THE HISTORY OF LAPLAND Wherein are showed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages, Conjurations, etc. of that People. Written by john Shefferus Professor of Law & Rhetorrick at Upsal in Sweden.   historiated title page border with title text in a cartouche composed of a stretched reindeer hide; to either side stands a Laplander (the man on the left holds a sledge, while the man on the right holds a pair of skis); at the foot sits a man beside a small boat 
At the Theatre in Oxon 1674    

THE HISTORY OF LAPLAND WHEREIN Are showed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages, Conjurations, etc. of that People. WRITTEN By JOHN SCHEFFER, Professor of Law and Rhetoric at Upsal in Sweden.   depiction of two Laplanders walking, one carrying a bow, the other leading a reindeer with a child in a cradle fastened to the pack-saddle 
At the THEATER in OXFORD. M.DC.LXXIV. And are to be sold by GEORGE WEST and AMOS CURTAIN.   

Imprimatur  
RA. BATHURST, Vicecanc. July 8. 1674.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE Reader may please to take notice, that the diligent and learned Author of this History, (to the writing of which he was commanded, and therein assisted by the Chancellor of Sweden) hath in the whole work taken care to justify what he relates, from the faith of authentic records, the testimony of Historians, and the Discourses of Laplanders themselves, with whom he had ready opportunities of converse. And this he hath done so precisely, that having in the contexture of his work, given a full account of what he thought observable in the writings, or narratives to which he refers; he afterwards constantly puts down at length the very words of his Authors, a great part of which are in the Swedish Tongue. Now in this Edition we have spared ourselves the labour of such repetition; which we hope will not be regretted by the Reader, who we suppose would not have been much edified by them. As to the subject here discoursed of, 'twill not be needful to give a character of it. Military Action, and those public murders in which other Histories triumph, have no share here. Hunger, cold and solitude are enemies that engage all the fortitude of this People: and where so much passive valour is necessary, we may dispense with the want of Active. Amidst the barbarity and darkness which reign in Lapland, there appear strictures of light, which will entertain the eye of the most knowing observer; as the Stars are no less remarkable than is the Sun itself. However the Reader will not fail to meet here with what may gratify his curiosity. Warmer Climates having all the comforts and necessaries of life plentifully bestowed upon them, are but a more distant home; where we have little else talked of, than what we daily see among ourselves: but here it is indeed, where, rather than in America, we have a new World discovered: and those extravagant falsehoods, which have commonly passed in the narratives of these Northern Countries, are not so inexcusable for their being lies, as that they were told without temptation; the real truth being equally entertaining, and incredible.   

 map of Lapland   

THE HISTORY OF LAPLAND  

CHAP. I. Of the Name of Lapland.  
THIS Country doth not every where pass by the same name. By some 'tis called Lappia, as Johann. Magnus' in the Preface of his history, and Saxon Grammat. in his 5th book; by others Lapponia, as Olaus Magnus in the explication of his Map of Scandinavia, and Ziegler in his description of the Northern Countries, and before these Ericus Versaliensis, and after them Andr. Buraeus. The Swedes usually call the Country Lapmarkia, in whose language Mark signifies Land; the Danes and Norwegians, Laplandia, and also Findmarkia, as appears from Petr. Claudus description of Norway: for no one can gather any thing else but an account of this Country, from his whole 38th Chapt. which himself too seems to intimate, when he promises more about Findmarkia in his description of Lapland. Of its being called Findmark, I shall speak in another place; Now we will see why 'tis called Lapponia and Lappia, the Etymology of which words is not yet agreed upon by the Learned. Ziegler thinks they were named so by the Germans, from the dulness and stupidity of the people, which the word Lappi signifies amongst them; but this seems improbable, since this Country is but of late known to the Germans, and none of their ancient Writers make any mention of Lappia. Moreover, the Finlanders, Swedes and Russians, who differ much in their language from one another, as well as from the Germans, call it all by the same name; and the Germans, who are so remote from Lapland, could not transmit this name to these more Northern Countries, especially when they had little or no commerce with them. Neither are the people so very dull and stupid; as Ziegler himself afterwards acknowledges, when he confesses they are good at the needle, and make delicate embroidered clothes. Neither can I assent to Wexionius' opinion, that the Swedes gave them this name from their wearing of Skins; for Lapper and Skinlapper do not signify skins, but the same as the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in English Rags) from whence Ol. Petr. Nieuren, who writ of Lapland in Guslavus Adolphus' time, derives their name from their coming into Swedland every year with rags leapt about them, which is the signification of Lapp in that language. But they do not deserve that name, merely for this reason, any more than the Finlanders and others, for they are generally clothed in good woollen garments, as we shall show hereafter. Grotius thinks they are called Laps from running or leaping, but Loepa, which in the Swedish language signifies to run, is writ with a single P, and the name of this Country with a double one: and these People naturally are not great runners, though by an art they have of sliding over the frozen snow, they are very swift in their motions. Some think that the Inhabitants do not denominate the Country, but the Country the Inhabitants, as in the name of Norwegians and others, which seems to be strengthened by this, because Ol. Magnus calls them Lappomanni, after the manner of Nordmanni, Westmanni, and Sudermanni, in which words Manni signifying Men, they were called Lappomanni, i. e. Men of Lappia. 
a Johann. Tornaeus.  Others fancy that the name of the Country is derived from Lappu, which in the Finnonick language is furthermost, because it lies in the farthest part of Scandinavia. There is yet another opinion which may seem no less plausible than any of the former, which agrees as well with the signification of the word Lapp among the Laplanders themselves, as the credit given to what has been matter of fact, viz. that 'twas called Lappia, not from its situation, or other such like accident, but from the Lappi that inhabited it. So that I take Lappi to signify no other than banished persons, which is the genuine signification of Lapp in the Lapland language; for the Laplanders were originally Finlanders, and from leaving their Country may be presumed to have took their name; and that not of their own choosing, but the Finlanders 
b Ol. Petr. Nieuren. Plantin. jun. Praef. M S. Lexic. Lappon.  imposition, with whom to Lapp signifies to run away: whence the compellation seeming something scandalous, no person of quality to this day will endure to be called by it, though from the Finlanders others Nations, as the Germans, Swedes and Moscovites, have learned to call them so. But they of Lappia Vmensis style themselves Sabmienladti, and those of Lappia Tornensis, Sameednan, from the word Sabmi or Same; the signification of which, and whence they had it, we shall see hereafter.  
At what time this Country and its inhabitants were first distinguished by these names Lappia and Lappi, 'tis hard to prove: 'tis certain 'twas but of late, for the words are not found in any ancient writer, neither in Tacitus, who mentions their neighbours and forefathers the Finlanders, nor in Ptolemy, Solinus, Anton. Augustus, Rutilius, or others, neither in Authors nearer home (not to name Jornandes, Paul Warnefrid, etc.) nor in those who have writ the actions of Heraud and Bosa, or Goetricus and Rolfus, or King Olafus in the Islandick, Norwegian or Gothick language: we find nothing of them in Adam Bremensis, whose diligence in writing of the Northern Countries, his Scandinavia sufficiently testifies; or in Sturlisonius, who writ very accuratly of these parts in his own language. Therefore I cannot be so easily persuaded with Grotius to believe Cluverius, who says they were mentioned in the Peutingerian Tables, the Author of which is thought to have lived at least before Theodosius' time, i. e. 600 years before Adam Bremensis: how then could he, that was none of the best Geographers, if we may believe Welserus, and very far distant from these parts, give us any account of them, since Adam Bremensis, who was so near a neighbour, and had commerce with those that lived there, could give us none? Besides, in that Table the Sarmatians are called Lupiones, with whom the Lappi were nothing concerned; neither doth any ancient Author say they were seated so far Northward: wherefore the Lupiones there described are any People rather than the Laplanders, for at that time, when the Author writ, they were not so much as known to any of their neighbours, the Gothick Norwegian or Danish writers. The first that mentions Lapland is Saxo Gramat. Hist. Dan. l. 5. who lived and wrote about Ann. 1190, and therefore was after Adam Bremensis (who lived about 1077) near 130 years, in which interval this name must needs come first in use. For Saxo making mention of such a Country a great while before, in the time of Frotho the third contemporary to Alricus King of Swedland (who they say lived before Christ) doth not prove that 'twas called so then, but that that Country might afterwards have had this appellation; and I am fully persuaded, that Adam Bremensis would not have omitted this name if he had had any knowledge of it. Afterward Er. Vpsaliensis speaks of it about 1470 i e. almost 300 years after Saxon, and 200 before this present time. After them Jac. Ziegler made a large and learned description of it, by which it came to be known all over Europe. For however we may meet with the name Lappia in Saxo, none but the Swedes and Finlanders, before Zieglers' time, knew any thing of it. And so much for the names of Lapland.   

CHAP. II. Of the Situation of Lapland.  
THE true and exact situation of this Country the Ancients seem not to have sufficiently discovered. Saxo makes it bordering upon Jamtia, extending its self as far, or rather lying as it were between Helsingia and Finland, when in these words he says the Provinces of the Helsingi, jarnberi, jemti, with both the Lappia's, as likewise Finnia and Estia paid annual tribute to one Domarus. Ericus Vpsaliensis seems to make it a part of Finland, mistaking it for a certain part of that Kingdom so called, on the one side adjoining to Swedland, on the other to Russia, giving it a place between Carelia and Nylandia. Ol. Magn. in his Table, and so his brother Johan. Magnus' in the Preface of his History, place it higher than the western Bothnia, making neighbours to it Scrikfinnia furthest towards the North, and Biarmia towards the East; though some 
a Buraeus in his descr. of Swedland.  think there is no such place as Scrikfinnia, as it is certain there is none in those parts at this day called by that name. But yet we must not slightly pass over the unanimous opinion of so many learned men, especially Saxo, not a little knowing in the Northern affairs, who have all not barely named it, but have described the humours of the Inhabitants, their manners, habits and fashion of their governments, with other matters belonging to them. Instead of the Scrickfinni or Scricfinni of Johan. and Ol. Magn. I would rather read it Scritofinni; and as for Skidfinni as Adr. Burae would have it, all the Ancients, what ever else they differ in, will agree in this, that there must be an R in the word. Jornandez calls them Scretfennae, Paul. Warnefrid. and Diacon. Scritobini changing f in b (of which and some other things of the like nature I will treat in due time and place) Adam Bremensis Scritefinni: and the Greeks agree in this writing, so that we ought not to doubt of the Latins. Procopius will have them sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, other times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Besides 'tis manifest since the Scritefinni are the same with the Finni, whose Etymology in their own language is from leaping, by an art they have, by which with crooked pieces of wood under their feet like a bow they hunt wild beasts; they could not therefore take their name from Skidh, signifying the wooden shoes themselves, but from their leaping, i. e. swift running with them, which doubtless anciently was meant by Skriida, and which the Author cited by Warnius in the 46 page of his Lexicon confirms, where he relates the form of an oath made by Hafur, that he would preserve the peace Quamdiu Finnur skriidar, i. e. as long as the Finlanders continued their manner of leaping. As for the Etymology that is there given, that it signifies their wand'ring up and down, 'tis altogether false, for Skridsko at this day denotes those wooden shoes which they run upon the ice with; neither doth Skirida signify any thing else among the Ancients but to glide along the ground, for they do not take up one foot after the other, as in common running, but carrying themselves steady upon the frozen snow, they move forward stooping a little, as shall be shown hereafter. And perhaps this is the only cause that they are called Himantopodes, People creeping upon their knees; which agrees exactly with these Scritofinni: for they hearing that Skriida was to creep along, what could they fancy the Scritofinni to be, but People not going like other men, but crawling forward like creeping animals, but of this I shall speak more at large when I come to the Laplanders gliding upon the ice. That which I would chief evince here, is, that there are such a people rightly called Scritofinni, and the Country which they inhabit is Scritofinnia or Scritfinnia, and that there is no reason we should think there was no such place, since there are those who are called Scritfinni, i. e. Finlanders, who run upon the ice with wooden shoes, whose Country from thence may well be called Scritofinnia. And the same may be urged for Biarmia against those that will not allow there is any such place. For first the ancient Writers making frequent mention of it, as that Author of the History thereof, calls it often Biarmaland in the old Gothick or Islandick language, who also calls the King of it Hereker in Ch. 7. and his two Sons, the one Roerik the other Siggeir. Saxon likewise in his 9th book, speaks of a certain King of this place, who reigned in the time of Regner King of the Danes, making it border upon Finland, when he says the King of Biarmia fled for refuge to Matullus, who then reigned in Finland. But now granting there were anciently such names as Biarmia and Scritfinnia, it remains doubtful still whether they were distinct Countries or no. All Authors except Johan. and Ol. Magn. seem to make them the same, Procop. Jornand. Paul. Warnfrid. and Adam Bremensis speak of Scritfinnia, but none of Biarmia, and the Northern writers do just contrary. Saxon indeed mentions them both, but not at the same time: once in his Preface he names Scritfinnia, leaving out Biarmia, in other places he names Biarmia omitting the other; from whence I am almost of opinion that 'tis the same Country called by native Writers Biarmia, by foreign Scritfinnia. We may add further that as Adam Bremensis makes Scritfinnia next to Helsingia, the Author of the History of Herand and Bosa sets Biarmia in the same place, speaking of some Woods in it, and Rivers that emty themselves into the Sinus Bothnicus or bay of Ganduia next to Helsingia. And moreover as the Scritfinni are a People of Finland, which not only their name, but an old Chorographick Table commended by Grotius doth intimate, distinguishing the Fenni into the Scritfenni and Redefenni, so 'tis probable of the Biarmians 
b Paul. Warnefrid.  
c Ad. Erem. Solin. c. 44.  as well for their neighbourhood to Helsingia, of which before, as for their worshipping a God by the name of Jomala, which is a Finland word, denoting God amongst them to this day. Moreover the Biarmians have many other things like the Finlanders, as the Art of darting, of Magic, etc. So that Biarmia may be a Colony of Finland, whose People were, called by Strangers, from their skirring along, or gliding upon the snow, Scritofinni. But now supposing all this true, and that the Biarmia of the Ancients, and Scritfinnia were the same, 'tis a question still whether Lapland be distinct from them or not. Joh. and Ol. Magnus in their Geographic Tables and descriptions, make them distinct Countries. But that cannot be; for if Scritfinnia and Biarmia reach one way to Helsingia and Jamtia, on the other to Finland; if they lie so near these Provinces, and extend to the Bay of Bothnia (both which have been demonstrated before) I do not see where Lapland can have any place at all. And the same Authors are also mistaken in putting it South of Biarmia and Scritfinnia, whereas the Ancients placed these beyond it. For that they meant only by Biarmia that which the Swedes now call Trennes, appears to be false from what has been said before: for where are any Rivers in Trennes that run into the Bay of Bothnia? and how is it bordering upon Finland? Wherefore contrary to Joh. and Ol. Magnus, I think rather that Lapland is the same that was first by the Inhabitants called Biarmia, by Strangers Scritfinnia, then changing the name for some of the reasons here produced, it came to be Lappia or Lapponia; which beginning from Jamtia and Angermannia, goes all about each Bothnia, and at length ends in the extremities of Carelia and Finland, so as to comprehend all the whole tract from the North even to the main Ocean, the white Sea, and the Lake Ladek, which are the very bounds of old Biarmia and Scritfinnia. But that it went as far as the Ocean, the Ancients seem not to have so well understood; nor indeed Johan. and Ol. Magnus, who in those parts have made Scritfinnia and Biarmia different Countries from Lapland. So also Damianus Goes, who, whatever he knew of Lapland, had it from them, says it extends itself to unknown Regions, because he knew not who lived further towards the North Sea. But the Ancients have placed there, besides the Scritfinni, the Cynocephali, Busti, Troglodytes, Pigmies, Cyclops',: and some others, passing by the Himantopodes, of whom we have spoken before: though in this age none doubts but the Laplanders inhabit it all, and those who have sailed along those Coasts have met with none others but Laplanders. In fine Charles the 9th King of Swedland in the year 1600, being desirous to know the truth of that Country, sent two famous Mathematicians, M. Aron. Forsius a Swedish Professor, and Hicronymus Birkholten a German, with instruments, and all necessaries to make what discoveries they could of Lapland; who at their return, did certify, and make it out, that beyond the Elevation of the Pole 73 degrees there was no Continent towards the North but the great frozen Sea, and that the farthest point was Norcum or Norcap, not far from the Castle of Wardhouse. But of this distant Lapland those that are curious may inquire at their leisure, we purpose to treat here only of that which is subject to the Government of the Swedes; and this is a vast Country, thought by Paulinus in his history of the North, of equal extent almost with all Swedland properly so called. Andr. Buraeus says it contains in length above 100 Germane miles, and in breadth 90. All this Country comes now under the name of Lapland, in which all agree that ever described it, and if we would take an account of the Climate of it by this vast compass of Earth, we must begin from the 64th degree of latitude, and so to the 71; but in longitude it must extend at least to the 27th Meridian, or more. Moreover if we will compute the longitude from journeys that have been made thither, all hitherto have unanimously put the beginning of it about the 38th degree, and the end in the 65th. And this may suffice partly for an account of the situation of Lapland in general; and partly of that which is subject to the Swedes. Dam. à Goes, a Knight of Portugal, sets its bounds thus in his description of Spain: Lapland is divided into the Eastern and Western part, the Bothnick Sea coming between. The extremity of it is Tornia. Eastward it reaches to the white Lake, towards the North comprehending divers Provinces, and extends itself beyond all knowledge. On the West towards Island it joins to part of Norway, and on the other side of Norway 'tis bounded with Swedland, Finland, and both the Bothnia's. But Ol. Petr. Nieuren confutes this of the Bothnic Sea lying between; for so part of Lapland would lie in Finland or Ostrobothnia, part in Westrobothnia, which every one knows is false: and the very vulgar can tell so much, that the Bothnic Sea comes not any where within 18 or 20 miles of Lapland: though this ought not to pass beyond Damianus' time, since Nieurenius himself confesses in another place, that the Laplanders had their feat about the Bothnic Sea, but that afterwards they were driven out, of which I shall speak hereafter. I will only add here a Table of the latitudes and longitudes of the chiefest Places, as they were taken by M. Aronis Forsius and Hieronymus Birckholten Ann. 1600.  
 Longit. Latit. Uma 38, 0. 65, 11. Pitha 40, 0. 66, 14. Lula 40, 30. 66, 30. Toerna 42, 27. 67, 0. Kimi 42, 20. 67, 1. Lappijaerf 42, 33. 70, 9 Antoware 44, 4. 70, 26. Tenokijle 46, 0. 70, 50. Porsanger 44, 2. 71, 42. Porsanger 43, 35. 71, 35. Lingen 37, 30. 70, 30. Traenees 32, 30. 70, 25. Euvenes 33, 35. 70, 0. Titisare 37, 55. 69, 40. Piala 41, 40. 60, 15. Siguar 38, 35. 68, 59 Tingwar 38, 0. 69, 40. Rounula 39, 30. 69, 47. Kontokrine 42, 0. 69, 17. Waranger 45, 0. 71, 35. Lanzoard 45, 35. 71, 26. Hwalsund 42, 40. 71, 12. Skrisae 38, 50. 71, 18. Trumsae 35, 52. 70, 55. Andaces 32, 0. 70, 30. Serghen 32, 20. 69, 3. Wardhus 52, 0. 71, 55. Norkaap. 45, 30. 72, 30.  
I proceed next to the disposition and nature of the Country, having first given you a Map of it.   

CHAP. III. Of the temperature of the Air, and soil of Lapland.  
WE have seen how Lapland is situate; let us next proceed to other particularities of it. That 'tis very near the Pole appears from its latitude, insomuch that for some months in the Summer the Sun here never sets, and on the contrary in the Winter it never rises; which Herbersten says is but forty days, and though three hours in the night the body of it is something darkened, so that his rays appear not, yet there is so much light, that they continue their work all the while. Indeed the same account is not to be taken of the whole Country, since part of it lies nearer, and part further distant from the Pole; and of these too some parts are more East, and some more to the West, from whence 'tis that with some of them the Sun is scarce above the Horizon for so many days as he pretends. And although in the Summer it never sets and goes below the Earth, yet neither does it rise much above it, but as it were kisses and gently glides along the Horizon for the most part; as likewise in the Winter when lowest it is not much beneath it: which is the reason that though they have one continued night for some months, yet every day the Sun comes so near, that it makes a kind of twilight. Joh. Magnus says that in the absence of the Sun there are two twilights, one in the morning, the other in the evening, in which those poor remainders of day provide that the night should not be utterly destructive. And by how much the Sun is farther absent, the light of the Moon is clearer. Hence Petr. Claud. says that when the Moon shines they go a fishing, and dispatch all other necessaries that are to be done without doors; and when it does not, if the air be clear, even the light of the Stars so much abates the darkness, that the horror of the night is much lessened, and there is light enough for the dispatch of several businesses, which is farther assisted by the whiteness of the Snow. The Air of Lapland is cold, but fresh and clear, and consequently very wholesome, being much purified by the winds which are here very frequent and violent. It has been attested to me by eye-witnesses, that there rises a certain wind out of the Sea, which beginning to blow raises presently such thick and dark clouds even in the midst of Summer, that they utterly hinder the sight, and in the Winter drives the snow with such force and quantity, that if any person be surprised abroad, he hath no other remedy but to throw himself on the ground with some garment over him, suffering himself to be quite buried in snow till the storm is past, which done, he rises up, and betakes himself to the next Cortage he can meet, all paths and roads being hid in the snow. But the strongest and most irresistible winds are upon the Mountains, where they throw down all things they meet with, and carry them away by their violence into far distant places, where they are never seen or heard of afterwards. Their only help against these is to convey themselves into dens and caves. Here is rain as in other places, sometimes more, and sometimes less, but in the midst of Summer, this as likewise the neighbouring Countries have very seldom any at all. Snow they have more often, and so much that in the Winter it covers all the Country, of which they make this advantage, that they can travel the more securely in the night; for the light of the Moon reflected from the snow, enlightens all the fields, that they can discern and avoid any pits, precipices and wild Beasts, that would otherwise annoy them: so convenient are the ways for any journey, that two rein deer will draw a greater load over the trodden snow, than a Cart and ten Horses can in the fields at other times. These snows in some places, as on the tops of their highest hills, remain perpetually, and are never melted by the strongest heat of the Sun. In the upper part of Lapland there are Mountains rising to such a vast height, that the snow continues upon them Summer and Winter, and is never dissolved, but in other places the Land is every year overflown with floods of melted snow. They have also very great frosts and mists, and good store of them, which sometimes so thicken the air, that the sight is quite obstructed, and Passengers can't distinguish one man from another to salute or avoid him, though he be come close up to them. It is so extreme cold here in the Winter, that 'tis not to be endured but by those who have been bred up in it. The swiftest Rivers are sometimes frozen so hard, that the ice is more than three or four cubit's thick; and their greatest Lakes and deepest Seas bear any burdens whatever. Nor is the Summer, which to some may seem incredible, more moderately hot. For though the Sun be very low, and his rays obliqne, yet lying upon them so long together, their force is strangely increased; the only allay being from the vapours rising out of the neighbouring Sea, and from the snows, which as well in Summer as Winter continue undissolved in hollow places between the hills. As for Spring and Autumn they know neither, there being so very little space between the extremity of cold in the Winter, and heat in Summer, that by Strangers 'tis looked upon as a miracle to see every thing springing fresh and green, when but a week before all things were overwhelmed with frost and snow. Ol. Petr. Nieuren. has observed it as a memorable thing, and which he would not have believed from any one had he not seen it himself, that in the year 1616, June 24, going to the Church of Thor, he saw the trees budding, and the grass coming up green out of the ground, and within a fortnight after he saw the Plants full blown, and the leaves of the trees at their perfection, as if they had known how short the Summer was to be, and therefore made such haste to enjoy it. Their soil is generally neither very fertile nor barren, but between both, full of flints, stones and rocks, every where appearing high, by whose unevenness and roughness the rest of the ground about is useless. The ground is generally very soft and slabby, by reason of the many Lakes and Rivers overslowing, yet would it be sit either for tillage or pasture if any would be at the pains and charge of draining it. Ol. Petrus says of the Southern part, lying under the same climate and influence of the Heavens with Bothnia, that 'tis as apt to bear any grain as the Western Bothnia itself, but this is not without a concurrence and aptitude likewise of the soil: and he himself confesses in Chap. 12th, that the Land is stony, sandy, uneven, overrun in some places with briers and thorns, and in others nothing but hills; moors, fens and standing waters, which are not the qualities that usually commend Land for agriculture. Then as to his urging its verdant and rich pastures, it doth not follow that all Land which yields much grass should be equally capable of bearing good corn. Yet doth the Land afford plenty of grass, and that so good that their cattle are fattened much cheaper and sooner with it than any other thing, as also divers herbs, but particularly 'tis happy in all kind of potherbs. There are many large Woods and Forests, especially towards Norway, but not very thick; likewise steep rocks and high mountains called Doffrini; upon whose naked tops, by reason of the violence of the winds to which they are exposed, never yet grew tree. Below these hills lie most pleasant Valleys, in which are clear fountains and rivulets innumerable, which emtying themselves into the rivers, at length are carried into the Bothnic Sea. Their water is clear, sweet and wholesome, only their Forests abound with stinking and standing Pools. This Country Winter and Summer hath an incredible number of all kinds of wild beasts, especially the lesser sorts, which suffice not only for their own use, but to drive a great trade with their neighbours. They have Birds also of all sorts very many, but Fish in such abundance that a great part of the Natives are entirely fed by them. But of all these we shall speak in their proper places, I will add no more here but this, that the Description of old Finland or Scritofinnia by the Ancients is the same which hath been given here of Lapland; to confirm what I said before that these Countries differ only in name, and not in nature and situation. We come now to its Division.   

