yet He hath done nothing against His high Court of Parliament, nor ever will He; for according to His own acknowledgement, He, and that are like Hypocrates twins, they will live and die together. And let them not die, but live, O Lord our God; Let the King live, that Parliaments may not die; save thou Him, that this Kingdom may still be blessed with them; and in thy pity to this poor Nation, break thou in pieces this confederacy of rebellious men, who do so earnestly endeavour the destruction of both. Put thou a period to this false Parliament, (which they resolve shall be perpetual, in despite of Thee; O God, and of thine Anointed) that we may have the benefit of a true one, for the mending up of those great breaches (which have been made by these Conspirators) upon our Religion, our Laws, and natural Liberties; yea, and upon our high Court of Parliament itself: This grant (O thou mighty Majesty of Heaven an Earth) for thine own Honour and Justice sake, and for the sake of Christ our Saviour. Amen. A TRUE PARALLEL BETWIXT The Sufferings of our SAVIOUR and our SOVEREIGN, in divers particulars. TOGETHER WITH 1. A Brotherly Discourse to the Seduced and Oppressed Commons. 2. A Ministerial Admonition to the Troublers of our Israel. 3. A Consolatory Speech to the Truly Loyall-Hearted. And A Postscript to the Reader. There is also prefixed in this Edition, a Preface unto the Parallel, to give satisfaction to those who took some offence at it. By the Author. Printed in the Year, 1648. TO THE READERS. Readers, I Thought it requisite (in this new Edition) to prefix a few words to this following Parallel, because I understand that some few persons, (through inadvertency) have taken offence thereat, and affirmed of me, that out of my zeal to flatter the King, I had blasphemed Christ, in comparing them thus together: Yea some of them, upon their bare view of those words in the Title, A Parallel between the sufferings of our Saviour and our Sovereign, have presently shot their bolt, (as men biased with ignorance and prejudice use to do) and rejected the whole Book as unworthy their further inspection. Now though the ready and friendly acceptance which the same hath found with the Church and people of God, doth speak me clear in the opinions of most▪ so that I need not say any thing to vindicate myself, from the inconsiderate censure of these few; yet because Souls are precious things, and I am forbidden (as a Brother) to suffer sin to rest upon any: and commanded Leu. 19 17. (as a Minister) to instruct with meekness them that oppose, or are contrary minded; therefore I must not slightly, and with contempt of 2 Tim. 2. 25. them, pass by their error, (as they do my Book) but will speak somewhat for their satisfaction, or better information, in the thing which they take offence at. The two crimes which (at one breath) I am charged withal, are Blasphemy and Flattery. Concerning the first, may my Accusers please to know, That I understand not the word Parallel as Mathematicians do, though perhaps if I did, I should not (in the judgement of learned me●) transgress much; for with them a Parallel is a Parallel, be it at as great a distance, as betwixt Heaven and Earth: but I intent it not in so exact and strict a sense; I take it only in its ordinary acceptance, as 'tis commonly used amongst us, viz. for a similitude, a likeness, or a resemblance. May they also please to consider, that the persons betwixt whom the Parallel is made, are Christus Dominus, & Christus Domini, our Saviour and our Sovereign. 'tis true (as they object) the one is the Eternal Son of GOD, and the other a Mortal man: yet Christ was Man too, and as Man He suffered, He was in all Miseries like unto us, and Heb. 4. 15. therefore, sure He cannot Blaspheme, that says, another may in miseries be like to Him: Nay, every true Christian must hold Parallel with Him (the Captain of our Salvation) in such things, and be conformable to Heb. 2. 10. Him in some measure and degree; 'tis so appointed. We must suffer with Him (says the Apostle) that we may be glorified with Him: Rom. 8. 17 and in another place, He infers, that we cannot know the power of His Resurrection, unless we have a fellowship in His sufferings: As Phil. 3. 10 Mat. 9 3. 4 John 10. 33. He was traduced, slandered, censured for a blasphemer (as I am now) when He spoke but the truth; as He was rejected, betrayed, falsely accused, and unjustly dealt withal, etc. so must we be used at one time or other, in the very same kind; and this is, to have a fellowship in his sufferings: or (which is all one) to hold Parallel with Him in His sorrows. Yea, we are often told from His own mouth, that we must take up His Cross, and follow Him: That we must have the same entertainment Mat. 10. 36 10. 24, 25. Luke 17. 1, 2. in the world, which He had: And it cannot be (says He) but offences will come: injuries will be offered to the righteous, (of what rank and condition soever they be) though woe will be to them from whom they come, or by whom they are offered, it were better for such to be thrown into the Sea with millstones about their necks, than so employed. A dangerous thing it is (we see) to be instruments in making the meanest (much more the Supremest) Christian conformable to Christ in sufferings; but surely to demonstrate and note the same when it is done, (which is all that I have done) ought not to be called or entitled Blasphemy. May my mistakers please therefore to observe well, the things wherein the Parallel or Resemblance is made, or shown to be: It is not in similitude of sinless or spotless nature: I have not applied or communicated to the King any of the Divine Attributes, (as some have to their Parliament) nor do I liken him to the Son of GOD in measure of graces, nor yet in the merit of his innocent sufferings: I say not they are satisfactory (as Christ's were) for the sins of his people, I believe indeed, they cry for vengeance rather, though I know His Majesty, like a pious Christian, a gracious Prince, and a tender Father, doth endeavour daily that their cry against us, may be out-voiced by that other of his prayers for us. Nay further yet, I have not equalised the King's afflictions and wrongs, with those of Christ in measure and degree, I have only noted their likeness in kind: and declared Historically, in an Observationall way, (and that by evidence of many particulars) what a specifical similitude there is, or hath been betwixt them; upon the which I may, and do affirm, that the King hath tasted of Christ's very cup, yea drunk deep of his very sorrows: and as the Apostle said of himself, so may I of His Majesty, (and yet be guilty of no Blasphemy) that He hath filled up that which was behind, of the Afflictions of Christ in his flesh, for his Body's sake which is the Church, (whereof He is appointed Col. 1. 24 Protector and defender,) viz. for its imitation and consolation; in a like condition. And indeed we the persecuted and oppressed Members of it at this time, looking upon the most Heroic and Christian example of our King, do with the more courage and patience run the race that is set Heb. 12. 1. before us: And we believe 'tis a great matter of rejoicing to our Sovereign, that He is thus, at this time, for this end a partaker of Christ's sufferings; that seeing He cannot free us, from our sorrows, He doth yet strengthen us under them by His own; These things I desire those that have taken scandal at me, to consider seriously upon; which if they shall vouchsafe to do, I presume they will not in their hearts think me a Blasphemer for saying of Him, whom God hath sanctified, (and fitted for such great trials) that He is (at least in this) like unto the Son of God. The second Crime laid to my charge is flattery of the King, which is fancied to be the ground of the former: I blasphemed Christ (say they) out of my zeal or desire to flatter the King; but upon due consideration, this foundation may haply prove as vain, as the structure upon it hath appeared faulty: I was never till now (that I know) taxed of flattery, though (I confess) often of indiscretion, for not serving the times (as others did) to mine own advantage; my Lot hath hitherto lain on the side of the oppressed: I remember well some six years ago, when God's Children (as they were called and accounted) began-first to turn Rebels against their King, and Apostates, from the Gospel (which they had formerly professed, while they were in this their more proper and low Condition,) divers of mine acquaintance met together about me, to consider what the reason was, that I who had always took part with the Church and people of God, in their Afflictions, did thus desert them in prosperity, now they had got power into their own hands, and were entering into their long-expected flourishing condition: it was confessed, that I had faithfully discharged my Conscience, unto that present; and had preached against the irregularities of the times, and had suffered much disturbance, for not complying with the ungrounded fancies, and practical innovations of some men: And after some debate to this purpose no reason being given, the result of all was this; Certainly God hath even given him up to the spirit of madness. Now I do verily believe that I might (upon better grounds) be concluded mad at this present, both by them, and many others if I should affect to flatter the King, as the world now goes with him, He not being either in a condition or in a way to be so dealt withal, for indeed they are ways of sin and not of suffering that flatterers use to assist in▪ Flatterers are men, that look at themselves, at their own speedy advantage, and therefore are unseparable servants, even Covenanted Hangs-by to the Militia; they love not to plow in winter, they sow all their seed in summer, because they lack patience to wait long for an Harvest; therefore if I am one of them, certainly I am a rare one: for my flattery appears to be the fruit of my faith; the thing it looks at, is a great way off, even in Gods own hand not yet visible, nor scarce credible to the outward senses. True flatterers (as I was saying before) are no Purgatory Bats, but pure Birds of Paradise, Butterflies of Prosperity, that can at any time (with ease) leave God's blessing for the warm sun; they frequent Westminster (now a days) as flies do the Butcher's shambles, where something is to be gotten: and were I of their number I would thither too; and there tell the Lower House that they are the supreme power and Judicature in the Kingdom, unto whom all other powers ought to submit. I would never suggest what men say of them, viz. that they are ipsis nati, multis noti, & omnibus nocui, empty Vines, better known then trusted, and Physicians of no value, though at first apprehended desirous to cure the diseases of the State, yet now found upon experience to study only to keep themselves up, and their patients down: I would never talk to them of such stuff, but I would tell them, that all the people do with all thankfulness acknowledge, their unwearied pains, uncessant labours, and constant endeavours, in the Common cause of. God and this Kingdom, and that the Nation, doth at this present enjoy a quiet exemption, from all illegal impositions, a blessed deliverance from all tyranny and oppression; and many unparallelled benefits and freedoms, by their sole means and happy Government: I would applaud all they do, their very opening of Taverns and Alehouses by command, and shutting up Church doors on Christ's birth day; their silencing, suspending, and imprisoning the Ministers of Jesus, for taking the opportunity to offer the knowledge of him unto the people; I would warrant them they did all things well, and nothing was amiss in their doings; though their infallibility should fall into contempt, yet their power will carry them out. Thus would I busy myself, and thus make my applications to men of place and power if I were a flatterer; and not stand wasting time and words in speaking good of the King, unless He were in a more shining and promising Condition: I think most men of commonsence (considering His Majesty's present state) will take my word in this particular, and so acquit and discharge me of the second imputation. But now let me ask my Accusers a few questions: would they in their good natures have no man lay to Heart, or take notice of the sufferings of their Sovereign? desire they that He might have the occasion also to use those words, Have you no regard all you that pass by the way? Do they think it was well done of the Priest and Levite, to afford no compassion Luke 10. 32 to the wounded man? would they have me carry myself towards the King, as many of my Coat (in these days) have done; Help to wound Him, and then divert others eyes from looking on Him? must I be a blasphemer and a flatterer, if I do not add something to His burden, and speak of Him as of one hated of God, because afflicted? were Jobs friends commended by the Almighty for so doing? let them deal ingenuously, and make the case their own: suppose themselves were in the King's condition, afflicted and wronged on every side as He is: and I (as a Minister) should remember them of their Saviour's usage in the world; and show them how in many particulars their condition is like unto His, and thereupen should say unto them in the Apostles words, Rejoice that 1 Pet. 4. 13 you are partakers of Christ's sufferings, would they account this Blasphemy and flattery in me? I suppose not: must the King then alone be deprived of the Comforts of God's word, and of Christ's Example? must these together with those of His Crown be taken from Him? then I would say, O the miserable Condition of a King! That is now accomplished Preface to Accomplishment of Prophecies. in our land and days, which Moulin Prophesied would come to pass, (if Jesuitical spirits and attempts were not prevented:) viz. that 'tis even a punishment to reign, and the Coronation of Kings is but a designation to Misery, a consecration of sacrifices marked out to slaughter. Well, be advised all you who think all is yours: who engross to yourselves the comforts of God's word, as well as the goods and possessions of your Brethren; who cannot abide any body should be thought well of, unless they be of your faction; who think it a sin to speak Reverentlyto, or of, your Lord and Sovereign: who call Civility flattery, and Truth Blasphemy, if it looketh to himward: Be advised (I say) the times may change, and the cold Northwind may blow upon you; Judge not that you be not judged, speak not to the grief of the grieved, but rather so, M●t▪ 7. 1, 2. as yourselves in your Afflictions may be Comforted; for with what measure you meat, it shall be measured to you. Be it known unto you all, this Anointed of God whom you have persecuted, however He hath been neglected and is still rejected and refused, by the new Master builders of these times; yet must be the very Head stone of the Corner before any thing can be settled among us, to our comforts: He it is that must reduce Ireland, and compose Scotland: He and none but He, can make up the sad and wide breaches of poor England: He, He is that right-handed man ordained and appointed of God for that Happy work, and furnished from above with wisdom, Mercy, and abilities to effect it; yea His inspection into State affairs, especially into the Constitution of this Natitions Government, is far beyond that of all your New State-mongers; He alone is able to do more in six weeks for the benefit of it, by His direction (if he might be suffered to go about it) than they have done in this six years by all their Consultations: yea and He who (by that Divine strength bestowed upon him) hath been able hitherto, to stand under such a weighty burden of wrongs and sorrows, is only able to remit and forgive so many and such High indignities as have been offered to Him: And believe it, (all you His guilty and distrustful people.) His high virtue and Magnanimity disdains to take revenge upon you: It would be dishonourable for Him, that hath Paralleled with Christ in so many other things, not to conform also to his example in pardoning Injuries; yea and in praying too, Pater ignosce illis. I am persuaded that nothing but the King's prayer can obtain God's pardon for His Afflicters: it is worth the observing; the Sin of Jobs friends (and we know what that was) could not have been forgiven if Job whom they had afflicted, (though but with harsh censures,) had not been their intercessor: the Lord said to Eliphas the Temanit, my wrath is kindled Job 12. 7, 8. against thee and thy 2 friends— wherefore go ye to▪ my servant Job, and offer up for yourselves an offering, and my servant Job shall pray for you, for him will I accept, lest I deal with you according to your folly. To conclude therefore, let me advise all, that have had any hand against the King, in the causing or aggravating of his sorrows, that they would fear the wrath of God, which hangs over them, for the same; and (in pity to their own souls, and to their posterity) that they would in true humility go to their Sovereign and beg both his Pardon and his Prayers; And so, by giving him the advantage of showing his mercy and goodness, they may at last (there being now no other way left) be helpers in making him to appear (according to their word at first) The most Glorious Prince in Christendom. The God of all power and grace, bow and incline their Hearts unto it. Amen. Amen. In the Pref. at the beginning of the Book, p. 5. l. 15. for commonly, r. commendable. and p. 6. l. 20. r. masked. SECT. XXVI. A true Parallel between the sufferings of our Saviour, and our Sovereign, in divers special particulars. THus have I (by God's assistance) discharged this part of a Subjects Duty in vindicating my Lord the King, from the aspersion of these men, whereby they endeavoured to besmear his Honour, in their malicious Notes upon his Letters; they aimed to make him (as the Philistims did Samson) an object of contempt and scorn, but their pillars being false, and therefore weak, whereon their building stood, the same is fallen most heavy down upon their own heads; they hoped to portray him forth, according to the Image of him in their own minds, by wresting his expressions to the highest pitch of misconstruction, and charging upon him their own conditions; but through God's help, those filthy Garments they arrayed him with, are taken off, and sent home to their proper owners: And what ●s to be done now? having unclothed the King, shall I so leave him? (as many false friends have done,) that would not be so comely; wherefore I will present him once again, as habited in another mantle, more truly his, then that other was, though put upon him (for the most part) by the same men; in opposition of that Act of theirs, which I have undone, I will set him forth in Christ's Robes, as clothed with sorrows; and show what a perfect similitude there hath been and is, between our Saviour and our Sovereign in the four last years of both their sufferings. Such entertainment as Christ had, such usage as he met withal, from such conditioned enemies, and such friends; such temptations as he was assaulted with, such wrongs, and for such things; such causes of sorrow, and of complaint in all particulars, even in specie, hath our King had in the like manner: observe I pray you, and mark it well, O all you Loyal English, Scottish and Irish, and you will say, that never Prince had a more perfect fellowship with the Son of God, in this world's miseries, than yours hath: never was Christ's yoke better fitted for any, never did any bear a greater measure of his burden: And if nearness in condition here, fore-speaks a nearness of conformity in the life to come, as the Apostle teacheth, then think with yourselves, from what you observe, how superlatively glorious above other Kings will yours be at Christ's appearing. First of all, was Christ rejected of his own people? so the Text says, He came to his own and his own received him not; nay, so far were they from so doing, that they denied the Joh. 1. 11. Holy and Just one, and desired a Murderer to be granted to Act. 3. 14. them: This hath been directly the King's case: He hath been rejected by his own people, who have refused to own him for their King, denying the Supreme power to reside in him, which they have laboured to take from him; yea, with open Luk. 19 14. mouth they have cried out, we will not have this man to reign over us, we are none of his Disciples, we are for the Parliament, they have preferred Murderers and Robbers before him, choosing rather to live under the bloody and iron yoke of such, then to submit themselves to his most just, gentle, and easy Government. 2. Did Christ complain that the foxes had holes, and the birds Mat. 8. 20. of the air had nests, but himself had not where to hide his head; and may not the King take up the same words? all that was his, is taken from him, crafty Foxes and ambitious Kites have seized as a prey upon his Houses and Habitations: when his Majesty at the beginning of these Troubles, had traveled from Shrewsbury to Wrexham in Denbighshire, and being to return the same night, he dismissed the Gentry, desiring his stay, with these words, Gentlemen, Go you and take your rests, for you have Homes and Houses to go unto, and beds of your own to lodge in, and God grant you may long enjoy them, but I am deprived of those Comforts, I must intend my present affairs, and return this night to the place from whence I came. 3. Was Christ tempted in his necessity to distrust God, to Mat. 4. 3. turn stones into bread for his present sustenance? and hath not the King been tempted so to do? sure little else have they allowed him to live upon: Was our Saviour moved to take desperate courses, to cast himself down, yea to humble himself Mat. 4. 68 unto his Creature; and was he offered to be made a glorious Prince, if he would so do? to have the Kingdoms of the world bestowed upon him by one that had no right to give them? All men know that such assaults, and such motions, with such like proffers, by such persons, have been made, and put, and tendered to our Sovereign. 4. Was not Christ accounted a deceiver of the people, called a Joh. 7. 12. Joh. 9 29. Joh. 8. 48. 52. 10. 20. fellow, an impostor, a Malignant, one that had a Devil, and railed upon in all places, whispered out of credit where ere he came, by a Pharisaical brood, who sought only to themselves men's praises? and hath not the King been so called, entitled, esteemed, and used by a like self-seeking generation? Indeed Christ and the King have like conditioned Enemies, great pretenders to Religion (and in that regard of great repute among the people) were and are the the chief opposers both of the one and of the other: the great Sanedrim or Counsel at Jerusalem were the Heads of the Faction against Christ, and plotted all his miseries, they made Decrees against him and his Followers, and molested those that did confess him, they stirred up the people to cry out upon him, and countenanced all men in speaking evilly of him: they hired the Soldiers and men of war, to go out with swords and staves against him, and (as if he were a thief) to apprehend him: And hath not the Sanedrim, or great Counsel at Westminster been the Authors of all such things against the King? as Scripture affirms the one, so (alas) doth experience confirm the other. 5. As Christ was opposed by men of several Sects and Factions, as by Pharisees and Sadduces, who were at odds enough between themselves, yet banded together against him: So is the King assaulted by men of several Religions and Opinions, as by Presbyterians and Independents, who are divided sufficiently inter se, yet both united in their oppositions against him; Mar. 3. 