CHAP. IU. Of the Division of Lapland.  
THoSE who have writ of Lapland, mention disserent divisions of it. Saxo in his 5th Book, and elsewhere, speaks of two Lapland's, and after him Johannes Magnus tells us, that both the Lapland's are joined together Southward. I suppose in that division they had respect to their situation, and meant the Eastern and the Western Lapland: for so Damianus Goes, who seems to borrow from Joh. Magnus, expresses it. Lapland, saith he, is divided into the Eastern and the Western, separated from each other by the Bothnic Sea. From whence we may gather that that part of the Country which lies on one side of the Bothnia, was called the Eastern Lapland, and that which lies on the other, the Western.  
Besides this division of Lapland, there is another taken from the places most frequented by the Inhabitants. For one part thereof, lying along the Coasts of the Ocean, is from thence called Sioefindmarken, that is the maritime Lapland; the other lying higher on the Continent, Fioeldmarken, that is, inland Lapland: though by some they are called simply Findmarken and Lappmarken. This last division Pet. Claud gives us in his 27th Chapter. All the Sea Coasts, saith he, Northward and Eastward as far as Findmarkia reaches, are possessed by the Siaefinni, or maritime Finlanders, but the mountainous and champaign Country, by the Lapfinni, from thence named Lapmarkia or Wildfindlandia, that is wild or savage Findland. Where he calls one part of the Country Lapmarckia, the other Findmarckia, the one lying along the shore, and bordering on the Sea, the other mountainous, woody, and savage, upon the Terra firma. And this too may be worth our notice, that Wildfinland with him is that which others call Lappmarkia: I suppose, because the Natives live by hunting, as those of the other do by fishing. For he presently adds, There are many thousands in that place that feed on nothing but the flesh of wild Beasts. And indeed some there are with whom those only pass for the true Laplanders: as Samuel Rheen, who in his 2d Chapter of his forementioned Book, tells us, that besides the Scrickfinni (so he calls them that with Pet. Claud. are Sioefinnes) there are other true Laplanders, that live on nothing but rain deer. And so from the Natives feeding on wild Beasts, Lapland properly so called, is also styled Wildfindland, in opposition to Findmarkia, whose Inhabitants live both on Fish and cattle. And yet there may be given another reason for the imposition of this name, from the many woods of that Country. Olaus Magnus in more places than one calls the natives, men that dwell in woods, or Savages: as in the title of his 3d Chapt. of his 4th Book, which is, Concerning the fierceness of the Savages, or those that dwell in woods, in which Chapter he describes the Laplanders. And in the following Chapter he says, that the wild Laplanders are clothed with rich skins of several Beasts. The Baron Herberstenius also in his History of Moscovy, calls them Savage Laplanders, who though they dwell, says he, on the Sea Coast in little Cottages, and lead a brutish kind of life, are yet more civilised then the Savages of Lapland: whence 'tis plain, that by the Findlanders living near the Sea, he means those that others call Sioefinnes, and by the Savage Laplanders those that possess the inland Country, who he thinks were so called from their wildness and barbarity. And by and by he adds, that by converse with Strangers, who come thither to trade, they begin to lay aside their Savage nature, and become a little more civilised. Afterwards he calls them Diki Loppi, which name the Moscovites give them at this time, as hath been showed elsewhere.  
There is also a 3d Division of Lapland, that respects the several Princes to whom the Country is in subjection. And this Andr. Buraeus intends, when he tells us, The greatest part of Lapland, viz. the Southern and inland Country, belongs all to the Kingdom of Sweden: The maritime tract, that lies on the Ocean, and is called Findmark (whose Inhabitants the Sioefinni, or maritime Findlanders, are so named from their living by fishing) to Norway: The rest of them that dwell from the Castle of Warhuus to the mouth of the white Sea, are subject to the Russians; which part the Swedes call Trennes, the Natives Pyhinienni, and the Russians Tarchana voloch. Of their subjection to these several Princes, we shall speak when we come to treat of their Government; and also of those parts that belong to Norway or Denmark, and Russia. At present we shall only mention the division of that part which is under the Swedes, and is named by Buraeus, the Southern and inland Lapland, and by Petr. Claud. Lappmarkia properly so called. This is divided into six lesser parts called marker, or lands, though Buraeus chooses to render them Territories or Provinces. Each of these have their distinct names, and are called Aongermandlandslapmark, Vmalappmark, Pithalappmark, Lulalapmark, Tornalapmark, Kiemilapmark. So Samuel Rheen in his first Chapter, That part of Lapland which belongs to Sweden is divided into the Kiemensian, Tornensian, Lulensian, Pithensian, Umensian, and Angermanlandensian Lapmark. Buraeus mentions but five of these Provinces, viz. Vmalappmark, Pithalappmark, Lulalapmark, Tornelapmark, and Kimilapmark, comprehending Angermandlandslapmark under Vmalapmark, not that they are one and the same Province, but because they are both governed by one Lieutenant. Each of these Provinces take their name from Rivers that run thro' the midst of them, as Wexionius in his description of Swedland assures us. As for their situation, Angermanlandslapmark borders upon Andermannia and Jemtia, to this joins Vmalapmark, next to that is Pithalapmark, and then Lulelapmark, all of them lying Westward, reaching on one side to that ridg of Hills that divides Swedland from Norway, and on the other side to the Western Bothnia. Northward of them lies Tornelapmark, and extends itself from the fartheh corner of the Bay of Bothnia all along the North Sea, called by Seamen Cape Noort. Next to this lies Kimilapmark, winding from the North toward the East, and bounded on one side by the Eastern Bothnia, on another side by that part of Lapland that belongs to Russia, and on a third side by Cajania and Carelia.  
Moreover these Provinces we are speaking of, are subdivided into lesser parts, called by the Swedes Byar, as Samuel Rheen tells us, and are equivavalent to our Shires, and the Pagi of the Ancients. So in Caesar we meet with Pagus Tigurinus, and Pagi Suevorum, which were not Villages or Country Towns, but large parts of a Country, such as the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used in ancient times in the division of Egypt. Hence the Glossary renders the ancient Toparchiae, Pagus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There are several of these Pagi or Shires in each Province, except Angermanlandslapmark, which makes but one Pagus, vulgarly called Aosahla. Vmalapmark hath four, Vma, Lais or Raanby, Granby, and Vapsteen. Pithalapmark seven, Graotreskby, Arfwejerfsby, Lochteby, Arrieplogsby, Wisierfby, Norrvesterby, Westerby. Lulalapmark five, Jochmoch, Sochjoch, Torpinjaur, Zerkislocht, and Rautomjaur. Tornelapmark eight, Tingawaara, Siggewaara, Sondewara, Ronolaby, Pellejerf, Kiedkajerf, Manstalka, Saodankyla, Kithilaby. So that all the Territories or Provinces are divided into 33 Byars. In each of these there are several Clans or Families, which the Swedes call raekar, each of which have a certain allotment of ground assigned them for the maintenance of themselves and their cattle; not in the nature of a Country Farm with us, but of a very great length and breadth, so as to include Rivers, Lakes, Woods, and the like, which all belong to one Clan or family. In every Biar there are as many allotments as there are families that can live of themselves, and are not forced by poverty to serve others. In the Byar called Aosahla there are about 30 of these Clans, or families, in others more or less according as they are in bigness, which all have their several names, though 'tis not worth while to repeat them. And thus much shall suffice of the third division of Lapland, not lately made (except that under Charles IX some Clans had certain allotments assigned them) but derived from very ancient time; as appears from hence that neither the Laplanders have known, nor the Swedes given them any other, since the Country hath been under their subjection. Nor are the words modern, or taken from any thing that may give any cause to suspect them of novelty: which I the rather observe, that from hence the native simplicity, agreeable to the antiquity of the Nation, may appear.   

CHAP. V Of the Laplanders in reference to the inclinations, temper and habit, of their minds and bodies.  
IT is almost peculiar to this People to be all of them of low stature, which is attested by the general suffrage of those Writers who have described this Country. Hence the learned Isaac Vossius observes, that Pigmies are said to inhabit here; and adds that they are a deformed People: but in truth their feature and proportion is good enough, and that they are not distorted sufficiently appears from their great agility of body, and fitness for active employment. Nor need we dispute of this, since in Sweden, we see them every day among us, and can observe no defect in any kind, or deformity, by Lomenius unjustly ascribed to them. Ol. Mag. and Tornaeus esteem their young women indifferently handsome, and of a clear skin, which I have often seen myself; for they take great care to preserve their natural beauty, which the men neglect to do: and therefore if they are less amiable than the other Sex, it is to be imputed to their choice, not nature. To which we may add the length of their frosts, and the bitterness of the Air, against which they neither arm themselves sufficiently with clothes, nor know how to do so: besides the smoke which continually fills their cottages empairs very much their natural complexion, which is the reason why most of the men also are so swarthy. And as they are generally short, they are also very lean, and 'tis rare to see a fat man amongst them, for the cold that prevents their growing tall, dries up likewise their moisture, and makes them apt to be slender. They are also very light in respect of their bulk and stature, which comes from their not eating any Salt, if we will believe Ol. Petr. And thus much may be said in general of the frame and condition of their bodies. As for their particular parts they have thick heads, prominent foreheads, hollow and blear eyes, short flat noses, and wide mouths. Their hair is thin, short and flaggy, their beard straggling, and scarce covers their chins. The hair of both Sexes is generally black and hard, very seldom yellow, their breasts broad, slender wastes, spindle shanks, and swift of foot. They are very strong in their limbs, so that in a bow which a Norwegian can scarce half bend, they will draw an arrow up to the head. Their strength is accompanied with such activity withal, that with their bows and quivers at their backs they will throw themselves thro' a hoop of but a cubit in diameter. But this seems to be spoken only of some Tumblers, for the People are generally ignorant of such sports; their usual exercises being running races, climbing inaccessible rocks and high trees. Tho they are thus nimble and strong, yet they never go upright, but stooping, which habit they get by frequent sitting in their cottages on the ground.  
We come now to the habits of their mind, in which 'tis first observable that they are much given to superstition, which is no wonder while they live in Woods among wild Beasts, and maintain little correspondence one with another: but of their superstition we shall treat elsewhere. Furthermore they are beyond all imagination fearful and mean spirited, being frighted at the very sight of a strange man, or ship; above all things dreading War: the reason of all this being the cold to which they are condemned, and the meanness of their diet, which cannot supply good blood and spirits; wherefore they are useless in war, and the Swedes who raise men in all the other Provinces, find none in this, as it appears from the ancient Records and Catalogues of all the Soldiers that ever were listed by former Kings. So that 'tis fictitious, and rather an abuse than history, which some have reported, that Gust. Adolphus had several Companies of Laplanders in his Armies; but they were forced to find out some excuse for those many defeats, which to the wonder of the World that most victorious Prince gave his powerful and numerous Enemies; and pretend that those Victories were obtained by the help of the Laplanders and Magic. Wherefore I conclude as I said before, that this opinion is absurd and contradictory, not only to the nature of the People, but to public testimonies and writings. To which we may add that they cannot well live out of their own Country, but fall into diseases and die, being no more able to endure a milder air, or feed upon salt, bread, and boiled meats, than we could upon their raw flesh and fish dried by the Sun: for it has been often found by experience that they are hardly tempted by any reward to come even into these parts, or if they do they die suddenly afterwards, much less would they be induced to march into any more remote Countries. Olaus Magnus gives us an instance of six Rain-deers sent to Frederick Duke of Holsatia by Steno Stir junior Prince of Swedland, with two Laplanders, a man and woman to be their keepers, and that both they and the beasts wanting their accustomed manner of living, died all together in a short time. Ziegler indeed on the other side says they are a valiant People, and that they were a long time free, resisting the Arms both of Norway and Swedland; and Scaliger after him says that against their enemies they were courageous: and Petr. Claud. reports they had a King of their own called Motle, and that Haraldus Pulcricomus, though he had conquered the Countries round about, could not subdue them; but all this doth not evince their courage: for whatsoever is said of this Prince Motle is nothing at all to the purpose, being all taken out of the history of Snorro, which speaking of Motle, and something of his skill in Magic, has not a word of his or his People's courage. And 'tis manifest that Ziegler could have no ground for what he said, unless from such histories as that of Snorro, which therefore only seemed true because there were none extant more likely; for in his time the Laplanders were subject to the Swedes: unless we had rather believe that he took the Laplanders and the Biarmians to be the same, ascribing to the one People, what was said of the other. There is indeed mention in Saxon, of several Wars of the Biarmians, but those not managed by courage, but Magic and Enchantments: so that it no way follows, that because they continued for many Ages a free People, that therefore they were valiant. But whatever becomes of the Biarmians, 'tis sure enough that the Laplanders are far from being stout or warlike, who must first fight against their nature, before they can resist an enemy. Besides their innate cowardice, they are strangely prone to suspicion and jealousy, being conscious of their own weakness, and so exposed to all attemts upon them: a consequent whereof is that they are also revengeful; endeavouring to prevent those mischiefs which upon the slightest occasions seem to threaten them, by the death and ruin of the Persons that caused their suspicion, helping themselves herein, by conjuration and magic. Of this Pet. Claud. gives us a memorable instance, in one, that having attempted to mischief his enemy, who was secured by countercharms, after long attendance surprised him asleep under a great stone, which by a spell he made break to pieces, and kill him. The women, especially when grown old, cannot brook any sudden provocation, but upon the least indignity offered fly out into passion, and are hurried to the most wild transports that madness can dictate. The Laplanders besides are very notorious cheats, and industrious to overreach each other in bargaining: though heretofore they had the reputation of plain dealing and honesty. So that 'tis probable that they took up their present practice, having been first cheated by those Strangers with whom they dealt, and now think it best to be before hand with one another. It is farther observable that they take great pleasure, if they happen to outwit any one; imagining that though they are hopeless to overcome by manhood and courage, they have a nobler triumph over the minds of those whom they circumvent. They are also noted to be of a censorious and detracting humour, so as to make it a chief ingredient of their familiar converse, to reproach and despise others: and this they do especially to Strangers, of what Country soever. So fond admirers are all men of themselves, that even the Laplanders will not exchange their interests with the Inhabitants of the most happy Climate, and however barbarous they are, doubt not to prefer themselves in point of wisdom, to those that are most ingenuously educated in Arts and Letters. They are likewise exceedingly covetous, it being a part of their cowardice to dread poverty; yet are they very lazy withal: and hereupon Olaus peter's observes, that though their Country in several parts of it be capable of improvement by husbandry, yet 'tis suffered to lie waist: nay so unwilling are they to take pains, that till they are compelled by necessity, they hardly persuade themselves to hunt or fish. From this their covetousness and sloth arises an ill consequent, their undutifulness to their Parents when grown old; not only to contemn and neglect, but even hate and abhor them; thinking it either long before they possess what they have, or thinking it grievous to provide for those from whom they can hope for no advantage.  
Their last good quality is their immoderate lust, which Herberstein takes to be the more strange, considering their diet, that they have neither bread nor salt, nor any other incentive of gluttony: but their promiscuous and continual lying together in the same Hut, without any difference of age, sex, or condition, seems to occasion this effect. Tornaeus indeed says of his Countrymen, the Lappi Tornenses, who possibly are reclaimed by more civil education, that they are very chaste, insomuch that among them scarce one bastard is Christened in a whole year, which is the less to be wondered at, the women being naturally barren.  
Having given this account of the Laplanders ill qualities, it will now be justice to recount their virtues, as first their veneration and due esteem of Marriage, which they more seldom violate, than many who pretend to be much better Christians. They also abhor theft; so that the Merchants only cover their goods so as to secure them against the weather, when they have occasion to leave them, and at their return are sure to find them safe, and untouched; which is the more commendable, for that in Lapland there are no Towns, or storehouses, and no man could be sure of any thing, if the People were inclined to thievery. They are likewise (those I mean of the better sort) charitable to the poor, not only by receiving those that are destitute into their Huts; but supplying them with stock whereon to live. In proof of this Tornaeus and Sam. Rheen, say that 'tis usual with them to lend gratis, for a considerable time, ten or twenty Rain-deers. Farther they are civil and hospitable to Strangers, whom they with much kindness invite to their Huts, and there treat with the best provisions they have. And of this there are several instances, when any have happened to be cast upon their Coast by shipwreck, or else in the snow, or on the mountains have lost their way. Moreover they are thus far cleanly as often to wash their hands and face; though notwithstanding Tornaeus tells us, they are nasty and scabby, and use not to comb their heads. Lastly they are sufficiently ingenious, making for themselves all sorts of tools and implements for their fishing and hunting; and also for several manufactures, some of which they do very artificially, as shall be shown hereafter in its proper place.   

CHAP. VI Of the Original of the Laplanders.  
WE have intimated our conjecture concerning the original of the Laps, and more than that it will be hard to produce, there being no sober history which gives testimony in this affair. Negatively we may pass sentence, and conclude they were not Swedes, no People differing more both in constitution of body and mind, in language and habit, or whatever else is taken for a character of likeness, or having the same original. Neither can any one think that they were ever Russians or Moscovites; seeing they differ as much from them, as from the Swedes. The Russians are generally tall, the Laplanders on the contrary very short; those are fat and corpulent, these lean and slender; those have thick hair, long beards, and good complexions, these wear their hair short and thin, and are dark and swarthy. But most of all the language is different, in which the Laps and Russes have in a manner no kind of agreement. They must then come from their Neighbours, either the Norwegians on the one side, or the Finlanders upon the other. But they could not well be derived from Norway, who are known to have drawn their original from the Swedes.   depiction of a man holding a spear 
But here some imagine that the Laplanders came not in probability from the Finlanders, because the one are very warlike, the other cowards, these fat and corpulent, those lean and meager. But this doth not at all invalidate our arguments; for every one knows that diet will much alter the habit of the body, and the Finlanders have plenty of good nourishing meats, of which the Laplanders are quite destitute. And for the Finlanders courage in war, heretofore they were not so notable for it, for Tacitus says they had neither arms nor horses, by which he implies they knew not at all what belonged to war. Neither are they very expert at it yet, for by daily experience 'tis found when they are likely to be pressed for Soldiers they hid themselves, and by all means decline employment, therefore they are not warlike from their nature, but from their discipline and arts, and in their natural temper they differ not much from the Laplanders. But what need we go about to prove this by so many arguments, when they confess themselves they are originally sprung from the Finlanders, and still keep a list of the Captains that first led them forth into Lapland, of whom Mieschogiesch is the chief. The same is confirmed by Andr. Andresonius who lived there, and learned it from them, only that he said Thins kogreh was the chief Captain, and so doth Zachar. Plantin. But whatever is said of either of these two Captains, we are not to imagine that they brought the first Plantation of Laplanders into this Country, for 'tis not probable they should so long remember their names, who must have lived before Saxo, for he mentions this Country, and lived about 480 years before us, at which time the Finlanders themselves scarce know what was done, much less the Laplanders. And this the name Thinns, doth something prove, which none shall persuade me to be an old Finland word, for it is the same with the Swedes Thinnis, and the Dutch Thinius, i. e. Antonius, and that the word Antonius was known to the Finlanders before Christ no man will suspect. The same may be said concerning the pretended occasion of the Colony of Finlanders settling in Lapland; for they themselves say, that they left Brokarla and Rengoarvis, because they were oppressed with taxes and pitched first in a wood in Ostrobothnia called Tavastia near the Bodic bay. But all this, as hath been showed the very name of Lappi, which signifies banished persons, sufficiently confutes. Plantin and Peter Nieuren, pretend that though the Laplanders voluntarily removed to Tavastia, they were forced to their present habitation: for the Natives of Tavastia, grieved to see them in a flourishing condition, wearing rich clothes, faring deliciously, and abounding in all manner of wealth, chose them a Captain called Mathias Kurk, and with a great number invaded their quarters, killing and plundering all they met with, nor desisting till they had quite driven them as far as the Rivers Kimi and Torn: and not long after perceiving they lived too happily there, they set upon them the second time, dealing so cruelly with them, that leaving their cattle they were forced to fly into those barren Countries they now inhabit, carrying with them only their nets. Plantin. adds further that Andr. Andresonius affirms he saw some ancient letters, in which mention was made of Kurk a Governor of the Laplanders: but as for his other name of Mathias, it is plain it was postnate to Christianity, since which time if we should imagine the Laplanders first to have come into these parts, we must also suppose the Country to have been till then uninhabited, whereas we have all reason to believe that the Biarmi and Scridfinni lived here before Christ, the latter of which seem by their name to have been only a Colony sent out of Finland: and mention is made of Finlanders in these parts in the time of Harald the fair, or Harfager King of Norway, and his Son Ericus Bodsexe, who lived long before the times of Christianity, and went down into Finmark and Biarmia, and obtained a great victory over them. Now if he went by Sea Northwards of Norway to come to Finmark, Finmark then must have been near Norway, as lying North of it near the Sea, that is the same Country that is now named Finmark, which because then inhabited by Finlanders, as appears by the name, it is not to be believed that it was first possess't by the Laplanders that were driven out of South-Bothnia by Mathias Kurk. Neither are they called Lappi from being driven out then, for they were so called in Saxo's time, and there is little reason to believe that Mathias Kurk's expedition was before him, especially from that inscription which mentions Kurk, since that in those times they knew not so much of writing as to record any thing in it.  
Wherefore we must find out some better authority to confirm to us the original of the Laps, for we may believe that the Finlanders more than once marched out into Lapland, which is evident from the several names of their leaders, whom some called Thinns-Kogre, others Mieschogiesche. The first and most ancient is that from whence the Biarmi took their original, whom I conclude to have descended from the Finlanders, from calling their Gods by Finlandish names. Besides in their nature and manners they agree with the ancient Finlanders: and lastly are called by all Strangers Scridfinni, i. e. Finlanders going upon frozen snow, which, the ancient knowing none else to go so, took to be the Biarmi. But the name of Biarmi was given them by the Finlanders from their going to dwell upon the Mountains, from the word Varama, which signifies a hilly Country: now because Strangers knew from the Swedes they used wooden shoes to go upon the snow, which by the Swedes are called Att Skrlida, not knowing the name Biarmi, they called them Scridfinni: and because the Finlanders and Biarmians were of the same original, they were often subject to the same Prince, as to Cuso in King Holters time. What the occasion was of this leaving their Country is yet doubtful, except it was for fear of the Swedes, who in the reign of King Agnus invaded Frost King of Finland, and harassed the whole Country. The second time of deserting their Country was when the Russians enlarged their Empire as far as the lake Ladog. For fearing the cruelty of these People they retired into Lapland: which I am apt to believe because the Russians call them Kienni, as has been said before from their passage through Kajania into Lapland, which they could not have known but by their own experience; and their wars with them, especially those of Carelia and Cajania being so ignorant both in history and other Countries, that they scarce know any thing of their own, that is of any antiquity. And this proves what we said of their second leaving their Country, which was about the 6th age after Christ: and these perhaps are they which are simply called Finni by the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, or with the addition of Siae or Field, obsolete words of the Biarmians, because they were more than they in number, especially after Harald Harfiger King of Norway, who almost destroyed all the Biarmi in battle. In the mean while the Finlanders lay secure in Finmark, and all the Biarmi being extinct, the name of Finni obtained, and the name and credit of the Biarmi was quite abolished and forgot. And these are all the times they left their Country before they were called Lappi, for till after this they were never called otherwise than Finni, Scritofinni, and Biarmi. But in after ages we find them named Lappones, of whom Adam. Bremensis makes no mention who lived in 1077, but Saxo doth, that lived in 1200; and therefore 'tis probable that in that interval of time, after they were called Lappones, they made their third migration. But any one that will examine the histories of that time, will scarce find any thing that should move the Finlanders to leave their Country, as Ericus Sanctus hath made it appear in that Expedition in which he brought them under the Swedish Government, and planted among them the Christian Religion, which he made in the year 1150, when no small number of them the third time seem to have deserted their Country, and gone into Lapland. And the reason is plain, having been subjected to Strangers, and forced to be of a Religion different from that of their Ancestors, which thereupon was hateful to them, and therefore no wonder some of them sought out a place where they might live free: which is as good a reason too why they were called Laps by those that stayed, for they submitting to the Swedes, and embracing Christianity, looked upon them as desertors of their Country, whom fear only of a good Government, and better Religion, had made exiles, especially when the King had put forth an Edict that all should be accounted banished that would not renounce Pagan Superstition; therefore they were justly called Lappi, and care not to hear of the name to this day.  
And this is my opinion of their original and migrations, out of which I shall not be persuaded by those learned men who believe they rather came from the Tartars, for we never read of any of them going into the North Moreover the Tartars live altogether by war and plunder, whereas the Laplanders live by hunting and grazing, abhorring nothing more than war. Besides the chief delight of the Tartars is in having many stately Horses, of which the Laps are so ignorant, that in their whole language they have not a word to signify an Horse: the language also of the two Nations is so different that one cannot possibly be derived from the other. And although some learned men, who pretend they understood both languages of Finland and Lapland, confidently aver that they are altogether divers: yet it will be easy to produce divers men as well skilled in them, as they that say the contrary. Besides 'tis no consequence because there are a few differences between the Finland and Lapland languages, that they are therefore utterly divers, when this disagreeing may rather proceed from the length of time than any diversity of the Tongues at first, as we find now many Swedish words that do not at all agree with those now in vogue, which yet do not constitute a new language. And their saying the Laplanders could not come from the Finlanders, because they always hated one another, is of little force, when the reasons of their hatred are enough explained already. But it signifies less that the Finlanders have several Customs and Manners not in use among the Laplanders, as the way of building houses, etc. for these were to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place whither they came, and to forget those things which would not be of any use to them. And moreover, there remains still a memorial of those that came out of Finland, where they first sat down in the woods of Tavastia, near a Lake which they call Lappiakairo, that is the Fountain of the Laplanders, who when their necessary food grew scarce, went further up into the Deserts, and the Finlanders pursuing them in Tavastia, they retreated to the Bothnic bay, where they might be more safe, and have more conveniences for living: and this is that migration yet in memory which Plantin. speaks of, viz. that the Laplanders lived here for an age, or more, till the time of King Magn. Ladulaos, An. 1272, who to get them under his subjection, promised any one that could effect it, the Government of them, which the Birkarli, i. e. those that lived in the allotment or division of Birkala, undertook; and having for a great while cunningly insinuated themselves into them, under a pretence of friendship, at last set upon them unawares, and quite subdued them. But before this they were infested by the Tavasti under the command of Kurk, which if we would strictly examine, we should find it of later date than about Christ's time, contrary to some men's opinions. As it happens in things that are taken upon trust, the Laplanders confound the more modern with the ancient, making but one history of all that happened in the distinct times of Ericus Sanctus, Magnus' Ladulaos, with some other Kings before and after, and that so confused and lame, that it is hard for any one to understand it. Ol. Petr. mentions at large one Mathias, Captain of the Finlanders, when they subdued and drove out the Laplanders into the furthest and most desolate place of the North, whom some think to be a noble Family of the Kurks in Finland, and that he ceased not, by frequent inroads upon them, to molest them, till they promised to pay him yearly tribute, which he at length weary of the long and tedious journey exchanged with some of Birkarla in Tavastia for a part of Finland, whence followed what is most true, that the Laplanders to the year 1554 paid annual tribute to the Birkarli, besides whom it was not lawful for any others to trade with them. There are those now living who say they have seen the letters and conditions of the Kurks kept in Ersnees, an allotment of Lulalapmark, by one Jo. Nilson. Which things are so far from being immediately after the birth of Christ, that they may be reasonably thought to have been since Mag. Ladulaos, unless we can imagine that Ol. Petr. by his Tavasti and Buraeus by Birkarli meant the same people, since there were other Birkarli inhabitants of Tavastia, who chose them a Captain named Kurk, under whom they drove out the Laplanders out of the Borders of the Eastern Bothnia, and made them tributary, and the letters may not be ascribed to Kurk, but to Ladulaos, in which he had granted the Birkarli the privilege to receive tribute of the Laps, and of trafficking with them, for it is not probable that Kurk, though he was their chosen Captain, was to have all the benefit of the Laplanders to himself, so as by contract to tranfer to the Birkarli his right. For the Tavastii were either a free People and so shared among one another whatever they got, or else under some Prince, and so could not give another what was not their own, but their Masters. Besides if they did give Kurk any thing, as some Villages, or the like, it was not from any bargain that they were to receive in its stead tribute from the Laplanders, but as a reward to himself for his pains and conduct in the war. But whatever may be said of Kurk and the Tavasti, 'tis certain the Laplanders never came originally from the Russians, nor as others think from the Tartars, but from the Finlanders, having been driven out of their Country, and forced to change their habitations often, till at length they sixth in this Land where they now live: and that Country, which from the remove of its inhabitants was called Lapland, had the same name continued by the Swedes, who had conquered the greatest part thereof. For after the Swedes had learned from the Finlanders that they were called Laps, they also gave them the same name, than the Danes took it up: then Saxo, afterwards Ziegler, then Dam. Goes, who had the account which he gives of the Laplanders from Ol. and Joh. Magn. and so at last all the Country was called Lapland from the Bay of Bothnia Northwards, especially after it was made subject to the Swedes, except only that part which lies on the Coasts of Norway, which retained its ancient name of Finland; as also that part towards the white Sea, called by the Moscovites, Cajanica, although these sometimes call the inhabitants Loppi, which without doubt they took from their neighbours the Finlanders.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Religion of the Laplanders.  
HAVING seen the rise and Original of the Laplanders, we come now to speak more distinctly of them, but first of their Religion; not only what is now, but also what was before Christianity came to be received there. For there were Laplanders, or at least some Inhabitants of Lapland before the Christian Religion was introduced: such as the Finni, Lappofinni, Scridfinni, or Biarmi, as is above said; but it was very long before the Laplanders properly so called embraced the Christian Religion. At first there is no doubt they were Pagans, as all the Northern Nations were, but being all Pagans were not of the same Religion, it may be enquired which the Laplanders professed. And I suppose it could be no other than that of the Finlanders, from whom they derive their original, and consequently their Religion too. But what the Religion of the Finlanders was is very uncertain, since we have no account of the ancient affairs of that Nation. Therefore we must make our conjectures from the Biarmi, and Scridfinni, as also from some remains among the Finlanders and Laplanders.  
We have already proved the Biarmi to be the first Colony that the Finlanders sent into Lapland, of whom this is chief recorded in ancient Monuments, that they worshipped a certain God whom they called Jumala: which Jumala or Jomala is manifestly a different word from what is mentioned in the History of St. Olaus' King of Norway, and of Herrodus, for they relate it as peculiar to the Biarmi, and unknown to themselves; who being either Goths, Norwegians or Islanders, it cannot possibly be any old Gothic word, but of some other Country, and therefore most probably of Finland, where it is now in use. For God, which is by the Swedes, Goths, and all of the same original termed Gott, or Gudh, is by them called Jumala; custom without doubt prevailing that the same name, whereby in ancient times they called the false God, was translated to the true One, both by the Finlanders, the Biarmi and the Laplanders also who came out of Finland, and being joined with the Biarmi made one Nation. Besides Jumala, it seems the Laplanders had a God whom the Swedes call Thor, which may be gathered, not only because they worship one Thor at this present among their idols, as shall be shown hereafter, but also because in the number of Gods which the old Finlanders, especially the Tavasti adored, there was reckoned Turrisas, the God of War and Victory, which was no other than Thor. This Turrisas is put in one word for Turrisas (i. e.) Turris, Turrus, or Torus (for so his name is diversely written) the Prince of the Asses, or Asiatics, for those who in former times came out of Asia into these parts were called Asses, of whom this Turrus was the first, who from that time was worshipped by the Finlanders by the name of Turrisas; which may farther be proved from Arngrinus Jonae, who says the first King of the Finlanders was Torrus, one of the Predecessors of King Norus, from whom some think Norige, (i. e.) Norway, quasi Nori Rige, to take its denomination, it being frequent for the ancient Kings to take upon them the names of their Gods. Thus among the ancient Greeks we find many who were called by the names of Jupiter and Neptune. So Torrus the King was so called from Torus the ancient God of the Finlanders, from whom without doubt he was derived to the Laplanders, together with their language, worships, and other customs. To these two (if they are two) Jumala and Thor, may be added the Sun, which I gather from this, because he is still reckoned among their Gods. Besides he is generally worshipped in all barbarous and pagan Countries, and if he be adored for his light and heat by those People, who enjoy the benefit of a warm air and temperate climate, how much more by the Laplanders, who for no small space endure the hardship of continual night and bitter frosts? but I shall speak more concerning the Sun hereafter.  
These are the chief Gods of the Laplanders, whether they had any of less note may be questioned, though I doubt it not; because at this day they worship some others, which the Finlanders did before them, and probably brought with them into Lapland. Of these the Carelii had Rongotheus the God of Ry, Pellonpeko of Barley, Wierecannos of Oats, Egress of Herbs, Pease, Turnips, Flax, and Homp; Vko with his wife Rowne, of tempests; Kaekre the Protector of cattle from wild beasts; Hyse had the command of Wolves, and Bears, Nyrke of Squirrel-hunting, Hyttavanes of Hare-hunting. Some of these the Laplanders worshipped; especially those whose help they stood chief in need of to the performing of their business, as the gods of hunting and preserving their cattle from wild beasts, and such like: others probably they neglected as useless, because they neither ploughed nor sowed. But I cannot say under what names they worshipped them, because I find nothing of certainty thereof, either in their ancient records, or modern customs.  
Next we must consider what kind of worship they paid their Gods, which we have already mentioned; but of this also we are in great uncertainty, unless we make our judgement from the present times, and deliver those rites which are now used by the Laplanders in their religious performances, but of this we shall speak more when we come to treat of the present state of their Religion. We shall only note here what is read of Jumala. He was heretofore represented in the image of a man sitting upon an Altar, with a Crown on his head, adorned with twelve gems, and a golden Chain about his neck, which was formerly of the value of 300 Marks; though whether the word in the History doth signify a chain, or may better be rendered a Jewel, 'tis uncertain; for it is said that Charles lifting his Axe, cut the collar whereon it hanged: which shows that it was rather gold artificially carved and set with jewels, which was (I suppose) the reason why Herrodus doth not set down its weight, as is usual in the valuing of chains, but its price. This Jewel called Men from Mene the Moon whose figure it represented, was, as I imagine, tied to a collar about the neck, and hanged down upon the breast of the image, as is usual in all such ornaments at this day. But whether this were a chain or locket, it is certain the other parts of his habit were agreeable to our description of him; wherein he was not much unlike the Swedes God Thor, as he is described in our History of Vpsal: for he also was made sitting with a Crown on his head, adorned with Stars, as Jumala with jewels, each to the number of twelve, from whence I am almost persuaded that the Biarmi, and after them the Laplanders, either worshipped one God under two names, or if they were two Gods, they used their names promiscuously. For the true God, whom they knew partly by reason, and partly by tradition, was by them called Jumala: but after the name of Thor began to be famous, they either called Jumala by the name of Thor, or gave Thor the name of Jumala: which I gather from hence, because at this day the Laplanders attribute that to their Thor, which questionless formerly they did to Jumala, viz. the power and command over the inferior Gods, especially the bad and hurtful: also over the air, thunder, lightning, health, life and death of men, and such like; as shall be shown hereafter. What his image was made of, is not known, but I suppose it was wood, because Charles is said to have cut off his head with his Axe, when he only designed the cutting of the collar that held the aforesaid jewel, which he could hardly have done, had it been either silver or gold. Besides, to prove it was wood, it was burnt to ashes, together with the Temple, and all its furniture, excepting some gold, and other precious things; with which gold particularly they did homage to their God: for the Biarmi in their ceremonies to Jumala, did cast gold as a sacred offertory to him into a golden dish, of a vast weight and bigness, which stood upon his knees. This Vessel, in the History of Olaus, is said to be of silver, and full of silver coin, for a little before his time both basin and gold were lost, and the Biarmi never had an opportunity of getting more. They did not worship Jumala every where, but in some few places, or perhaps only in that one, where in a thick remote wood he had a kind of a Temple, not as they are usually built with walls and roof, but only a piece of ground fenced as the old Roman Temples were; from hence one might look every way, which could not have been done had they been covered at the top. As in the form of their Temples, so in the situation of them they did imitate the ancients, who for the most part chose groves to worship their Gods in, and there built their Temples. So much of Jumala, and the ancient manner of worshipping him amongst the Biarmi, as it is transmitted to us by ancient Writers; but of Thor, the Sun, and the other Gods, there is nothing read but what belongs to the times of Christianity, and the superstition still remaining amongst them, of which we shall speak particularly in the following Chapter.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders.  
LAPLAND among other Nations, after a long night of Paganism, was enlightened with the Christian Religion: of which I shall now speak. In the first place we must inquire how and when they first began to heard of Christ's name: but this will be very difficult, because all Writers are silent herein. Plantin indeed affirms from their report, that they first hear of the Christian Religion in the last age; from whence he concludes that they came out of Finland before the Finlanders were converted. But for all this we can hardly yield our assent to him; for it is certain on the contrary that they knew, and some of them embraced, the Christian Religion in the time of Ziegler, who lived in the very beginning of the precedent age, and was present at the destruction of Stockholm by Christiern the Tyrant, which he hath very well described: he affirms that they admitted Christianity to obtain the favour of their Kings, which cannot be spoken of Christiern, or his immediate Predecessor, but of several others in former ages. And indeed it is very improbable that so many Christian Kings should take no care of propagating their Religion among the Laplanders, but permit them to live in a heathenish impiety, without so much as ever hearing the name of Christ; especially since there are Letters of Ericus King of Pomerania extant, wherein he advises the Consistory of Vpsal that they would send Priests to instruct the Laplanders; which Charles the IX afterwards made an argument of his title to Lapland against his neighbours. Besides they had adjoining to them the Birkarli, who were either Finlanders or Swedes, and were converted long before; with these they maintained a commerce, and paid them tribute even from the time of Ladulaus Magnus, who reigned four ages ago. Therefore it is false what Plantin affirms of their being converted in the last age; on the contrary I presume that from the time of Ladulaus, there always were some in Lapland who either were Christians, or pretended to be so: for then their Country was subdued and made a Province of Swedland, and it cannot be doubted but the Swedes propagated the Christian Religion together with their dominion in Lapland. Tho if our conjecture prove true of the Laplanders removing out of Finland, by reason of the wars of Ericus Sanctus, and the planting of the Christian Religion there, it will appear from thence that they heard of Christ, though they neglected him. However no prudent man can suppose that their neighbours the Finlanders for so many ages should never mention any thing of the Christian Religion to them. And therefore my opinion is the more confirmed that the Laplanders had heard of Christ ever since Ericus Sanctus his time, even these five ages, though they rejected his Doctrine, as long as they retained their own freedom: but after they became subject to the Swedes, whether on their own accord to please their Kings, as Ziegler would have it, or for other reasons, at length they took upon them the name of Christians, which happened in the time of Ladulaus Magnus, in the year 1277, from whence we must date the planting of Christian Religion in Lapland, which Religion they neither wholly embraced, nor wholly refused, but retained it with an inveterate, and as it were Jewish prejudice, not out of any zeal, or preferring it as more necessary for their welfare before their former Religion; but outwardly only and in show, esteeming it the best means to gain their Prince's favour, and to prevent those evils which threatened them, if they should persist in their obstinacy. Hence it was that they were married by a Christian Priest, and baptised their children according to the ceremonies of Christianity, which were the two chief things wherein their Christian Religion consisted; and the only things mentioned by Olaus M. For the use of catechising, or preaching of the Gospel, and other information in the heads of Christian Religion were wholly unknown to them, as may be proved from the ancient records of Bishoprics, wherein there is no mention of any Lapponian Diocese, or Church, or of any Diocese to which Lapland might belong. Lastly, if it had not been so, what need was there of Ericus his express to Vpsal, that they would send Priests into Lapland? this, and whatsoever else Ziegler alleges for the slow advance of Christianity in Lapland, Olaus Magnus endeavours to evade; but at length is forced to confess that the Northern parts thereof are not yet reclaimed, and therefore hopes for their conversion.  
This was the State of Christianity in Lapland till the times of Gustavus, differing from their ancient Paganism only in name, and a few external rites, whereby they laboured to make the World believe that they were Christians, which gave Damianus à Goes (though a friend and contemporary of Johannes and Olaus Magnus) very good reason to complain that there was no knowledge of God and Christ in the Land. From hence we may understand how to interpret Olaus M. when he says that by the earnest and pious exhortations of the Catholic Priests, great part of these wild People were, and more were likely to be brought over to the Christian Religion. But when Gustavus came to the Crown, as he took greater care than his Predecessors for promoting of the true Religion in other parts of his dominions, so he did in Lapland also; and as the chief means to effect this, he took the peculiar charge of them upon himself. Whereas heretofore they were rather tributaries of the Birkarli then the Kings of Sweden; and consequently neglected by those Kings; now at some set times in the Winter, they were obliged to meet together in a place appointed, where they were to pay their tribute to the King's Officers, and be instructed in the Gospel by the Priests, and also to give an account of what they learned the year before. This custom must needs have its beginning in Gustavus' time, for he was the first King that demanded tribute of the Laplanders, and consequently that assembled them together for the paying of it. Besides Olaus M. mentions no such institution; which he would have done had it been received in his time. Nay he confesses that if the Laplanders had a mind to have their Children baptised, they were forced to carry them on their backs two hundred Italian miles to a Christian Church, in some of their neighbouring Countries, as Aongermannia, Helsingia, and the like, and if they neglected this duty, there was none to reprove them for it. This made Gustavus complain in a Letter dated at Stocholme, July 24. 1556, that there were many among them, who were never baptised, which proceeded from an opinion that those who were baptised in their riper years, would die within 7 or 8 days after; but when Gustavus together with his Collectors sent Priests into Lapland, their children were baptised, and they instructed at home. Nor were they obliged only to a bare hearing of the word, but to a diligent attention, because they were to be catechised afterwards, and give an account of their progress; so that now it was that they began to be Christians in good earnest, and in this respect it might with some reason be said that in this last age the Gospel began to be preached among them, and that before they were wholly ignorant of the means of their salvation. Now it was that they had certain Priests appointed to instruct them, the first whereof, or at least since the reformation, was one Michael, whom Gustavus in his before mentioned Letter earnestly recommends to them, giving him especial command by pious exhortation to reduce them to the true knowledge of God, and the Christian Faith.  
But this was more effectually done in the succeeding times of Charles Gustavus Adolphus, and Christina; who first endowed Schools and Churches; those two firm supports, without which Religion can neither maintain its present strength, nor acquire more.  
Charles the IX, about the latter end of his reign was the first that caused Churches to be built in every one of the divisions or Marches at his own peculiar charge; two of them are mentioned in Lapponia Tornensis, viz. Tenotekis and Jukasjaerff, whereof one was built, ann. 1600, the other 3 years after. Christina having found a silver mine there, followed his example; and by a public Charter ordered the building of four more, in Arwitsieff, Arieplog, Silbojoch, and Nasafiell, ann. 1640. then were Christian Churches built in Lapland itself, and there are now reckoned in Lapponia Aongermannia one, called Aosalo; in Lapponia Vmensis one called Lyaesala; in Lapponia Pithensis four, whose name are Graatraesk, Arwitfierfs, Stora sawgcks, and Arieplogs; there was also a fifth called Silbojochs, but this was long ago demolished and burnt by the Danes. In Lapponia Luhlensis there is one called Jochmoch. There was also another called Nafrilocht, but this was burnt accidentally not long since. In Lapponia Tornensis there are reckoned three, Juckochsierfs, Rounala, and Enotaches. In Lapponia Kimensis only Enare. All of them being 13 in number, except Silbojoches and Nafrilochs, are kept in good repair, and frequented by the Laplanders. They all own the Kings, and especially Charles the IX, for their Founders, excepting only Kounala, which was built and adorned with a bell at the sole charge of 3 brothers Laplanders, whose piety herein is the more commendable because they were forced to fetch all the materials requisite for such a work thro' long and troublesome ways, out of Norway with their Raindears. A memorable example which most men in our days, though desirous enough to seem pious and religious, are so far from equalling, much more from exceeding, that they never attemt to follow it. The manner of building their Temples was plain indeed, but fit enough for the use they were designed to, the matter of them is the same timber wherewith the Swedes usually build their houses. Adjoining to their Churches they have belfries, and houses for the use of Priests and the convenience of those who living at a great distance from the Church, have the liberty of refreshing themselves here in the Winter time by the fire. This constitution was first made by Christina ann. 1640, commanding the Priests to be always resident, whereas before they living a far off, came but at some set times of the year.  
Schools were first instituted by Gustavus Adolphus, and I suppose in the town of Pithen, something before the year 1619, for in that year Nicolaus Andreae, Minister of Pithen, dedicates his Ritual to him, in token of thanks and commendation for this his piety. The reason why Gustavus Adolphus founded Schools, was chief because he saw the Laplanders profited very little under the Swedish Priests preaching in a foreign language, as they had hitherto done. Besides, the harshness of the air, and coursness of the diet killed great part of the Priests, who had been used to a better climate, and made the rest more unwilling to undergo this hardship: therefore was the first School instituted in Pithen, and committed to the charge of Nicolaus Andreae, who was also commanded for the better promoting of knowledge there, to translate the most useful and necessary books out of the Swedish into the Laplandish tongue. For the Laplanders before this were wholly ignorant of letters, and had not a book writ in their language: the first, which I suppose they had, was the Primer, such as children use to learn containing the chief heads of Christian Religion, viz. the ten Commandments, Apostles Creed, Lords Prayer, and the like compiled by the aforesaid Nicolaus, as himself witnesses: he likewise was the first that published the Ritual in the Laplandish tongue, the book is now extant printed at Stockholm by Ignatius Meurer, with this title, Liber Cantionum quomodo sit celebranda Missa Sermone Lappico. These were the elements wherein they were first to be instructed, afterwards there were other books printed, amongst which was a Manual translated out of Swedish by Joannes Tornaeus, Minister and Schoolmaster of Tornen, containing the Psalms of David, Song of Solomon, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, Luther's Catechise, sacred Hymns, Gospels, and Epistles, with the solemn Prayers. The history of Christ's Passion, and destruction of Jerusalem, the Ritual, and Prayers of all sorts.  
In the next place, for an encouragement to those that would send their children to School, Gustavus Adolphus allowed money, not only for their diet, but also for their clothes, and other necessaries, with a stipend for the Schoolmaster: with these helps the Laplanders began more seriously to consider of the Christian Religion, which was now preached to them in no other language than their own: heretofore their Ministers using only the Swedish tongue, they learned something but understood it not, and muttered some Prayers, but they knew not what: for sometimes there stood under the Pulpit, an Interpreter who explained to the People as well as he could what the Minister said at length. By the benefit of these aforesaid books they began to understand what they prayed for, and some of the Youth of Lapland having studied at the University of Vpsal, made so good progress in the knowledge of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and of the Christian Religion, that they were entrusted with the Ministry.  
Hitherto we have taken a view of Gustavus Adolphus his first care for the advancement of Christianity in Lapland, but as all things in their beginnings find some opposition, so did the preaching of the word of God here; first of all it was a matter of great difficulty to maintain a School without the confines of Lapland, to which the Youth of that Nation should resort, therefore in the second place it was advised by that famous man Joannes Skytte, free Baron of Duderhoff, and Senator of the Kingdom, who to his immortal praise obtained that a School might be erected by the King in Lapland itself, in the Province of Vma, near the Church Lyksala, from whence the School took its name. This was the second School the Laplanders had, and by Gustavus Adolphus, then engaged in a tedious war in Germany, the charge of it was committed to the aforesaid Joannes Skytte, by a Royal Charter, and settled upon his Family for ever, allowing the Schoolmaster the whole Tithe, after the ordinary charges deducted; but still retaining to the Crown the superintendency of the benefaction. The form thereof is as follows,  
WE GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS by the Grace of God King of the Goths and Vandals, etc. declare that although our dear Father Charles of blessed memory; as likewise we ourselves, after we were by the Divine Providence placed in the Throne of this Kingdom, have earnestly endeavoured that our Northern Subjects called Laplanders should be instructed, in Arts and Letters; and be informed in the grounds of Christian Religion, yet the distraction of the present time, hath hitherto hindered our religious purpose; but lest our attemt should be utterly frustrated, we ordain and appoint our faithful Senator, Chief Governor of Livonia, Ingria, and Carelia, the illustrious Lord John Skytt L. B. in Dunderhoff, Governor and Visitor of a School to be erected in Umalappmark, he having undertaken that Charge: We farther ordain that the Government of the said School, shall from time to time continue and belong to the Successors, in his family: and that the Master and Scholars in the school aforesaid, may have a constant maintenance, we grant unto them the Tithes which the inhabitants of that division, do yearly bring into the Storehouse of Uma, after the ordinary payments are deducted. These Tithes, with other gifts and benefactions which the aforesaid Lord John Skitt shall by his diligence acquire for the said charitable use; shall be disposed by him for the benefit of the said School, reserving to ourselves and successors the supreme regulation of the same. In witness whereof we have set our hand and Seal. Given in old Stetin in Pomerland, June 20. Ann. 1631.  
This School had some peculiar advantages over others, because its setlement was firmly established, having for its Visitor, not the Minister of the Parish, but a Senator of the Kingdom. Besides here was not only a salary allowed to the Master and Scholars, but also an order to receive it out of the Tithes of Vma; whereas the other had indeed a set stipend, but because it was not certainly decreed where they should receive it, it was not duly paid as the time and their necessities required, which was no small disadvantage and impediment to their design. But all inconveniences were here remedied and the salary most firmly settled; and not only so, but also full authority granted unto the Illustrious Lord John Skytte to find out and confirm any other means, which might conduce more to the good of that foundation. Neither was that eminent man wanting out of his singular piety to God, and love of learning, to make this his whole business, till at last he gathered a sum of five thousand Dollars, partly thro' his own, and partly thro' his friends liberality, which he delivered to the Queen Christina for the use of a Copper Mine, that in lieu thereof the School of Vma might yearly receive the whole revenue of the Crown, due from certain Towns in that Province. This request of his the Queen easily granted, and two years after issued out her Letters patents, and a new Charter by the Protectors of the Kingdom, whose worthy Commemoration is not to be omitted. The words of the Charter are as follow,  
WE CHRISTINA by the Grace of God Queen elect and hereditary Princess of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, Queen of Finland, Esthonia, Carelia, and Ingria, do declare, that whereas our dearly beloved Father, sometimes King of Swedland, did out of his singular zeal and religious affection for the promoting of the Church of God, especially in the Northern parts of his Dominions, institute a Laplandish School in the Province of Uma, and did constitute our trusty and well beloved Senator the illustrious Lord John Skytte, Senator of the Kingdom of Sweden, Precedent of our Royal Council in Gothland, Chancellor of our University of Upsal, High Commissioner of South-Finland, free Baron of Duderhoff, Lord of Graensia, Straemfrum and Skytteholm, Knight, to be superviser of this work, settling the same power upon his Posterity after his decease, and bountifully allowing to this design out of the stores of Uma the yearly Tithes due to the Crown; We therefore by virtue of these Letters patents to not only confirm that wholesome Constitution of our pious Father deceased, but do also certify that the illustrius Lord John Skytte hath brought in the sum of 5000 Dollars of silver given by himself and his pious friends for the use of the Laplandish School, which entire sum he hath paid to the Copper-Company, humbly entreating that the said sum may remain in that Company to Us and our Crown, and that We for the yearly interest of the said money allowing 8 per Cent, would give to the Laplandish School the use of certain Villages in Norlands, that the inhabitants thereof may pay their taxes to the aforesaid School; which We graciously approving, do give, as a security, the benefit and profit of these following Villages belonging to Us and our Crown in the Provinces of Uma and West Bothnia; Roebeck 12 Farms ⅝. Staeksive 2. 3/ 16. Clabbiler 3. 9/ 16. Baggaboelet 2. 27/ 32. Kuddis 2. 5/ 16. Braeneland 2. 11/ 16. These Farms shall yearly pay to the Laplandish School all their ordinary and extraordinary taxes which are hitherto imposed, which their inhabitants are hereby commanded to do without intermission, during the time that we retain the aforesaid sum of 5000 Dollars, paid to the Copper-Company, until We shall have restored the sum entire to the Laplandish School. Wherefore We command our Officers, and all whom it may concern, that they subtract not from the said School the aforesaid sum given in security, before such time as the money may be restored; and that they do not offer nor suffer to be offered any injury or prejudice to the aforesaid School, contrary to this our Edict, in confirmation whereof Ours and the Kingdoms Protectors and Administrators have hereto set their hands, and sealed it with the Royal Seal. Dated at Stockholm Novemb. 5. 1634.  
The Persons that subscribed were, Gabriel Oxenstern, Gustavi F. R. Drotsetus. Jacobus de la Gardie High Marshal. Carolus Caroli Gyldenhielm High Admiral. Petrus Banner Deputy Chancellor. Gabriel Oxenstern Treasurer.  
This is that School to which the Laplanders owe their Progress in the knowledge and love of Christian Religion, which appears from those many useful and eminent Persons who have been there bred; also the success may be seen from the testimonials of the Examiner's, who were constituted in the same year that the School was endowed by the aforesaid Royal Charter, the words are related by Brazius as follow,  
WE, whose names are underwritten, do testify that we were called by the Reverend and Learned M. Olaus our Pastor of the Church of Uma, to be present at the examination of the Laplandish Youth frequenting the School of Lyksa in the Province of Uma; we also testify that we did hear them examined by their Rector our aforesaid Pastor. First, they altogether sang the Psalms of David translated into the Swedish language, as they are now used in the Church: next they all, and singular repeated the Primer, containing not only the Elements of Speech, but the Lords Prayer, ten Commandments, Apostles Creed, the words used in administering the Sacraments of Baptism, and the Lords Supper; also the Graces before and after meat, together with the Morning and Evening Prayers. This Book they all read according to the manner prescribed in other Schools, and the more ingenious of them did distinctly and without hesitation repete the little Catechism made by Luther: Besides this, they read the Gospels for Sundays and Holidays as they are published in the Swedish tongue, this was the task of all the Scholars. Only 8 of them being of slower parts, did nevertheless emulate the more ingenious according to their abilities. Now they all begin to learn the Fundamentals in the Laplandish Idiom, that they may instruct their Countrymen in their own mother tongue. This school exercise and the fruit arising from thence as it exceeded our expectation, to see the illiterate Youth in a short time by the blessing of God, learn the Principles of our salvation, which better Scholars have been much longer in attaining to, so ought we to give singular thanks to Gods who hath made their endeavours so successful. Nor must we omit the deserved Commendation of those pious men, who by their bountiful largesses founded and endowed the School, and at this time maintain it; although for the reward of their piety they must expect the blessing of God, according as he hath promised. Witness our hands and seals. Dated in the place aforesaid Ann. 1634. Jacobus Andreae Buraeus. Petrus Jonae. Andrea's Hacquini. Jacobus Nicolai. Olaus Olai.  
From this testimony it appears that the School was frequented by no small number of the Laplandish Youth, also that they were not wholly unfit for the study of learning and Religion; making it their chief care to learn those things which are especially necessary to the improving of a Christian life. Last of all, the readiness of the Laplanders to send their children to School: so that now there appears another face of Religion in Lapland then what there was in former ages, because the Kings have taken greater care in providing for Churches, Schools, Books, Ministers, and Schoolmasters. The Priests in like manner are more careful, being now for the most part Laplanders, or skilful in that tongue, whereof there is in Lapponia Vmensis one, in Lapponia Pithensis 3, in Lapponia Luhlensis one, whose trouble is the greater, because the Country is large and the inhabitants dispersed.  
In Lapponia Tornensis and Kiemensis they have both Laplandish and Swedish Priests, who once a year at their public Fairs in February visit the Country, baptising their children, and preaching to them in the Finish language, which they seem to understand. For their reward they have one third part of the Raindears, which the Laplanders are bound to pay to the Crown: and whereas every Laplander was obliged to pay for a tax either two pair of shoes, or a white Fox, or a pound of Pike, this is now equally divided between the King and the Priest; which makes not only the Priests more cheerful in doing their duty, but the People also more diligent in their performances. Hence it is that they pay their Ministers so much honour and respect, saluting them at their first coming with bowing their head, giving them in token of Reverence the title of Herrai, i.e. Sir, conducting them upon their Raindears to their Cottages, adorned with birch bows, covered with their furs, and showing them all the civility they have. Upon a table or rather a plank laid upon the ground they set them meat, which is usually fish, or flesh of Rain-dear dried together with the tongue and marrow. They use neither Salt, Bread nor Wine, all which the Priess are forced to bring with them, the Laplanders drinking only Water, because the extremity of the cold spoils their Beer. They are careful in observing Sundays, refraining both themselves and their cattle from all work on that day, and sometimes on the day before; nay some there are who refuse to milk their Raindears on Sundays. While the Sermon is preaching they attend diligently; and in singing of Psalms they are so zealous that they strive who shall sing best. They very much reverence and frequent the Sacraments, especially that of Baptism which they never defer; but the women themselves within eight or fourteen days after their delivery do often bring their children thro' long and tedious ways to the Priest. They likewise pay much reverence to the Lords Supper, and to the ceremonies of Confession and Absolution, which are always used before that Sacrament, which they now are really partakers of, whereas in the times of Popery they received it without any solemn consecration. Neither do they neglect the other parts of Christian Piety. They most religiously abstain from swearing, cursing and blasphemy: they are very charitable to the poor, and just, insomuch that there are scarce any robberies ever heard of in the Country. Their mutual conversation is very courteous, especially among persons of the same Country or family, often visiting and discoursing with one another. This they learn from the precepts of Christianity, which requiring them not only to regulate their Faith, but their lives, teaches that though there be three Persons, the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, yet they are but one God. And as by the help of Christianity they learn the rule of true piety; so do they utterly abhor all their ancient superstition. They pull down all their drums, and burn and demolish all their Images of wood and stone. A memorable example hereof is mentioned by Johannes Tornaeus in this manner. A certain Laplander, just, pious, and wealthy, named Petrus Peiwie dwelling in Peldojaerf, at a Village of Lappmarkia Tornensis, with all his family worshipped the Idol Seita: it happened upon a certain time that his Raindears died in great numbers; whereupon he implored the assistance of his Seita. But he prayed in vain, for his Raindears died still. At length with his whole family and good store of dry wood, he took a journey to the place where Seita stood: round about the Idol he strewed green bows of Fir, and offered sacrifice to him, the skins, horns, and skulls of Raindears; at last he prostrates himself with his whole family before the Idol, beseeching him that he would by some sign testify unto him, that he was the true God. But after a whole days prayers and devotions finding no sign given, he sets fire to the combustible wood, and burns down the Idol of the Town. When his offended neighbours sought to kill him, he asked them why they would not permit the God to revenge himself for the affront. But Peiwie became so constant an adherent to the Christian Religion, that when others threatened with their charms to mischief him, he on the contrary repeated the Lords Prayer, and the Apostles Creed. He burned all the Seitas he could meet with, and at length sent his eldest Son Wuollaba to Enorreby to do the like there; for which he was forced to fly into Norway to avoid the Inarenses, who lay in wait for him. There was also one Clement, a Lappo-Jenabiensis whose Mother being grievously sick, he sought remedy from the Drum, but his Mother died notwithstanding; whereupon he cut his Drum in pieces, alleging that he saw no use of it.  
Hitherto we have seen the Christian Religion much better received and improved by the Laplanders, and applied to their daily conversation, than what it was in ancient times. And from hence we may collect the care of those who by their authority, counsel or ministry did promote it; yet cannot we triumph over Pagan impiety wholly rooted out; as shall appear by the following Chapter.   