6. nay, as the profane Herodians, were admitted Associates with the precise Jews in their conspiracies against Christ; so the most vile cursers and profane swearers, (being apprehended likely, by their greatness, wealth, or friends to further the design) have been admitted by these pure conceited fellows, into their combination against the King; and advantages taken from their private discontentments, to hook them into their Association. 6. As Christ was watched in all he did, and perverted in all he said, if any thing that proceeded from him could be wrested Mar. 12. 13. to a wrong sense, it should be surely done, but no notice at all would be taken of his Virtues or his Miracles; yea, he was oft Mar. 2. 16. Luk. 15. 4. accused for his eating and drinking with Publicans and sinners, even by these men that would allow him no other Company, for they had thrust him out from among themselves, because he disliked and reproved so sharply their hypocrisy and base carriages; and even thus hath the King been dealt withal: His actions have been watched, his words misconstrued, his graces neglected, yea obscured, and himself censured for his followers, by them that have forced him from their own society, for his not allowing their unjust proceedings; when Christ was at Jerusalem, those his Enemies stirred up the people, to be tumultuous against him, and to throw stones at him: when therefore he had Joh. 8. 59 10. 31. withdrew himself from thence, they whispered surmizes and suspicions of him; what think you (say they) that he will not come up to the feast? so that whether he were present or absent, Joh. 11. 56. he could not please them, they were never content till they had him in the condition of a Prisoner, and then how they used him the Scripture shows. And even this hath been directly the King's condition, when he was at Westminster, Tumults were raised, and stones and blasphemies cast against him; when he was retired from thence, they mouth it as fast in suggesting misprisions, what think you (say they) that he comes not to the Parliament? nay, let him but offer to go thither again, why they will none of him, but are ready to cry, He comes to torment us before the time: unless they may seize upon him in the nature of a Prisoner, nothing will give them satisfaction; and how they * Experience, since this was written, hath given a full confirmation to this particular. will use him then, we may easily conclude by their former dealing with him and language of him. 7. Christ's Doctrine though uttered with better Authority then that of the Scribes, was less regarded; he and that too were both slighted and despised; his complaint was, if I tell Luk. 22. 67. you the truth you will not believe me, nay, they forbade the people to hear him; the Devil is in him (cry they) why hear you Joh. 10. 20. him? they would have their own example the sole rule for all men to go by, in their regards and thoughts of him; Have Joh. 7. 48. any of the Rulers or Pharisees believed on him? because they had not, they expected that no body else should; thus they dealt with our Saviour, and have they not even so done with our Sovereign? are not his Dictates and Commands though uttered with far better Authority than the Votes and Ordinances of his Enemies, of less observance? are not they and himself too slighted and contemned? may not he also complain, though I tell you the truth, you will not believe me? do not Luk. 22. 67. the Heads of this Faction against him expect that all men's credit to him and carriage towards him, should be ordered by the square of their own example? Hath it not been cried, do any of the Worthies of Parliament believe him, or give respect to any thing that proceeds from him? Are not all men brought into a wretched and cursed condition that do not in this conform themselves and their judgements to the Parliament practice? I would to God all these particulars were not too evident. 8. Christ's enemies not only hated and abused him, but for his sake, all that loved him, all that were instruments of others believing in him, it is said Joh. 12. that they consulted how they Joh. 1●. 10, 11. might kill Lazarus also, because by reason of him many believed in Jesus; and most urgent were they with our Saviour about his Disciples, asking him of them, because they would have had him betrayed them into their own hands; which he, knowing Joh. 13. 19 their malice, would by no means do: nay, this was his only request, when he delivered up himself into their hands, that his Followers might but have their lives spared; I say unto Joh. 18. 8. you, I am he, and if you seek me let these go their way: And in this the King also is Christ's direct Parallel, for all his friends are hated in like manner for his sake, those that are instruments of working a good opinion towards him are persecuted to the very death; and to the end they might wreak their malice upon such, they have been urgent with his Majesty to deliver up his friends into their hands, which the King (according to Christ's example) thinks by no means he ought to do; yea, and when he hath offered up himself unto them (as we know he hath done) he hath made only Christ's request, that his friends may go away in peace and safety, but this would not be granted; for 'tis Blood, Blood, Royal Blood, and Loyal Blood, and Christian faithful Blood, which these bloody and deceitful men thirst after, nor will a little measure of it satisfy their greedy appetites. 9 Yea and as those enemies of Christ would have no man to love or confess him, so not to conceal or hide him from themselves, who desired above all things to lay hands upon him; and therefore they set out an Ordinance against harbouring or concealing of him, requiring and commanding that if any man knew where he was they should discover him: And truly Joh. 11. 57 so have the Enemies of our King done, set out a like Order to a like purpose, though with far more severe and cruel penalties to the contemners of it; witness their very words, Die Lunae May 4. 1646. Ordered that it be, and it is hereby declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled; That wh●t person soever shall harbour and conceal, or know of harbouring and concealing the King's person, and shall not reveal it immediately to the Speakers of both Houses, shall be proceeded against as a Traitor to the Commonwealth, and forfeit his whole estate, and die without mercy. 10. In a word, as Christ was belied, slandered, betrayed, bought and sold for money, reviled, mocked, scorned at, spit on, numbered among transgressors, and judged to be such a one from his great misery, and from the success his enemies had Mark. 15. 28. against him, and at last put to death; even so hath the King been used in all respects by his rebellious people, who have already acted all the parts which the Jews acted upon the Son of God, the last of all only excepted, which may also be expected in the end from them, when opportunity is afforded; they have baited him weekly for four years' space at the stake of scorn; emptied the froth of their scurrilous wits upon him, and spit out the scum of their ulcerous lungs against him; they have crowned him with Thorns, and then derided at his sorrows, fastened him to his Cross (as I may fitly speak) and then bade him come down from it; no man could possibly be more vilely used than he hath been, numbered he is (to this very day▪) among transgressors, and crucified between thieves on both sides; yea, many of those that suffered with him, have been tormentors also, and abusers of him, and (like that wicked Thief) Luke 23. 39 even because he did not help them when he could not, have railed upon him. 11. And further, as Christ was thus afflicted by his open enemies, so to greaten the burden of his sorrows, he was too much troubled with the contestations of his own followers, who strove for places of preferment, and who should be the greatest Mar. 9 34. among them: which doubtless, was no small molestation to his heavenly Spirit: nor was this all, he met with many unkindnesses from them too, he was wounded in the house of his friends, Zach. 139. forsaken of his Disciples, when the times grew black and cloudy; Joh. 6. 66. yea, and afterward his very Appstles themselves fled from him, one forswore him, and another betrayed him: And even in this also, hath the King been like unto him; there hath been strange divisions and strive among his Followers for place and preferment, to his Majesty's great grief and damage: He hath had wounds given him by his friends, and deep ones too, they have enlarged his sorrows; they that had dependence on him, have forsaken him, because his afflictions were great upon him: His servants have renounced their relation to him, yea, those whom he trusted have betrayed him, they that eat of his bread have lift up the heel against him: only Christ had but one Judas, whereas the King hath had many; but Christ indeed, knew what is in man, and therefore did not commit himself unto Joh. 2. 24. 25. them, in which knowledge the King hath been defective, and so hath been deceived. 12. Christ expected that his three special Apostles whom he chose out of all the rest for that purpose, should watch and pray with him and for him in his greatest Agony, but they even they slumbered and slept, and left him in that great and sad hour Mat 26. 40. to tread the Winepress himself alone. Even so the best of us, from whom his Majesty may expect most special services of this Es. 63. 3. nature in his agonies and sorrows, (for that we are ordained on purpose, in regard of our office and calling to watch and pray:) Alas, we sleep, we fail in such our duties for him; we have left him in a manner quite desolate, that he may take up to himself that word of Christ, and say, of my people there was none Isai. 63. 3. with me: And as our Saviour (notwithstanding that failing in duty towards him in his necessity) did excuse the weakness of his Disciples, the spirit (says he) is willing, but the flesh is weak; so hath our King done, even excused the failings of his Subjects towards him: How oft hath he been heard to say of many, they are willing to help me, but are not able; and when Mat. ●6. 41. he heard related the weakness of one, who (Peter-like) had saved his life by a recantation, the man (says he) I think is honest, and loves me well, only he is afraid to die. 13. But to draw to a conclusion, as Christ deserved none of this hard measure (which he found) at the hands of those that offered the same, he always merited their greatest respect, Joh. 10. 32. and loving affections, many good works (saith he) have I done, for which of them doth you stone me? Many Sermons had he preached, many good Prayers had he made, many Diseases had he cured, many Miracles had he wrought, yet all was forgotten, malice and spite did raze out the remembrance of all: So the King hath deserved nothing but good from the hands and hearts of his Subjects: He may also say, many good Acts of Grace have I passed for your benefit, O my people, many blessings have you enjoyed under my Government, many years of peace and plenty under my protection, for which of them do you thus hunt me, thus persecute and molest me? Indeed Christ's enemies sinned against their own Consciences in all they did against him, as appears by that their saying, if we let this man alone, all Jo. 11. 48. will believe in him: as if they had said, he is so holy in his life, so true in his sayings, so gracious and good in his conversation, so mild, so sweet and affable in his whole carriage, that we are like to lose all our credit with the people, unless we ruin him, and therefore on purpose they belied and beslandred him; yea, by all means laboured to engage the people with themselves against him; yea, they made them their instruments to do him all the mischief, and persuaded them that in their so doing, they did God good service: Thus the King's enemies also have gone against their own Consciences in all their doings against him, and for the very same reason, they know him to be so full of grace and goodness, that if people were but let alone, they would quickly all adhere unto him, and so themselves of all men should become the most odious; to prevent which, they have bedaubed him with lies and slanders, and engaged the people to be their instruments to persecute and abuse him, yea, and made them to think that they serve God in so doing. 14. Last of all, the Pharisees pretended salutem populi in all these their doings against Christ, and that they did all for the good of the Commonwealth, better one man die (says the Joh. 11. 4●. chief of them) than all the people perish; yet Pilate easily perceived that all was out of mere envy and malice, and therefore asks them, what particular accusation they could bring against Joh. 18. 29. 30. him, but they could allege none, only they tell him in general terms, if he were not a Malefactor, we would not have brought him before thee: He must take their words, and contrary to his own sense believe, that they were too holy to harbour envy, or to do any thing against any man without cause; indeed afterward they inferred plainly, that the reason why they sought to take away his life, was because he was their King: Joh. 19 13. He makes himself a King (say they) and therefore is not Caesar's friend: S. Matthew says, that this was his very accusation, Mat. 27. 3●. which Pilate set over his head on the Cross, Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews, which was in effect thus much; This Jesus was accused, and thus crucified (as you here see) only because he was King of the Jews: The Pharisees (indeed) would have had him altered the words, and set down, because he said Joh. 19 29. he was the King of the Jews: but says Pilate, quod scripsi, scripsi, what I have written is the truth, and so it shall stand, in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, that all the world may know your Jewish baseness. Thus were their dealings with our Saviour, and thus also have our English Jews in all respects dealt with their Sovereign; they have pretended salutem populi, the preservation of the Commonwealth, as if that were like to perish if he did not; yet one that hath but a pilate's eye, a mere natural eye (if not coloured with Rebellion) may plainly see that the root of all is mere envy and malice; let any body ask the chief among them, what personal evil or accusation they can bring against the King, there can be nothing answered, but in general terms, if there were not a cause, if he were not a malefactor, His great Council would not do as they have done against him: But what that cause is, or wherein he is so faulty, cannot be made manifest, only their words must be taken against all sense and reason, nay, they have plainly inferred (as hath been observed) that they seek his ruin, because he is a King, and would maintain Monarchy: He that makes himself a Monarch or a King, is no friend to the Parliament: Well, when he is dead, as I think no wise man expects otherwise, but that they will murder him * It is one of their Tenants, that evil may be done to further a public good, and that only is, what they so declare; yea and some of them have vented their intentions to this purpose (even since he hath been in their power) in such black expressions as I tremble to rehearse. openly, or secretly shorten his days, if they can get him, and God do not in a miraculous manner again deliver him; for as nothing but Christ's Crucifixion would please the Jews of old, so nothing but the King's extinction will satisfy the malice of some in this Age: but I say, when he is dead, we shall in this one thing imitate Pilate, and publish to all the world his accusation and cause of his death; This shall be his Title: Carolus Gratiosus, Rex Angliae: CHARLES the Gracious, King of England, was put to death by the Pharisaical Puritans of his Kingdom, only because he was their King, and in many respects so like unto Jesus Christ the World's Saviour. I wish with my soul, and I pray with my heart, that they may yet at length prevent us in this, by their unfeigned Humiliation for the wrongs they have done him, and by their right acceptance of him and obedience to him, Thus have I shown in many particulars how fitly the King's sufferings do parallel with those of Christ; I might instance in more, but I hope the well disposed from this which hath been said, will of themselves make observation of the rest. I might here also evidence on the other side, How his Majesty's Enemies do resemble him whom themselves call Anti-christ, in their conditions; yea, I could by comparing their doings (in this their generation,) with the worst Acts of the worst of Popes in several Ages, demonstrate to the world, that these men of all men, are most like them: but mine aims are not so much to decipher them, as to offer a true presentment of the King unto his people; to declare his virtues and wrongs (which they labour to conceal) is rather my work, then to proclaim their ungodliness, which indeed speaks itself loud enough without my discovery. And truly, had it been possible for me to have healed the wounds made by them upon my Sovereign's Honour, without laying open their corruptions, I should not have mentioned them so much as I have done: for my delights are not to be stirring in such obscene and stinking puddles; But all men know, that he who takes upon him to justify the Righteous, must of necessity condemn the wicked, the goodness of the one cannot be vindicated, unless the vileness of the other be detected, specially when they thus stand in competition; wherefore omitting what might be spoken of them to this purpose, I shall rather (as Christ's Minister) apply myself to speak unto them, after I have uttered a few words to those well-meaning Common people, who have been seduced by them, whom in the first place I desire to listen to me. SECT. XXVII. A serious and Brotherly Discourse to the seduced and oppressed Commons of this Nation; their dangerous condition related▪ divers and necessary considerations propounded to their thoughts to dissuade them from persisting in their present way: Their Objection of keeping their late Oath and Covenant, Answered. Countrymen and fellow-Subjects, you see I have dealt with you as Pilate did with these people of the Jews, whom the subtle Pharisees had prevailed with, to be their instruments in seeking Christ's ruin; for the desiring to divert them from further proceeding in so evil a way, against so just a Person, brought him forth before their eyes crowned with Thorns, and arrayed with sorrows, and bade them Behold the man; supposing Joh. 19 ●. that the sight of his griefs already suffered, by the wrongs and abuses already offered, would make them desist from offering more; So I desiring with my soul (as God is my witness) to stop you in this your ungodly way, which the crafty Pharisees of these times have thrust you into, and to stay you from furtheir endeavouring your King's destruction, have set him before your eyes in the same sad and afflicted condition that Christ was in, and whereinto yourselves (alas) have helped to bring him: Now I beseech you all Behold the man; consider how much you have wronged his innocence already, and abused his goodness; and whether you have not shown unkindness enough unto him, who hath been unto you the Author of so much good, so many years together. You will say, had we lived in the days of Christ, we would not have joined with the Pharisees in persecuting and abusing him and his Disciples; and yet you are partakers in the like evils; will you disallow of such things against your Saviour, and yet act them against your Sovereign? Have you any other evidence against the King than those people had against Christ, the bare testimony and report of his deadly enemies? or have you any better warrant from God's Word, to rise up and cry out against the one, than those had to do so against the other? surely you have not: O foolish people (therefore) and unwise, who hath bewitched you? who hath perverted you? I know you'll say, even they whom we thought we were bound to follow, (scil.) our Teachers and our Leaders; true, and God shall require your blood at their hands; but in the mean time, if you die in this way, you will die in your sin, for as Esay Esay 9 16 says, the Leaders of this people cause them to err, and they that are led by them are destroyed, that is, are in the undoubted way unto destruction; and what will you do at the end thereof? Perhaps your consciences are yet asleep: so was Judasse's, till his work was quite done, his Master murdered, and himself received his wages; but than it began to open indeed, and so to roar within him, that it debarred him quite from all contentment in his money; for he brings that back to them, who had employed him, and makes his moan unto them, and perhaps expects comfort from the●●, but they having served their turns of him, left him in the briers, whereinto they had brought him, and rejected his complaint with a quid hoc ad nos? what ●at. 27. 4. is it unto us, see you to it; their own consciences did not yet stir, nor had they any respect at all to the troubles of his spirit. Now truly friends, this will be the condition of many of you, when you have damned your souls in serving the lusts of these men, and think to enjoy comfort in that wages of iniquity, (the Estates of other men which you gape after, and is promised unto you as the price of blood) then will the doors of your consciences be unlocked, & the sense of your guilt will make you as sick as he was, both of your rewards and lives, and then, if you lament and cry, we have sinned in spilling innocent blood, the blood of our Sovereign, or the blood of our Countrymen that never did hurt or harm unto us, they that brought you into these miseries, however they courted and encouraged you before, will reject your complaints with a quid haec ad nos? you should have looked to these things before hand; for Pharisees will be Pharisees unto the world's end. It is a fearful thing to be given up to shed blood; King James would say, if God should leave him to kill a man, he would think God did not love him: and I believe yourselves were of the same opinion, all the while the Doctrine of Jesus Christ (which commandeth love to enemies) did season your hearts; but what a strange alteration is there now in your dispositions, since the Doctrine of Devils hath been preached unto you, for no other is this of butchering your brethren, of killing, slaying, and destroying, than the doctrine of him who is a murderer from the beginning: you would not have been hired heretofore to have acted the executioners part, which is a lawful office, upon a Malefactor condemned by lawful Authority, so tender you were of shedding blood; but now you make no scruple at all of it, you are greedy and thirsty (many of you) to spill the blood of Innocents only for their constancy in that Doctrine of Obedience and Loyalty to the King, which yourselves also in Christ's School have been instructed in, merely upon the temptation and motion of them you call the Parliament, who have no more Authority over the lives of men without the King's allowance, than your servants have over yours; nay, which is more strange yet, you are bewitched by their seduction, to think that in killing your Brethren you do God service, though Joh. 16. 2, 3. our Saviour fore-speaking of this very particular, shows the ground of this ill opinion to be only ignorance of God, and want of knowledge. Nay, not only those that have been Agents or Soldiers in this Rebellion, but in like manner, all you who have willingly contributed Plate, moneys, Horses, or any thing tending to the advancement of it, I fear you are under the guilt of blood, and will be indicted one day at God's bar as accessaries to all these evils that have been committed against the King and against your brethren; all the men and all the women that brought in their Salts, Spoons, Rings, and Thimbles, by the suggestion and persuasion of false Teachers, must hold up their hands at God's Tribunal as guilty persons, for doing things (by the seduction and example of others) so clean contrary to that light of the Gospel, which so many years together had been taught unto them. O friends! strong and strange is the delusion that is fallen upon you, and thick is the veil that is over your eyes, far are you gone without looking back, and most difficult is it yet to persuade you to it: I have often feared with myself that place in Esay, to have too near a relation to you, The hearts of this people are made fat, their eyes dim, and Esa. 6. 