CHAP. IX. Of some remains of Paganism in Lapland at this time.  
BY the present State of Religion in Lapland, it cannot be doubted but all possible means were used by their pious Kings and Priests, for the extirpating of superstition and its evil consequences: nevertheless there remain some relics thereof to employ their farther care and endeavour, many gross errors prevailing among them, which renders the reality of their conversion suspicious, as if they were still in love with the erroneous opinions of their Ancestors, especially some of the Norwegian Laplanders, whose Idolatry sufficiently demonstrates that all their pretences to Christianity are but fictitious. But though it were impiety to believe this of all, since experience shows us the contrary; yet it cannot be denied, but that many of them profess Christianity rather out of dissimulation than any real affection. One chief reason why they so stiffly adhere to their superstition and impiety, proceeds from the miscarriage of their Priests, who either take no care of instructing the People, or vilify their doctrine by the sordidness of their lives; whilst under a pretence of propagating the Gospel, they endeavour only to advance their own revenues. This the Laplandens, before none of the richest, could not bare; to see themselves oppressed and disabled by the exactions of the Priests. The truth of this Olaus Magnus strives to confute, calling it an impious and false assertion, but he brings nothing to prove the truth of what he says, nor answers Ziegler, by telling a fair story, of the industry and liberality of some in the Southern parts: and particularly that his brother Joannes came to the utmost border of Jemptia, and gave a large Alms to the poor people there, and at his own great charge set up a Salt-work. A farther cause of the little improvement of Christianity, is the vastness of the Country, some of the Inhabitants living above 200 miles from the Christian Churches. But though this cause is now in some degree removed by having Churches more frequently, yet that inconvenience still remains; because they are yet very far distant, particularly in Lapponia Luhlensis, as we have already mentioned. There are other causes of this unhappy effect, which more particularly reflect upon the Natives. As their strong inclination to superstition, which hath been formerly mentioned, and the occasions thereof intimated. To this we may add the high estimation they have of their Predecessors, whom they think more wise then to have been ignorant of what God they ought to adore, or the manner of his worship: wherefore out of reverence to them they will not recede from their opinions, lest they should seem to reprove them of ignorance or impiety. Lastly, this happens upon the account of inveterate Custom, which at all times is hardly forgot, especially where it prevails as a Law. This is it that darkens their understanding, and renders it incapable of discerning between true and false. For these and some other reasons there remain several tracks of Superstition and Idolatry, which require no small time to be wore out; as we see in several of the meaner sort, not only in Swedland, but in Germany, France, and other Countries, where there is found much of the old superstition, though in other things they are orthodox enough.  
Amongst the Laplanders these opinions may be reduced to two heads, for they are superstitious and paganish, or Magical and Diabolical. Of the first sort some of their superstitions are only vain and fabulous, others very impious and heathenish. As first of all their distinctions between white and black days. Of the later sort they account the Feasts of S. Katherine and S. Mark, whom they call Cantepaive, and S. Clement, upon which days they abstain from all business, and chief from hunting. And of this they give two reasons; first, because they say if they should hunt on any of those days, their bows and arrows would be broken, and they should forfeit their good success in that sport all the year. In like manner they esteem the first day of Christmas to be unlucky, insomuch that Masters of families go not out of their Cottages, not so much as to Church, but send their Children and Servants, for fear of I know not what spirits and daemons, which they suppose to wander about the air in great Companies upon that day; and that they must first be appeased by certain Sacrifices, which we shall mention hereafter. This superstition, I suppose, sprang from a misinterpretation of the story which they heard from their Priest, how a great host of Angels came down from Heaven upon our Saviour's Nativity, and frighted the Shepherds. They are likewise great observers of Omens, and amongst others they guess at the success of the day from the first beast they meet in the morning. They forbidden the woman to go out of that door thro' which the man went a hunting, as thinking the way would be improsperous if a woman trod the same steps.  
And herein they are only superstitious but in what follows, they are impious and heathenish. As first they go to Church not out of any devotion, but compulsion. Next they stick at several Principles of the Christian Religion, especially the resurrection of the dead, the union of the body and soul, and the immortality of the soul. For they fancy to themselves that men and beasts go the same way; and will not be persuaded that there is any life after this. Whereupon one Georgius, a Laplandish Priest, desired upon his death bed that he might be buried amongst the Laplanders, that at the last day when he should rise together with them, they might find his doctrine of the resurrection true. Notwithstanding they believe that something of a man remains after he is dead, but they know not what it is; which was the very opinion of the Heathens, who therefore feigned their Manes to be somewhat that did remain after their death. A third impiety they are guilty of, is joining their own feigned gods with God and Christ, and paying them equal reverence and worship, as if God and the Devil had made an agreement together to share their devotions between them.  
Those of Lapponia Pithensis and Luhlensis have their greater and lesser Gods; the greater to whom they pay especial worship are, Thor, Storjunkaren, and the Sun. Damianus à Goes writeth that they worship the Fire and Statues of stone: but those Statues are only the Images of Storjunkaren, and the Fire is only an emblem of the Sun; for that they worshipped Fire itself for a God, is very false, as appears from Tornaeus, who made particular enquiry into that thing. The same may be said of Peucer, who taking his mistake from the wooden Image of Thor, reports that they worship wood. So that there are only three, and that among the Pithenses and Luhlenses; for the Tornenses and Kiemenses knew nothing of them, but in their stead under one common name worshipped a Deity, whom they called Seita, whereof every family and almost every person had one. Nevertheless there was one chief Idol to which all the neighbourhood paid devotion. But though this word Seita denotes any God among the Laplanders, yet may we suppose that under that name, especially as it signifies the public Idol, they worshipped the same, which the Luhlenses call Tiermes, or Aijeke (i. e.) thunderer, or father, by others named Thor. And by the private Idols they meant him, who by the Luhlenses is called Storjunkare, making the difference to consist not in the Gods but their names. The Tornenses rather using a general appellation, and calling them all Seitas, whereas the Luhlenses call the greater Terms or Aijeke, and the lesser Storjunkar. And if one attend to their manner of worshipping these Gods, they will appear to be the same. Besides these greater, the Pithenses, Luhlenses, and their neighbours have some inferior Gods, as the Tornenses likewise have, though they worship them all under one name, excepting only that which they call Wiru Accha, signifying a Livonian old woman, which Olaus Petr. with some alteration calls Viresaka. This was only the bare trunk of a tree, and is now wholly rotten. But who the inferior Gods were, or to what end they were worshipped, there is no mention made; but we may guests from what we find observable among the other Laplanders. First under that name they worshipped the ghosts of departed persons, but especially of their kindred, for they thought there was some divinity in them, and that they were able to do harm: just such as the Romans fancied their Manes to be; therefore it was that they offered Sacrifice to them, of which more hereafter. Besides these Manes they worship other Spectres and Demons, which they say wander about Rocks, Woods, Rivers and Lakes, such as the Romans describe their Fauni, Sylvani, and Tritons to be. The third sort dreaded by them are Genii, whether good or bad, which they suppose to fly in the air about Christmas, as we intimated before; these they call Juhlii from the word Juhl, denoting at present the Nativity of Christ; but formerly the new year. And these are the Gods which the Laplanders jointly adore with God and our Saviour; of which we shall now speak particularly, and of their respective worship.   

CHAP. X. Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.  
WE have showed in the foregoing Chapter that there were three principal Gods worshipped by the Laplanders; the first is Thor, signifying thunder, in the Swedish Dialect called Thordoen, by the Laplanders themselves Tiermes, that is any thing that makes a noise, agreeing very well with the notion the Romans had of Jupiter the thunderer, and the God Taramis, which I have treated of in the History of Vpsal. This Tiermes or thunder they think by a special virtue in the Sky to be alive; intimating thereby that power from whence thunder proceeds, or the thundering God, wherefore he is by them called Aljeke, which signifies grand, or great-grand-Father, as the Romans saluted their father Jupiter; and the Swedes their Gubba. This Aijeke when he thunders is by the Laplanders called Tiermes, by the Scythians, Tarami, and by the Swedes, Tor or Toron. This Tiermes or Aijeke the Laplanders suppose to have power over the life and death, health and sickness of man: and also over the hurtful Demons who frequent Rocks and Mountains, whom he often chastises, and sometimes destroys with his lightning, as the Latins fancied their Jupiter to do, for which end they give him a bow in his hand to shoot the Demons with, which they call Aijeke dauge: also they give him a mallet, which they call Aijeke Wetschera, to dash out the brains of the said evil spirits. Wherefore because the Laplanders expect so many blessings from their Tiermes, and believe he bestows life on them, and preserves their health, and that they cannot die unless it be his pleasure, and drives away the Demons, which are prejudicial to their hunting, fowling, and fishing, and never hurts them but when their offences deserve it: therefore he is to be worshipped in the first place. The next of the principal Gods is Storjunkare, which the it be a Norwegian word, Junkare in that language signifying the Governor of a Province, yet is it used by the Laplanders now; though perhaps it was not in use till some of them became subjects to Norway. Certain it is, that this is not the only name of that God, for he is also called Stourra Pass (i. e.) Great Saint, as appears by a Hymn which is sung at his Sacrifices. His name they reverence very much, and pay him frequenter, if not greater devotion than other Gods, for they suppose him to be their Tiermes his Lieutenant, and as it were Royal Perfect, adding Stoere, which signifys greater for distinction sake. Now they worship Storejunkar, because they think that they receive all their blessings thro' his hands, and that all beasts and cattle, are subject to his will, and that he governs them as Tiermes doth men and spirits; wherefore he can give them to whom he will, and none can receive them without his pleasure. These beasts therefore supplying the Laplanders with meat and clothes, it may easily be imagined how necessary they held it to worship Storjunkare. And these are the two peculiar Gods of the Laplanders, whereof one hath the dominion over men, the other over beasts; one bestows life, the other all things required to the sustaining of it. Tornaeus says they report of him that he hath often appeared to Fowlers or Fishers in the shape of a tall personable man, habited like a Nobleman, with a Gun in his hand, and his feet like those of a bird. As often as he appears standing on the shore, or in the ship by them, they say he makes their fishing successful, and kills birds that happen to fly by with his Gun, which he bestows upon those that are present. It is reported that a Laplander being to guide one of the King's Lieutenant, when he came over against a mountain where Storejunkar was supposed to dwell, he stood still, and setting the helve of his Axe down upon the Ice, turned it round, professing that he did it in honour of their munificent God, who dwelled there. And though there is mention made but of one mountain where the Laplander performed this ceremony, yet we may suppose he would have done it oftener, if there had happened to be more hills in the way. But perhaps this distinction of name is used by the Laplanders which border upon Norway, especially in Lulalapland, from his habit and clothing; and because he used to appear in another dress to them of Lapponia Kiemensis and Tornensis, therefore they did not worship him under that name, but by the common appellation of Seita, from whom they believed that they receive the benefits of hunting, fishing, and fowling.  
I come now to the Sun, their third God, which is common to them with all other Pagans, him they call Baiwe, and worship him chief for his light and heat: also because they believe him to be the Author of Generation, and that all things are made by his means, especially their Raindears, of whom and their young they think he hath a particular care to cherish them by his heat, and bring them suddenly to strength and maturity. And being they live in a cold Country where their native heat is diminished, and often wholly extinguished, being they have nothing to sustain themselves with but the flesh of Rain-dear, they think it very fit to pay the Sun very great honours, who is the Author of so great blessings to them, and who at his return restores them that light which they lost by his departure, and that not for a day or two, but for several weeks, which being paid, the new day seems more welcome to them, by reason of long absence.  
To every one of these principal Gods they pay a several sort of worship; which consists first in the diversity of places dedicated to their service, next in the diversity of images erected to them in these places; lastly, in the diversity of Sacrifices which they offer to them. The place where they worship their Thor or Tiermes is a piece of ground set apart for this superstition, on the backside of their Huts, above a bows shoot off; there upon boards set together like a table they place their images. This table serves them instead of an Altar, which they surround with bows of birch and pine; with the same bows also they strew the way from their Huts to the Altar: and as the table serves them for an Altar, so do the bows for a Temple. The same account, only omitting the table, doth Tornaeus give of the Tornenses and Kiemenses worshipping of Seita, so that they may seem to be one and the same God: unless his description should be applied to Storjunkar rather, because he mentions Lakes to be the place of his worship; which was proper to Storjunkar, as shall be shown. But I suppose the Seitas were worshipped in other places as well as Lakes, and so they signified both Gods under one name, and that Tornaeus was not so curious as to distinguish between them. In the same place where they worshipped Tiermes they worshipped the Sun also, and upon the same table too, which makes me suspect that they were but one God; whom they called Tiermes, when they invoked him in the behalf of their lives, healths, or preservation from Demons, and Baiwe when they begged of him light or warmth, or any thing that might fortify them against the cold. But the place where Storjunkar was worshipped, was upon some peculiar mountains, and on the banks of Lakes: for almost every family hath its particular rocks and hills appointed for this business. Some of these rocks are so high and craggy that they are impassable to any but Storjunkar. But it must not be supposed he lives only in rocks and cliffs of mountains, but also on the shores of Lakes and banks of Rivers, for there also he is peculiarly worshipped, because the Laplanders have observed the same apparitions in these places, that they usually do upon rocks and hills, namely Storjunkar habited and armed according to the description already given, by which his presence they think he testifies his great love for those places, which therefore they have in great veneration, and call them Passewara, i. e. Sacred mountains, or rocks belonging to Storjunkar, supposing they cannot pay their devotion to him in any place better, or be surer of finding him, then where he himself appears. To these places they allot their certain bounds and confines, that all people may know how far the sanctified ground reaches, and avoid those evils, which otherwise Storejunkar would certainly inflict upon them for violating his holy place. Now since every family, that is given to this superstition hath its peculiar place of worship, it is manifest that there is good store of them throughout Lapland. Sam. Rheen reckons up thirty of them in the Province of Luhla.  

The first by the River Waikijaur, about ½ a mile from the Laplandish Church called Jochmochs.  
The second by the hill Piednackwari about ½ a mile farther from the said Church.  
The third in an Island of the River Porkijaur, a mile and half off the River.  
The fourth on the top of a very high hill, which they call Ackiakikwari, i. e. Fathers or Thors' hill, 5 miles beyond Jochmoch, near Porkijaur.  
The 5 near the Lake Skalkatraesk, 8 miles from the aforesaid place.  
The 6 at a Cataract of Muskoummokke, 11 miles off.  
The 7 on the top of an high hill Skierphi.  
The 8 on the top of the hill Tiackeli.  
The 9 at the hill Haoraoaos.  
The 10 at the top of a high hill Cafla, near a little Lake called Salbut.  
The 11 on a hill half a mile from Wallawari.  
The 12 on the top of a prodigious hill called Darrawaori, 2 miles from the aforesaid place.  
The 13 near Kiedkiewari.  
The 14 at a place called Nobbel, near a Lake by Wirrijaur.  
The 15 at the Lake Kaskajaur.  
The 16 at the hill Enudda towards Norway.  
The 17 at the hill Rarto, near the same place.  
The 18 in an Island of the Lake Luhlatraesk called Hiertshulos.  
The 19 on a high mountain towards Norway called Skipoiwe.  
The 20 at the Lake Saiivo.  
The 21 at Ollapassi, a bay of the Lake Stoor Luhlatraesk.  
The 22 at the Lake Lugga.  
The 23 on the hill Kierkowari.  
The 24 on the hill Kautom Jaurlis.  
The 25 at the Cataract Sao.  
The 26 on the top of a high hill called Kaiszikiae.  
The 27 at the Lake Zyggraesk.  
The 28 at the hill Piouki.  
The 29 in an Island of the Lake Waikejaur called Lusbyshulos.  
The 30 in a mountain near the River Juleo called Warieluth.   
Neither are these are the places in the Country that are dedicated to this use, but there are several others which the Idolatrous People endeavour to conceal, that they may avoid the suspicion of this impiety and their deserved punishment. But in other parts of Lapland the number is far greater as may be easily understood; and therefore I shall not tyre the Reader with a recital of them. For all these places they have a high esteem, whether dedicated to Thor, the Sun, or Storjunkar, so that they exclude all women from them; not permitting them so much as to go behind the house where Thor is worshipped, and prohibiting all marriageble women to come near the borders of Storjunkars consecrated hills: and the reason is because they think that Sex, especially at that age, not pure enough for those devotions, but not knowing who are pure and who are not, to prevent all danger they prohibit the whole Sex, who if they transgress herein, they must expect many misfortunes to befall them, and perhaps death itself.  
I come now to the Images of their Gods, for with these they used to honour them. Thors' image, was always made of wood, wherefore he is called by them Muora Jubmel, i. e. the wooden God. And because in Lapponia Tornensis, as well as in other places they make their Gods of wood, it is very probable that they worship Tiermes, though they call him Seita. Of this wood, which is always Birch, they make so many Idols as they have Sacrifices, and when they have done they keep them in a cave by some hill side. The shape of them is very rude, only at the top they are made to represent a man's head, according to the description of Mathias Steuchius, which he relates from his Father, who was Superintendent of Hernosandensis, and had the oversight of all things relating to Piety and Religion in most parts of Lapland. Of the root of the tree they make the head, and of the trunk the body of the image: for those Birches which grow in Fenny grounds have usually their roots growing round, and from them there shoot out other little roots, so that it is easily fitted to the shape of a man's head. Now to manifest this to be Thor, they put a hammer into his right hand, which is as it were his ensign by which he is known. Into his head they drive a nail of Iron or Steel, and a small piece of flint to strike fire with, if he hath a mind to it. Tho I rather suppose it was first used to be an emblem of fire, which together with the Sun they worshipped in Thor, whose Image is here delineated.   depiction of a Laplander worshipping a wooden idol of the god Thor  depiction of a Laplander worshipping a stone idol of the god Storjunkar 
I come now to their Sacrifices and other Ceremonies used to their Gods. First it is observable that they are performed only by men, all women being excluded; they esteeming it as great a crime for a woman to offer Sacrifice as to frequent the consecrated places. They never offer Sacrifice till they have enquired of their God whether he will accept it or no. This they do with a certain instrument which they call Kannus, not unlike the old fashioned Drums, from whence they are usually called Laplandish Drums, and shall be exactly described hereafter. This Drum being beaten, and some Songs sung, they bring the designed Sacrifice to Thor, who if he signifies by a ring in the Drum that the Sacrifice is pleasing to him, they fall presently to work: otherwise they carry it to the Sun, and so to Storjunkar, till one of them will accept of it. The manner of it is thus. They pull off some of the hair at the bottom of the beasts neck, and bind it to a ring which is fastened to the Drum, than one of them beats the Drum, and all the rest sing these words, What sayest thou o Great and Sacred God, dost thou accept this Sacrifice, which we design to offer unto thee? And while they chant these words, they repete the name of the mountain where they are: then if the ring rests on that part of the Drum where the God is pictured, they take it for granted that the God is pleased, and so proceed to the Ceremony; or else they carry the Sacrifice to Thor, and use the like form of words, Father God will you have my Sacrifice. Peucer either thro' false intelligence, or misapprehension, relates this business something differently, they have (says he) a brazen Drum whereon they paint several sorts of Beasts, Birds, and Fishes, such as they can easily procure: bolt upright upon this Drum they fix an iron perch, upon which stands a brazen Frog, which at the beating of the Drum falls down upon some of the pictures, and that creature whose picture the Frog touches, they sacrifice. Their usual sacrifices are Raindears, though sometimes they use other creatures, as Dogs, Cats, Lambs and Hens, which they fetch out of Norway. The 3d thing observable is that they offer their Sacrifices usually in the Autumn, because, I suppose, the Winter and night being at hand they think they have more need of their God's assistance, which may probably be the reason too why every year about that time they make a new image for Thor, which is always done 1● days before Michaelmas. And thus they consecrate it, first they sacrifice the Rain-dear, then taking out his bones they anoint the Idol with the blood and fat, and bury the flesh and bones under ground. Besides this Idol they erect one to him every time they sacrifice, and then they place them all one by another upon a table behind their Hut. First when the God hath approved of the Sacrifice, which is usually a Buck to Thor, they bind it behind the house, then with a sharp knife they run him thro' the heart, and gather the heartblood, wherewith they anoint the Idol, into a vessel. After that having placed the images right, and adorned the table, they approach reverently to it, anoint the head and back all over with the blood, but on his breast they only draw several Crosses. Behind him they place the skull, feet, and horns of the sacrificed Dear; before him they place a Coffer made of the bark of Birch, into which they put a bit of every member of the Rain-dear, with some of the fat, and the rest of the flesh they convert to their private uses. This is the manner of the Laplanders sacrificing to Thor. But when they offer Sacrifice to Storjunkar, which is likewise a male Dear, than first they run a red thread thro' his right ear, and bind him, and sacrifice him in the place they did that to Thor; preserving the blood likewise in a vessel. Then he who performs the Ceremony takes the horns and the bones of the head and neck, with the feet and hoofs, and carries them to the mountain of that Storjunkar, for whom the Sacrifice was designed. When he comes near the sacred Stone, he reverently uncovers his head, and bows his body, paying all the ceremonies of respect and honour. Then he anoints the Stone with the fat and blood, and places the horns behind it. Unto the right horn they ty the Raindears yard, and to the left some red thread wrought upon tin with a little piece of silver. The same rites that are observed to Storjunkar are also used to Seita, to whom the Laplanders usually sacrifice upon Holidays, or after some loss or misfortune. Then making their Prayers and Devotions to the Idol in their best clothes, they offer him all manner of oblations, and the choicest parts of the Rain-dear, as the flesh, fat, skin, bones, horns, and hoofs, whereof there are great heaps to be seen at this day where Seita was worshipped. The horns are found placed one above another, in the fashion of a fence to the God, which is therefore by the Laplanders called Tiorfwigardi, that is a Court fenced with horns, which are sometimes above a thousand in number. Before these horns they used to hang a garland made of Birch tree, stuck about with bits of flesh cut from every member of the sacrifice. This I suppose first caused the mistake of those who reported that the Laplanders worshipped the horns of Raindears. All the flesh that remains of the sacrifice the Laplanders spend in their houses: and this is the ordinary way of sacrificing to Storjunkar. Two other methods there are but less used; one when they bring the sacrifice alive to the hill where the Idol is placed: another when they would do so, but cannot climb the hill where Storjunkar is by reason of its steepness. For the first they kill the sacrifice hard by the Idol, and when they have performed the usual ceremonies, they presently boil the flesh in the place, especially that about the head and neck, and invite their friends to the eating of it. This they call Storjunkars Feast, and when they have done they leave the skin behind them. This is not used in all Storjunkars hills, but only in some peculiar place where he hath manifested to them that he will be worshipped so. The other way of sacrificing is when the hill is so craggy that they cannot ascend it with their sacrifice, than they throw up a stone to the top of the mountain, which they dip in the blood and go away, as having paid their devotion. But as (besides the sacrifice) they once a year honour Thor with a new Image; so do they Storjunkar with fresh bows twice every year. The first time in Summer with birch and grass; next in Winter with pine. The same also Tornaeus reports of the Seitas. Then it is they seek whether their God be favourable and propitious to them or no: for when they go to strew the bows and grass under him, if the stone proves light, they hope he will be kind; but if it be something heavier than ordinary, they suspect he is angry with them, and immediately to reconcile him they devote some oblations to him. And thus are Peucerus his words to be understood, when the Laplanders (says he) go a hunting or fishing, or upon any other enterprise, they try their success by the weight of their God, who if he is easily moved, they take it for granted that he approves of their design; if hardly, than he dislikes it: but if he be unmoveable than they suppose him offended with them. This is not to be understood of all their affairs, but only when they lay fresh straw under him, for at other times they inquire his pleasure with a drum, of which I have already spoken.  
It remains now that we treat of the sacrifices used to the Sun, these are young Raindears, and those not bucks but does: the rites are most of them the same with those already mentioned; only instead of a red string thro' the right ear of Storjunkars sacrifice, they run a white one thro' the Suns; then they make a garland, not of birch, but willow, about as big as the hoop of an Hogshead. This they place upon a table behind the Hut where they sacrifice to Thor, not upon the same table, but one like it. And this sacrifice differs from the other in that there are neither images erected here, nor horns, the beasts being not come to their growth. But that there may be some resemblance of the Sun, they place the chief bones of the sacrifice upon the table in a circle.  
Besides these 3 principal Gods they have some petty ones, as the Manes of deceased men, and the Julii troops. They have no particular names for the Ghosts, but call them all Sit: neither do they erect them images as they do to Thor and Storjunkar; only they offer them some certain sacrifices. At which time their first business is to inquire the will of the dead, whether it please him to be worshipped with that kind of sacrifice in these words, Maijke werro Jabmike sit, o you Manes what will you have, than they beat the drum, and if the ring falls upon any creature there pictured they take it for the sacrifice which the ghost desires: they then run thro' his ear, or, as others say, tie about his horns a woollen black thread. Having performed the sacrifice, they spend all the flesh upon their own uses; except a bit of the heart, and another of the lungs: each of which they divide into 3 parts, and fasten them upon as many sticks, which they dip in the blood of the sacrifice, and so bury them in a kind of Chest made in the form of a Laplandish Dray, as they do the bones of all other sacrifices. But of this I shall speak more at large when I come to their funeral rites, where the same things are likewise used. I shall only add that these rites are still observed in Lapland by all that are superstitiously given. The Juhliis, whom they call Juhlafalket, as I said of the ghosts, have no statues, nor images; the manner of worshipping them is in this sort. The day before the festival, which is Christmas day, they abstain from all flesh: and of every thing that they eat, they take a little piece and preserve it very carefully, which they do likewise the next day. In their feasting, the bits which they have gathered in these two days they put into a chest, made of the bark of Birch, in the fashion of a Boat with sails and oars, together with some fat of the pottage, and hang it upon a tree behind the Hut, about a bows shot off, for the Juhliis to feast on, whom they then suppose to wander in troops in the Air, thro' woods and mountains; a ceremony not unlike to the ancient libations to the Genii. But why they do this in a Boat they can give no reason: but we may conjecture that hereby is intimated how the knowledge of Christs-birth (declared by the company of Angels, which as I have showed already was the meaning of these Juhliis) was brought by Christians, who came to them in Boats. So much of the Laplanders Idolatry and Superstition, which remains to this day amongst many of them, as is found by daily experience.   