10, 11. ears heavy, and to continue so till the Cities be wasted without an inhabitant, the houses without man, and the Land be utterly desolate. I beseech you, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, think seriously upon the matter, (O that I could persuade you to it) while there is time for repentance, and save yourselves at length yet, from this untoward generation; break their yoke from off your necks, Act. 2. 40. renounce their societies, have no more to do with them, read, mark and ponder upon that place, Prov. 1. 10. to the 20. Verse, and remember from whence you are fallen, and return to your Prov. 1. 10▪ etc. Loyalty; O Countrymen, Return, return; and to provoke you more earnestly hereunto, consider with your own hearts of these particulars. 1. Whether this way wherein you have gone, be not directly opposite both to Christ's Doctrine and example? doth not the Gospel command to give tribute to whom Tribute is due, fear to Rom. 13. 7. whom fear, and Honour to whom Honour belongeth? and doth it not teach that all these appertain to the King? and yet have they not all been withheld from him? was not our Saviour's practice in this particular most remarkable for our imitation; He wrought but one money miracle while he was on the Earth, and that was to have wherewithal to pay Caesar his Homage; and himself says he did it, lest he should offend, so careful Math. 17. 27. was he not to displease the King; and being tempted at another time, to give some countenance for withholding the King's Rights, disclaimed the motion, and cried out, red Caesari, quae sunt Caesaris, & Deo quae sunt Dei; inferring that God Math. ●2. 21 and Caesar in such matters go together; to injure the one is to wrong the other, for God hath commanded that Caesar be honoured, and that all which is his be rendered to him: Now whether you and your Leaders have done according to this doctrine and example, let your own consciences judge. 2. Consider whether this way wherein you have gone be not also contradictive to the Law of the Land: The denial of the King's Supremacy in this Kingdom, hath been wont to be accounted so heinous an offence, that he who is guilty of it, is judged by the Law to die as a Traitor: And the doing of any thing in prejudice of the King's Authority, as the raising of Forces without him, nay the having but thoughts of mischief towards him, though they never break forth into Action, is reckoned by the Law for no less than High Treason, and some have suffered death for such things; nay, further yet, the bare instilling misconceits of the King into the people, to withdraw their affections from him, hath even in this very * In the Charge against the Earl of Strafford. Parliament been called High Treason: Now whether the King's Supremacy, not only in things Spiritual, but also Temporal be not denied, and whether by your opposition to his Majesty's Person and commands, and by whispering, yea, by open speaking evilly of him, and consenting to what hath been written against him, you have not made yourselves guilty of that grand Crime, let your own consciences also determine unto you. 3. Consider whether it be not against common equity to practise the taking away from any one, that which comes unto him by lawful inheritance, succession, or just election? whether you would not so judge it, if any should divest you of what was left you by your Parents? and whether the King's Authority and Revenues, (which you with others have endeavoured to dispossess him of) be not of the same Tenure, and held by the best Title: indeed if men come to power and Authority by fraud and violence (as your new Masters have done) the case is otherwise, lives lost in conspiring the downfall of such, may be reckoned well sold; every man in common equity (were there no tie of duty or allegiance) is to help him to right that suffers wrong: but to concur in oppressing the Supreme Magistrate, and in taking from him what belongs unto him, if conscience be suffered to make report, it will be confessed to be the highest injustice; for as to detract from the Standard which is the rule of measures, is the greatest sin, so is it to detract from the King who is the Standard of righteousness in his Kingdom. 4. Consider whether the demand of having the Militia out of the King's hand (wherein his Authority and Power consists) which your Leaders and you insist upon, be not against piety, and a plain urging the King to act Esau's part in resigning up his Gen. 2533. birthright; and whether you think in earnest (as some of your Preachers have suggested,) that you have a sufficient ground to expect God's blessing upon your undertaking, though it be unlawful, because Jacob was blessed afterward, though the means Gen. 27. 19 etc. which he used to accomplish his design were not approvable? nay, seeing the King is not like Esau, so easily drawn to part with his birthright, but rather like Naboth will keep his 1 King. 21. inheritance, for fear of God's displeasure: consider I pray whether you in going about to force him thereto by violence, are not all the while acting the parts of Ahab and Jezabel, who were persons that had sold themselves to work wickedness? nay, whether you are not more deep in the evil than they were, in regard the King is not to you as Naboth was to Ahab, a subject, nor have you as he did, tendered an answerable exchange, or rather a better for what you demand from him; consider I beseech you and think well in your own hearts of this particular. 5. Consider and call to mind, whether those Teachers who have been most active and busy in drawing you into this your way, have not hereby contradicted their own former Doctrines: It was said of Stephen Gardiner, that no man (in the days of Fox. Martir●logy. Hen. 8) had spoken better for the King's Authority than he had done in his Book de vera obedientia, and yet no man more violent than he was in Queen Mary's time, in persecuting those that held fast to the same truth and Doctrine: may not the like be said and affirmed of many of your Preachers; that no man taught the duty of Obedience better, or inveighed more against Rebellion and shedding of blood, than they heretofore have done: but now none more violent than themselves in opposing those that practice according to the same Doctrine: if it be lawful to resist, defame and oppress the King now, why did they then speak against such doings? or if good language of him, as their Sovereign, and humble obedience to him, was true Doctrine then, how comes it to pass, that 'tis not preached still, now there is such need of it? truth is unalterable. They tell you of a certain New Light received, which it seems, was an attendant upon the Militia, for till this was seized on by their Faction, that was not seen; and had not this been first obtained, probably that had been still concealed; may not this New Light therefore be suspected? and the rather because 'tis so contrary to that which Gods Word holds out unto us; which as a sure and certain 2 Pet. 1. 19 guide we are commanded to take heed unto? Esay affirms, Esay 8. 20. that whoever speaks not according to the written Testimony bathe no light in him. And Saint Paul is resolute, that if an Gal. 1. 8. Angel from Heaven shall teach contrary to that Gospel himself had preached (which was the Doctrine of obedience to Princes, and of love to his Brethren) he ought to be held accursed: wherefore consider seriously in your own hearts, whether you have done well in suffering yourselves to be thus led by your new lighted Teachers. 6. Consider whether they do not only oppo●e their own former Doctrines, but also their own former doings, and persuade you to go with them, in those ways which heretofore they exclaimed much upon others for going in? did not they complain much against forcing tender Consciences, and against urging subscription to things of an indifferent nature, though allowed by Law, because scrupled at, affirming the same to be against Christian Liberty? and yet do not they now countenance far greater violence, in pressing of things more directly unlawful? As for example; would not they have the King forced against his Conscience, to consent to the altering of that Church-Government, which he in his soul is persuaded to be most Orthodox, and agreeable to God's Word, and to the State of this Kingdom, and which this Church and Nation hath so thrived under; yea, and which himself at his Coronation took a solemn Oath to maintain? And have not their very selves been the chief Instruments of urging their Brethren to the taking of new and unlawful Covenants? and when unto tender and scrupulous Consciences, the offensive Oath hath been tendered in one hand, and an Halter in another, with a furious Commination, that they should have the one, if they did not presently accept of the other, a course which the Bishops never used: have not some of these Ministers approved of this rigorous dealing? yea, and when some of the members of Christ have been at the place of Execution, to be murdered and Martyred by their Faction for their Loyalty to their Prince, or for falling off through trouble of Conscience from their ungodly Covenant and way; have not some of their Preachers stood barking at them, on purpose to disturb their spirits, and to hinder their quiet passage out of this miserable World; even as that bawling Friar did do unto Archbishop Cranmer? (when some have seen or heard them acting their parts in this manner, they have thought of that Friar's Picture as it standeth there in the Book of Martyrs.) And here (by the way) let me exhort all men to read that Book often in these times, and they shall find a very great resemblance between the bloody Persecutors of those days, and these now, and a great similitude in their courses; it was not doubtless, without a special providence, that the said Book was of late twice reprinted, that so there being a greater plenty of them, we in these times might (being many of us) be more enlightened, supported and comforted in our sufferings: And I would have you observe among many other things, that Note of Mr. Fox, How Henry the Fourth, that deposed Richard the Second, was the first of all English Kings that began the merciful burning of God's Saints, for their standing against the Papists: so that we may thence learn, that 'tis no new thing for them to be given up to the acting of cruelties against God's Church and people, who have first given up themselves to practise Rebellion against their Sovereign; these two sins (as it seems) before now have gone together: But I return. Did not many of those your Ministers complain most fearfully in times passed for the mere change and alteration of some few phrases and expressions in the Common-Prayer-Book, holding it then (as it seemed) so perfect a platform of Church-Service, as that no word or syllable ought to be altered in the same; and yet now upon the sudden have not themselves abolished the same wholly, as if there were nothing at all good in it? How lamentably did they (some of them) rail even in print upon the Bishops, for endeavouring (as they said though most unjustly) to weaken that honourable esteem which the people had or aught to have of the King's Wife and Children, by * Yet that omission and change was by the Kings own self dictated, and not by any Bishop, and the King's reason was, because he judged that old phrase at that time the more improper, he having then no children. omitting in the prayer for them, that usual attribute therein given to God, scil. that he is the Father of his Elect and of their seed; and putting in the room thereof, the fountain of all goodness: which thing did then speak to their hearts (as themselves then said) that the Prelates would have the world think that the Queen and the Royal Progeny to be none of the number of God's Elect, and yet since that time, how themselves have concurred in speaking of the Queen, and in abusing the whole Royal Stock and Family, is too sufficiently evident to all people, and too gross for me so much as to repeat: Consider I beseech you (good people) of these things and conclude in your own hearts, whether it be any wisdom in you to follow such Whirle-gigs, such Weathercocks, as these your Preachers are. 7. Consider, how these your men have most carefully shunned all public Disputes with our Orthodox Divines about this case of Difference, which themselves have helped to raise against our Religion, Church, and King; for might we but have obtained so much from them as th● Martyrs in Queen Mary's days did from the Papist●; we doubt not but long ere this, by Scripture Evidence, and streams of Reaso● in Truth's behalf, to have overborn that power, by which now they overbeare us; and to have made you (the seduced) confess in falsehood's ruin and discovery, that the credit of your Teachers (like that of facing shifters) is but very little being well known: might such men as Dr. Ʋsher, Dr. Morton, Dr. Hall, Dr. Prideaux, Dr. Featly, and many others that might be named; who have most valiantly held up the Banner of Christ against the Papists, have been but suffered to defend his Cause also against these men, the veil had been pulled from your eyes many years ago; but these Craft-Masters are so full of their Trent wisdom, that by no means will they abide any disputes face to face, with our Protestant Divines. The Militia is their best Argument, fire and sword is more suitable to their purpose then God's word is. And as the Papists urge the Authority of their own Pope and peculiar Church, so do these of their Parliament, for a sufficient ground of people's faith and practice; the Parliament judgeth so: Ergo, 'tis verity, and you must believe it, without any hesitation or doubting that it may be otherwise. Because Mr. John Goodwin did but conceive a possibility of error in the Parliament, and out of love to them (as himself professeth) was afraid they might possibly tread awry, and hurt their foot against a stone, * See Mr Goodwins Book called Calumny arraigned and cast, about pag. 12. & 13. Prynne (the Parliament Champion) cries out upon him for being malignantly jealous over them, and says, 'tis most uncharitable, unchristian, detestable, fanatique, groundless and execrable jealousy in him, yea, venomous Malignancy, Oxfordian Aulicisme. But to proceed; These men do, and will (as you shall find, unless God blast them) require as simple, as absolute, and as unlimited an obedience at your hands, as ever the Turk or Pope hath done from their Vassals; an obedience not of will only, but of judgement also, which is a direct blind obedience; And truly as the Doctrine of infallibility is the root of all error among the Papists, so is it now among them that are the worshippers of the Parliament; for when it was once believed that the Pope could not err, than he might oppose Princes, Excommunicate Kings, absolve Subjects from their obedience, raise wars, shed blood, yea, live as wickedly as he pleased, have as many Bastards as he could get, the people were fast enough locked up unto him in obedience; so now this being swallowed that the Parliament cannot err, the lusty Members thereof may raise Rebellion too, absolve people from their Loyalty, persecute the King, and murder his Subjects, seize upon all their Estates, and sell or give them to whom they please: yea, and let them live as wickedly as they list, as vilely and basely as they please, let them get Bastards, ravish and defile Ladies of Honour, and then defame them when they have so done, or attempted so to do, they may do it impunè, for they be worthy Members all the while, they have none above them to call them to an account, and the people being fast linked to them, by the virtue of blind obedience, will be apt to give fair interpretations of all their doings; well, think seriously of these things in your retired thoughts. 8. Consider also of times past, and compare your experience of the present, with them and say, whether the light of God doth now shine so comfortably upon your Tabernacles, as when the King enjoyed his Rights and possessed his Throne? whether you are now so stored with coin, or have that leisure and wherewithal to build pleasant Houses? whether you lie so soft, all of you, fare so well, and have that entire Command in your own Houses, over your own goods and servants, as formerly? whether you can say as truly and freely, that what you have bought and paid for is your own, as heretofore? I would that the Londoners and Citizens would consider, whether they be all so well Plated, Jewelled, and attired, themselves, wives and children? whether their bags be not lanker, their banks lesser, and their means scanter than in those times of old? whether they enjoy like Liberties and Privileges under their new Masters, as they did under their King? And I would have the Countryman consider, whether his payments be not more, and his oppressions greater, than they were wont to be? whether he had not a merrier heart in his bosom, and more money in his purse, when he paid his Rents to the true owner, his right Landlord, than ever he hath had since he dealt with these new Usurpers? O you poor seduced and abused people! these new Lords promised indeed that you should have your Farms at a lower rate then formerly, so they might receive the Rents; but consider with yourselves, hath not your supernumerary Rates and Taxations, and your billeting and furnishing out Soldiers, amounted to more than the full payment? and can you think that you shall not be skrewed up to the highest pin by those Hucksters to whom they shall sell or give away your true Landlord's Estates, or appoint to be as their own Taskmasters over you? can you expect possibly any thing but blows and beggary under them? perhaps indeed you may obtain at last (in lieu of all your Wealth and Labours, and former happiness) to be partakers of that Privilege which the Peasants of France and specially of Normandy do enjoy, scil. you shall have leave to beg freely up and down the Kingdom without danger of whipping; consider seriously of these things I beseech you. Nay, consider (O all ye people of all sorts) whether you think in Conscience, these your new Rulers with their crew be the very meek Ones of the Earth as they account themselves, to whom the entire right and possession of all earthly blessings and inheritances do appertain? whether it be a true position which since the Militia hath been in their hands they have been bold to maintain, viz. that right by Conquest is the best Title, else God's providence would not permit them to be successful? and whether (if that Tenent be maintained) any one of you all, can promise to yourselves the use and comfort of any thing, that is either left unto you or purchased by you? let this also be thought upon. 9 Consider, whether in any thing these men have performed what at first they promised? whether Religion be better settled, the Church better reformed, and united, the Commonwealth more flourishing, the Subjects more happy, then when they took these matters into their hands? you were told by them (as you well know) when they first enticed you, to engage yourselves with them in this War, that the same would be quickly over; and ofttimes since when they came to borrow more money of you, have they not pretended continually that the work was almost done, if you would but come off well and afford another good pluck, it would be quite ended? they promised also (when they moved unto the war) that they would exact nothing against your wills from you, no, God forbid that they should use any violence, they desired that men should do freely and without constraint, only what themselves pleased, they were all for the freedom of the Subject; but have they proved as true of their words as you did of your Assistance? have they used no enforcements to get your money since that time, or are your miseries concluded, and your expenses yet at an end? Are the Scots paid all their Arrears? Is Ireland reduced to obedience or as quiet as at their first meeting? Is the King settled in his proper Rights and Dignity as was pretended, and the Subjects in their Liberties? Is Judgement and Justice executed in our Gates, and oppression driven from our Streets, and every thing removed that may provoke Gods further displeasure? Nay, doth not the late prevailing of these men speak rather a nearness of Gods more heavy Curse upon us, and a beginning rather than a finishing of your sorrows? Is it not probable that God will take the matter into his own hand by Plague or Famine and call both them and you to a reckoning for that Christian blood that is spilled by you without lawful Authority? Or are not all the Nations of the world God's Instruments, and cannot he employ some of them to punish you, for your punishing others without a warrant from his Vicegerent? or cannot he send a spirit of division amongst yourselves, as once between Abimilech and the men of Sichem, after that by conspiring together, they had prevailed against the House and Family of Gideon? sure blood and oppression are crying sins in God's ears, and the Judge of all the world will do Justice; and 'tis a fearful thing to fall into the hands of God when he is angry; consider in your hearts of these things. 10. Consider the conditions of your chief Leaders in special, and of their Faction in general, whereunto you have adhered, whether they be such as becomes the Gospel of Jesus Christ, or rather whether in your observation they be not such as the Apostles Paul and Peter prophesied should be in the worst men of the last and worst times? Have they not shown themselves a covetous 2 Tim. 3. 2, 3. & selfseeking Generation? did they not at the first seek and sue with all their strength and policy for the dignity to be chosen Parliament-men, and have they not since placed themselves in the best Offices of the Kingdom, are not many of them▪ that were lean and bare before, grown plump and fat and shining? are they not in the mannagement of their prosperity and success, boasters, proud, supercilious and scornful persons? have they not often blasphemed God's Word, by perverting the same to their own purpose? have they not showed themselves disobedient, ingrateful, without natural affection to their Country and friends? are they not manifest promise, Oath and Protestation- Breakers? do they not daily approve themselves to be false accusers of others, fierce-spirited in persecuting their unjust and mischievous accusations; also to be Traitors, heady, highminded, having only pretences to Godliness without any true power thereof? And further, are they not despisers of Government, 2 Pet. 2. 10. presumptuous in their ways, self-willed, not fearing to speak evil of dignities? do they not run the black course of reproaching their betters, as well as the red of cruelty against their brethren? Now the Apostles tell us that all such conditioned men are reprobates concerning the true faith, and made to be destroyed; and do you think that there is safety in being of their society? Es. 39 3. 