CHAP. XI. Of the magical Ceremonies of the Laplanders.  
IT hath been a received opinion among all that did but know the name of the Laplanders, that they are People addicted to Magic, wherefore I thought fit to discourse next of this, as being one of the greatest of their impieties that yet continues among them. And that this opinion may seem to be grounded upon some authority, they are described both by ancient and modern Writers, to have arrived to so great skill in enchantments, that among several strange effects of their art, they could stop ships when under full sail. This judgement of the Historians concerning the Laplanders is no less verified also of the Biarmi their predecessors. So that we may justly suppose both of them to have descended from the same original: for the Biarmi were so expert in these arts that they could either by their looks, words, or some other wicked artifice, so ensnare and bewitch men, as to deprive them of the use of limbs and reason, and very often bring them into extreme danger of their lives. But though in these latter times they do not so frequently practise this, and dare not profess it so publicly as before, being severely prohibited by the King of Sweden: yet there are still many that give themselves wholly unto this study. But if we inquire into the motives and reasons hereof, this, formerly mentioned, seems the principal, that every one thinks it the surest way to defend himself from the injuries and malicious designs of others: for they commonly profess that their knowledge in these things is absolutely necessary for their own security. Upon which account they have Teachers and Professors in this science: and parents in their last will bequeath to their children, as the greatest part of their estate, those spirits and devils that have been any ways serviceable to them in their life time. Sturlesonius writes of Gunilda, a maid, that was sent by her father Odzor Huide, who dwelled in Halogaland, to Motle King of Finlapland in Norway, to be instructed in this art. Where he gives an account also of two other Finlanders, and the great knowledge they attained to in this profession. But it is very seldom that the parents themselves are not so learned, as to perform the duty, and save the expenses of a tutor. Thus they become famous in these studies, especially when they happen to be apt Scholars. For as the Laplanders do not all agree in the same disposition, so neither do they arrive to the same perfection in this art. For some are so stupid and dull, that however they may seem qualified for other employments, they prove altogether unfit for this.  
As to the bequeathing their familiars to their Children, they suppose it the only means to raise their family; so that they excel one another in this art, according to the largeness of the legacies they receive. From hence it is manifest, that each house hath peculiar spirits, and of different and quite contrary natures from those of others. And not only each distinct family, but single persons in them also have their particular spirits, sometimes one, two, or more, according as they intent to stand on the defensive part, or are maliciously inclined and design to be upon the offensive: so that there are a set number of obsequious spirits, beyond which none hath. But however some of these will not engage themselves without great solicitation, and earnest entreaties, when others more readily proffer themselves to little children, when they find them fit for their turn, so that divers of the Inhabitants are almost naturally Magicians. For when the devil takes a liking to any person in his infancy, as a fit instrument for his designs, he presently seizes on him by a disease, in which he haunts them with several apparitions, from whence according to the capacity of his years and understanding he learns what belongs to the art. Those which are taken thus a second time see more visions, and gain greater knowledge. If they are seized a third time, which is seldom without great torment, or utmost danger of their life, the devil appears to them in all his shapes, by which they arrive to the very perfection of this art; and become so knowing, that without the Drum they can see things at greatest distances, and are so possessed by the devil, that they see them even against their will. For example, not long since a certain Lap, who is yet alive, upon my complaint against him for his Drum, brought it to me; and confessed with tears, that though he should part with it, and not make him another, he should have the same visions he had formerly: and he instanced in myself, giving me a true and particuliar relation of whatever had happened to me in my journey to Lapland. And he farther complained, that he knew not how to make use of his eyes, since things altogether distant were presented to them.  
As for the art, it is, according to the diversity of the instruments they make use of in it, divided into two parts: one comprehends all that to which their Drum belongs, the other those things to which knots, darts, spells, conjurations, and the like refer. First concerning the drum, as being peculiar to the Laplanders; and called by them Kannus, or Quobdas; it is made out of a hollow piece of wood, and must either be of pine, fir, or birch tree, which grows in such a particular place, and turns directly according to the Sun's course; which is, when the grain of the wood, running from the bottom to the top of the tree, winds itself from the right hand to the left. From this perhaps they believe this tree very acceptable to the Sun, which under the image of Thor they worship with all imaginable devotion. The piece of wood they make it of, must be of the root cloven asunder, and made hollow on one side, upon which they stretch a skin: the other side, being convex, is the lower part, in which they make two holes, where they put their fingers to hold it. The shape of the upper side is oval, in diameter almost half an ell, very often not so much; it is like a kettle drum, but not altogether so round, nor so hollow; neither is the skin fastened with little iron screws, but wooden pegs. I have seen some sowed with the sinews of Raindears. Olaus termed the drum very improperly an anvil, though I believe he only meant by this a drum, as will appear hereafter. This perhaps made the Engraver mistake, who made a Smith's anvil for it, placing a Serpent and a frog upon it, with a Smith's hammer by. The Laplanders use only a drum, which perhaps because they beat it with a hammer, was by Olaus called an anvil. They paint upon the skin several pictures in red, stained with the bark of an Alder tree. They draw near the middle of the drum several lines quite cross, upon these they place those Gods, to whom they pay the greatest worship, as Thor the chief God, with his attendance, and Storjunkar with his: these are drawn on the top of the line; after this they draw another line parallel to the former, only half cross the drum, on this stands the image of Christ with some of his Apostles. Whatever is drawn above these two lines represents birds, Stars, and the Moon; below these they place the Sun, as middlemost of the Planets, in the very middle of the drum, upon which they put a bunch of brazen rings when they beat it. Below the Sun they paint the terrestrial things, and living creatures; as Bears, Wolves, Raindears, Otters, Foxes, Serpents: as also Marshes, Lakes, Rivers, etc. This is the description of the drum according to Sam. Rheen, of which this is the picture.  
The Explication of the Figures.  
In the Drum A. a marks Thor. b Thors Servant. c Storjnnkare. d his Servant. e Birds. f Stars. g Christ. h his Apostles. i a Bear. k a Wolf. l a Rain-deer. m an Ox. n the Sun. o a Lake. p a Fox. q a Squeril. r a Serpent.  
In the Drum B. a denotes God the Father. b Jesus Christ. c the Holy Ghost. d S. John. e Death. f a Goat. g a Squeril. h Heaven. i the Sun. l a Wolf. m the fish Siik. n a Cock. o Friendship with the wild Rain-deer. p Anundus Eerici (whose Drum this was) killing a Wolf. q Gifts. r an Otter. s the friendship of other Laps. t a Swan. u a sign to try the condition of others, and whether a disease be incurable. x a Bear. y a Hog. β a Fish. γ one carrying a Soul to Hell.   depiction of a drum marked with mystical symbols, including gods, stars, birds and animals 
I have observed that several of their drums have not the same pictures upon them, I have three very different; one, which is here set down, marked by the letter B. They are described differently by Tornaeus, in which the figures are distinguished so as to refer to several places, of which there are chief three. In the first stands Norland, and other Countries of Sweden, which are placed on the South side of the drum, and are separated by a line from the rest; in this also is contained the next great City, where they trafic most; as in the drums made at Torn, or Kiemi, there is drawn the City Torn, with the Temple, Priest, and Governor of the Laplanders, and many others with whom they have any concerns: as also the highway that lies betwixt them and Torn, by which they discover when their Priest, or Governor will come; besides other affairs managed in those parts. On the North part, Norway is described with all that is contained in it. In the middle of these two stands Lapland, this takes up the greatest part of the drum: in it are the several sorts of beasts that are in the Country, here they picture herds of Raindears, Bears, Foxes, Wolves, and all manner of wild beasts, to signify when, and in what place they may find them. If a tame Rain-dear be lost, how they may get him again. Whether the Rain-deers young ones will live. Whether their net fishing will be successful. If sick men will recover, or not. Whether women great with child shall have a safe delivery. Or such, or such a man will die of such a distemper, or by what other; and other things of the like nature which they are desirous to know. I cannot give an account of the reason for this difference in the drums, unless it is that some of them are made for more malicious designs, others again for each man's private purpose. Upon this account I believe, according to the nature of the business they intent, they add, and blot out, and sometimes wholly change the figures. But that you may the better understand the diversity of the drums, here are two represented to you, both which I had out of the Study of the Chancellor of the Kingdom.  
The explication of the Figures.  
In the Drum C. a denotes Birds. b black Foxes. c Tinur, a God. d Thor, a God. e Thors hammer. f Storjunkare. g a wooden Idol. h his Servant. i a Star. k an Ox. l a Goat. m a Star. n the Moon. o the Sun. p a Star. q another Star. r a Wolf.   depiction of the upper and lower sides of a drum marked with mystical symbols, which include gods, stars, birds and animals 
The two greater Figures represent, one the upper, the other the lower side of the Drum, and so do also the two lesser.  
Besides these two drums, I had also a third given me by the same Lord of as great a size as any that can be usually met with.   depiction of a large drum marked with mystical symbols 
To these I add a fourth, given me by the Illustrious Baron Lieutenant Henry Fleming, marked with the letter F.   depiction of a drum marked with mystical symbols 
Now there are two things required to fit the drum for use, an Index and a Hammer, that shows among the pictures the thing they inquire after, with this they beat the drum. The Index is the bunch of brazen rings mentioned before. They first place one great ring upon the drum, than they hang several small ones upon that; the shape of the Index's is very different, for of these I have one made of copper, of the bigness of a Dollar, with a square hole in the middle, several small chains hanging about it instead of rings. Another hath an Alchemy ring, on which a small round plate of copper is hung by little chains. I have seen another also of bone, in the shape of the Greek Δ, with rings about it; and others of a quite different make. I have described mine under the drums A, and B, by the mark G; but the common sort of rings are of copper, and those upon the Chancellor's drums are altogether such. Some Writers call these rings serpents, or brazen frogs, and toads; not that they resemble them, but because by them they signify these creature, whose pictures they often use in their conjuring, as supposing them very grateful and acceptable to the Devil. The Laplanders call the Index Arpa, or Quobdas; and make it indifferently of any sort of metal. The hammer they use in raising their familiars, is not the Smith's; which was the error of him that drew it in Olaus Magn. but is an instrument belonging only to the Laplanders, and called by a peculiar name by them: it is made of a Rain-deers horn, branching like a fork, this is the head of the hammer, the other part serves for the handle. The instrument is placed under the two drums A. B. with the letter H, with the hammer they beat the drum, not so much to make a noise, as by the drumming to move the ring lying on the skin, so as to pass over the pictures, and show what they sought after. This is the description of the drum, with all its necessaries as it is used by the Laplanders that are subject to the Swedes; the Finlappers also that are under the Crown of Danemarke, make use of drums something different in fashion from the former; yet however the difference is so small, that I believe their drums are not of a different kind from ours, but made only for some particular uses. I shall give an account of one of those, described in Wormius' Study, who says that the Laplanders drum, which they use in their magic, and by beating which they discover those things they desired, is made of an oval piece of wood hollowed, in length a foot, in breadth ten inches; in this they make six holes, and put a handle to it, that they may hold in the left hand, whilst they beat it with the other; upon it they stretch over a skin, painted with divers rude figures, drawn with blood, or red; upon this lies a piece of brass, in the shape of a Rhomboides, scmewhat convexe, about two inches in diameter, in the middle of this, and at each corner hangs a small chain. The instrument, with which they beat the drum, is of bone, six inches long, about the thickness of a little finger, and made much like the Latin T.  
This instrument the Laplanders use for divers designs, and are of opinion that whatever they do it is done by the help of this. For this reason they have it in great esteem and reverence, taking such care in securing it, that they wrap it with the Index, and hammer, up in a Lambskin, and and for its greater safety, lay it in some private place. But I think it an error, to suppose them to lay it in a Lambskin: for it is written in some places Loomskin, which signifies the skin of a bird that lives altogether in the water. They think it so sacred, and holy, that they suffer no maid that is marriageable to touch it; and if they remove it from place to place, they carry it the last of all, and this must be done too only by men; or else they go with it thro' some untrod way, that no body may either meet or follow them. The reason they give for their great care in this particular, is, because they believe if any one, especially a maid that is marriageable, should follow the same way, they would in three day's time at least fall into some desperate disease, and commonly without any hopes of recovery. This they seem to verify by many examples, that we may give the more credit to it; and we have the less reason to doubt the truth of this, since the devil severely commands his worship to be observed, and suffers not those rites and customs he hath imposed to be violated, so long as God is pleased to grant him this liberty. Now because it may happen sometimes that a woman may out of necessity be constrained to go that way, by which the drum hath been carried, the devil is so favourable as to permit it without any danger, upon condition she first offers a brazen ring to the drum.   depiction of the handle on a Lapland drum  depiction of a drum being used in a magical ceremony 
Those in the mean time that are present, leave not off singing all the time he lies sweeting in this agony; which they do not only to put him in mind, when he awakes, of the business he was to know; but also that he recover out of this trance, which he would never do, (as they imagine) if they either ceased singing, or any one stirred him with their hand or foot. This perhaps is the reason why they suffer no fly, or any living creature to touch him; and it is upon this account only that they watch him so diligently, and not out of any fear they have lest the devil should take away his body; which opinion of Peucers' is altogether false. It is uncertain how long they lie in this manner, but it is commonly according as the place where they make their discovery, is nearer or farther off; but the time never exceeds 24 hours, let the place be at never so great a distance. After he awakes he shows them some tokens to confirm their belief in what he tells them. This is the first and chiefest use they make of the drum.  
The next is, how to know the event of their own concerns, and what success their hunting will have, or any other business which they undertake, for they seldom venture on any thing, without first consulting that. In order to the knowing this, they place the bunch of rings on the picture of the Sun in the drum; then they beat, singing at the same time; if the rings go round towards the right hand, according to the Sun's course they promise to themselves good health, fortune, and great increase both of men and beasts; if contrary, towards the left, they expect sickness and all the evils attending on ill success. We may easily ground this opinion of theirs upon the other mentioned above, where they believe the Sun the only Author of all productions. Wherefore when the Index moves according to his motion, it portends prosperity by following his course, from whom they expect all the good they receive. This is the way they take in all their more weighty affairs, as in a journey, hunting, removing their habitations, or any such like thing, of which something before, and more hereafter. Before they hunt they make particular observation which way the Index turns, whether East, West, North, or South; and collect from thence where their game lies. Other things for which the drum is serviceable, are, first, the discovering the nature of diseases, whether they arise from any disorder in the body, or are caused by magic; this being known, then to find the remedy for them, which is commonly by sacrifice to one or other of their angry Gods, but chief to Storjunkar, who bears greatest authority among them, and if not appeased, leaves them small hopes of recovery. Wherefore the sick person vows a sacrifice, either of a Rain-deer, Bull, Goat, or Ram, or something of this kind to one of the Storiunkars, that stands upon the mountains. The sacrifice is not left to the disposal of the sick man, but must be made according to the directions of the drummer; for he is supposed to be the only man able to advise them in this case, he first discovers which of the Gods is displeased, and what sort of sacrifice is most acceptable to him, for they refuse several, and the same also at several times. But before the drummer appeases their Gods, they give him a copper and a silver ring, putting them on his right arm, than he gins a song, and beats the drum, and all that are present join with him in a Chorus; after this according to the place, to which the Index points, he directs them. These are the things commonly done by the drum. The last thing for which they think it necessary, is, the accomplishing their wicked designs, as impairing men's health, or depriving them of their lives; which is frequently enough practised among them, though not altogether so publicly as heretofore. Some of them account this only unlawful, and exclude themselves out of the number of those, which use it, thinking the other uses of the drum to consist chief in doing good. But however this mischievous Art continues still too much among them. Several inhabitants of Kiema in Lapland were apprehended in the year 1671, with drums, for this purpose so large, that they could not be removed from thence, but were burnt in the place. Among those Laplanders there was one four score years of age, that confessed he was bred up in this art from his childhood, who in 1670 upon some quarrel about a pair of mittens, caused a Boar of Kiema to be drowned in a Cataract, for which he was condemned to die, and in order to that was to be carried in chains to the next town in Bothnia, but in the journey he contrived so by his art, that on a sudden, though he seemed well, and lusty, he died on the sledge, which he had often foretold he would sooner do, then fall into the Executioners hands. As to the ceremonies used in this particular, either in their words, gesture, or any other thing, I can give no account, finding none in those writings, from whence I collected the rest. The reason for this, I suppose, is, because they themselves keep this secret, as the great mystery in their art; or that no one would inquire into them, lest they should be thought guilty of this damnable sin.  
Having treated largely of the drum, we come to the other parts of this art, to which also belong proper sorts of instruments: the first is a cord tied with knots for the raising of wind. They, as Zeiglers relates it, tie three magical knots in this cord; when they untie the first, there blows a favourable gale of wind; when the second, a brisket; when the third, the Sea and wind grow mighty stormy, and tempestuous. This, that we have reported concerning the Laplanders, is by Olaus Magnus, and justly, related of the Finlanders, who border on the Sea, and sell winds to those Merchants that trafic with them, when they are at any time detained by a contrary one. The manner is thus, they deliver a small rope with three knots upon it, with this caution, that when they lose the first, they shall have a good wind, if the second, a stronger, if the third, such a storm will arise, that they can neither see how to direct the ship, and avoid rocks, or so much as stand upon the decks, or handle the tackling. No other Writers mention this concerning the Laplanders, and I am apt not to think it at all probable, since they live in an inland Country, bordering no where upon the Sea. Wherefore this properly belongs to the Finlappers in Norway. Now those that are skilled in this art, have command chief over the winds that blew at their birth; so that this wind obeys principally one man, that another, as if they obtained this power when they first received their breath; now as this belongs chief to the Finlappers and Finlanders of Norway, so doth the stopping of the course of ships, which is altogether of the same nature. This is also attributed to the Laplanders, who according to the different affection they have for Merchants, make the Sea either calmer, or more tempestuous.  
We come now to their magical Darts, which they make of lead, in length about a finger; by these they execute their revenge upon their enemies, and according to the greatness of the injury received, they wound them with cankrous swell, either in the arms, or legs, which by the extremity of its pain, kills them in three day's time. They shoot these darts to what distance they please, and that so right too, that they seldom miss their aim. Olaus Magnus reports the same in his writings, which I believe is only a transcript of Zeigler's, the words being the same, and without doubt he follows him in this particular as he hath in many others. But I suppose they are both mistaken, and misrendered them leaden darts, since I can find no person in these times that knows of any such; neither is there any mention made of them in any other writers, or by the common People, who seldom omit such circumstances as these in their relations. But they might perhaps be mistaken in supposing them to be made of lead, by misunderstanding the word Skott, which is commonly used for their explanation. For when either man or beast is suddenly taken with a disease, by which their strength fails, and they immediately perish; the common People call this that takes them so Skott, that is a dart. This might make Zeigler think to be really some dart, which the inhabitants are wholly ignorant of, and most among us believe these things to be effected by some other means. Petrus Claudius calls it a 'Gan, which they send abroad: he likens it to a fly, but says it is some little devil, of which the Finlanders in Norway that excel most in this art, keep great numbers in a leathern bag, and dispatch daily some of them abroad. Of these he relates a story, that happened in his time: an Inhabitant of Helieland, who is still alive, going towards the mountains in Norway to hunt Bears, came to a cave under the side of a hill, where he found an image rudely shapen, which was the Idol of some Finlander; near this stood a Ganeska, or magical satchel: he opened this, and found in it several bluish flies crawling about, which they call Gans, or spirits, and are daily sent out by the Finlanders to execute their devilish designs. But he seems to intimate no more by this word 'Gan, than that very thing which endangers men's health, and lives. For he says that these Finlanders cannot live peaceably, except they let out of their Ganeska or Gankiid, which is the fatchel, every day one of the Gans, that is a fly or devil. But if the 'Gan can find no man to destroy, after they have sent him out, which they seldom do upon no account at all, than he roves about at a venture, and destroys the first thing he meets with; sometimes they command it out to the mountains, to cleave rocks asunder: however these conjurer's will, for very trivial causes, send out their 'Gan to ruin men. This word 'Gan signifies no more than what Zeigler meant by his dart, for the term by which they express its going out is de Skiuda deris 'Gan, that is, he as it were shoots out his 'Gan like an arrow, for Skiuda is only proper to the shooting out of an arrow.  
This is the third thing belonging to their magic, which they use as well against one another as strangers; nay sometimes against those that they know are their equals in the art. Of this kind there happened a notable passage betwixt two Finlanders, one of which was called Asbioern Gankonge, from his great knowledge in the art, the other upon some small difference concerning their skill, or some such trifle, would have destroyed Asbioern, but was still prevented by his too powerful art, till at last finding an opportunity, as Asbioern lay sleeping under a rock, he immediately dispatched away a 'Gan, that cloven the rock asunder, and tumbled it upon him. This happened in the time of Petrus Claud. not long before he wrote his History. Some of the Conjurers are contented only with the power to expel that 'Gan out of men, or beasts, which others send. This is remarkable among them, that they can hurt no man with their 'Gan, except they first know his parent's name.  
Now all that the Finlanders and Finlappers of Norway effect by their 'Gan, the Laplanders do by a thing they call Tyre. This Tire is a round ball, about the bigness of a walnut, or small apple, made of the finest hair of a beast, or else of moss, very smooth, and so light that it seems hollow, its colour is a mixture of yellow, green, and ash, but so that the yellow may appear most. I had one of these given me by Mr John Otto Silverstroem, Warden of the College belonging to the metals, and Master of the Mines at Saltzburg and Frahlune. This is the figure of it.   depiction of a tyre, a round ball used in Lapland ritual 
This Tire they say is quickened and moved by a particular art? it is sold by the Laplanders, so that he that buys it may hurt whom he pleases with it. They do persuade themselves, and others, that by the Tire they can send, either Serpents, Toads, Mice, or what they please into any man, to make his torment the greater. It goes like a whirlwind, and as swift as an arrow, and destroys the first man, or beast, that it lights on, so that it often mistakes. Of these we have too many instances in this time, which are too long to insert here: having therefore done with all, or at least the chiefest matters concerning their sacred, and superstitious rites, or worship; we proceed to other affairs.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Government of the Laplanders.  
WE come now to their secular affairs, which are either public or private: we will treat first of the public, to which belong the form and constitution of their Government. This in former times, before they were named Laplanders, was in this manner; they were subject to no neighbouring Country, but were governed among themselves, yet so as to be subject to a King, they chose out of their own Nation. Most of them, or at least those which bordered on Norway, and dwelled near the Sea, were under this kind of Government, in the time of Herald Harfager King of Norway, cotemporary with Ericus the Conqueror, King of the Swedes, this was 900 years after Christ; he conquered the greatest part of Norway, except these Finlanders. The King that reigned over them at that time, was named Mottle. This account was questionless taken from Harald's expedition into Biarmia, and his ruining all that Country, except the part belonging to these Finlanders. In those times the name of Laplanders was neither used, nor known, as I have shown elsewhere, but they retained that of their ancestors, which was also common to all of the same extraction.  
Their condition was not much altered, after that they took this name, which was when they first sent out Colonles into the inland Countries, on the farther part of the mountains, which divide Swedland from Norway. For they that went out had certainly some Leader, whom without doubt they chose for King, after they had taken possession of those Countries; and I believe they would scarcely submit to any other power whilst that he was living; and this seems the more probable, because no one in those days would undertake the conquest of a company of poor beggarly fugitives, who dwelled among Woods and Deserts, in continual snow and the greatest extremity of cold. This was the Moscovites opinion of them, who though they dwelled near them, scarcely knew their nature and disposition, and thought it madness to set upon them with a small party, and an adventure of little profit, and less honour to raise an Army against a Country already distressed by poverty. For this reason the Laplanders enjoied their own customs for a long time. The first King of Sweden that had any thoughts of conquering them was Ladulaus the great, who flourished about the year 1277, who because it seemed difficult to bring them under the Crown of Sweden, promised those that would undertake the conquest, the government over them. He thought it too expensive to make a public war upon them, when they were to be dealt with as wild beasts; yet however could not endure that a neighbouring People, dwelling almost in the heart of his Country, for they possessed at that time as far as the Bay of Bothnia, should refuse obedience to his Kingdom. Wherefore he thought upon the before mentioned project, and proposed great advantages to private persons, upon which the Birkarli, their neighbours, readily engaged themselves, and effected their enterprise no less successfully. In this design, the plot of a particular person was most remarkable, as is related by Ericus, and recorded by John Buraeus. One single man of the Birkarli went towards Lapland to waylay the Laplanders in their return from Birkala, (at this time no one inhabited on the North side of that allotment) and ordered his wife to cover him over with snow, in the middle of the way where the Laplanders must necessarily pass over him. They came in the night time, and by their passing over him he knew there were fifteen, which were the chief among them, and to whom the rest were in subjection; when they were gone, he immediately arose out of the snow, and going some shorter way, set upon them at unawares, as they passed by, one by one, which is their usual way in travelling, and slew them one after another. None of those that followed perceived the first men slain, it being in the night time, and each of them at some distance from the others; till the last man finding his fellows killed, made a stout resistance, but the Birkarla by the assistance of his wife got the victory, and slew him likewise. Thus the most powerful of them being slain, the rest readily submitted. Some think the Birkarli deluded them by a pretended truce, and that before it was expired, they assaulted them, not suspecting then the least danger, and killing several, subdued the Country, as far as the Northern and Western Oceans. We may easily collect from the truce mentioned here, that before their subjection to the Swedes by the Birkarli, there was some kind of war betwixt both: besides, it was shown above, that Ladulaus could not bring them under his Crown. This perhaps may be Zeiglers meaning, when he describes them as a warlike People, and free for a great time, that they also withstood the Arms of Norway and Sweden, till they were forced at last to yield; but what Zeigler imputes to their valour, proceeded only from the contemt they were then in, as is plain from the opinion the Moscovites gave of them. And there is little reason to suppose the Swedes were not of the same, since they were overcome only by the allotment of Birkala; and Ladulaus did not conquer them out of any fear he conceived of their forces, but by sleight, foreseeing the small advantages he should receive would not quit the charges of an Army. Thus the Laplanders were brought in subjection by the subtlety and expense of private persons. About the year of our Saviour 1277, the Birkarli had the authority over them; yet so as to acknowledge their dependence on the King of Sweden. Now whether all of them were thus overcome, as those that lived beyond the mountains of Norway, near the Sea, which are the Finlanders, or Lappofinni, is still in doubt, except we collect it from this, that all from the Northern and Western Oceans were certainly subjected. But whatever dispute may arise concerning that, it is manifest the Swedes were the first conquerors of Lapland, but afterwards the Norwegians and Moscovites following their example, put in also for a part; thus they became subject to these three several Princes. But to pass by the others, the Swedes enjoyed, for some former ages, half the dominions from Tidisfiorden to Walangar, over the Lappofinni, or maritime Finlanders. This was given by Charles the IX, in his instructions to his Ambassadors, sent to the King of Danemark, wherein he made it appear that the Swedes had from former times, till then, enjoied half the rights, both sacred and civil, whether as to tributes, punishments, men, or fisheries, with the Crowns of Danemark and Norway. But the Swedes kept only a third part from Malanger to Waranger, those of Norway and Moscovy laying claim to the other two, till in the year 1595, the Moscovites, by a League, delivered up their part, but the Swedes always possessed the mountainous and more neighbouring places from Ladulaus' time, for near four hundred years, and exercised their authority over them. The Government after the conquest was in the hands of the Birkarli, according to the grant given them by Ladulaus, who ruled over those that dwelled near the Bay of Bothnia, imposed taxes, trafficked with them, and received all the profit of the Salmon fishing, and all other advantages arising from them; but in acknowledgement to the King, as Supreme, they paid a certain number of grey Squirrels skins. The Laplanders, by common consent, received and honoured the Bergchara, that is men of the mountains, or Birkarli, as their Governors, and paid them very rich skins, and several sorts of fish, both for their tribute to the King of Sweden, and their own proper uses. Neither were there any other commissioned by the King in those times to govern them, as will appear afterwards. He, that was their Governor was honoured by them with the title of King, his authority was confirmed by the Crown of Sweden, he wore a red robe, as the token of his Royalty; now from this sort of garment, by which the Birkarli were distinguished from others, it is evident they were the first rulers in those parts; and perhaps only one governed them, whilst they dwelled near the Bay of Bothnia, but when they enlarged their possessions farther into the Land, and were divided into several Counties, each division had its particular Governor. And that it was so, is manifested from the Letters of Gustavus the first, where he divides the Birkarli into Luhlians, Pythians, and Tornians, over which accordingly there were several Governors. It may perhaps now be a dispute, who these Birkarli were, by whom the Swedes subdued Lapland; Buraeus says they were the Inhabitants of the allotment, of Birkala, but Olaus Magnus is of a different opinion, and calls them Bergchara, that is, men of the mountains, from Berga mountain, and Charar or Karar men. What grounds he hath for this, he neither declares, nor can I easily imagine. But I think them so small that they will find little credit any where; for from whence, or from what mountains should they be thus called? not from those of Norway, when at that time no body inhabited there; neither are there any other mountains besides these, from whence they should take this name: moreover, the Birkarli were subjects to the Swedes, and conversed commonly with the Laplanders. The public records also contradict this opinion, for in them there is no mention of Bergcharli, but Birkarleboa. It is yet clearer also from the Letters of Cnute Joanson, written in Latin, in the year 1318, where he says in the Parliament held at Telge, betwixt the Helsingers and Birkarleboa in his presence, there was issued out this Placart, etc. This serves to confute Olaus. It is more evident that they came from Birkala, an allotment in Tavastia, and described in the Maps. Next, as to Gustavus the first mentioning the Birkarli, in the foresaid Letters, as belonging to several marches, viz. Luhla, Pitha, and Torna it was upon this account: the Birkarli that descended from those of Tavastia, were placed in these several Towns to govern the Laplanders, and because they only had the privilege of commerce with them, they were called Merchants. They were used in the Summer to buy those commodities of the Merchants that came to Bothnia, which were necessary for the Laplanders, and in the Winter, when the Rivers and Lakes were frozen over, they carried them up into the Country. This way of trafic was used by all the Inhabitants of Bothnia, but perhaps only at first by one allotment, which growing populous, several of the Inhabitants removed farther into the Country, and retained the same privilege that was first granted by Ladulaus, viz. that no one, but they, should claim any privileges over the Laplanders, either as to the Government, tribute, commerce, or any thing of this nature, which privileges they for a long time enjoied, as is confirmed by the Letters wrote by Cnute Joanson, in the time of King Smecke, in which it was provided that the Birkarli should not be molested either in their passage to or from the Laplanders. This privilege they maintained till Gustavus the first, who made a Contract with them at Vpsal on the 4th of April 1528, concerning the yearly tribute they were to pay to the Crown, for the great advantages they received from the Laplanders. This tribute was only in respect of the privileges the Birkarli had from Ladulaus' time till then, these were so largely granted, that they settled them as hereditary upon their children, and none but those descended from the Birkarli could enjoy them. This Gustavus also confirmed according to the former grants made to their ancestors, but with this alteration that they should pay half as much more, as they did formerly. This Government the Birkarli exercised over the Laplanders which they got by subtlety, had their authority from the King of Sweden, preserved it in their own family, and delivered it down to their children for near 300 years, till Gustavus the first, by reason of their insulting over the common People, deprived them of this state; for when their riches increased they oppressed the poorer sort, and extorted so much from them that they left them very little, but that which was worth nothing. Upon this, complaint was made to Gustavus, who thereupon committed Henricus Laurentii to prison, and confiscated most of his estate, taking then the tribute from the Laplanders into his hands, and granted to all People free trading with them. This Henricus Laurentii was without doubt in that time the head of the Birkarli, and I believe the brother of David Laurentii, who, together with Ionas Nicolas, concluded the Treaty with Gustavus in the name of the Birkarli, in the year 1528, for settling the tribute, and other affairs. From hence we may collect they lost their privileges, not long after this Contract; now it was not only just to deprive them of those privileges, which they abused in oppressing others, but prudent, as well from the jealousy of too great a power granted to private persons over so large and populous a part of the Kingdom, as out of consideration of its wealth, which was more necessary to the Kings, for driving out the common enemy, ane establishing the Kingdom's liberty, then to maintain the pride of the Birkarli, who besides their injustice, were inconsiderable both in number and strength. Gustavus the first having thus deposed the Birkarli, sent Deputies to gather the tribute, and manage all things in the King's name; the Deputies are called by the Swedes, Lappfougder, by the Laplanders, Konunga Olmai, that is the King's men; of these there is mention made in the patent granted by Gustavus the first to Mr Michael, the first Priest in Lapland in 1559, the words are to this purpose, We command all the Inhabitants of Lapland, as well Deputies, as others, etc. These had at first the charge of all public affairs, as will appear in the following Chapter, as for collecting taxes, as executing justice among them. But afterwards, when Charles the ninth divided the Country into several parts, and form it into better order, more were added to the former, for examining causes, convicting of criminals, and other such like things, till at last the state of Government was little different from what it is now. Next under the King, they have a Provincial Judge called by the Swedes, Lagman, under him one of the Senators, Vnderlagman, next an Interpreter of the Laws, Laglaesaren, and divers others which inquire into causes, and do justice; then they have a Governor of the Province, Landzhoefdingh, a head over the Laplanders, Lappafougten, their Officers who perform all other duties. In this manner the Laplanders are now governed by the Swedes.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.  
AFTER the manner of their Government, and the discipline they live under, we descend to those affairs that are managed by it; which belong either to the Courts of Judicature, or to the Tribute. I can scarce find any mention of the former. Their own Kings, when they were a free Nation, exercised this authority, and kept the jurisdiction in their own hands; but when the Birkarli ruled them, it depended altogether on their pleasure. Zeigler makes no mention of any Judges among them, but says that if any dispute happened that was dubious, it was referred to the Courts in Swedland; I suppose he means the more weighty controversies, which the Birkarli could not, or did not dare to decide. But these were very rare with them, for great crimes, as theft, rapine, murder, adultery, or such like are seldom committed, and scarce known by the Laplanders. They neither borrow nor lend money, being content with what they possess of their own, which are commonly the occasions of quarrels in other Nations, and maintain so many Lawyers. The chief sin they are guilty of, is their magical superstition, which since their embracing Christianity, is forbidden by the Laws, and is not so frequent as formerly. After that Gustavus the first had deposed the Birkarli, and given them governors of their own, they lived under better discipline, and greater diligence was used in seeing Justice done, but Charles the ninth was the first that took care to have them instructed in the Swedish Laws, and that they should regulate themselves accordingly. This charge was given by the same King in his instructions to Laurentius Laurentii, Governor of Lapland, dated from Stockholm on the 10th of Oct. 1610, wherein he commanded him to govern those of Vma, Pitha, and Luhla, according to the Swedish Laws, and to protect them from all injuries. There are at present in Lapland three Governors, and as many Courts of Judicature; the first is called Anundsioeense, or Angermansian, the other Vhmensian, Pithensian and Luhlensian, the other is the Tornensian, and Kiemensian. Over these are particular Governors, who in the King's name pass Sentence, but in the presence of a Judge and a Priest; where it is observable that they added Priests to the Governors, to restrain them from doing injustice by the authority of their presence. Now as to the time when these Courts were called, it is a doubt, but I believe it was at the Fair times, when they met about all public business; this was commonly twice in a year, viz. in Winter and Summer, according to an order of Charles the ninth's. It is now in January and February. They were held in the same places where they kept their Markets and Fairs, which were determined in each particular County, as will appear by and by.  
Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins of beasts, paid not by the Laplanders, but the Birkarli, yet only as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of Sweden. Buraeus calls it naogra timber graoskin, graoskin signifies grey Squirrels skins, of which colour the Squirrels were constantly in the Winter; timber denotes the number of the skins, which were forty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles the Birkarli gave, but in the Contract with Gustavus the first, those of Luhla and Pitha were engaged to pay 8, which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martin's skins. Those also of Torn were taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled, by an agreement made in 1528. But after the Birkarli had lost their privileges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands given by Charles tc-his Deputies Olaus Burman and Henry Benegtson, at Stockholm on the 22d of July in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the Laplanders might know what and how much they were to pay: for it seems that from Gustavus the first's time, till then, the Governors used no constant method in raising it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exact what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too burdensome to the Laplanders, and very prejudiciable to their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that every one which was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or three Does out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of their stock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the Birkarli that had any trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either money, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in which they dwell, the largest of which, they say, are e'en heel skatt, that is, they pay the full tribute; the lesser e'en half skatt, that is, half tribute; and so likewise for the rest. He that possesseth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two Patacoons, which they call Skattadaler, and others that have lesser possessions and half tribute, give one Patacoon; those which want money, pay fish or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrels, of these 50, of the others one with a pair of Lapland shoes, are equal to a Patacoon: two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish they allow five over, because so much is commonly lost in the drying. They call this pound with its addition Skattpund, that is the pound for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices down here, because if any one had rather keep his cattle, he can be forced to no more than after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of skins, every householder is taxed one white Foxe's skin, or a pair of Lapland shoes; if he hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of Sweden from Lapland, of which the greatest part is commonly by the King's gracious favour allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as was shown in another place. Now because it is so far both by Sea and Land, before these commodities can be brought to the King's Storehouses, besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of Lapland shoes, which they call Haxapalka, that is the price for carriage. This is all they pay to the King of Sweden, but besides they are tributary to the Crown of Danmark, and the great Duke of Moscovy, not as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those that are thus, are all the allotments of Torna beyond the mountains, who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their cattle from the mountains into the valleys in the Summer time, near the Sea shore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the Danes, but not at above half the rate that they pay to the Swedes. These allotments are called Koutokeine, Aujovara, Teno, and Vtziocki. The Laplanders also of the allotment of Lnare in Kiemi, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay both to the Danes and Moscovites as well as to the Swedes: to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the Swedes receive. The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased, but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose. But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.  
THAT we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. Paulus Jovius says that among the Laplanders he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he says was, because they were a rustic People, extremely fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, than manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking, But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.  
Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commercia agere, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nec pecunia, (unless happily he intent pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less than necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Laplanders were quite strangers to any current money; and this we may understand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those days either no coins at all; or else only such as had been transported out of England and Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no money in Swedland, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders come to the use of money; for they that were Lords over them, monopolising the whole trade to themselves, did not give them money for their commodities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other money but the Patacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of money among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of later days, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of Joachim.  
These Patacoons they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other money, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I believe was not at all in use, until they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shown that it was but of late instituted. But what Damianus means by his permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt, we cannot so easily guests; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when money is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting money, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read nec pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were not so solicitous in getting money, as in providing the more necessary things of life: although neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.  
But whatsoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concerned for no more money than what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with money.  
Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the other the Finlanders, Russians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the Birkarli, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of Lapland. The power that we read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great King, I suppose, chief consisted in this; for the other special rights and privileges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gustavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.  
And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth, denying the Birkarli the privilege of trafficking in Lapland, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in Lapland, whither when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of money. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the first, when that privilege began to be denied them; by which they were grown so rich and powerful, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.  
But neither could Gustavus provide against all their arts and evasions; for though he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People than others, did still, though not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annexed to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus: Whatsoever skins are found in Lapland, we do command and enjoin our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided. And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the King's treasury gratis. The clause runs thus: And we do command all Laplanders in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of Elkes they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be lawful for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown. But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the Russians and Finlanders.  
But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius says are only white skins, or furs, called Ermines. Zieglerus reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Russia alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus comprehends under a more general term, and calls pelles pretiosas. Sam. Rheen gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Rain-deers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blue, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martin's, of Beavers, of Squirrels, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders traffic for Silver, Patacoons, woollen and linen Cloth, Copper, Alchemy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.  
Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by Charles the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate, whereby they prise both their own and others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and ½, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at ¾ of a Patacoon, and if a female at ½. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 grey coloured Squirrel skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call timber. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bear's skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call Mudd, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price.  
Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called Silesian or Tangermyndense, they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of corn at 2 Patacoons and ½, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at ½ of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call homespun, and they call Waldmar, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by grey coloured Squirrel skins, proceeding from one to 10, which number of skins they call Artog, and value at ¼ of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the Swede and Laplander. But to those of Norway they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the seathers of Birds; moreover those things for which they trade with the Swedes, are Copper and Alchemy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the Swedes, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. Johannes Tornaeus comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the Laplanders, says he, traffic with those with Norway and Bothnia, Subjects of the Crown of Sweden, for ordinary woollen cloth, linen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of Norway, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.  
Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, though Olaus Magnus, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and says, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And Charles the ninth forbidding the Birkarli continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Gountry, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give you, which run thus: Wherefore seeing we have forbidden the Birkarli to trade in Lapland, according to their old custom, and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and command our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as well all Laplanders, Birkarlians, Moscovites, as others, may resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawful for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And we do also command our Governors, that certain Booths and Sheds be provided after the most convenient manner. Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edict itself doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also Andr. Buraeus seems to intimate was performed, when he says that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a Storehouse, where those Merchants, we before called Birkarli, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, until at length the Queen Christina taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at Arfwisjerf in January, the other at Arieplog to be kept in February. The words are to this purpose: Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at Arfwisjerf on the Feast of the Conversion of S. Paul, being the 25 of Jan. the other at Arieplog on the Feast of the Purification of the B. V Mary, being the 2d of February, each to be held for 3 days, at which times it shall be lawful for the Pithenses and all Laplanders to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year 1641. From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in Lapmarkia Vmensis upon the Feast of the Epiphany, the 2d in Lapmarkia Luhlensis on the Conversion of S. Paul, the last in Lapmarkia Pithensis, Tornensis, and Kimensis on the Feast of the Purification. These are the Fairs which Christina instituted, only that in Vmensis I believe was observed from the time of Charles the ninth, and the rather because that Lapmark is nighest Swedland. Into Norway they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. John, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of Simon and Judas, or All-Saints day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs.  
As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithful and just, though Damianus a Goes seems to note some craftiness in them, and says they were very cunning in all their trade. And Sam. Rheen in plain terms call them cheats, and says they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being overreached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithful, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Language of the Laplanders.  
IN the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the Laplanders was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publicly spoken in any Country is certainly a Language, but of this of the Laplanders, Zieglerus in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by their neighbours. Damianus speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was called Lingua Lapponica, quasi corrasa, eet Lappatspaock, and that it is made up of many other Tongues, as of that of Finlanders and Swedes, as for instance; the Laplanders say stour, the Swedes, stoor; the one Salug, the other saligh. And that there are also some Latin words, as Porcus, Oriens, etc. But though these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other Naitons, but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from Finland: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.  


God 
The Laplanders call 
Jubmar or Immel  The Finlanders say 
Jumala    
Fire 
The Laplanders call 
Tolle  The Finlanders say 
Tuli    
Day 
The Laplanders call 
Paiwe  The Finlanders say 
Paiwa    
Night 
The Laplanders call 
Two  The Finlanders say 
Yoe    
A River 
The Laplanders call 
Jocki  The Finlanders say 
the same    
A Lake 
The Laplanders call 
Jaur  The Finlanders say 
Jarwi    
Ice 
The Laplanders call 
Jenga  The Finlanders say 
jaeae    
a Hill 
The Laplanders call 
Warra  The Finlanders say 
Wuori    
Wood 
The Laplanders call 
Medz  The Finlanders say 
Medza    
the Eye 
The Laplanders call 
Silmae  The Finlanders say 
the same.    
the Nose 
The Laplanders call 
Niuna  The Finlanders say 
Nenae    
the Arm 
The Laplanders call 
Ketawerth  The Finlanders say 
Kasiwersi    
the Hand 
The Laplanders call 
Kiaett  The Finlanders say 
Kaesi    
the Foot 
The Laplanders call 
Kaote  The Finlanders say 
jalka    
Cheese 
The Laplanders call 
jost  The Finlanders say 
juusto    
Bootes 
The Laplanders call 
Sappad  The Finlanders say 
Saapas    
a Show 
The Laplanders call 
Kamath  The Finlanders say 
Kamgett    
a Shed 
The Laplanders call 
Kaote  The Finlanders say 
Koto    
an Arrow 
The Laplanders call 
Niaola  The Finlanders say 
Nuoli    
Warr 
The Laplanders call 
Tziaod  The Finlanders say 
Sotae    
King 
The Laplanders call 
Konnagas  The Finlanders say 
Cuningas    
Father 
The Laplanders call 
Atkia  The Finlanders say 
Aja    
Mother 
The Laplanders call 
Am  The Finlanders say 
Ama    
Brother 
The Laplanders call 
Wellje  The Finlanders say 
Weli    
Wife 
The Laplanders call 
Morswi  The Finlanders say 
Morsian    
Dog 
The Laplanders call 
Piednax  The Finlanders say 
Peinika    
a Ferret 
The Laplanders call 
Natae  The Finlanders say 
Naetae    
a Squirrel 
The Laplanders call 
Orre  The Finlanders say 
Orawa    
a Bird 
The Laplanders call 
Lodo  The Finlanders say 
Lindu    
a Fish 
The Laplanders call 
Qwaelie  The Finlanders say 
Cala    
a Salmon 
The Laplanders call 
Losa  The Finlanders say 
Lobi    
a wild Pine tree. 
The Laplanders call 
Quaosa  The Finlanders say 
Cuusi.      
These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said was between the Language of the Laplanders and Finlanders: and because the words that I have set down, do not signify any foreign commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given to belevie that the Laplanders had not any peculiar Language, which did wholly differ from that of Finland, but that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they had any Language, they might properly call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, than such as no man could doubt were taken from the Finlanders. No People certainly were ever guilty of so much folly as to impose foreign names upon so common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the Germans, ancient Gauls, Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, etc. neither have we any reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the Laplanders themselves sprung from the Finlanders. For otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they received from their forefather's. And this seems to be the argument Wexonius uses to prove the Language of the Laplanders to have taken its rise from the Finlanders, when from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more than the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot be denied but that there are many words which do not any ways agree with the Language of the Finlanders, as may appear from what follows, 

The Sun 
The Laplanders call 
Beiwe  The Finlanders 
Auringa.    
Heaven 
The Laplanders call 
Albme  The Finlanders 
Taiwas    
Water 
The Laplanders call 
Kietze  The Finlanders 
Wesi    
Rain 
The Laplanders call 
Abbrae  The Finlanders 
Sade    
Snow 
The Laplanders call 
Mota  The Finlanders 
Lumi    
a Man 
The Laplanders call 
Ulmugd  The Finlanders 
Ihminen    
Gent. Man 
The Laplanders call 
Albma  The Finlanders 
Mies    
Woman 
The Laplanders call 
Nissum  The Finlanders 
Waimo    
Hair 
The Laplanders call 
Waopt  The Finlanders 
Hiuxi    
the Mouth 
The Laplanders call 
Nialbme  The Finlanders 
Suu    
the Chin 
The Laplanders call 
Kaig  The Finlanders 
Leuca    
the Heart 
The Laplanders call 
Waibmi  The Finlanders 
Sydaon    
the Flesh 
The Laplanders call 
Ogge  The Finlanders 
Liha    
a Wolf 
The Laplanders call 
Seibik  The Finlanders 
Susi    
a Bear 
The Laplanders call 
Muriel  The Finlanders 
Karhu    
a Fox. 
The Laplanders call 
Riemnes  The Finlanders 
Kettu.      
And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt was that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the Laplanders had a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different from that of Finland, of which ancient Language these relics did remain, and for this they give this reason; that the Laplanders were forced to frame to themselves a new Language, for fear, least being understood by their neighbours the Finlanders, they should fall into their snares. So Olaus Petri says that often times they found spies about their tents in the night, harkening after their Counsels, now for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying into the allotment of Rengo, in the Province of Nolnense, they there agreed upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different from that of Finland. So that there are very few words found to agree in both Languages. Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands the Finlanders, who being driven out of their Country by Mathias Kurkius and the Tavastians', roved up and down, seeking where they might most conveniently settle, as may appear from what goes before in that place. Others think that these are the relics of that Language which they first brought into Lapland, which they suppose to be no other but that of the Tartars. But how false this is, may appear from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there is not one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that you may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few instances.  


God 
The Tartars call 
Allah  The Laplanders 
Jubmel    
the Sun 
The Tartars call 
Gynesch  The Laplanders 
Beiwe    
Heaven 
The Tartars call 
Gioech  The Laplanders 
Alm    
Fire 
The Tartars call 
Atasch  The Laplanders 
Tulla    
Air 
The Tartars call 
Jusger  The Laplanders 
Biaegga    
Water 
The Tartars call 
Saufellus  The Laplanders 
Tziatz    
a Lake 
The Tartars call 
Dannis  The Laplanders 
Jawr    
Ice 
The Tartars call 
Büüs  The Laplanders 
Jenga    
the Earth 
The Tartars call 
Ier or toprak  The Laplanders 
Aennam    
a Hill 
The Tartars call 
Dagda  The Laplanders 
Beware    
a Man 
The Tartars call 
Adam  The Laplanders 
Aolmaitz    
Hair 
The Tartars call 
Sadsch  The Laplanders 
Waopta    
the Eye 
The Tartars call 
Gios'  The Laplanders 
Tzialme    
the Nose 
The Tartars call 
Burnum  The Laplanders 
Nierune    
a Beard 
The Tartars call 
Beichlar  The Laplanders 
Saemao    
an Arm. 
The Tartars call 
Aehl  The Laplanders 
Kiettawerdi    
a Hand 
The Tartars call 
Cholun  The Laplanders 
Kietta    
a Foot 
The Tartars call 
Ajach  The Laplanders 
Iwobge    
a Heart 
The Tartars call 
Jurek  The Laplanders 
Waimao    
a Bow 
The Tartars call 
Jay  The Laplanders 
Taugh    
an Arrow 
The Tartars call 
Och  The Laplanders 
Niaela    
Father 
The Tartars call 
Babam  The Laplanders 
Atziae    
Mother 
The Tartars call 
Anasse  The Laplanders 
Aennae    
Brother 
The Tartars call 
Cardasch  The Laplanders 
Wiaelae    
Sister 
The Tartars call 
Kiscardasche  The Laplanders 
Aobbe    
a Wolf 
The Tartars call 
Sirma  The Laplanders 
Kurt    
a Bear 
The Tartars call 
Ajuf  The Laplanders 
Kwoptza    
a Fish 
The Tartars call 
Balich  The Laplanders 
Kwele.      
And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words as in these, so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous. And neither is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For first why should they only have changed some words and not all? And then these words which do agree in both Languages are not the names of things less known, or not so ordinarily used, as other things, but of such as were as common as life, light, or breathing: wherefore I am clearly of the other opinion, and do believe that these differing words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest. But they who from the difference of these words infer the independency of the Speeches, do not at all consider that, than which there is nothing more common and incident to Languages, viz. to be changed and altered according to the times, and so much the more by how much the People have greater commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example of the Islanders and Norwegians; for that the Islanders sprung from the Norwegians is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that no man can doubt of it. But now the Islanders use many words which those of Norway are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will thence say that the Islanders have a Language wholly independent and different from that of Norway: for the one living by themselves, and having little or no deal with other People, do to this day keep entire the same Language which they first brought, and which they received down from their ancestors: but it was quite otherwise with the Norwegians, who together with their Empire lost also their ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the Finlanders, who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding more frequent commerce with their neighbours, lost much of their ancient manner of speaking, which the Laplanders on the contrary living a more solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore it is no wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which compared with those of the modern Finlanders, seem to have nothing of likeness; though happily one that is well skilled in the dialect and propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him conjecture that there are many words which, as they are now used seem quite different, yet are very agreeable in the original. And this is likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the Germane, in which a little too rashly the learned Olaus Wormius in his literatura Runica, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken notice of so great a difference. For in these days not only nach, but effter is used, as may appear affterred, afterdam etc. And so likewise the Germans use not only Gesicht, but also Antlitz; not only Verstand, but Vernunfft; and as well essen, anfangen, Schuss, Altar, Gefaengnus, auffthun, Bet, Dopff, etc. as, As, beginnen, keimen, uralt, haffte, entdecken, Laegerstad, locken, in all which they agree with the ancient Germans. In my opinion therefore the difference of a few words, is not authority enough to prove that the Laplanders in ancient times had a peculiar language. But it shows rather that they are not all of the same antiquity, but that some came from Finland longer ago, who brought those obsolete words with them, and some of later days, who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the Language of the Laplanders. Of which this also is observable, that it doth not in all places alike agree with itself, but hath its several different Dialects, and is so various, that those that live in one part of the Country, can scarce understand those of the other. There are especially three Dialects, the first used by the Vmenses and Pithenses in the West, the 2d by the Luhlenses in the North, the last by the Tornenses and Kimenses in the East. And the variety of these Dialects was doubtless caused by the difference of times in which they came into Lapland; some coming sooner, some later, some settling in one part, some in another. Now of all these Dialect, there is none more rough or unplesant then that of the Luhlenses, who as well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far the most rustic and clownish of all the Laplanders. But that you may see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set down a few example: the Pithenses say Jubmel, the Tornenses, Immel, the Pithenses say Jocks, Warra, Olbmo, nisw, skaigkis, kiist, nissu, pardei, seibig, muriet, reppis; for which the Tornenses put, virte, taodar, almai, kab, kawtza, raopka, kaap, alik, hour, kops, riemnes. Now as the Language of the Laplanders is varied according to the diversity of the Territories and Marches, just as it is in other Nations, particularly in Germany, where the Swavelanders, Saxons, and Belgians, speak all different tongues, so hath it this also common with other Countries, viz. that the nigher the Territory tends to any other People, so much the more do the juhabitants participate of their Language; and so the Tornenses and Kimenses, who border upon the Finlanders, do at this day use very much of their speech: nay they go yet farther, and make it their business to learn the Language of their Neighbours, so the Tornenses and Kimenses get the Finnonik, the Luhlenses, Pithenses, and especially the Vmenses the Swedish Language; and that man that is skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder if there be many Swedish words found among the Laplanders: for it could not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied by others in many things which they had not themselves, should with Foreign commodities receive also and use Foreign names; and of this I could give many instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now of this kind we ought to esteem these words following; in Lapland, Salug signifies blessed, which the Swedes call Saligh: Niip a knife, the Swedes call it kniif; Fiaelo, a rafter with the Swedes tilio, and many more of the like nature. Of all which the R. and learned Johan. Tornaeus gives this account, that the use of Foreign words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing with Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse with the Swedes do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be said of those that deal with the Finlanders, and with the Germans in Norway; and this is the reason why one and the same thing is often called by divers appellations, as for example, the Swedes call a Horse Haste, the Finlanders, Hapoitz, the Germans, Ross, which also is the name the Laplanders give the beast, for they having no Horses of their own were forced to borrow a name from the Country from whence they had them. Now what Tornaeus observes concerning the word Ross, I believe may be applied also to the word Porcus, which I suppose they had rather from the Germans than Latins, for the Germans call a Barrow-Hog, Bork, now their Swine they had all out of Norway, and it is very probable they did thence borrow that appellation also. And not to trouble ourselves any farther, this will hold true in all the rest of that kind. Wherefore setting apart other considerations, and looking upon this Language, not as it contains in it foreign words, but only such as they always used within themselves, and were ever received among them, it remains that we conclude it to be not a miscellany or collection of Latin, German, Swedish scraps, and the like, neither as a peculiar speech, different from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the Finlanders, though time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them understand it.  
This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparisons, Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, etc. and perhaps it may not be amiss if I should here insert some examples: I will therefore first decline you a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension of the same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity and disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be Immel, for so the Tornenses call it, though other say Jubmel, the Finlanders terms it Jumala, and it signifies God.  
Lappon. Finlappon. Singul. Plural. Singul. Plural. N. Immel. N. Immeleck. N. Jumala. N. Jumalat. G. Immele. G. Immeliig. G. Jumalan. G. Jumalden. D. Immela. D. Immewoth. D. Jumalalle. D. Jumalille. A. Immel. A. Immeliidh. A. Jumalaa. A. Jumalat. V o Immel. V o Immaeleck. V Jumala. Plural. A. Immelist. A. Immaeliie. A. Jumalasta. A. Jumalilda.  
I will add one more Noun, that the case may be more clear, and that shall be Olmai, which signifies a man.  
Singul. Plural. N. Olmai. N. Olmack. G. Olma. G. Olmaig. D. Olmas. D. Olmaid. A. Olma. A. Olmaig. V o Olmai. V o Olmack. A. Olmast. A. Olmaija.  
And after this manner it is in all the rest.  
Adjectives have their terminations in comparison, as  
Stoure, great, stourapo, greater, stouramus, greatest.  
Enach, much, enapo, more, enamus, most.  
Vtze, little, utzapo, less, utzamus, least.  
The comparative for the most part ends in po, the Superlative in muss.  
They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns, as it also in other Tongues.  
In the Masc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination, but differs in the Neuter; for tott signifies hic & haec, towt, hoc.  
Their Pronouns are mun, I, tun, thou, sun, he, mii, we, sii, you, tack, they. The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenses, and Persons, as in the Indicative mood thus, Sing. Mun pworastan I love, tum pworastack thou lovest, sun pworasta. Plur. Mii pworastop we love, sii pworost you love, tack pwrost. And after this manner do they decline their other Verbs.  
Sing. mun laem I am, tun laeck, thou art, suu lia he is.  
Plur. mil laep we are, sii lae you are, tack lae they are.  
These will serve to give us some light into the nature of this Language, at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake to write a Grammar, but only give some small description.  
Now the Laplanders have a peculiar way of pronouncing words, according to which it is impossible to express them in letters, for they do mouth out all their words, so that the vowels might be heard loud enough, but the other letters come very softly out; they do also quite out off and drown the last Syllables, especially of Nouns. Letters they neither have, nor ever had any, and in this they agree with their ancestors the Finlander: the Calendar which they use, is no other but the Swedish in Runick letters. And this also, before they came to have commerce with the Swedes, and had learned of them the observation of Holidays, was never in use among them. Johannes Burous tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain grave-stones and monuments, which had sometimes been found in Lapland (more whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved Runick Characters. But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore necessary that we should conclude that these were formerly the letters of the Laplanders, to which indeed, as well themselves as their forefathers the Finlanders are equally Strangers. But we have more reason to think that the Swedes coming thither in ancient times, either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited there abouts, and left those stones. To this day both the Laplander and Finlander use the Latin letter; in the same Character the Swedes and Germens make them, although the number of them that can read among them is but very small, and of them that can write, a great deal less, and are only such as they call great Scholars.  
Now this Speech being only used among the Laplanders, and there being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiations with others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom upon this account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said: though these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the Finnonick, very barbarously, which is also the fault of all Laplanders, who are very hardly brought to learn or pronounce any other Tongue, and much given to confound one with another. So that they which traffic in Norway, and border upon that Country, do in their speaking mingle together the Speech of the Norwegians and Swedes, as for instance, jeghkiaemi, for jag kom, jeg gaong, for jag gore. So for hustro, they say koona, for min myssa, mitt hofwud, etc. But of the Language of the Laplanders let this suffice.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Houses of the Laplanders.  
HITHERTO we have treated of the Laplander as he hath relation to the Commonwealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as a private person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they have need of. Secondly, their employments. And thirdly their leisure and pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend us from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first sort, are Houses and clothes, of the 2d, Meat and Drink. We shall begin with their houses, or places of abode. The Laplanders have not any houses like other Northern People, it having been their custom to wander up and down, and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, to set up small sheds for their present use: so that they had no certain habitations, but having eaten and consumed the fish and beasts in one place, they march to another, carrying their sheds or tents with them.  
But this liberty of wand'ring up and down the Country, was in a special Edict forbidden them by Charles the ninth, in the year 1602, and a certain place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the Edict are to this purpose: We do in the first place command that in every Lapmark an account be taken of all Fens, Rivers, Lakes, etc. and who they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them, with the names of all such: and then that the number of the families be compared with that of the Rivers, etc. and so equally divided that one family shall not possess more Rivers and Fens than are for its use. Lastly every Lapmark being thus divided, it shall be committed to honest and good men, who, without either favour or prejudice, shall assign to every family its just portion: and thenceforth it shall not be lawful for any Laplander, at his pleasure to wander up and down all marches, as hath formerly been used. From the time of this Edict the Laplanders had their certain bounds and limits assigned them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it afterward lawful for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to wander where he pleased.   depiction of a panel or saddle-pack, and a reindeer laden with a pack-saddle  diagram showing the interior layout of a Lapland tent 
The 3d thing we are to note in these sheds, is that they strew their floors with branches of Birch trees, lest by the rain they should be wetted, and they use no other kind of pavement; only upon the boughs, for cleanliness sake, they lay skins of Rain-deers, on which they sit and lie. And these are the dwelling houses of the Laplanders, besides which they have also Storehouses in which they keep their commodities, especially flesh, fish, and such other provisions; these they call Nalla, and make thus: they cut the upper part of a tree off, so that the body remain four or five els from the ground high, upon this trunk they place two rafters in the figure of an X, or St Andrews Cross, and upon these they build their repository, making a door to it, and covering it with boards. There is one thing peculiar to these Storehouses, which is, that the door is not in the side, but bottom of them, so that when the Laplander is come down, the door falls too, like a trap-door, and all things are safe. To these they go up by ladders which they make of the trunks of trees, in which they cut great notches like stairs. Now the reason why they place them so high, is because of the Bears and other wild beasts, who oftentimes pull them down, and to the great damage of the Master eat all his provision; they used also to cut off the bark of the tree, and anoint the stock, so that neither mice nor wild beasts could be able to climb up for slipperiness. And perhaps these are the houses Olaus magnus meant, when he said, they placed their houses upon trees for fear of wild beasts. But that you may the better conceive these Storehouses also, I shall here give you the Figure of them.   depiction of a Lapland tent erected beside a storehouse built high in the trunk of a tree  

CHAP. XVII. Of the Garments of the Laplanders.  
AMONG the Laplanders the men and women wear different kinds of Garments, which they altar according to the Wether, and place: for they wear one sort of clothes in the Winter, and another sort in the Summer, one kind at home, and another abroad. Let us first consider the Garments of the men: These in the Summer have trousers, or brougs, reaching down to their feet, close to their body, upon which they wear a gown, or rather a coat with sleeves, which comes down to the middle leg, which they tie fast with a girdle. And in this respect it was that Zieglerus in his time wrote, that they used close Garments fitted to their body, lest they should hinder their work. He calls them close because of their trousers, and fitted to their body because of their being girded. These they wear next their bare skin, without such linen shirts as the Europeans use, they having no flax in their Country. These Garments are of course homespun woollen cloth called Waldmar, of a white or grey colour, such as the wool is of before it is died. The wool they have from Swedland, and buy it of the Merchants called Birkarli, but the richer sort wear a finer cloth, and not of the same colour, but sometimes green or blue, and sometimes red, only black they abominate. Tho sometimes in dirty works, and at home they wear the meanest clothes, yet abroad, and especially upon Festivals and Holidays, they love to go very neat. Their girdles are made of leather, which the richer sort adorn with filver studs, and poorer with tin. These studs stick out like buttons in a semicircular figure. At this girdle they hang a knife and sheath, and a kind of square bag, though something longer than broad, also a leathern purse, and then a case with needles and thread in it. Their knives they have from Norway, the sheath is of the skin of the Rain-deers, sewed together with tin wire, and in other parts with the same adornments, at the end of which they use to hang rings: the bag is also made of the skin of the Raindeers, with the hair on it, on the outside of which they also place another skin, equal to the bag, and make it fast by three knots, and this skin they cover again with red cloth, or of some other colour, adorned also with wire. In this bag they keep a stone to strike fire, not of flint, but crystal, as I will show hereafter. Also a steel, with some brimstone to light a fire where ever they come: as also Tobacco and other odd things. The leathern purse is also made of the same skin in an oval figure like a pear, in which they keep their money, and other more choice things, and at this also they hang rings. Their needle case is of a peculiar sort, they have a single cloth with four sides, but the upper part is much narrower than the lower, so that it is like an oblong triangle cut off at the vertical angle, and to make it stronger they bind about the edges with leather, and so stick their needles into it, this they put into a bag of the same shape, adorned with red, or some other coloured cloth, and wire, drawn together by a leathern string, by which they hang it to their girdle. Besides these, they have Alchemy chains, with a great company of rings of the same, these they hang about all their body, the bag they hang before, nigh their navel, all the rest they fling behind them. And these are the Garments and ornaments of the body: their head they cover with a cap, over which the richer sort wear a case of Fox, Beaver, or badger's skin, they are very like our nightcaps, it is made of red or other coloured cloth, or of the Hare's fur, first twisted into a thread, and then knit almost like our stockings; or lastly of the skin of the bird called Loom, with the feathers on it: sometimes they so order it, that keeping also the head and wings of the bird, they make not an unbecoming cover for the head. Olaus Magnus in his 4. Book, Cap. 3. says they make their caps of the skins of Geese, Ducks, Cocks, which, as well as other birds, are there in great abundance. But he doth doth not here mean common Cocks, but the Vrogalli, or Heath-Cocks; however he gives us the picture in his 17 Book, Cap. 26. They have ordinary gloves, but shoes of a peculiar make, they are made of the skin of the Rain-deer with the hair on, out of one piece, only where they tread they sew both ends together, so that the hairs of one part may lie forward, and the other backward, lest if they lay all one way they should be too slippery: but neither is there any more leather on the bottom then on other parts, as it is in our shoes, only there is a hole at the top in which they put in their feet: the toe bends upwards, and ends as it were in a point. Upon the seam they place some narrow pieces of red, or other coloured cloth: these shoes they wear on their bare feet, and bind them twice or thrice about the bottom with a thong, and lest they should be too lose, they fill them up with a sort of long Hay, which they boil and keep for that purpose.  
But now let us come to the garments they do not so ordinarily wear, but only on some occasions, which both for the men and women are made alike, and all of leather, to secure them from the gnats. But in the Winter time the men have breeches to defend them from the weather, and coats which they call Mudd. These Mudd are not all alike, but some better, some worse; the best are of the skins of young wild Rain-deers, just when they have cast their first coat, in the place of which comes a black one, which is about the Feast of St James, and these are very soft and delicate. Their feet they defend with boots of the same skins, and their hands with gloves or mittens of the same, and their heads with a cap, which reaches down and covers part of their shoulders also, leaving only a space for them to see through. All these Garments they wear next their skin without any linen underneath, and tie them round with a girdle, only their boots and gloves they stuff with hay, and sometimes in the Winter with wool. And this is that which Johannes Tornaus says of their clothing, that their garment is made of the Rain-deer, the skin of the beast supplying them with coats, breeches, gloves, sandals, shoes, etc. the hair being always on the outside, so that they seem to be all hairy. And hence we may understand Zieglerus, when he says their Winter garments were made of the skins of Bears and Sea-Calves, which they tied in a knot at the top of their heads, leaving nothing to be seen but their eyes, so that they seemed to be in a sack, only that it was made according to the shape of their members; and hence, says he, I believe they came to be supposed all hairy like beasts, some reporting this out of ignorance, and some delighting to tell of strange wonders they saw abroad. And truly it is not without reason that he gathers the fable of hairy men to be raised from their hairy Garments, which sort of monsters whether there be in other Countries I cannot tell, but I find the Cyclops' with one eye in their forehead by Adamus Bremensis to be placed here upon the same account, because they had only a hole in their cap through which they looked, all the rest of their body seeming hairy, and therefore this hole they feigned to be an eye. But whereas he says the skins were of Bears and Sea-Calves, he is a little mistaken, for these skins were not so common among the Laplanders, and are by them designed quite for another use. However these Garments they used after their fashion to adorn with pieces of red, or other coloured cloth, and embroider them with wire, in flowers, stars, etc. as I will hereafter declare more at large.  
But I come to the habit of the women, which also was of one sort in the Summer, and of another in the Winter. In the Summer they wear coats which cover their breasts, arms, and all their body, about the middle they are gathered, and so hang down, these they call Volpi. These gowns they also wear next their skin, for the use of smocks is no more known among women than the use of shirts among men: and they horribly imposed upon Lomenius Comes, that made him believe otherwise. Lomenius says thus, they have smocks, not made of linen, but of the entrails of beasts, which they first spin into a thread, and afterwards wear them: but all this is quite false. The entrails indeed they do spin into thread, but of that they make neither cloth nor smocks, but use it to few their skins; but women of the common sort wear course cloth, and the better sort finer, as it is with the men, which for the most part is English cloth, richly wrought. They have also a girdle, but different from that of the men, for it is much larger, and sometimes three fingers broad, and then also it is adorned not with studs, but plates of a finger's length, or more, which are engraved with divers shapes of Birds, Flowers, etc. and these they fasten upon a leathern fillet so nigh one another, that the girdle is almost covered with them. These plates are most commonly made of tin, from whence Sam Rheen calls them tin girdles, but those for the better sort are made of silver. Upon these girdles they hang many Alchemy chains, upon one of which they hang a knife and sheath, upon another a pouch or purse, upon another a needle case, and upon all a great company of Alchemy rings, according to the fashion of the men: These things they do not hang by their sides, as women among us use, but before them. The weight of the trinkets they carry about them, doth commonly weigh twenty pound, a pretty heavy burden, and such as a man would wonder they should be able to bear: but they are very much delighted with it, especially with the number of the rings, the gingling of which is very grateful to their ear, and as they think no small commendation to their beauty. Wexionius makes the chains and rings to be tin, which I believe is hardly true, commonly I am sure they were made of Alchemy, and if they had been of tin they had neither been durable, nor would they have made a noise. They have also another ornament for their breast, which they call Kracha, it is made of red, or some other coloured cloth. And first it goes about their neck, and then on both sides comes down upon their breast, and a little below their breast ends in a narrow point. This cloth, especially before, and sometimes about the neck, they adorn with studs, engraved with divers forms, as also with bracelets, which the richer have of silver and gold, the poorer of tin and Alchemy. After this manner, in short as he uses, Johannes Tornaeus describes them, the women do so deck themselves with gold and silver that their breasts shine like shields, but those that cannot reach silver, use copper and Alchemy. Now these studs they use to have not only about their neck, but upon their gowns where they draw them together, and lace them; and not only in single but double and triple rows. They cover their heads with a low kind of kercheif, plain at top, round, and of red colour, some of the richer sort on extraordinary times add also a strip of linen for ornament, as at their Fairs, Weddings, and Feasts. Upon their legs they wear stockings, which reach no lower than their ankles, but that only in the Summer. Their shoes are like the men's, and so also bound to their feet with thongs. The women's habit in the Winter is almost the same with the men's, for they have the Muddas made of the skins of Rain-deers, and at that time wear breeches too, by reason of the deep Snows, storms, and badness of the ways: nay and cover their head with the same caps men do, which sort of caps they wear also sometimes in the Summer to defend them from the gnats: these caps they tie about their heads, and the lower part, which would otherwise fall about their shoulders, they make to stand out like the brims of our hats. And these are the garments as well of Virgins as married women, for both use the same attire, neither is there any sign in their habit whereby to distinguish them. Besides these garments wherewith they cloth themselves in the day, they have also other which they use a nights, such as are called night-clotheses, for they have no feather beds: and without all doubt Olaus Magnus is mistaken who in his 4 Book says they had. Their night garments were of 2 sorts, such as they lay upon, or such as they did cover themselves with, which also differ according to the Summer and Winter Seasons. Those they lie upon are Rain-deers skins, 2 or 3 of which they fling upon some birch leaves, which they use instead of mats, without beds, upon the ground, that they may lie softer, so that they lie upon the skins without sheets, of the use of which they are quite ignorant. They cover themselves in the Summer with blankets, which they call raaner or ryer, and with these blankets they cover not only their whole body, but also their heads too, to avoid the gnats, with which they are extremely infested in the night time. But that they may breathe with more freedom, and not be inconvenienced with the weight of these blankets, they sometimes hang them up over their head with ropes fastened to the top of their Hut. These are their Summer coverlets: but in the Winter they first throw about them the skins of Sheep or Rain-deer, and on them the blankets now mentioned. And there is one thing more worth our notice, that they lie under these both Winter and Summer stark naked, and make no use of linen. And so much for the Garments of the Laplanders. I shall add the Figures of both Sexes habited after their manner. The woman hath a child in her arms, in a Laplandish Cradle.   depiction of a Lapland family (man, woman, child and baby) dressed in clothes made from reindeer skins; the baby is held in the mother's arms in a traditional, sledge-shaped Lapland cradle  