7. Again, are they not of that number whom Esay the Prophet mentions, whose hands are defiled with blood, and whose fingers with iniquity, whose lips have spoken lies, and whose tongues have uttered perverse things, is not wasting and destruction in all their ways? have they not refused to know and to own the way of peace? And now if they be such, consider whether you are like to gain any thing by adhering to them, seeing that Vers. 5. their eggs are Cockatrice eggs, whereof whosoever eateth dyeth, and their webs are spiders webs, which shall never become Garments to cover themselves, much less others: Be serious I beseech you dear Christians, in thinking of these things, and let not their Religious pretences, their many fastings and thankesgivingdayes make you think ever a whit the better of them; for Satan's Ministers have come in the shape of Angels of light before now; 2 Cor. 11. 13. 14. it hath been the old custom of Hypocrites to deal thus with God Almighty by fastings and thanksgivings to uphold their reputation; for their Fast read Esay 58. chapter, and for their Es. 58. Thankesgiving, see Jer. 7. where 'tis said of them, that they Jer. 7. 9 10. could steal, or plunder, murder and shed blood, speak falsely and commit adultery, yea, and worship Baal (as some do now the Dan. 11. 38. Militia or God of forces) and yet (says the Lord) they come and stand before me in my House, and say, we are delivered to do all these abominations: they acknowledge God's deliverance, (and perhaps his assistance of them) but so as if the same had been vouchsafed on purpose, that they might be, and continue to be the Actors of those villainies; so in Esay. ●6. there is mention made of others that were frequent in their oblations to God, and as appears, vers. 5. had (just as these men do) hated their Brethren, isaiah. 66. 5. and in a pretence of zeal to God's name had cast them out of their possessions, (though they were such as truly feared the Lord, and trembled at his word;) yea and for their success against them, in these their mischiefs and unjust doings, they praised God and said, The Lord be glorified, they had days of Thanksgiving to that very purpose: Therefore since it hath been the usual custom of the grandest Hypocrites to do after this fashion, you have no reason now to think any whit the better of these men, for their outside professions. Last of all, consider the relation which these men (the Members of the Commons House I mean) do stand in unto yourselves, whom they command, and to your Sovereign whom they oppose; to yourselves they are public Servants, chosen by you to agitate for you (in God's way and according to Law) your common affairs; scil. to confirm your Religion, Peace, and Possessions to you; and not to raise wars to the destruction of all these. To the King they are sworn Subjects, bound by Oath and Protestation to preserve his Person, Estate, and Honour, safe and entire against all people; in brief, they are the grand Jurymen of the Kingdom and nothing else, and their office is not to judge, or pass sentence against any persons, but to inquire after the grievances of the Country, and to make presentment of them with all humility, unto the King who is the Judge so deputed of God, and to the Nobles of the upper House, who are with him as Justices upon the Bench, and to supplicate of them, (in whom the only power judicative is resident,) a redress of things amiss; and then when a good Law is made, to give their assent unto it, and notice of it to the Countries or places whose Deputies they are, and to stir them up to honour their King, and to praise God for him who is so ready to do Justice and to show grace unto them; this is the proper office and work of the House of Commons, in the discharge of which only you are to show countenance unto them; but if they shall do things out of spleen or unbecoming their places, you are to withdraw your favour from them, and to bestow your frowns upon them; for if the Grand Jury at an Assizes, in stead of doing that duty, (whereto by Law they are designed) should fall to pull the Justices from the Bench, and to beat the Judge out of Town, and to imprison and kill their Neighbours (as good men perhaps as themselves,) would you think it fit to take their parts in such their doings? would you not rather all join to lay hands upon them, and bring them to be punished, for their misdemeanours; and desire to have them put out of their places, and wiser men appointed in their stead that know how to behave themselves better? I pray consider well of these things, and remember at length what you have done, and what you have now to do, under whose fealty you were born, and to whom you have sworn Allegiance: and observe what intimation our Saviour gives in that saying of his, if my Kingdom were of Joh. 18. 26. this world than would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews; or to them that seek to take away my life: doth he not plainly infer thereby, that the Subjects of earthly Princes who have Kingdoms in this world, aught to fight for their Sovereign, to endeavour his deliverance from injustice and wrong, and not to suffer him (in any sort) to be rendered up into the hands of his enemies; and be you certain of it, that so long as the King (God's Deputy and your Protector under God) is thus abused and kept from his Rights, you shall never enjoy peace or prosperity, nor the quiet possession of what is yours, for God's heavy Curse will so long hang over this Nation and Kingdom: Well, think of it well, and do accordingly. Confident I am (Brethren) that the major part of you did Associate yourselves with these ill disposed men (as they of old did with Absalon and Achitophel) in the simplicity of your Hearts, by giving too much credit (as they did) to those false reports, which in their wicked policy they cast out against the King and Government; you were persuaded before you were instructed, and in your good zeal you have walked thus far, to the extirpation (as you hoped) of Popery and profaneness; which alas, you have exceedingly increased, though sore against your wills; and are likely to thrust yourselves into it, or into other as deep errors: you have heard say, that zeal without knowledge is very dangerous; and let me tell you further, that the highest Heresies have risen from misguided zeal: Arrius upon detestation of Gentilism lest he should seem to acknowledge more Gods then one, by confessing a Co-equality of Christ's Divinity with his Father, denied the same; and Sabellius in detestation of Arrius, fell into the other extreme, and denied the distinction of Persons. And be yourselves the Judges, do not many of you measure what is good and holy by its opposition to the Constitutions of the Church of Rome, accounting most perfect what is most opposite thereunto, and that polluted which participateth in any thing with the same? do you not think yourselves rightest when unlikest the Papists, and nearest to Heaven when furthest from them, though perhaps then you may be nearest to them in substance, even when most opposite in Ceremony? (somewhat in this Book hath been discovered to this purpose;) but that is not the right rule to go by: well consider I beseech you, of what I have said unto you, and desist from having any further hand against your King, and from labouring the extirpation of that Government you were born under, which to do, doubtless is a most heinous sin; if a man were borne in another Land, where is a Government less perfect than ours is, he ought not by any means to join in fighting for the destruction of it; nor is our Posterity so strictly bound by such strong engagements of Conscience to endeavour the restauration of this (if by these violent and unlawful courses it should be altered, which God forbid) as we are now to uphold and maintain the same, or to prevent the Change thereof. Wherefore (I beseech you all) remember yourselves, think what you have already done, what you are in doing, and stay your hands. Object. Perhaps some of you will say, but we have taken an Oath, a Covenant (which our Preachers put us often in mind of) to persevere in our way, and not to forsake those men with whom we have entered into Association. Answ. Master John Goodwin one of your Ministers doth inform you in his 12. Serious Considerations, that to violate an abominable and an accursed Oath out of Conscience to God, is an holy and blessed Perjury. Now therefore if I prove that your Oath and Covenant is abominable and accursed, than it will follow, that as it was an high sin to take it, so is it an higher to keep the same, and according to the Doctrine of one of your own Teachers, an holy and blessed Perjury will it be to break it. But this I shall make good, and thus I argue. That which is ungodly and unlawful, both in respect of matter and form, is abominable and accursed: But such is that Oath and Covenant which you have taken, therefore you ought to break it, and in no hand (unless you will run upon your own damnation) to keep the same. This I shall evidence in both particulars, that 'tis ungodly in respect of matter, and unlawful in respect of form. First, An Oath is ungodly in respect of matter, (and so by consequent unlawful,) when it is to perform ungodly and unlawful things, viz. things forbidden of God, and formerly disavowed by us; But of this nature is this Oath and Covenant: For 1. 'Tis to oppose the King, and Forces raised by Him, whom God hath forbidden you to resist, and commanded you to fear, honour and obey, and whom you have sworn Allegiance unto, and Protested to defend in his Estate and Dignity against all Opposers, with your lives and fortunes. 2. 'Tis to kill, slay and destroy your Countrymen and Brethren, which as a work of the Devil you renounced in your Baptism, and is directly opposite to the sixth Commandment, viz. Thou shalt not kill, which then also you vowed and promised to keep and observe. 3. 'Tis never to lay down Arms, or to be quiet, so long as there is any left on the King's side for you to oppose; whereas strife and contention are works of the flesh disclaimed also in Baptism and forbidden in God's word, which commands you to live peaceably with all men, to study to be quiet, to love your Enemies; and to conquer them by patience and well-doing, and not by killing of them or fighting against them: Now, Therefore this your Oath and Covenant being of this nature, 'tis utterly ungodly and so unlawful in respect of the matter of it; 'tis of the same kind with that which the forty men entered into, neither to eat nor drink till they had killed Act. 23. 21. Paul; which none of you will grant had been fit to be kept, nay, rather 'tis of a far worse kind than that was, for 'tis a Vow or Covenant, not only to break God's Commandments, and to kill your Brethren, but also to slight your Promise in Baptism, and to renounce all your Oaths and Protestations of Loyalty and Obedience formerly taken; yea, and to persist in so doing: think I beseech you, how you will answer this at God's Tribunal. Secondly, An Oath (as I apprehend) is unlawful in respect of the form (and so by consequence ungodly too) when it is not expressed, administered and taken in such very words as by Law are prescribed, or when it is not enacted by full and complete Authority: But of this nature is this Oath or Covenant which you stick upon: Ergo, 'tis unlawful and by consequence ungodly; for confirmation of this; let it be remembered, how (before this unhappy Parliament begun at a meeting in Yorkshire about the first coming in of the Scots,) the King tendered an Oath of Loyalty to the Lord Say, and some others, who refused the same upon this ground, It was not lawful in respect of form, for the words, method, or frame thereof had not been agreed upon, settled, or established by Act of Parliament, viz. by the King and the two Houses: And so the alleged reasons, why those Oaths tendered by Bishops and Archdeacon's at their Visitations were condemned by this very Parliament for unlawful▪ was in respect of their forms, they were not administered in the precise terms, and direct words which by the King and whole Parliament were prescribed and Authorized. Now if this be so, than this very Oath and Covenant which you have taken, being as you all know, defective this way, cannot be legal, the King and whole Parliament never enacted it as a Law for you to take and observe. But only that corrupt Faction in Parliament, who (having themselves deviated from the ways of God and Laws of the Land) have imposed and forced the same upon you, to the end that with your lives and fortunes you might stand in the face of dangers for their sakes, and be as a strong wall to hedge and defend them in their wickedness, and well they will requite you for this service. And for your Preachers who persuaded you at first to take this Covenant and now to keep it, they being in the same condition with them that imposed it, no marvel if they labour to hold you still under the bondage of it. But why do not those your Preachers answer those Books which have been written against it, wherein the impiety and unlawfulness of it is fully evidenced; four * Besides the Oxford Reasons lately published, which all the Assembly of Divines are never able to confute. several Books have been written against the same, and not one of them yet answered, which very thing (if well considered) discovers their resolution in evil; they persuade you to take and keep a Covenant, which themselves are not able to maintain to be lawful by Divinity, or Reason, or any other Argument, but only Club-Law: Nay, one thing more let me mind you of, do but think with yourselves how God hath manifested himself against this Covenant in breaking asunder many of those that were knit together by it: How are they divided? How bitterly the Presbyterians and Independents write and speak against each other? a rotten Covenant it must needs be, that cannot hold the spirits of the Takers one three years together; doth not God hereby plainly manifest his dislike of it? hath he not visibly made good his word against it by this breach among them? Es. 8. 9 Associate yourselves O ye people, and ye shall be broken in pieces, give ear also you of a far Country (you Scottish Covenanters) gird yourselves altogether, yet shall ye be broken in pieces; gird yourselves and ye shall be broken in pieces: 'Tis worth the marking how the words are doubled in the Text, which according to the interpretation of Joseph, in whom the Spirit of God dwelled, is to show the Gen. 41. 32. certainty of the thing that God hath established it, and will * Indeed this day this Scripture is fulfilled in our eyes. shortly and surely bring it to pass. One place more let me remember you of, 'tis Hos. 5. 12. and I pray consider, whether the same may not fitly be applied unto you, Ephraim is oppressed and broken in Judgement, there is his present misery; the cause of it follows, because he willingly walked after the Commandment, scil. of Jeroboam and his Rebellious Faction, who by some new Ordinance of their own devising had tendered some Oath or Covenant to the people against their King whom they opposed, and against the right and old way of worshipping God at Jerusalem; this (it seems) the people at first had consented willingly unto; and for the same were soundly oppressed by their new Masters (that had imposed it on them:) Now oppression makes even wise men mad, (especially when it falls unexpected,) and hence it comes to pass, that they were broken in judgement, they became even like distracted men, because through their own easiness, they had been persuaded into such bondage under such Masters as did nothing but pill and oppress them, and would afford no justice or remedy unto them upon their complain. Nay and yet this was but the least part of their punishment, the worst is behind, vers. 13. Therefore says the Lord, (viz. because they willingly walked after the Commandment, or were so easily persuaded to take a wicked Covenant;) I will be unto Ephraim as a moth, and to the House of Judah as rottenness; i. e. my Curse shall consume them and their Families as a moth doth a Garment, or as rottenness doth a thing that is already putrified. Consider I say, whether this may not in some sort concern you, and if you think it may, I beseech you (dear Countrymen) renounce speedily that sinful Oath which you have too unadvisedly taken, lest as oppression hath already overwhelmed you; so the moth and rottenness from the Lord do also seize upon you, Say not you a Confederacy any longer with them that Es. 8. 12. have confederated against your Church and King; neither fear you their fear; God is yet gracious and will pardon what is past if you repent, therefore let him only be your fear, let him be your dread: And your King also is gracious, ready upon your return to Loyalty (like the Prodigals Father) to remit your unkindness and to receive you with gladness; let him also be the object of your Reverence, and let the desires of your souls be to rejoice his spirit now, after this time wherein you have so sadded and afflicted him, that so at last yet, he may give up his account with joy, which will surely be most for your profit. Heb. 13. 17. And now for those your Teachers who have seduced you, both from God's blessing & the warm Sun too of outward prosperity, which did so comfortably shine upon you, undoubtedly they were Satan's Ministers in Angels shapes: as once he made use of 2 Cor. 11. 13 Peter's tongue to tempt our Saviour, so now he hath of theirs Mat. 16. 2●. to deceive you; and observe them well, their gilt ere long will fall off, and their good report will die before them. And (dear Countrymen) let me not be thought to boast overmuch, if 2 Cor. 11. after S. Paul's manner I compare myself with them to your cogitations and opinions; Are those your Preachers Englishmen? so am I; are they Protestants (at least in your esteem?) so am I; are they Ministers of Christ (think you?) know this, that by the favour and grace of God so am I; and perhaps may say, that (through divine assistance) I have given as true a proof of my Ministry among some that know me as they have done: I have been in labours as abundant, and in reproaches (for Christ's sake) more, in prison as frequent, in dangers of death as often; in as many perils by Robbers, by mine own Countrymen, by false brethren as the best of them: And therefore I hope I may obtain credit with you as well as they; I tender your salvation I dare confidently say, for Christ my Master's sake, as truly as they do; I have no design at all of mine own upon you, to get your moneys or ought you have: I aim only (God is my witness) to free you from the snare wherein you are entangled; I am a stranger to you, and so am content to be until the great day, when we shall all meet before the great Judge, to have our hearts opened, and our works manifested; And I do beseech you, God knows I write this with tears, and beg of you even in the bowels of our Saviour, and for the sake of those your precious souls, which he purchased with his dearest blood, that you would but be advised to consider seriously of what I have said unto you; my prayer to the Almighty is and shall be that you may but accept of the same with a like heart and spirit as 'tis propounded, say but you Amen, to this my petition, and we shall be again of one mind and judgement. And O let us not, let us not my dear Brethren, thus continue fighting one with another, or divided one from another, for if we do, we shall ere long, be destroyed one by another, but let us lay aside all malice against one another, and all evil speaking one of another; Sirs, we are Brethren, why should we strive, and quarrel after this sort, to the sport and scorn of all that dwell about us, and to the obloquy and disgrace of our Holy Religion? O let our contention I beseech you only be like that of the Vine and Olive, which of us shall bear best fruits, and not like that of the Briar and Thistle, which of us shall be most mischievous and unprofitable. And so (Countrymen) I conclude my speech unto you, with this Prayer for you: Pater ignosce illis, quia nesciunt quid faciunt, Father of mercies forgive the people of this Land, (who have been seduced into this Rebellion against the King) their sins committed in the same; for they know not what they have done, lay not the evil unto their charge, but wink at their former ignorance, and open their eyes now at length, and henceforth to see their error, and bless these considerations unto them, to that end and purpose for Christ Jesus sake. Amen. And be you assured, Sirs, that not only myself, but also many others whose blood you have thirsted for, whose Estates you have gaped after, and whom divers of you have been wont to entitle with the odious names of Malignants, Papists, Devils and Dogs, do daily pray to this purpose in your behalf; for we apprehending you to be in the same condition and state Act. 9 1. as S. Paul was in, while he yet went breathing out threatenings against the Church of Christ, do think it our duty to approve ourselves such as he was, when he prayed for the persecuting Israelites (his Brethren according to the flesh) that they might be saved: we conceive of you, as he did of them, that you have a zeal, though not according unto knowledge; this our Religion Rom. 10. 1. 2. teacheth us to do, and thus to think: And so God be with you. SECT. XXVIII. A faithful and Ministerial Admonition, to the Troublers of our Israel: scil. the Factious Members of the pretended Parliament at Westminster, who are Evidenced to be neither Patriots to their Country, Wisemen, nor good men: Their Religion discovered to be nec una, nec vera, nec bona. IN the next or second place, I shall assume the boldness to speak a little unto you, (O you men of Westminster) and I pray observe my words, if Providence shall please to bring this my Book unto your view. And first let me desire of you not to be angry, if I speak rather to profit then to please you, forbearing altogether those false and clawing expressions, which your adorers use, when they address themselves to speak unto you: I dare not tell you of any Humble tenders of my constant Devotion to serve you in your way; for I am sure 'tis not the way of Christ and God, nor can I humbly acknowledge your great Labour and endeavours employed these many years in the Reformation and preservation of Church and Commonwealth: for I know no such matter, but rather the direct contrary; I love not to jeer you, for such language to you I take to be none other than a plain jeering of you: nor can I tell how to give flattering Titles; I am one of Christ's Messengers, and have a Esa, 58. 1. charge to tell you aloud of your transgressions, and of your sins; perhaps there are but few, that will in all things, do it so plainly, as I have done or shall do; but as it is my duty, so I thank God it hath always been my custom and care, to keep a good Conscience in this matter; and though I am guilty of many sins, (for which the Lord be merciful unto his servant,) yet praised be his grace, I never had any inward check, for any known flattery of any in the serious discharge of my calling; I hope I may without presumption say, that I am as free from that sin as Luther was from that of Covetousness; I make no question, if you can gripe me, you (the guilty Faction I mean) will deal with me, as your Forefathers did with my Master Jesus, for my going in this his way, of plainly detecting Hypocrites and evil men; and therefore I shall keep myself out of your power so long as I can, and do pray that if it be my portion at last, (when mine hour is come) to fall within your reach, I may have strength and patience from above to endure the pains of death, which I shall confidently look for at your bloody hands; though let me tell you one thing, and it shall be only that which blessed Sanders the Martyr, told your brother Stephen Gardiner, you were best to take heed of Fox Marti●ol. shedding innocent blood, for truly it will cry: And as Jerome of Prague did his Enemies at the Council of Constance, so shall I cite you to answer for it, before the Tribunal of the most High and just Judge: Well, this being premised, I do now address myself unto you, for the present in this manner. Be it known unto you, (O you unhappy men) you have been the principal instruments of all our woes, and have given life and motion to all our miseries; you are they that have most highly scandalised the Gospel of the Son of God, by your acting under the profession of it, most horrid evils, as if that had countenanced you in your so doing; you are they that have turned this well-ordered Commonwealth into a confused Chaos, and have laboured with all your might to pull down the prosperous Government of this most renowned Church; you are they that have persecuted and defamed a most pious King, and exposed to eternal disgrace and suspicion the Religion of the Protestants; you have suppressed, silenced, banished, murdered, and undone many thousand Preachers and Professors of it; you are they that have deceived your Country in abusing that trust which they imposed in you; you would be accounted Patriots forsooth, but you have acted the part of Butchers rather, both upon the souls and bodies of your Countrymen; you would be thought wise men, but your wisdom hath been only shown in ill doings; you would be esteemed holy persons, but where then is that harmlesness, that undefiledness, which should have appeared in you? you have been full of blood-guiltiness; yea, of Rebellion, 1 Sam. 15. which as the Scripture says, is like the sin of Witchcraft; Majesty and Mercy were wont to be the strongest guards against Treason, till your days; but you have violently burst through that double fence, and pierced through the privy mail of Innocence too; Majesty, Mercy, and Innocence, all have been rather as a prey to invite your evil natures, than any guard to keep you back from offering violation; O to what an high pitch have you ascended? what transcendent impieties? what bloods and blasphemies have you countenanced and committed? quis talia fando temperet à lachrymis, who without floods of tears is able to express or think of what you have acted. First, for the Title of Patriots which you thirst after; O had you been advised by your King, had you closed with your Sovereign when he at first committed things to your care, to order, rectify and settle for our good, had you minded that work for which you met, and made that your business as he would have had you, how should we all have rejoiced in the very mention of you as of Patriots indeed? how should we have hugged your names in our affectionate memories, and conveyed them to Posterity with a charge to keep in everlasting Honour? As Adam and Eve were our undertakers or representers in Paradise, so were you in Parliament, and as God to them, so the King to you, gave a Liberty over all the Plants and Creatures in his Garden; restrained you in nothing, save only from one particular thing, which was the forbidden fruit; but nothing would satisfy your ambitious reach save only that, whereby you have brought upon us all, God's heavy curse, and all kind of miseries. O how far were you from the disposition of honest Joseph, who being tempted to meddle with that which belonged Gen. 39 8. 9 not to him, was withheld by the consideration of that great trust, which his Master had reposed in him, and of that liberty and authority which in all things else was granted to him: And how did God soon after reward this his faithfulness by advancing him to as great Authority over the whole Realm, as he had before over one Family; wherein also all but the Throne was at his disposing, in that only (says Pharaoh▪) I will be above thee: which he (good man) was far enough from Gen. 41. 40. seeking after; for his endeavours only were to settle Pharaoh more firmly in it, and to advance his wealth and dignity, as the story at large tells us; by which means he procured honour and favour sufficient to himself, both with God and Man; he lived desired of all, and died lamented by the whole Nation. O I say, that you had had the wisdom and the grace, to have imitated this Joseph, this good Counsellor of State; you were tied in as great engagements of gratitude as he; but you without any other temptation, save only the corruption of your own hearts, have laboured to ravish from your Lord and Master his reserved jewel of Majesty, and to rob him of his wealth and of the hearts of his people: yea, and to invest yourselves with that Honour and esteem which with your strongest studies you ought to have fastened eternally to his Crown and Diadem. Therefore you must never think (however your flatterers do bedaub you,) that you shall ever be dignified by good men with that Title of Abraes, as Joseph was, or be reckoned for Patriots of your Country. I have read that true Patriots have these four conditions. 1. They will love and obey their true and lawful Prince, giving example to all others of doing the like; for to love their Country and hate their Prince can never stand together. 2. They will defend their Prince and Country against such as are enemies thereof, and that go about to dispossess him of the Rule and Government. 3. They are careful to conserve their Country from desolation and ruin, by inland dissensions and Civil Wars. 4. They will also maintain others that are borne in the same Country as well as themselves in the fruition of their lands and goods rightly belonging to them. Now I would have your own consciences speak, whether any one of these four conditions have appeared in you since you met together; nay, have you not rather shown a direct opposition unto them all? have you not carried yourselves towards your natural Prince in all ways of hatred, contention and disobedience? Have you not abandoned his Authority and gone about to take away his absolute Sovereignty from him? Have you not occasioned desolations, spoils, and robberies, throughout the whole Nation, by these unnatural divisions and Civil Wars which you have kindled? Have you not taken by violence from your Country men their ancient possessions, left them by their Fathers, giving and selling the same away to strangers, broken all their strong Privileges, and most tyrannically and cruelly shed their blood? let your own Consciences speak whether these things have not been done by you. You would (I know) be famous amongst men, and to this end you set your adorers on work to talk of great things which you have done, and to attribute to your sole praise those acts of grace, which were the fruits of the King's goodness, (the benefit whereof notwithstanding you will not suffer the people to enjoy,) yea, and they call you the Phoenix-Parliament, and the wonderworking Parliament, but if we speak the downright truth, you are famous only in infamy; it was said in Josiah's praise, but it may be affirmed on the contrary to your disgrace, that never the like went before you, nor followed after you; and therefore you are indeed a rare and Phoenix-Parliament: and wonders we confess you have wrought too, even such as Hell itself doth both rejoice in and stand amazed at; but Christian mankind hath cause for ever both to abhor and loathe: It's true, pulchrum est eminere inter illustres viros, (as Seneca says) 'tis a fair and desirable thing to stand in the rank of renowned men; but they that will do so, (as he teacheth * Consulere pat●iae, parcere afflictis, fera caede abstinere, tempus atque irae dare, orbi quietem, seculo pacem suo. ) must consult for their Country's good, comfort afflicted souls, abstain from blood, bridle their passions, be peacemakers and instruments of quietness in their generation: Haec summa virtus, petitur hac caelum viâ, this is true Honour's road, this is the way to Heaven; wherein as yet you have not entered, and therefore are no true Patriots. Secondly, nor are you truly wisemen, which is another Title you challenge to yourselves: Let me tell you, that men qualified with true wisdom have heretofore judged War the greatest evil, as whereby crescit scelus dum punitur, sin is rather increased then punished in a Nation; and they have deemed the best use thereof to be the same which Nurses make of Robin Goodfellow, only to terrify; for instead of refining, it corrupteth and depopulateth Churches and Kingdoms; therefore how far will Posterity judge you to have been from true wisdom, in choosing to accomplish your ends by this means, when they shall read of your doings, and withal, that what ever good you could expect or durst pretend to reap by it, was offered you without it? you thought meet in your wisdom to walk rather in the way of fear, then in that of love, and to force your King to grant you more, than was fit for him to give, or you to take; but this showed your great ignorance, as of God and his paths, so of noble Natures, with whom compulsion prevaileth never; the limits of Princes are not to be so bounded; Rex est qui metuit nihil; Majesty and fear cannot lodge together nor ought they; enforcement kills Authority; 'tis an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for subjects to give Laws to their superiors; and that Servants should bear rule over their Masters, is the first Prov. 30. 21. 22 of those four things, for which the earth is disquieted, says wise Solomon. Truly (Gentlemen) I would have you wise men, and so to approve yourselves, your place requires it, but by no means will I allow you to be wicked; for as wisdom best, so wickedness of all others doth worst become you; Pallas the Goddess of wisdom, was feigned by the Ancients to have a Buckler all over covered with Snakes and Serpents, and I allow the like to you, but it was of pure Crystal all bright and clear, and so must your wisdom be: They gave her also a spear cum acutâ cuspide, with a sharp point, and so let it be, but it was of true Steel and not wrought but by Vulcan whom they feigned a God; they said she was a subtle woman: be you as subtle as she; but she was ever a Virgin, she was always honest and would never be defiled, such must your wisdom be; they said her Council was always to be approved, but they therefore held that she had no humane Mother, but was borne above, even of the brain of Jupiter. And so from above would I have your wisdom to proceed, which S. James describes to be a Jam. 3. 17▪ wisdom that is pure, peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy, and good fruits, without partiality and hypocrisy. I confess the truth unto you, you are no fools in one sense, you have a wisdom, and it appears sufficiently, (by all your doings) where you had it; you have been Serpentine enough in your whole working, had you been but as Dovelike too, you might have been Chronicled for right wise men. Solomon reckons up the Spider, to be one of those four little things that are exceeding wise; but yet the Spider was always odious unto Pallas, Prov. 30. 28. not for her subtlety but for her venom, and because her web is made so slight that it will make no Garments, of which nature will all your contrivements prove in the conclusion; they will not be able to cover yourselves from the eye of God's Justice or of the world's notice; entangle you they may, (as sometime we have seen the Spider entangled in her own web, as well as other Flies which she hath spread her net for;) insomuch that (as Bildad in Job says) your hope shall be as the Spider's web, that is, Job. 8. 14. dashed in a moment, even as the Spider and her web both, (which she took such pains about) is by the good Huswives broom thrown down together in an instant; so shall you and your long machinations, be brought to a sudden period; when the great Housekeeper and heart-searcher, shall come amongst you, with the besom of destruction. And I pray Sirs let me ask you a question, do you in your wisdom think in good earnest, this world will last always with you? can you promise yourselves a continuing happiness in your lofty and Rebellious way? did you never hear of that saying, sequitur superbos ultor à tergo Deus, nor of that ubi non est pudor, nec cura juris, sanctitas, pietas, fides, instabile regnum est? or can you be so blind as to think any of these are in yourselves? some folk perhaps according to the form by yourselves prescribed, do sometimes betrim you with such strange Titles, but are you so simple as to conceit that wise men do fancy them to belong unto you? no, no (Gentlemen) befool not yourselves; all people have not lost their eyes, nor is it a Cloud but a net that you dance in; we see plainly under what pretences you have divided our Doctrine of unity, and unswadled the bonds of Peace and Charity amongst us; we perceive how you go about to make your usurped greatness, wealth and honour, the rules to square out Cannons of Faith for us by, and how you set your Assembly of Divines, (as you call them) on work to devise Arguments to uphold the same; how you have silenced and suspended from preaching God's truth, all those laborious and faithful Teachers that will not preach to please your lusts, but rather to the discovery of your base ends and ways: And how you have set up an High Commission Court (or something worse which you call a Committee) in all Counties to that purpose; notwithstanding not long ago, yourselves did vote against some Bishops for so doing; and did declare that in the sense of the House, it was a very ungodly and wicked thing, to bar any good man from Preaching and revealing the whole will and Counsel of God; We perceive well enough how you have pursued your own private ends in all your ways, notwithstanding your public pretences; how you have greatned yourselves, by that wealth and moneys extorted both from City and Country, and how unwilling you are to come to a reckoning for the same; we cannot but note, how you have invested yourselves with all the King's Revenues, with all the great Offices of the Kingdom, and with the Estates of all Loyal Subjects, whom you have made Delinquents; and I pray wherefore? but only for their Conscience and Loyalty. I dare challenge you to declare if you can any other reason, why many of your fellow members, who were men of sound and upright judgements, sincere hearts, and known integrity, of as good credit in their Country as the best of yourselves, and chosen with as general a consent unto their places; why, I say, or for what other reason they have been made Delinquents by you, then only because their Consciences would not suffer them to go along with you in your way, which they knew to be directly opposite to God's word and the Law of the Land. But do you think that these and many such like things, being observed & altâ mente reposta, will be patiently born always? will men of noble blood and spirit endure this thraldom at your hands? will they with contented eyes, see Strangers enjoy and possess that weath, and those inheritances which God hath given to them, and their Fathers have left them? will they not rather hazard their lives to cut▪ your throats in revenge of their own wrongs, and think they do God service in it, seeing you have disabled Him from doing them justice whom God hath entrusted with the sword for that purpose? do you not think 'tis possibie that you may eat the fruit of your own ways, and drink the juice of your own Doctrines? quicquid indignum aut ferum cuiquam potuit, hoc fecit dolour, tenebraeque (says wise Seneca.) Nay (Sirs) do you think that the Common people who now adore you, will not at length fully sent you? did you never read or observe, that the temper of popular affection is very Aguish, and its tenure slippery? do not you apprehend, that many of them already do more fear than love you? whence else (being asked the Reason of their adherence to you) do they usually answer in this manner? what would you have us to do? if we should not do as they would have us, they would plunder us of all we have, and not leave us worth a penny: Can you fancy that this business will not work in * It begins to work already, as evidently appears by that free and broad language which in all places is uttered against you. time? verily I am persuaded, (unless you break off your sins by repentance, and desist from Rebellion, rapine and blood) rather than you shall go unpunished, (if the Sectaries whom you have fostered do not) the very people whom you have seduced will, even tear you in pieces as you go in the Streets, as they did Dr. Lamb (whom they took for a Conjurer) some 18▪ years ago, and will pluck you as small as the people of Rome did Sejanus in times past; for their apprehensions of you will be every way as bad as theirs was of him: you know how yourselves and your Preachers have taught the vulgar, who were otherwise instructed before, that the Supreme Power is in themselves, and that they may reform and punish Malefactors and do God good service therein, if they cannot otherwise have justice done upon them; and you in your wisdom have so exercised them of late, that they have undoubtedly learned to make no great scruple of shedding blood, specially of such as themselves apprehend to be guilty; it would be your wisdom to think of these things in time. As yet perhaps your vengeance sleepeth, & facta populus cogitur quam ferre tam laudare, people are forced to bear with patience, yea, and to praise your doings; but remember quos cogit metus laudare, eosdem reddit inimicos metus, that fear which extorts praise, doth also engender and increase hate: when they come to be sensible of your position and resolution, scil. * People begin to see this now; for they say the 80000l. a month lately laid upon the Kingdom, is to maintain a War against the kingdom, the people must give so much to keep an Army on foot only to awe and undo themselves. Malis domanda est audacia populi, & gravi semper jugo premenda, ne quid simile tentare audeat, i. e. the people must be kept bare and low, in an underly condition, lest they attempt such a thing against us, as we have done against the King; I say, when they come throughly and generally to be apprehensive of this your purpose, they will then remember where yourselves have said the Supremacy lieth; when they feel the Souldery maintained by you to offer them violence, and no benefit of Law allowed them to right themselves (as to this it must come, that you will not dare to gainsay the Soldier in any of his ways) when these things come to pass, then look to yourselves, for your time approacheth; but I am weary of your wisdom which will undoubtedly end in folly. I will consider also what your piety is; for as was said, you would also be esteemed Holy Persons. Thirdly, Therefore for the Title of Godliness. The Psalmist Psalm. 12. 8 says, that the wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted; We may give a guess then at what is in you, by the conditions of those persons that are above-board with you, and employed by you; as also by that progress which Religion hath had since you have domineered; for the goodness or badness of Rulers hath always been concluded upon from the growth or decay of Religion in their days. But truly (Sirs) not to flatter you, we observe your Piety to be nec una, nec vera, nec bona, and therefore conceive it to be, in very deed nulla; I must be plain, 'tis my profession, and my resolution, and therefore you must bear with me. First, 'Tis not una, for you are divided in Religion, the very best among you, I shall mind you to this purpose of some passages in Print, between your two so much extolled Professors (nay, Martyrs so entitled, so honoured) William Prynne and Henry Burton, (whom at the beginning of your meeting you sent for, and reeeived with more affectionate and general applause, than ever since was shown unto your Sovereign:) these two (however conjoined in that ridiculous and admired Triumph, which yourselves with the City of London, was pleased to make them,) even these very two have been at daggers drawing, almost ever since, about their Religion; and each of them have (even amongst your very selves) Followers and Disciples great plenty; they are indeed the two grandest Champions of the two grandest Factions of those 52 which (as reports goes) do swarm among you; Prynne is (as appears) for the Presbyterians, and Burton for the Independents: And their controversy is about no less than a main part of the Gospel, for of that nature is Church-Government in Burtons' present judgement, and Prynne was apprehended of the very same opinion all the while he held up Satan's banner against the Bishops; though now it seems (as many others of his Sect are) he is fallen from it; for he holds now (as Prelates did before) that there be national Churches, and that each hath a Liberty to choose and settle such a Form of Church See for all this and that which followeth Burtons' Vindication of Independent Churches against Prynne his Brother. Government, as is most suitable to the Laws, Customs, and manners of the people; yea, and further, that there is no direct precept or pattern in Sacred Writ for particulars in Discipline and Ceremony, but they are left to humane prudence: And to prove this against his Brother Burtons' Faction, he doth use those very Arguments, which were wont to be used against himself and his Sect, and are to be found originally in Mr. hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy; But Burton spits at him for this, and affirms plainly, that to shape Religion in point of Church-Government to humane Policy, is to shape a Coat for the Moon, & humano capiti cervicem jungere equinam, & populo ut placeret fabulas facere, to coin tales to please people; Wherefore he taxeth his Brother Prynne of high presumption, in thus attempting to mingle Earth and Heaven together, (they are his own words, for I'll not vary a syllable from his own expressions,) what (says he) cannot your Law and our Gospel cotton together, unless our Gospel wears your Law's Livery, and be tired in a Gown like one of your Sergeants, made up of two several colours. Prynne is peremptory, that Church-Government and Power of making Ecclesiastical Laws to bind, was ever in the Civil Magistrate; the Priests or Clergy never had any thing to do in that work by right; and now (says he) the power is in the Parliament; that place Math. 18. 15, 16, 17. If thy brother offend, etc. He will have to be meant not of Excommunication, but of the Civil Court of Justice: And he says further, that in the Assembly or Evangelicall Synod, Act 15. the Apostles did not pass their Votes as they were Apostles guided infallibly, by the Holy Ghost, but rather as they were in their ordinary capacity as Elders and chief members of it, and this he concludes to be an undeniable Scripture Authority for the lawful use of Parliaments and Synods under the Gospel, upon like necessary occasions, and for their power to determine Controversies of Religion, to make Canons, maugre all evasions and exceptions of Independents to elude it; all which with much more such stuff, to the same purpose (as it seems) Prynne hath against his Adversaries, and proves it (as Burton notes) with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; but says he, that shall not serve the turn, for he denies every bit of it, with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as good as his; he is very positive, that we should have a very mad world of it, if Civil States or Parliaments should have liberty to frame Church-Governments, or set up Discipline; He allows a State to pull down an old Church-Government indeed, but by no means to set up any, for that (he saith) is another thing. And he tells Prynne plainly, that he is out of his proper orb in talking thus, and 'tis out of his jealousy that Church Censures should trench upon his pleadings at the Bar of Justice; and for his part he is confident that the place Mat. 18. belongeth not to Civil Courts, but to the Church (as all Presbyterians heretofore did expound it) and for the Decrees made at the Synod Act. 15. He is of opinion, because they were binding, that they were made by the Apostles, as they were Apostles, and that the Parliament now hath no power to make the like. And he is directly of opinion, that that Assembly or Church-meeting was no Parliament, scil. no such Parliament as Prynne would have it, and therefore he adviseth him thus; Good Brother, be not so peremptory, but take in your topsail, 'tis too high to bear up against so stiff a gale of Scripture and reason. Prynne affirms beforehand; that whosoever submits not to that Church-Government which the Parliament shall set up, is guilty of arrogancy, schism, contumacy, and liable to such penalties as are due to those offences: Burton cries out, Good Brother, be not so legal, what if they set up such a one as godly people cannot submit unto? must they either violate their consciences or suffer in their good names, for arrogant, contumacious schismatics, and be liable to I wot not what penalties beside? why good Brother, if we should go and live under the Turkish Government, and could not in Conscience turn Turks in the Religion there established, yet there is a way of exemption for it, namely, to become Tributaries to the State, as many Christians do: Good Brother let's not have any of Draco's Laws executed upon innocents; shall we now turn worse persecutors of the Saints than the Prelates? Surely Henry Burton being so wise and so good a man in your esteems, you cannot imagine, but he sees some reasons for his thus speaking. Again, Prynne in another place, requires absolute obedience to the general consent of the Assembly and Parliament; which Burton holds utterly unlawful, and allegeth to prove it so, that generality of Votes, whereby the Jews State did carry it away to crucify their King; inferring thereby, that he thinks it possible that this Parliament may Vote a like business: and he says further, that we must not pin our souls to their sleeves, we do not know whether they may possibly carry them; a Parliament is not immediately inspired by the Holy Ghost as the Apostles were. Prynne is very eager for forcing men's Consciences: But Burton is still as much against that Tenent as Prynnes own self was in former times, and affirms, that no Rule nor Example, nor Reason, can be drawn from Scripture to force men to any Religion; no (says he) we are not to proceed any further with the Papists themselves, then to information, and rectifying their Consciences by instruction and admonition: And he adviseth Prynne in these words, Brother, let not that impartial Edict be revived, that if any confessed themselves to be Christians, they should be put to death, nomen pro crimine, the very name of Christians was taken for a crime; it seems he is of opinion, that if the Presbyterians prevail it is not unprobable that Edict may be revived again. And afterward when Prynne would have the Civil Magistrate to suppress, restrain, imprison, confine, and banish the setters up of new Forms of Ecclesiastical Government without lawful Authority, Burton conceiving himself aimed at cries out most pitifully; And must I undergo all these terrible censures, because you so judge? but what if your judgement be altogether erroneous? what punishment is due to him that condemns the Innocent? you may be a Civil Judge one day; Remember then (Brother) that if I come before you, that you meddle not with my Conscience; if you should make a Law, like that of the Jews, that who so confesseth Christ to be the Son of God shall be Excommunicate; I shall be apt to transgress that Law, but yet take heed how you punish me with an ense rescidendum, or I know not what Club-Law. It seems Burton himself fears when his Brother Prynne comes to be Judge (as if you his good Masters prevail, you cannot reward him for the loss of his ears, and good service done you, in writing and pleading for you, with a less place:) we are in some likelihood to have such Laws put in Execution against Christians, as were of old among the Jews; for as John Goodwin (another of Prynnes Brethren speaking of him in his * Calumny arraigned, pag. 33 Book forequoted) says, the Statutes of Omri are as good for his turn (if authorized by Parliament) as the Statutes of Moses, the manner of the House of Ahab, as laudable as the manner of the House of David, yea, of God himself: And indeed Prynnes behaviour and language hath been such towards his Sovereign, towards the Church of England his Mother, and towards some of his own Brethren of late, that every honest man hath cause to put it into his Let any and say, from Prynnes pride, malice, and cruelty; from his bloody disposition and Tyranny; from his cursed lies and calumnies; his Religion, practices, and blasphemies, Good Lord deliver us. But to make an end with these two Brethren, Prynne accuseth Burtons' Faction of obstinacy, singularity, arrogancy, selfe-ends; and says, that Independency stripped of all disguising pretences, is nothing but Pharisaical, vainglorious, self-conceitedness of superlative Holiness; Burton takes Pepper at this, and says, that Prynnes malice is liberal in throwing dirt in their faces, and confesseth ingenuously, that if he and his side should undergo all these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and say nothing, a fool's Cap and a Bell were fittest for them, with which I leave them. Now the reason of this large repetition of the Passages betwixt these men, is to show a proof of that little agreement that is amongst the best of you; and truly, till you have brought these Brethren with their followers to a better unity, we shall never think you guilty of any great Piety, what ever your pretences be. Besides (by the way) you may observe and s●e, that Henry Burton himself doth not very well approve of your Parliamentary proceedings, and less cause have we to like well of them; I wonder how the best of you all will answer this; you all take Henry Burton for a very honest man; one he is that hath suffered much for the Cause, and was up to the ears in the business as well as Prynne, and in your grave judgements as worthy as he, of the greatest Triumph that ever was permitted by a Court of Parliament to fellows of such demerit since the world began; one that is deeply gone in the way of perfection, yea, so far, that I hope you will think it impossible that he should slide back or fall away, specially in these times of new Light and Revelation: And further too, himself affirmeth before all the world in his said Book (whether you take notice of it or no, I cannot tell, but if you do not, you are much to blame) that he was out for the State (that is, for you the Parliament) 4 or 500 l. this was year 1644. (it seems the Bishops had not left him so poor as you leave your prisoners, or else he had thrived well since, that he could spare so much,) yea, and he professes too, that he did it with a cheerful heart, not for squinteyed respects, to lay out so much at once to receive of the State so much Annuity, (as it seems some provident men do:) No, what he did was out of pure and perfect love to you; therefore no man can think that he speaks any thing of you out of malice or disaffection; but only out of truth and singleness; and yet you see, he dares not trust his soul with you, as you are a Parliament; he reports of you as of persons to be suspected, notwithstanding your Memberships: And how you will ever be able to acquit yourselves in this business, I know not. But again, as there is no unity in your Piety or Religion, 2. & 3. so neither is there any truth or goodness in it; 'tis neither vera nor bona; and therefore you cannot be such holy persons as you would be accounted; you entitle God indeed to your doings; but this is no argument of godliness, unless your Actions were more godly, you mind not to approve yourselves like him, but desire that he should be thought like you; you would have us conceive you to be great with God, but we perceive you either will not or dare not trust him; and this makes us believe that you are not very inward with him; let your own Consciences speak, do you not confide more in the Militia of the Kingdom than you do in his strength and providence for protection and preservation? why else do you keep such a racket, to have the management of that out of his hands wherein God hath placed it? did you live by Faith as the just and righteous do, you could not possibly be so eager after the arm of flesh; the true Church of Christ was never in more security, then when she had least of that to trust to. I have heard it affirmed by a learned and peaceable * I wish all his brethren of that Church were but men of his temper and spirit. Minister of the Protestant Church of France, that they of their Religion never lived so safely and so comfortably before, as they have done since they were disarmed of their weapons, which they were at the end of their last war, which he called a Rebellion. But with you, all the strength and promises of God it seems are nothing, unless you have somewhat that is sensible to trust unto; O if you knew God, and were religious indeed, you would be of another mind, for they that know thy Name will trust in thee, says the Psalmist. Nay, we read in Scripture of haters of God, that should come in the last times, who should have a form of Godliness 2 Tim. 3. 4, 5. notwithstanding; we fear you are rather of that number, and that you hate God for his word sake, because therein he so plainly opposeth those ways of Rebellion, cruelty, oppression, and injustice, which you walk in, and commandeth so strictly those things which (as it appears) you have resolved against, and for his sake you hate all that belongs unto him, his Church which you have destroyed, his Prophets whom you have persecuted, his Service which you have abolished, his Temples which you have defiled, and his Anointed whom you have vilified, because in meekness, gentleness, mercy, patience, and goodness, he is so like unto him; and are these marks of true Piety? not they that commend themselves, but whom their works commend, and whom God commends, are and shall be the only approved persons. I dare boldly affirm, (and I call your own Consciences to witness it with me) that Kingly Majesty was never so blasphemed, and exposed to vulgar contempt as it hath been since you sat; nor was the dignity of Parliament, which (next to the King's honour) ought by all true Englishmen to be held as sacred, so abused as it hath been by you, who have used its venerable name to countenance all your evil and illegal actions against your Sovereign and his Subjects, and have made that High and Supreme Court (as the Pharisees of old did God's House) no better than a very den of Thiefs; and I am confident if Jesus Christ my Master were here, he would tell you so to your faces, and bestow as many woes upon you as he did upon your Brethren in those days, who (like you) did pretend so much to Piety when they had so little of it. You take to yourselves the Title of the Lords Worthies, forsooth, but good names do not always prove good men; Titles without truth serve but to enhance and disexcuse damnation: you call the war on your side Sacrum, (so was the Pope wont to call his) though it be both against Law and Religion: your League and Covenant you style Holy, (as was that in France when time was) though like that, it be to root out Protestant Profession and the King; your Armies you entitle the Armies of God, as the disobedient Barons in King John's time did theirs, and your work you call opus Domini, the Lords work, and the Lords cause, though such as the Lord abhorreth and detesteth; thus bold are you with the Almighty, as if he were such another as yourselves; but is this true Godliness? it will not be so found at the great day; you talk much of Conscience, but doth this alone prove you have any? do not many men use to plead Conscience, when through passion or opinion they pursue a cause with greater heat than themselves can give, or others discern a reason for? your Consciences scruple, as you would have us think, at a gesture or a Garment in God's Service: but they are secure in Actions of killing, robbing, rebelling, and breaking all Laws of private interest and Sovereign Power; we see you are resolute in blood and rapine, and can even scorn at those that make Conscience at such crimes: you talk of men's having Authority from God's word for what they do, and yet practise yourselves things above measure sinful, as if they were necessary duties, and are able to show no Scripture at all for the same; we are posed we confess at your Piety, we can see no dram of goodness in your doings, and therefore must conclude there is as little in yourselves: Policy we confess, we see great store 1 King 12. 25 etc. in you; even such as was in Jeroboam that son of Nebat who made Israel to sin: for to prevent the people's return to their Loyalty, (whom himself had drawn into Rebellion,) he altered the established way and manner of worshipping God, which he knew would have reduced them to their right obedience, ver. 27. Jeroboam said in his heart, if this people go up to do sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall the hearts of this people turn again unto their Lord, even unto Rehoboam King of Judah, and they shall kill me: And hereupon he sets forth a * And for the people's willing obedience to the same, it was, that they were so oppressed & broken in judgement, and had God's curse like a moth or rottenness seizing upon them, witness the Prophet, Hos. 5. 11. 12. Directory or new way of serving God, and persuades the people, that other places were as fit for that purpose as the Temple or Church itself: yea and vers. 31. He made Priests of the lowest of the people which were not of the Sons of Levi; and Chap. 13. 33, 34. Whosoever would, he consecrated him, and he became one of their Priests; which thing. (saith the Text) became sin to the house of Jeroboam, even to cut it from off the face of the earth. Truly Sirs, 'tis too evident to all men that your Piety hath run in the very same Channel, after Jeroboams example, you have made England to sin; look you to the consequent. We confess also you have as much Religion and Piety as Absalon had, enough to vizard over for the while your cursed Design, till you had supplanted your Sovereign, stole away the hearts of his people from him, insinuated into them a suspicion of his truth and justice, persuaded them to accept of you to be Judges in his place, wherein you have received as many complaints, and relieved as few as ever Absalon did. In brief, such hath been your godliness and humility, that you have declared the King to have failed in his Trust, and Voted the Royal Power to be in yourselves; yea, a power more than Royal, even to subvert all Laws, which because the King approves not of, you have drawn his own sword against him, and pursued him as eagerly on all advantages, as ever Absalon did his Father, while he in the mean time (David-like) hath pitied you, and was unwilling to spill your blood; surely, if there were nothing else then your unnatural violence against your Sovereign in all your ways, opposed to his mercy towards you, in the height of injury, it were abundantly sufficient to discover to all the world that little true Piety that is in you: But if to this we add also the consideration of that superlative cruelty towards your brethren, we are confident that no tongue touched with Christianity, will dare to speak one word in your commendations: Your proceedings against them, speak you to be of the Tyrant Maxentius mind, that the blood of Christians is the best Sacrifice to God; and of a like Religion with the Assassins among the mahometans, who deem it Sovereign devotion, purity of manners, and the readiest way to Paradise, for to kill those of a differing opinion to themselves; and of the same faith with the Donatists of old, who held none to be God's children, but themselves, and made it both their position and their practice, occidere quenquam, qui contra eos fecerit; to kill and make away whoever durst oppose their doings, or was conceived to be any hindrance to their growing Faction: But what warrant you have for these things we know not; sure we are, you have none from the Old or New Testament delivered by the Prophets and Apostles from God to the Church: what to this purpose will be found in your new * As the Remists among the Papists, did set out a false and corrupt Translation of Scripture, with Notes of their own upon it to make it speak for them; so some here (as is said) are in hand with a like work, in the behalf of their Faction. Bible, which (as reports goes) you are about to set forth, we cannot yet tell, nor can we imagine how you will escape that threatening of God, Bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days; God accounteth man's blood so precious a thing, (though you have set a low rate upon it,) that he requires the unjust spilling of it, from the unreasonable creature; and would not allow the known Murderer the Sanctuary of his Altar: Therefore we are confident, that when he maketh inquisition for blood, he will remember you to your smart and sorrow, for all your Piety; and will call you to an account for that, and all your other evils, with so much greater severity, as Conscience hath been pretended to such high and open violations of Sanctity and Holiness. In a word, your Piety is an enemy to Truth, for it persecuteth that; 'tis an adversary to Peace, for it opposeth that; 'tis a foe to Order, for it hath pulled down that; it will allow of no Bishop, no King; like that of the Pope, it must be above all; or that of Lucifer, it will admit of no Superior; it hath not only defiled the whole Land with blood, but the whole blood of the Land with Treason; for scarce a Family throughout the whole Nation, but some one or other of it has been drawn by you into this Conspiracy; insomuch that Norfolk I fear can no longer boast of her 100 Houses of Gentlemen never yet attainted; Cheshire I am sure by your means, has lost for ever her ancient glory; which was, that it was never stained with the blot of Rebellion, but always stood true to their King and to his Crown; whose Loyalty Richard the second, so far found and esteemed, that he held his Person most safe amongst them, and by Authority of Parliament, made that County (for this cause) a Principality, styling himself Prince thereof; doubtless when these things come to be considered upon in after-Ages, most odious will your names be to succeeding generations. To conclude, your piety hath merited for you those Titles which S. Paul bestows upon Elimas' the Sorcerer, Act. 13. 10. and it being attended with so much knowledge, I fear it hath advanced you to that high pitch, which those Pharisees in Christ's time were ascended to, whom our Saviour intimateth to have committed that sin which should never be pardoned in this world, nor in that to come; and so it hath made you capable to be given over ad Hospitalium incurabilium (as Erasmus speaks.) But my prayer for you is and shall be, as Peter prayed for Simon Magus, Act. 8. 22. that if it be possible you may be pardoned, and that the wickedness of your hearts and ways may be forgiven you. And to this purpose I desire you all who like them Mat. 21. 45. do conceive yourselves concerned in these my words, that you would but consider of this short advice which I shall propound unto you, and then say Amen to a short Collect which I shall make for you. My advice is this, that (upon your serious thoughts of these things which (as God's Minister) I have said unto you,) you would remember what poor worms, what Grasshoppers, what grains of dust yourselves are, in compare with that great God whom you oppose, (by your endeavours to pull down his Anointed, the King, and his Spouse the Church,) and whose eternal curse hangs over your heads, which together with the odium of the whole Nation will o'erwhelm you speedily, if you do not by your more speedy and unfeigned Repentance prevent the same: And thereupon cast down your lofty looks and stout hearts, lay aside your high stomachs, and in an humble selfe-denying way throw yourselves down at the feet of your Sovereign; yea, if it be in the habit and posture of those men, of whom you may read, 1 King. 20. 32. it will be so much the better: for believe it, you have far more reason to do it in that manner to your King, than those Syrians had to do so to the King of Israel; and resolve with yourselves, that if your lives be granted, you will spend the remainder of them solitarily in practising the duties of Penitentiaries; this is mine advice to you, which by God's grace may prevent Hell, if embraced by you; my Prayer follows in these words: O omnipotent and Almighty God, to whom nothing is impossible, be thou pleased to magnify thy power, and thy mercy in converting these men; bring them upon their knees, (good Lord) before thee, before their Sovereign and before the Nation, and persuade their proud and rebellious spirits, to beg pardon of all for their evils done, and to beseech the supplications of the whole Church and Kingdom unto thee for themselves; and to this end let them feel that Hell which is in their own bosoms; let the blood which they have shed cry, and the evils they have committed roar within them; let them seriously think of those devouring flames, of those everlasting burnings, upon the worm that never dieth, and upon the fire that never shall be quenched; as their sins have abounded towards thee▪ so let (dear God) thy grace be more abounding towards them; it will be to the greater glory of thy goodness at the great day, to have pardoned such great sinners as these be, when every Saint shall extol thy mercy to his own particular self, if they shall come forth among the rest and say, but to us, to us, God hath been more merciful then to all others, in his forgiving us more and greater evils. O remember (holy Father) thy Son came into the world to save chief sinners, and these are such, and his blood is able to wash away the deepest stains, even those of these men; therefore for his sake grant pardon if possible, unto these bloody and rebellious persons. Amen. And thus Gentlemen I have as Christ's Messenger, discharged mine office to you, in telling you plainly of your transgressions; I thought, though perhaps others may not be of my mind, this time of your height and greatness to be fittest for this performance; for if not now, I know not when had been the season; when your night which is drawing on hath overtook you, and brought you under hatches, into bonds and prisons; it will not be then so proper for a man of my condition, to torment you further with the remembrance of these things: and the truth is, I am not base enough to act Prynnes part, or to visit you, as some of your Ministers did the Bishop of Canterbury in the Tower, to triumph and insult over him in his miseries: I abhor to set my foot upon the neck of a fallen foe, to widen wounds, or to greaten sorrows: I bless my God, I can look upon mine enemy in his affliction with an eye of pity, and weep for him; yea, and I hope when that day of darkness comes upon you, to be one of those that shall endeavour to bring balm from Gilead to you: and indeed if God would but please, after all my sufferings at your hands, to vouchsafe me but that honour, I should conclude it were enough for a poor mortal, and should say upon it with that Simeon in the Gospel, Lord now let thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation; thy rich, thy great, thy plenteous salvation unto thy people that wait for thee; and so till then, Gentlemen, Adieu. SECT. XXIX. A consolatory Speech to the Loyall-hearted, that suffer for Conscience sake in these times: Arguments to assure them of God's help in due time. 4 Marks to know the approach of that time: How they are to demean themselves in the mean time, living, and dying. I Have now but a word more to add, and that shall be to those Loyal men, who for Conscience and duty sake, have adhered to their Sovereign, and kept themselves unspotted from this sin, which like the Arian Heresy hath so suddenly o'erspread the whole Nation, and for this cause have been persecuted and hated by these evil men, who have also deprived them of all their outward comforts: And what shall I now say unto you, (most worthy and approved?) shall I bewail your sad condition, or lament over you for the wrongs suffered? this would be an endeavouring to bring you lower than you are, to draw you down to baseness, to weaken your spirits, and to expose you to be more despised, and so to do you a greater injury than hath yet been done you; for Pity is the poorest and most helpless salve of misery, and by noble minds far more abhorred then the worst of fortune: Away therefore with such feminine and feeble Cordials, which women use, and children relish; let me tell you, that you are more than men, you are Christians chose out of many by Almighty God, to suffer for his sake; to be in your Age the glory of Religion, and the honour of your Nation: you are no chaff, the wind hath not blown you away, nor can the flail hurt you, as they fancy that afflict you; they think they rob you, in taking from you what God gave you; but they think amiss; for he can make them vomit up again that wealth of yours which they have swallowed, or can return it in specie another way; all the substance and riches of the Earth are at his disposing, who observes and notes who they are, that lose all for his sake; at least doubtless, he will and doth repay outward losses with inward graces: And be confident of it, the more damage and affliction God's truth brings you, the more felicity and joy abideth for you; 'tis God's cause for which you stand, 'tis the honour of the 5. Commandment which you maintain, as the Martyrs in Queen Mary's days did of the second; and hence 'tis that you are spoiled, and have your lives sought after; but what an high dignity is it, in the mean time, which God hath here called you to? It was the confession of blessed Mr. Bradford in a case of like nature, that himself had deserved the miseries he lay under at God's hand, and not only them, but even Hell too; notwithstanding (says he) so loving hath God been, that he hath converted the punishment of my sins into a testimonial of his truth and verity, which indeed the Prelates persecute in me, and not my sins; and therefore they persecute not me, but Christ in me, who I doubt not but will take my part unto the end; put but Parliament instead of Prelates, and the words may be your own without alteration of a syllable. So Bishop Hooper in those days, being at the stake appeals to God in these words; ' 'tis known to thee O Lord, wherefore I am come hither, and why the wicked do persecute thy servant, not for my sins and transgressions committed against thee, but because I will not allow of their wicked doings, to the contaminating of thy blood, and the denial of thy truth received; each of you in your condition may make a like appeal, and also add what another Martyr said, in the behalf of himself and others, If we would but seek to please men in things contrary to thy holy Word, we might (as others do) enjoy the Commodities of Wife, Children, Goods, and Friends. Besides, 'tis not for God's truth only, that your engagement is; but for your Country too, & dulce est pro patria mori, it hath at least, in old time been so accounted; nay, what good man can wish life to see his Country buried? vitae nimis est avidus, quisquis non vult mundo secum pereunte mori, says wise Seneca, they are over greedy to live, that think it not an honour to die at the funeral Celebration of Church and Kingdom, which to the eye of over-timerous and doubting nature, may seem perhaps to be near approaching. And were it so, that a general destruction should come, yet how happy shall you be above those other men, who having first made shipwreck of a good conscience, are forced afterward to lose all things else. But our duty is, both to hope and pray for better; for God is now the same he was of old, as gracious still as ever, nor must we as many do, trouble ourselves with God's Decree, and grow dull upon it; for himself says, if the same at any Jer. 18. 7. 8. time be gone forth for the plucking up or pulling down a Nation or Kingdom, an Humiliation or turning from sin, shall suspend the execution; so did that of Ninive in like case, and that of Hezekiah when word was brought him that he should die; 'tis God's custom, to Moses-like) may stand in the gap upon such occasions; he had spared Sodom Ezek. 22 30. itself, had there been but ten righteous in that City; his bowels are no whit contracted in these Gospel-times, and there are no doubt many thousands in this Land whom himself is pleased to account righteous. Nor doth God regulate his dealings by what is in us, but by what is in himself, and there is mercy in him, though no merit in us; Christ is full of righteousness, though we be full of sin; Holiness and Truth are in God's nature and promise, though there be nothing but corruption in our nature and practice; and for mine own Name sake (saith the Lord) I will defer Esa. 48. 9 11. mine anger, and for my praise will I refrain from thee, that I cut thee not off; and again, the second and third time, Ezek. 36. 12. for mine own sake, even for mine own sake will I do it; and in another place, not for your sakes be it known unto you, will I do this, but for mine own holy Name sake: this Name of God is that strong hold which Zachariah, the Prophet directs Zach. 9 12. unto, in times of danger; and that Tower whereunto the righteous Prov. 18. ●0. fly and are safe, as Solomon tells us. But then though ourselves indeed be as nothing in this case, yet our miseries (which are great upon us) may be said to have an influence upon God's pity to stir him towards us; for the oppression of the poor and sighing of the needy, I will Psal. 12. 5 arise (saith the Lord) and will set him in safety from him that puffeth at him; And again, because they have called thee an Jer. 30. 17. outcast, I * God calleth himself the gatherer of the outcasts, Esay 56. 8. will restore health unto thee, and heal thy wound; thus have they called us, thus have they made us, and that for God's name sake, which makes the more for us; yea, and yet they give God thanks for their success against us, as if he approved of their injuries to us, and this is further also to our advantage, as the Spirit tells us in the Prophet, Your Brethren that hated Esay. 66. 5. you and cast you out, for my name sake, said, let the Lord be glorified, but he shall appear to your joy, and they shall be ashamed, as if he had said, the sooner for that. And to assure us of this, we have a further argument yet, scil. the engagement of his Gospel with us, which is as deeply interessed in our sufferings as we ourselves are, and doth as equally need deliverance; yea, that is likely to abide under disgrace and obloquy, if the cause we are persecuted for, be not supported; nay, if our enemies meet not with Confusion in their way, Christ's whole life and carriage as well as his Doctrine will fall under suspicion and condemnation by their prevailing; 'tis well known that his name is pretended in all their proud, rebellious, butcherly opinions and proceedings, as if he had given some precept or example for such doctrines and doings; and had discountenanced that low way of humility, obedience, meekness, and love to Brethren, yea, to enemies, which we maintain and suffer for: But Christ's Gospel is his glory; 'tis his word which he is resolved to magnify above all things; and Mat. 28. 18. to vindicate the Honour of that, his Father (to whom he cannot be unfaithful) hath committed all Authority and power into his hand; wherefore we need not fear, though we are now down, we shall rise again; though we sit in darkness, yet the Lord Mich. 7. 8. etc. shall be a light unto us; he will plead our cause, he shall execute Judgement for us. Yea, and that for his Justice sake also, for Christ is King still, for all this, and Judge of all the earth, and his office is, to help them to right that suffer wrong, to punish ill doers: yea, his delights are to confound the crafty, and to throw down the proud and lofty: Blood guiltiness he hareth; how was Cain branded for it, and cursed? How were Simeon and Levi in Gen. 4. 11. etc. their posterity scattered, but for one bloody act in heat and Gen 49. 6. anger? they had not yet arrived at, studied or reiterated murder. Rebellion he abhorreth, and rather than that shall go unpunished, God will create a new thing, the earth shall Num. 16. 30. 31. open her mouth, and swallow up Corah and his Companions, 2 Sam. 17. 23. if Moses cannot master them: and rather than Absalon and 2 Sam. 18. 9 Achitophel shall scape their due demerits, the one shall hang himself, and his hair the other; let David do his best to save his son's life, he shall not have his will; for God is King above him, and hath decreed that Justice shall be done upon all Traitors: Treachery and falsehood his soul loatheth, and therefore hath ordained, it shall cut its own throat, rather than want an Executioner, and be the cause of its own ruin; in deed what was never true in itself, cannot be long true unto itself: Ephraim and Manasseh may be both against Judah, Esa. 9 21 but before they have done, they will be as much against each other; nay, rather than fail, Egyptian shall be against Egyptian, Esa. 19 2. falsehood will find enemies amongst those of its own House and herd; there may be a Conspiracy in it, but no true concord; for 'tis only righteousness and peace that can kiss each other: The strongest firebrands in ill, are like the firebrands of Sampsons' Judg. 15. 4. Foxes, knit but in the tails, not heads, nor hearts; how sure in the end are they to burn their own knots asunder? No Confederacy (says God) nor Association without me shall stand; take Council together it shall come to nought; and gird yourselves Esa. 8. 9 10. etc. as strongly as you can, you shall without fail be broken in pieces; the zeal and justice of the Lord of Hosts will bring this to pass for us. He hath done the like for his people in times past, and he will not leave his ancient custom, which may bring to our thoughts another Argument of assurance. It hath been God's wont when he hath beat his child, to burn the rod; Babylon the Hammer of the whole earth, was at Jer. 50. 23. length broken. Ashurs' glory and greatness, though some Esa 13. & 14. c. years in growing, was consumed in a moment; the rod of God's anger is also the object of his indignation; the instruments of his Esay 10. 5. judgement scape not his fury, the dregs of the cup fall out to be their portion, I will take the dregs of the cup of my fury out Esay 51. 22 23. of thy hand (saith the Lord to his people, with whom he had begun) and will put it into the hand of them that afflict thee, and have said to thy soul, bow down that we may go over; The Psal. 125. 3. rod of the wicked may be upon the back of the righteous, but it shall not rest there, namely for ever. But perhaps you'll say, when will God do this? How long? How long shall we stay before we have experience of it? Himself says, after a little while mine indignation shall cease towards Es. 10. 25. thee, and mine anger shall end in their destruction. God doth all things in due time, he gives rain to the earth, food to man and fury to his enemies, and all in due serson; to me belongeth vengeance and recompense (saith the Lord) their foot shall slide Deut. 32. 35. in due time, for the day of their calamity is at hand, and the things that shall come upon them make haste; every thing is most beautiful in its season, and a work of this nature is then in season, and most beautiful, when God's hand is so clearly seen in it, that all men may confess and say, verily it was his doing. But what are the signs of that season? I'll name four, and so leave you, 1. When Humane helps are gone, and no power left among men; no reserve of succour to be looked for at their hand from whence formerly it was wont to come; no second causes to be seen, then will God arise and judge for us: so we are told, Deut. 32. 36. The Lord shall judge for his people, and repent himself for his servants when he sees their power is gone, and trere is none shut up or left; and therefore we are advised in another place, Esay 50. 10. when we are in darkness and see no light, then to trust in the Name of the Lord, and to stay ourselves upon our God David 1 Sam. 30. 6. did so▪ and found the comfort of it, 1 Sam. 30. ●. etc. God's use is, not to reach out his hand, till Peter be almost sunk, but then he fails not. 2. When the wicked that pretended to us, but were not of us, are scattered, and destroyed, when they that envied at us, maliced us, and abused us, because we durst not be so vile as they, to run with them into the like excess of riot, but were more affected than they would be with our King's sorrows, and Gods judgements upon our Nation: when these (I say) are come to nothing, and so likely to have no part of the glory of the work, when done; then will God himself appear for us; and this is intimated to us (as was noted once before) in Esay 26. where Esay 26. 11. 13. speaking of such a profane and wicked crew, who when God's hand was lifted up in judgement, would not see it, nay, they maliced and envye●, as it seems, those that did see it, and laid it to heart; but the fire of thine enemies, O God, shall devour them for it, says the Prophet: i. e. rage shall continue powerful even in their hands whom thou hatest, till those other wretches are consumed, or blown to nothing, and then it follows, O Lord, thou wilt ordain peace for us, yea, thou shalt then work all our works for us. 3. When the sin of the enemy is high, and himself higher in his own opinion then ere before; when he puffeth at his opposites, as too far below him for to reach him, and promising himself security, thinks the work done, dares affront God, his Word, his Name and Glory, and profane what ever hath his mark upon it, then will the Lord rouse up himself against him; It is Psal. 119. 126. time for thee Lord to work; for they have made void thy Law, says Dan. 5. 3. 5. David. When Balthasar was bold with those Vessels appointed to holy use, the hand-writing appeared against him: when Rabshakeh and his Master were so bold with God's name, as to entitle that to their villainies, the Lord put an Hook into their noses, Es. 36. & 37. ca and a bridle into their lips soon after: when the proud Philistine disdained David's littleness, his own ruin was nigh at hand: when those Amalekites that took Ziglag, were eating and drinking, 1 Sam. 17. and dividing the spoils, and dancing for joy of their great booties, they lost all again upon the sudden, and their lives withal: and the Apostle speaks it positively of all ungodly and self-promising men, that when they shall say peace and safety, 1 Thess. 5. 2. then sudden destruction cometh on them, as travail upon a woman with child, which they shall not escape; yea, the day of the Lord shall come upon them, as a Thief in the night, suddenly, unexpectedly, when they are at rest, and look for quiet. 4. When the stomachs of God's afflicted people be down, and Es. 10. 6. 12. they not only made like mire in the streets, but contented with it, in as much as they see God's hand in it: Behold (says the Esay 5. 21. 23 Lord) I have taken the cup of trembling out of thy hand, and thou shalt no more drink of it, but I will put it into the hand of them that afflict thee, and they shall drink of the dregs thereof, even they which have said to thy soul bow down, that we may go over, and thou hast laid thy body as the ground, as the street to them that went over; when the people of this Land have been content to bow their backs so low as under the name of Delinquents, meekly and patiently to buy over at the hands of the Rebels those Lands and Inheritances left them by their Fathers, then may the Lord make good his word unto the peeled and oppressed people of this woeful Nation. In a word, as when the wise Parent hath brought his child to kiss the rod, than he gives over beating him and burns that; so perhaps will God deal with us, beat us with the rod till he hath brought us for to kiss it; and this we do, when with appeased spirits we can supplicate him to pardon them that have thus abused us; when we have laid aside all thoughts of revenge towards them, all purposes of crying quit for quit with them, if God restore us and bring them into our condition. Wherefore friends and fellow-sufferers, we now see what we are to do, even to resolve by God's grace, if we live and thrive, not to do to them as they have done to us; but to return rather good for evil, for thus it becomes us to do, as we are Christ's members, nos pati poenas decet, non esse poenas, we must be ambitious to be conditioned in this case, like that good Archbishop Cranmer, of whom it was said, Do my Lord of Canterbury a shrewd turn, and you shall have him your friend ever after; but of all people, we must take heed of being like our enemies, of whom it may be said on the contrary, Do them a good turn, and you shall have them your enemies ever after; their custom you know hath been, when we have fallen into their power, to interpret the same to be by God's providence, to the end that they might torment, mischief, and abuse us, which they, or some of them have not failed to do in full measure; and when they on the other side have fallen into ours, and fared well, to insult thereupon, and say, no thank to us therefore, for we would fain have done them hurt, but God would not suffer us, but restrained us, by holding our hands whether we would or no, and delivered them from us, to the end they may do God service in punishing us afterward, if they can but get us: Now perhaps they may be of the same opinion still, when hereafter they shall be at our mercy; but we must look to God and not to them, remembering always though they deserve no favour from us, yet God deserves to be obeyed by us, and for his sake we must show mercy: we Gen. 50. 15. have heard of joseph's kindness to his brethren, that had evil thoughts to himward, we must resolve to do like him, and if the conditions of Joseph be in our carriage, the blessing of Joseph shall be our portion; this must be our resolution if we live. And if we die, by their despightful hands, before God doth turn the wheel upon them, we must resolve to conclude our days as Christ our Saviour did, with prayers in our mouths for them, which it may be (through Gods working) may have a like effect after our death, as Christ's had, to the conversion of some of them; the conversion of those 3000. Act. 2. is held to be a fruit of Christ's prayer upon the Cross; and Saul's conversion, of Stephen's prayer at his death; so who knows, but our meekness, our patience, and our prayers at such a time, may be effectual to a like purpose? even to draw some of our persecuting Countrymen from their bloody and rebellious way, into the paths of Christ and of his Gospel; yea, whether we live or die, if we can do Christ and the King service no other way, let us resolve and endeavour to pray down their and our enemies by praying for them: And by all means while breath is in us, let's have a care so to live, as we may still credit our righteous cause, and as becometh those that are designed to slaughter for Jesus sake, and for the Doctrine Act. 2. & 3. cap. which he left us; Holy blood (believe it) will prove of harder digestion to them, then profane; that they had killed the holy and the just one, was that which afterward pierced the hearts of these men's elder Brethren when time was; I say no more: But, the Lord strengthen and guide us all in our Christian and Loyal way by his grace and spirit; that though we be a people robbed, spoiled, snared in holes, hid in prison-houses, driven to banishment, and exposed for a prey; yet we may walk before our God in all humility and wellpleasing, to the restauration of his Gospels' honour, the inward comfort of our own spirits in the midst of miseries, and to the conviction and shame of our unnatural Countrymen, who seek to take away our lives also from us. Soli Deo Gloria. Amen, Amen. May 26. 1646. A POSTSCRIPT to the READER. THis Book was prepared (as now you have it) and might have seen the light, within less than the compass of that year, wherein the Libel (which it Answers) was first published, had there been at hand the convenience of a Press, and strength to bring forth: But 'tis no small advantage, which the enemies have, against Truth and the King, that with them is both liberty and ability to vent what they please, whereas with us is neither: Had we but half the like helps, encouragements, and powers, which they have had, the world should see that the King hath Subjects, and the Truth Defenders. There hath been a further alteration of Affairs (to the worse on the King's side, since this Book was written (as may be collected from many passages therein:) and divers particulars concerning the enemy's deportment, here expressed, have so fallen out, as foreshewn (for indeed 'tis no difficult matter, for any man acquainted with their spirits to fore-speak their doings:) Had there appeared any change in them to the better; nay, had their growth but promised a probability of more Christianity and duty, in their future, then hath been in their past Actions, or then was here prognosticated of them, this publication perhaps, (having been thus delayed) had been still suspended; though in very deed, there is no reason, why for such a cause it should have been quite stifled; seeing that their Libel (which it confuteth) is divulged, printed, reprinted, and still sold, to the Kings darkening and defamation: Besides many other scandalous and vile Pamphlets have been and are daily sent forth on purpose, to damp his Lustre, and to stain his Glory; yea, and translated too they are, into other Languages, that he might appear deformed and spotted to the eye of Foreign Nations; which because they have not been Answered with a like industry on our parts, Strangers have thought, yea, and affirmed, that nothing could be said for him, because nothing was; (scil. to their capacity,) we have (say they) read in our own languages many Books against him, but none in his behealfe; it must be acknowledged in very deed, that this way the enemies have been more diligent in defaming, than we have been in defending the King; though in our own tongue there hath been abundance written in his justification and to their detection. The Protestants of other Countries unto whom the King's bosom was always open in their distress, towards whom his bowels always yerned, and for whose relief his commands went often forth, to all Churches in his Kingdoms to make Collections; how have they (at least too many of them) by means of those industrious Lies and Libels, opened their mouths and stretched forth their tongues against him? And how are we (that suffer with him and for him, or rather for the Truth maintained by him) esteemed of, in our banishment amongst them? are we any other but objects of scorn and taunting to them? 'twas our delight (but 'twas our duty, and our work is with the Lord) to obey God and him in contributing to their necessities in the day of their visitation; but they take pleasure in this of ours to wound our very wounds, and to enlarge our sorrows, yea, every way to help forward our affliction; at what a distance have they looked upon us, because the hand of God is out against us? what bitter words have they darted at us, and which is to our great grief, against the Sacred Person of our Sovereign? with what violence and confidence do they ignorantly undertake to justify the false reports of his enemies against him? Nay, how is our Church itself. (the late glory of Christendom, and of the whole Earth) despised and slighted by them, in this time of our persecution? The Papists on the one side, scoffingly ask us, where is now your God? where is your Church become? you may now freely boast of its Invisibility (if you please) you have a ground for it, etc. And our Brethren on the other side, (that outwardly profess the same Faith with us, and from whom we expected better) they act Edom's part as reproachfully upon us; crying out against our Church, and the Government thereof, down with it, down with it, even to the ground; For they (the Protestants of France in special) are willingly persuaded, by those Letters and Pamphlets sent them out of England, that the Professors of the true Religion here (before this Parliament begun) were kept in a like underly condition, as themselves are in their own Country; though those French Congregations allowed in England might in their gratitude to our King, have given them a better and more true information, had they so pleased; But upon this conceit they in France apprehend this War here against the King, to be undertaken only to recover Liberty to worship God in the right manner; that is to say, after the French Mode or Discipline (as they think at least, and are made to believe) and most people loving their own ways and fashions best, (though less perfect than their neighbours) cannot but wish good luck to all such as are stooping towards them and rejoice for them; though we believe it would be wisdom in them to beware that their Jubilation at the prevailing of the English Rebels, doth not work a jealousy and suspicion against themselves in the hearts of their own Princes; our prayers are and shall be that God would not lay their inhumanities' against us to their charges; we know the Lord was sore displeased at the Heathen, for their unkindness Zach. 1. 14. to his people in their affliction; and we believe he cannot be well pleased to see Christians so conditioned; O Obad. 12. says God to Edom; Thou shouldst not have looked with pleasures on the day of thy Brother, in the day that he became a stranger, neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the Children of Judah, in the day of their destruction, neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress. That speech of God to Moab is worthy the observation of all that are at ease, when other Nations are in trouble; Take Council and be well advised, let mine outcasts Esay 16. 3. dwell with thee Moab, make thy shadow as the night, in the midst of the noonday; be thou a Covert to them, from the face of the spoiler hide them, and bewray not him that wandereth. But Moab cast these words behind her, and was so far from comforting the distressed Israelites, that she derived at them in their banishment, Jer. 48. 27. and skipped for joy to see them miserable; and therefore within three years after, Moabs' own self was in as woeful and deplorable a condition, which (as appears by the two Prophets) Read Esa. 16. and Jer. 48. was laid upon her for a punishment of that her unkindness; Had she afforded shelter, she had not herself (at least so soon) been put to seek it, Deus fratribus nostris (Ecclesiae Gallicanae praesertim) avertat omen. But probably these sins of our Brethren of other Churches, will in a great measure be imputed partly to the malice of our enemies: for empoisoning their minds by their Lies and Pamphlets, and partly to our negligence (if it may be so called) who have not been as equally active, in giving them the true information of things in their own Language from the beginning. Wherefore I wish that now at length, all those who love the Truth, and are acquainted with our English Affairs, and have a skill in foreign Languages, would consider seriously of this particular; and as they are Christians, not permit those, for whom Christ died, thus to perish in their Errors for want of knowledge; Thou shalt in any wise (saith the Lord) rebuke thy brother Leu. 19 17. (when faulty or misled) and not suffer sin upon him; yea, I would desire all Loyal Englishmen to whom God hath given the tongue and pen of the Learned, that they would employ their Talents at this time this way, in the vindicating of Truth, and the King, and so manifest their bowels of compassion towards their dear and native Country; for undoubtedly so long as our Sovereign's name lies thus imprisoned under obloquy, we his people and the whole Nation shall lie burdened under misery; (never since the birth of that grand scandalous Remonstrance, (which as an usher made way to all the reproachful Libels and Sermons, that have been vented since) did this Kingdom enjoy one day of felicity:) The Prince's Honour is the Subjects glory, and so ought to be esteemed; 'tis that Majesty, that beam of Divinity which God hath stamped upon Him, and commanded us to maintain and reverence in Him; 'tis to be regarded by us above ten thousands of us; yea certainly, he that prefers not the advancement and illustration of it, before his own pofits and safety and all he hath, deserves not the name of the King's friend, of a Loyal Subject, nor of a good Christian. Many think and say, that writing will do no good, enough is writ already; for people are given up to believe lies, they are willingly deceived, and even hardened against the knowledge of the truth. Perhaps all are not, but were they so, how came they into this condition? was it not by those untruths which have been Published and Preached to them? Surely, by defaming the King these mischiefs have been raised, this Rebellion against him hath been woven up; is it not therefore the more probable, that the same may be unreaven again by a full Vindication of the King's name, and a frequent ditection of these evil workers? What is not effected at first, may be done at last, and by others, which is not by some, In the morning sow thy seed, and in the Eccles. 11. 6. evening hold not thy hand, thou knowest not whether may prosper, this or that; if we persevere with meekness to inform the contrary-minded, 2 Tim. 2. 26. God may at length give light and repentance to them: This hath been wont to be God's way, both of converting the ignorant, and confounding the obstinate; and the truth is, we have nothing else now left us, but tongues to pray for our King, and pens to write for him; but the Apostle 2 Cor. 12. 10. tells us, that when we are weakest in ourselves or to outward appearance, then are we strongest, scil. in regard of the nearness of God's blessing; his power is most apparent at such a time, he 1 Cor. 1. 27. chooseth the weakest to confound the mightiest; poor Luther's tongue and pen (when things were in a low condition) did Christ and his Gospel more service against the Pope, than all the swords that have been drawn against him or his Religion have done ever since. Doubtless there be thousands of honest and Religious souls, that in the simplicity of their spirits, are hooked into this black Rebellion, by the craft of others, to whom if the wickedness of the scope, aims, and actions of their leaders were well laid open and proved, they would hate them with a perfect hatred, and rather lose all they have lent them then proceed one foot further in their way with them; Nay, who knows but the greater part of their Soldiers and men of war, (in many of whom (to speak truth) the sparks of Ancient English valour are apparent) if they were at length but well informed, might quickly turn the points of their swords the right way, and so redeem their lost glory? without all question discourses of this nature will be means to rouse up and awaken those truly generous and noble Spirits that have been always loyal and are still alive; to consider more feelingly yet of the condition of their King, of their Country, and of the Royal Progeny, those sweet and heart-conquering Princes (who are all now either in banishment, or in bondage) and thereupon, to enterpize in their behalf, some such high and worthy Acts as may eternize their own names, and convey them with an honourable mention to Posterity. Or however, were we certain of it, (as we are not) that these of this Age on the one side, (who received not the Truth, or 2 Thes. 2. 10. retained not the love thereof, when they had it) are given up to such strong delusions, that they cannot be recovered out of Satan's snare: and those on the other side, were not likely to be quickened by such endeavours; yet our duty is to have respect to after Ages, & to prevent, that the spirits of Posterity be not stained with a false opinion of our King, as doubtless they also are like to be, by those Books and Libels of the enemy conveyed unto them, unless as much or more of ours be left too, to present him in his true character to their knowledge. Without question, we that are now alive shall never scape the censure of succeeding Generations, (viz. to have been too basely sluggish and faint-heared) if such transcendent villainies should be acted in our days against our King, our Religion, and so many of us, and many of us should not be found to have laid open the enemy's baseness to their faces; nay, when they that come after us shall apply themselves to write the History of these our times, how will they be able truly to depaint these superlative Hypocrites in their due colours, if plenty of our Books be not extant to this purpose, to hint the notice of their true conditions. Let no man therefore plead that writing will do no good, as if silence could do more, or had done any; I know indeed that much hath been writ already; more a great deal then hath or may be read; for the enemy hath set forth many threats and orders against such as shall sell or buy the same; and hereupon many are discouraged from writing more. And perhaps too, many have feared to Publish what they have further written, lest they prove obstructers to a desired Peace, and so do damage to the Public, in regard of the enemy's height and greatness; but sure these men know not the spirits of this kind of enemies, with whom we have to do; who are such as will neither know nor own the way of peace, but having made themselves Esay 59 8. crooked ways to walk in, as the Prophet speaks, have no judgement in their goings; their condition is (Satan-like) to triumph most, where least opposed, and to be most vexatious, where they have least occasion; resist the Devil and he will Jam. 4. 7. fly; so hold these at open defiance, let them know you scorn Psal. 15. 4. and contemn them (for all their greatness) as vile persons; set the glass of God's word before their eyes, make them know themselves, and let the World know them, 'tis the only way to make them calmer, and to bring them into order: whereas, say nothing against them, and they'll proclaim, that 'tis because we have nothing to say, and that our consciences tell us they are in the right, and so we are silent against our wills. Surely the best and most Christian charity that can be shown them, is to reach unto them the proper fruit of their own ways to feed upon; for could they be but filled with shame, they might Psal. 83. 16. be brought to seek God: And suppose they turn again and rend us for our love, and use us the worse for our endeavouring to make them better, what new thing shall they do? did not the Pharisees even the same in their dealings with our Saviour? and shall not they by doing so, confirm more fully to the world, that to be true which we have written of them? should they chase us up and down the Kingdom with their bloodhounds to destroy us, would it not become them better, to hunt fleas, then to hunt Kings? nor could it be to the advantage of them at all, or of their cause; but of the truth rather, and of us, if they should prevail against us, even to kill us upon this occasion; that which we maintain is not the first of God's truths, that hath been sealed with blood; some think that every of his commands at one time or other must be so confirmed, and why may not the fifth Commandment at this time, as well as the second was in the days of Queen Mary? to every thing there is an appointed Eccles. 3. 1. season. Whosoever is in the straight and narrow way, must look for oppositions and discouragements; but faith which overcommeth the world, is able to carry through all them; Christ was opposed in all he did, (as much as possible he could be by man;) he met with contradictments in all his intendments and undertakings, even from friends sometimes as well as enemies; Master spare thyself, says Peter to him; the like must we expect Math. 16. 22. if we follow him; but should not this rather evidence the divinity and justice of our way unto our own consciences, then be any case of damping to our spirits? Non nobis nati sumus, 1 Cor. 6. 19 we are not our own, nor must we be men of private spirits, specially in these times; Nay, we must take pains and be content, not to see the fruit of our labours; but that others should reap the benefit of our sowings, when we are gone. After the death of Christ and his Apostles, their Doctrine and Writings did most good in the world; and so perhaps may ours, when we have ceased to be & are no more seen. God hath promised his blessing, first or last to honest endeavours; but we must tarry God's time. Wherefore you (in the first place) to whom God hath given inward abilities, up and be doing with the same, and (be confident) the Lord will be with you; Remember how they that employed 1 Chro. 22. 16. their gifts, had more comfort at the reckoning day, than he had who had hid his talon in a napkin. You, secondly, that have outward strength, be not backward to assist the weak in bringing to light unable births; give none occasion to think or say, those that had or look to have the greatest share in the King's happiness, when the sun shines upon him, are least regardful of his Honour, when the times are dark and cloudy. You, thirdly, that refuse to further or countenance works of this nature, I beseech you also do but disdain to hinder. And you, (lastly) who ere you be, that look for salvation from the Lord, rest yourselves in him, wait patiently for him, fret not because of evil doers, nor be you envious against the workers of iniquity, Isal. 37. 1. 7. for their present prosperity in their way; they shall erelong Vers. 2. be cut down like the grass, and wither as the green herb; be you in Prov. 23. 17. the fear of the Lord all the day long, and be certain your expectation shall not be cut off: He that testifieth these things saith, surely Pro. 24. 19, etc. I come, I come quickly, Amen, even so come Lord Jesus; The Grace Rev. 22. 20, 21. of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all, Amen. The End. The Contents of the chief particulars discoursed of in this Book. PREFACE. The Reasons. 1. Of the Authors undertaking this work, and at this time. 2. Of his special zeal against the sins of this faction, which he opposeth. 3. Of his prayers for their persons. 4. Of his former intentions to conceal his name. Sect. I. OF the supposed Authors of the Libel. Of the Authorizers thereof, and their special Order: How fit the same should be recalled; A precedent propounded to that purpose. A serious expostulation with them about the same, and of their maintaining a base fellow to deride and scoff at their Sovereign in his affliction. pag. I. Sect. II. Of the pretended end of publishing the Libel; the true end thereof hinted. Their blasphemy against God noted. How these Letters of the King might have been made use of as Evidences of truth and Loyalty. Of what stock and lineage the Authors of the Libel discovered themselves to be. Of their subtlety, and of that spirit and meekness which they boast of. How aptly for themselves they allege the Example mentioned by S. Judas. pag. II. Sect. III. The Kings great and true affection to his people Evidenced. How far divers of them that call themselves, His Great Council, are from proving themselves his good Counsellors. The ten Rules or Precepts whereby they have proceeded. Of the Language and Titles which they complain of, and how truly the name Rebel belongs unto them. The true cause of their great grief and sorrow so often mentioned: An impudent Charge against the King propounded by the Libelers. pag. 23. Sect. IU. The Nature of their Charge opened. Their villainous and bloody Scope therein, clearly Evidenced, and proved. How perfectly in their Tenants they hold with the Jesuits in the points of King-killing and King-deposing, fully declared. pag. 34. Sect. V. The falsity and injustice of the said Charge against the King manifested in all the particulars. Who they are that sit in the Scorners Chair. The Enemy's reasons and ends of Charging the King with their own Conditions. pag. 49. Sect. VI Of the King's Error in following evil Counsellors, and who they were: His Majesty scorned at by the Libelers for his tenderness of Conscience, and hopes in God's Justice. The folly and falsehood of the Libelers Charge against Strafford and Canterbury. The Enemies acquit the King of having a voluntary hand in strafford's death. They hint the right Reason of his withdrawing from Westminster. pag. 56. Sect. VII. What that Liberty is, which the pretended Parliament, do maintain: And what that Religion may be which they are about to set up: Reasons to prove it may be the Popish: Reasons to show it may be the Turkish. Six Arguments to prove it cannot be the Christian Protestant. pag. 67. Sect. VIII. Of the feigned Combination against the Parliament. Our Judgement of the Papists, and of their assisting the King. Our abhorment of the Cruelties of the Irish. How they are outgone by the English Rebels: our Opinion of the Court-faction: of what Flock we profess ourselves to be: How the Libelers and their side call themselves the more believing sort of people. pag. 77. Sect. IX. The slander laid upon us, to be Enemies to Parliaments and Reformation Confuted. Of pretended Miracles, Revelations, and new Lights. The taking the King's Cabinet in Battle, no Miracle. The Libelers Argument to prove an impossibility of forgery in their Parliament. pag. 85. Sect. X. Of that perspecuity and Modesty which the Libelers boast to be in their own Annotations. Their pretty confident way of persuading all men to be of their Opinions. Their Reasons why they did not Publish all they had against the King. pag. 94. Sect. XI. Censuring Superiors unlawful. Why the Enemies must continue to slander the King. How easy a thing it is for wicked men to deprave the best writings: Of the King's integrity and goodness: And of England's happiness under him. The main Particulars of offence under his Government nominated: No just matter of blame from them, can now be objected to His Majesty. pag. 102. Sect. XII. The Adversaries industry to find things unbeseeming the King in his Letters. The Letters freed from any such thing. Certain Christian considerations propounded to the Readers, to Evidence the same: Of the Rebel's pertinacy in their Rebellious way; their endeavours that the King's promises might neither be believed, nor performed. pag. 111. Sect. XIII. Of their 3. Propositions at Uxbridge. 4. Pretences for their Abolition of Episcopacy. 4. True Reasons of that their impious requests. pag. 123. Sect. XIV. Their unreasonableness in desiring the Militia to be in their sole disposal. 4. Vain pretences for it. 4. True grounds of this their demand: How sinful and dangerous it might be for the King to grant it. pag. 135. Sect. XV. Of their Vindicating the Irish Rebels: how fully they have done it already in one sense: and how glad we should be if themselves would go and do it in the other: their true intent in that demand opened. pag, 157. Sect. XVI. Of the Enemies late sufferings; of their strange patience: of their extraordinary great success, the true grounds thereof. Success no argument of a good cause. The wicked have been always wont to use that argument. pag. 156. Sect. XVII. Another charge against the King, confuted: of clandestine proceedings: The Kings condemning all that be Protestants at Oxford, a most impudent and malicious slander. His Toleration of Idolatry, another. The occasion of the King's promising liberty of conscience to Papists. The reasonableness of that promise at that time, and upon that occasion. The objection of the King's former resolution to the contrary answered: as also his promise not to abolish the laws against them. pag. 174. Sect. XVIII. The King granting indemnity to the murderous Irish another slander. The necessity & reasons of making peace with the Irish at that time. The conditions upon which that peace was to be made, this Act not contradictive to any of his former expressions against their detestable doings. The vanity of their charge against the King, for going in a close trading way. Two sufficient evidences of his Majesty's sincere and constant affection to the Protestant Religion. The whole charge against the King, most truly retorted upon the objecters. pag. 185. Sect. XIX. Of the enemies malicious devices to scandalize the King, with favouring the Irish Rebellion detected & confuted. The Kings requiring secrecy of the Queen and Ormond in the matters writ to them justified. The Rebel's blasphemy against God's Providence, and in asking God's blessing upon their Libel, noted. pag. 193. Sect. XX. What good use might have been made of the King's letters. Of the faults laid to the Queen's charge; specially in loving her Husband. pag. 198. Sect. XXI▪ Of the King's fault for loving his wife. The manifest and m●●cious falsifications and perversions of divers of the King's e●pressio●s to his Queen, noted. pag. 207. Sect. XXII. Of the King's fault in labouring or endeavouring to uphold Monarchy. His Majesty's soliciting the King of Denmark to this purpose no whit contradictive to his former resolutions of not calling in foreign aid. pag. 214. Sect. XXIII. The Libelers Cavils at the word Mongrill Parliament, at the Commissioners at the Treaty at Uxbridge, and at the Kings pawning his Jewels, answered. His Majesty's affection and goodness to his subjects (for want of other matters) objected as a fault against him by these Libelers. pag. 220. Sect. XXIV. The story of the Rebels unchristian behaviour towards their Sovereign, and his meek and gracious carriage towards them, since the beginning of these troubles related by themselves; and their impudence therein noted. pag. 224. Sect. XXV. Their pretence of bringing Delinquents to punishment, made a ground of the war: the King acknowledged by his enemies to be on the defensive part. His Majesty's good opinion a long time of the Parliament objected as a fault against him by themselves: The King makes no war against his Parliament evidenced. This Conspiracy of Traitors at Westminster no true Parliament, fully proved. The conclusion of the answer to the Libel. pag. 229. Sect. XXVI. A true Parallel between the sufferings of our Saviour and our Sovereign, in divers special particulars. pag. 241. Sect. XXVII. A serious and brotherly discourse to the seduced and oppressed Commons of this nation, their dangerous condition related, divers special and necessary considerations propounded to their thoughts, to persuade them to desist from their present ill way. Their objection of keeping their Oath and Covenant to the pretended Parliament answered. pag. 257. Sect. XXVIII. A conscientious and home discourse, to the pretended Parliament at Westminster; who are evidenced to be neither Patriots to their Country, wisemen, nor good men. Their Religion discovered to be nec una, nec vera, nec bona. pag. 274. Sect. XXIX. A consolatory speech to all the Loyal hearted that suffer for conscience sake in these times. Arguments to assure them of God's help in due time. Four marks to know the approach of that time: how they are to demean themselves in the mean time, living and dying. pag. 296. Postscript. The reason why this book was not published sooner. The necessity and benefit of writing books of this nature, with an exhortation thereunto. pag. 305. The End.