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Diet of the Laplanders.  
HAVING discoursed of their Garments, I proceed to speak of their Diet. Their food is not the same amongst them all, but different according to the places they inhabit. The Mountaineers live almost wholly on their Rain-deers, that furnish them with Milk, Cheese, and Flesh: though sometimes they buy from the neighbouring parts of Norway Sheep, Goats, and Oxen, which they milk in the Summer, and kill in the Winter, because they have neither Pasture nor Stable room for them to keep them long. And for this reason they buy but very few of them, and feed almost altogether on their Rain deer, which they have in great abundance. The flesh of these they feed on in the Winter, and that always boiled, but in the Summer their diet is Milk, Cheese, and dried flesh. Their dainties most in esteem with them are the tongue and marrow of their Rain-deers, and with these they are want to entertain their Priests. One odd kind of dish these of the Mountains have, and that is the blood of their Rain-deers boiled in water to the consistence of a hasty pudding. The others that dwell in the Woods feed partly on Fish, and partly on Birds and Beasts, and that too both Summer and Winter, but more frequently on Fish. The flesh of Bears they prefer before all other, and with that they feast their dearest friends.  
They have also some kind of Sauces of Blackberries, Strawberries, and other peculiar ones of their own; as also wild Angelica, and the inner rind of the Pinetree. The use of Bread and Salt is almost unknown to them, and when they have any of the later, they use it very sparingly. Instead of bread they eat dried fish, which by grinding they reduce to a kind of meal, and instead of Salt the inward rind of the Pinetree, prepared after an odd kind of manner. They pull the bark off first, and then they take the inward rind, and divide it into thin skins like parchment, making it very clean; these they dry in the Sun, and then tearing it into small pieces they put it up in boxes made of the barks of trees: these they bury under ground, and cover them with sand. When they have been dried about a day, they kindle a great fire over the hole where they put their boxes, and by that means the rines acquire a red colour, and a very pleasant taste. On Fridays they eat no flesh, but feed either on fish, or milk, having retained this custom from their Roman Catholic Priests. They boil all their fresh flesh, but not very much; that their broth may be the better and fuller of gravy: and sometimes they put also fish into the same kettle. Their milk they either boil with some quantity of water, it being of itself to thick, or else they let it stand in the cold, to freeze into a kind of Cheese, that it may be kept longer for use. Their fish they eat sometimes fresh as soon as they catch them; sometimes they dry them in the Sun, and being hardened by the wind and air, they may be kept several years.  
Their sweet meats, which serve them instead of Apples, Nuts, and the like, are preparations made of several sorts of Berries. When their Straw-berrries begin to be ripe, they gather them, and boil them in their own juice, without the addition of water, with a slow fire, till they are very soft: then they sprinkle them over with a little salt, and putting them into a vessel made of birch-bark, they bury it in the ground; and in the Autumn and Winter when they have occasion for them, they take them out as fresh as if they had been newly gathered: and these stand them in good stead when no other Berries are to be had. Sometimes whilst they are fresh they put them to the flesh of Fish, and make an odd kind of dish, after this manner. Having boiled the Fish they first bone them, and then add Strawberries to them, and beat them together in a wooden pestle to a mash, and so eat it with spoons. And this dish they make also with all other kinds of Berries. Another Kickshaw that pleaseth them very much, they make of Angelica. They take the staulks before it seed, and scraping of the outward skin, they put the rest upon coals, and so eat it broiled. They have also another way of preparing it, and that is to boil them in whey for a whole day till they look as red as blood. But this sort of meat is very bitter of itself, but by custom becomes pleasant enough to them, especially since they are persuaded 'tis a great preservative of health. They likewise boil sorrel in milk; as also the rind of the Pinetree, which, as was said before, being prepared, serves them instead of salt.  
I come next to speak of their drink, which is ordinarily nothing but water; Lomenius calls it dissolved Ice: but certainly he is mistaken, for having such plenty of Rivers and Lakes, for all the Ice they can hardly want water. And to prevent its freezing, they have always some hanging over the fire in a kettle; out of which every one with a spoon takes what he pleases, and so drinks it hot, especially in the Winter time. Besides common water, they often drink the broth I spoke of, made of flesh and fish, which they call Laebma, and also whey, if you will believe Olaus. These are their usual drinks; for Ale and Beer is utterly unknown to them. That which they drink for pleasure, is spirit of Wine and Brandy, with a little of which you may win their very souls. This they buy from Norway at their Fair times, and use it especially at their solemn Feasts and Weddings. I had almost forgot Tobacco, of which they are very great admirers, and traffic for it as one of their chief commodities.  
In the next place let us see the manner of their eating. Their dining room in the Winter time is that part of the Hut where the man and his wife and daughters use to be, and is on the right hand as you go in at the foregate: but in Summer without doors upon the green grass. Sometimes too they are want to sit about the kettle in the middle of the Hut. They use not much ceremony about their places, but every one takes it as he comes first. They seat themselves upon a skin spread on the ground crosslegged in a round ring; and the meat is set before them in the middle, upon a log or stump instead of a table; and several have not that, but lay their meat upon the skin which they fit on. Having taken the flesh out of the kettle, the common sort put it upon a woollen table clothe called Waldmar, the richer on a linen; as for trenchers and dishes they are quite unknown to them. But if any liquid thing be to be served up, they put it in a kind of trey made of birch. Sometimes without any other ceremony every one takes his share out of the kettle, and puts it upon his gloves, or his cap. Their drink they take up in a wooden Ladle, which serves instead of plate. And it is farther observable that they are abominable gluttons when they can get meat enough; and yet hardy too to endure the most pinching hunger when they are forced to it. When their meal is ended they first give God thanks, and then they mutually exhort one another to Faith and Charity, taking each other by the right hand, which is a symbol of their unity and brotherhood. Samuel Rheen tells us they lift up their hands first, and then say Grace after this manner, All thanks be given to God, who hath provided this meat for our sustenance. This is their Grace in Pithilapmark. In Tornelapmark their Grace is a little different; they say in their own Tongue, Piaomaos Immel laegoes kitomatzes piergao odest add misg mosea wicken ieggan taide ko mig laex iegnaston, that is, Good God praised be thou for this meat: make that which we have at this time eaten give strength to our bodies. And so much for their Diet, and manner of eating.   

CHAP. XIX. Of the Hunting of the Laplanders.  
HAVING spoke of those things that relate to their Meat, Drink, Clothing, and other necessities, the subject of our next discourse will be their employments, which are either rare and more solemn, or daily and more usual: these latter too are of two sorts, either common to both Sexes, or peculiar to one. Of those that are proper to men Hunting is the chief, for in this Country that exercise is lawful to none but men: Olaus Magnus is of the contrary opinion, and says Lib. 4. Cap. 12. that there is here such a multitude of Beasts, that the men alone, without the help of women, dare not go out to hunt; and therefore they are as active in this sport, if not more than men. I believe he had not this from any good tradition, or his own knowledge, but rather followed the authority of some ancient Writers, as Procopius Lib. 2. Gothic. or Tacitus de mor. Ger. for whatsoever they say concerning the Fenni and Scritfinni, is so far from being true of the Laplanders, that they do not permit women so much as to touch their hunting weapons or beasts brought home, and debar them all passage at that door thro' which they go to that sport, as will be showed hereafter. They observe in hunting many things with great superstition, as not to go out upon ominous days, such as St Marks (whom they call Cantepaive) St Clements and S. Catharines', because they believe on these days some misfortune will happen to their weapons, and that they shall have no good success all the year after. They think they cannot prosper, unless they have first consulted their Gods by their Drum, which they use before their going out, and have therefore several beasts pictured upon it. This is chief before the hunting a Bear. The third observation is that they will not go out at the usual door, but at one in the backside of the house called Posse, I suppose it is to avoid women, the meeting of whom is an ill omen to huntsmen, and therefore they are forbidden to come on that side of the house where this door is, as Ol. Mathias assured me while I was writing this, who was very well acquainted with this Country. Zieglerus says the same, though something obscurely, that a woman is not to go thro' this door that day her husband is hunting: but it is not only that day, but at no time else. All these things are by way of preparation. The hunting itself is various according to the time of year, and several sizes of beasts. In the Summer they hunt on foot with Dogs, which are very good in these parts, not only for their scent, but that they dare set upon any thing, being still tied up to make them more fierce. In the Winter they themselves run down the game, sliding over the snow in a kind of scates, which I shall describe more fully in another place. Little beasts they chase with bow and arrows, the greater with spears and guns; though sometimes they use other arts. That sort of beast they call Hermelines, they take in traps as we do Mice, which are so contrived of wood that the touching of any part makes them fall; sometimes in pits and holes covered with snow, to hid the deceit, as also with Dogs that will gripe them to death. Squirrels they shoot with blunt darts, that they may not do an injury to their skins, which they very much esteem. After this manner also they take Ermines. Other beasts, as Foxes, Beavers, they kill with Javelins spiked with iron: but if they meet with a beast that hath a precious skin, they are so expert at their weapons, as to direct the blow where it will do it least harm. Foxes are frequently tempted with baits upon the snow strewed upon twigs over deep pits, or caught in gins laid in their usual haunts, or else poisoned with a sort of moss, which is peculiar for this use, but is seldom made use of where there are abundance of field Mice, which are the Foxes general food. They fasten snares to boughs of trees to catch Hares in, and some of the above mentioned beasts: and if any one find any thing fast in these, he is obliged to give notice to the owner. I come now to the larger beasts, of which Wolves are most commonly caught in holes, but sometimes shot with bullets: these are their game frequently because they have the greatest plenty of them, and suffer the most damages by them: and for their greater destruction, Scythes are often hiden under the snow to cut off their legs. After this manner too Leopards and Gulo's are destroyed, which is now a days almost left off, because the Country is so well furnished with guns, with which they also kill Elkes when they can find them. But with greatest care and diligence they hunt Rain-deers and Bears, the former with all kind of weapons. At their rutting time in Autumn, about S. Matthews day, they entice them to their tame does, behind which the Huntsman lies to shoot them. And in the Spring, when the Snow is deep, the men themselves slide after them, and easily take them, or sometimes drive them into traps with Dogs: or lastly they set up hurdles on both sides of a way, and chase them in between them, so that at last they must necessarily fall into holes made for that purpose at the end of the work. The hunting of the Bear follows, which, because it is done with the most ceremonies and superstitions, will require the more care and accurateness in the relating of it.  
First of all, their business is to find out where the Bear makes his den against Winter. He that finds it is said hafwa ringet bioern, i. e. to encompass the Bear. He usually after this goes to all his friends and acquaintance with much joy, to invite them to the hunting as to a solemn and magnificent feast, for, as is before said, this beasts flesh is a great delicacy. But they never meet before March or April, till they can use their sliding shoes: at which time he chooses the best drummer among them, and by his beating consults whether the hunting will be prosperous or no, which done they all march into the field in battle array after him that invited them as Captain, who must use no other weapon than a club, on whose handle is hung an Alchemy ring. Next him goes the drummer, than he that is to give the first blow, and after all the rest as their office requires, one to boil the flesh, another to divide it, a third to gather sticks and provide other necessaries: so they strictly observe that one should not encroach upon another's office. When in this order they are come to the den, they set upon the Bear valiantly, and kill him with spears and guns, and presently sing in token of victory thus, Kittulis pourra, Kittulis two skada tekamis soubbi iaella zaiiti, that is, they think the Bear for coming, and doing them no harm in not breaking their weapons, in the singing of which their Captain is the chief Musician. After celebration of their victory, they drag the Bear out, beating him with staves, whence they have a Proverb, slao bioern med riis, that is, the Bear is beat, which signifies he is killed. Then putting him upon a sledge, they draw him with Rain-deers to the Hut where he is to be boiled, singing Two paha tolking gio, two paha talka pharonis, that is, they beseech the Bear that he would not raise tempests against them, or any way hurt them that killed him. This they say by way of jest, unless we will suppose them (as some of them really do) to imagine the kill of some kind of wild beast portends ill to the hunter. Samuel Rheen speaks of a different song from this we have mentioned, much to this purpose, that they thank God for making beasts for their service, and giving them strength and courage to encounter and overcome so strong and cruel a creature, and therefore I believe they may join them together and sing both. That Rain-deer that brings home the Bear is not to be used by Women for a year, and some say, by any body else. If there be materials, near the place where the Bear is killed, they usually build up a hovel there to boil him in, or if not, carry him to a place that is more convenient, where all their Wives stay to expect them, and as soon as the men come nigh them they sing Laeibi ia tuoli susco, that is they ask their wives to chew the bark of the Alder Tree and spit it in their faces. They use this rather than any other Tree, because when 'tis bruised between their teeth, it grows red, and will die any thing, and the men being sprinkled with this, as if it were the Bear's blood, seem to have gone through some notable exploit not without danger and trouble. Then their wives aiming with one eye through an Alchemy Ring spit upon them: Samuel Rheens opinion differs only in this, that but one woman spits in the Captain's face. This ceremony is not done in the Hut where the Bear is killed, but at the back door: for they build two Tents, one for the men where the Bear is to be dressed, and the other for the women in which they make the feast: where as soon as the men come in, the Women sing Kittulis pouro tookoris, that is, they thank their husbands for the sport they had in killing the Bear: so they sit down men and women together to eat, but not of Bear's flesh. Supper ended the men presently departed into the other house, and dressing the Bear provide another meal: and it is not lawful for any of those Hunters to lie with his wife in three days after, and the Captain in five. The Bear's skin is his that first discovers him. They boil the flesh blood and fat in brass Kettles, and what swims they skim off and put in wooden vessels; to which are fastened as many Alchemy plates as there are Bears killed. Whilst the meat is boiling they all sit down in order about the fire, the Captain first on the right hand, than the Drummer, and next he that struck the first blow; on the left hand first the Wood-cleaver, than the Water-bearer, and after the rest according to their place. This done the Captain divides it between the Women and Men. In the division the Women must have none of the posteriours, for they belong only to the men; neither is it lawful for a Woman to come and fetch their division, but 'tis sent them by two men, who say thus to them, Olmai Potti Sueregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, i. e. that they came a great way off, from Swedland, Poland, England, or France; these men the women meet, and sing Olmai Potti Sweregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, Kalka Kauhsis laigit touti tiadnat, i. e. you men that come from Swedland, Poland, England, or France; we will bind your legs with a red list, and so they do. But if we believe Samuel Rheen the Drummer divides the men's part to every one an equal portion. When all the meat is eton, they gather up the bones, and bury them together; then the Captain hangs up the skin upon a pole, for the women blindfolded to shoot at, they singing all the while Batt Olmai Potti Sweregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, i. e. we will shoot at him that came from Swedland, etc. but she that hits it first gets the most credit, and they believe her husband will have the best fortune in killing of the next Bear. She is also obliged to work in cloth with wire as many crosses as there are Bears killed, and hang them upon every one of the hunter's necks, which they must wear three whole days. It is the opinion of the aforesaid Author, that all the women do the same, and the men wear them four days: he says also that the Raindeer that brought home the Bear must have one cross. I cannot as yet find any other reason of this ceremony, but that they suppose these crosses to be preservatives against all the damages they can receive from the Gods of the Woods for killing their Bear: for to this day they are of the opinion that some Gods have taken charge of some beasts, especially of the Bear, because he in this country is King over all the rest. After the time of abstinence is exspired, the close of all this solemnity, is the men's returning to their wives, which is thus; All after one another take hold of that rope, to which they hang their Kettle, and dance thrice round the fire, and so run out of the men's Tent into the women's, where they are met with this song, Todna Balka Kaino oggio, we will thro' a shovel full of ashes upon your legs. Samuel Rheen speaking of this custom, says the men must not go to their wives till it be done, as if it were an expiation for their uncleanness in killing a Bear. Thus you see with how many Laws and superstitions they Hunt this Beast, some of which are common in hunting of others, as the not admitting women to the sport, and debarring them from touching the prey when it is taken, as also that the men return home through the back door. And here 'tis observable that they never carry in Beasts, Birds, or Fishes, but throw them in before them, without doubt out of superstition that they may seem to drop from Heaven and be sent by providence: tho most of them know not the original of such superstitious ceremonies, but only follow the example of their forefathers. In fine nothing is accounted here a greater credit or honour to a man then the kill of a Bear, and therefore they have public marks for it, every one lacing his cap with as many wires as he has killed Bears.  
I come now to their fowling, which is proper also to men, and is alterable according to the time of year or largeness of the fowl, for in the Summer they shoot altogether, but in the Winter catch in Snares and Springs, especially the Lagopus called by the Swedes Sniaeriper. They make kind of hedges with abundance of holes in them, in which they set Springs, so that this Bird being most upon the ground, and running about, is easily caught in them: as for the taking of other Birds there is nothing worth a particular observation.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting.  
BY the former Discourse it plainly appears that in hunting they use several Instruments and Weapons, in our next therefore it will be requisite to give some account of them. The first and most frequent is a bow three els long, two fingers broad, and an inch thick, being made of Birch and Pine (which by reason of the resine in it is very flexible) and covered over with Birch bark, to preserve both from the weather. What Lomenius says of its being made of Rain-deers bones, must needs be false, since no bone can be so pliable as is required in the making of a bow; his words are these, Rangiferi asperantur ossa in cultros & curvantur in arcus congeneribus feris trucidandis, if he had left out & curvantur in arcus he had spoke more to the purpose: but I believe he had this, besides many other things, to fill up his Journal from Olaus Magnus, who among the utensils these People have from the Rain-deers, says the Fletcher's much desire their bones and horns, from whence Lomenius collects that bows are made of them. But it is evident that Olaus meant not this bow, but a kind of cross-bow termed by the Germans Armbrust, and the French Arbalestre, which is impossible to be made of bone, but the handle might be adorned with it, because in these Northern parts they have no mother of Pearl, which other Countries perhaps make use of to this purpose. It was then a good plain wooden longbow, which would not require an engine to bend it, but might be drawn with an hand only. And since I told you it was made of two pieces of wood, we will see next how they were joined together, which is with a kind of glue made of Perches skin well scaled, that melts in using like ours. They have also steelbows, which are so strong, that when they bend them they must put their foot in a ring for that purpose at the head of them, and draw the string up to the nut, made of bone in the handle, with an iron hook they wear at their girdle. From their bows I pass to their darts and arrows, which are of two sorts, either pointed with iron to kill the larger beasts, or blunt without it like bolts, to kill the smaller. These points are not always made of iron, but sometimes bones, which are fastened with glue into a hole bored with a hot iron at the end of a staff, and afterwards sharpened with a knife, or on a whetstone. But besides they use Guns, which they (as hunters do in other places) with a great deal of superstition enchant that they should never miss. These are made at Soederhambn, a town in Helsingia, famous for weapons, from whence the Bothnians buy them, and sell them to the Laplanders: hence they have Gunpowder and bullets, or at least lead to make them: and sometimes Norway furnishes them with all these. Spears they use only in hunting Bears, and are so little different from ours that they will not need a description. I come now to their other instruments relating to this sport, the chiefest of which are their shoes, with which they slide over the frozen snow, being made of broad planks extremely smooth; the Northern People call them Skider, and by contraction Skier (which agrees something with the Germans Scheitter, that is, cloven wood) and sometimes Andrer or Ondrur or Skiidh. Their shape is, according to Olaus Magnus, five or six els long, turned up before, and a foot broad: which I cannot believe, because I have a pair which are a little broader, and much shorter, and Wormius had a pair but of three els long. And those are much shorter which are to be seen at Leiden, which Frisius says are just seven foot long, four inches and a little more broad: and it must needs be so to hold with Olaus Magnus, and every body's opinion, that one shoe must be longer than the other by a foot, as if the man or woman be eight foot high, one must be eight foot, and the other nine. Frisius says they are both of a length at Leiden, and Olaus Wormius takes no notice of any difference in his, but I believe then those were of two Parishes, for my biggest is just such an one as Frisius describes covered over with resin or pitch, and the shorter plain. But because the larger is of greatest use, it is no wonder that one or two of them were sent abroad for a pattern, but since those at Leiden are both the biggest, they were not made for men so tall as Frisius speaks of, they fitting men of six foot, which is a stature sometimes met with in Lapland. They are smooth and turned up before, not behind, as they are pictured in Wormius, not by the fault of the Author, but the Painter, for the original in his study shows them otherwise; I have observed in my longer shoe that it is not quite straight, but swells up a little in the middle where they place their foot. Frisius did ill in giving a picture but of one, and in that nothing of this bending, I will therefore describe both, and a Laplander sliding in them.   depiction of a Lapland hunter wearing skis 
These shoes are fastened to their feet by a with, not run through the bottom but by the sides, that it might not hinder their sliding, or wear out with often using, which is not expressed in Frisius' Picture, this is directly in the middle, and tied to the hinder part of the leg, as you may see in the figure. That which is often in Olaus Magnus, and set forth by Frisius, is a mere fancy and figment of an Italian Painter, that could not understand what these shoes were, but by describing them like long wooden broags turning up with a sharp point before: which is very idle, because the foot goes into it at the hinder part, and agrees not with Olaus' other cuts; for if the place of the foot were there, it could not endure so great a weight before it, or effect that for which this shoe was first invented: for they must tread firm upon the Snow, which they could not do if all the weight lay at one end; but when 'tis in the middle, that which is before and behind will keep the foot from sinking in. The way of going in them is this: they have in their hand a long staff, at the end of which is a large round piece of wood fastened, to keep it from going deep into the Snow, and with this they thrust themselves along very swiftly. This way of running they not only use in plain and even, but in the must rugged grounds, and there is no Hill or Rock so steep, but with winding and turning they can at last come up to the top, (which Pope Paul the Third could not believe) and that which is a greater Miracle will slide down the steepest places without danger. These shoes they cover with young Rain-deers skins, whose hairs in their climbing run like brisles against the Snow, and keep them from going back. Wormius says they were covered with Sea Calf's skins, but I believe he talked of those, that the Siaefinni, or the Maritime people use. And this is the first instrument of hunting, which they use as well in other businesses in winter time, for they can pass no other way over the Snow, at which time they can out run any wild beast. The other instrument they use is a sledg, which although it is fit for any journey, they use it in hunting especially the Rain-deeres', the description of which, because 'tis fit for all manner of carriages, I shall defer to another place.   

CHAP. XXI. Of the Laplanders Handycraft-trades.  
BEsIDEs hunting, which is the chiefest, they have many other employments relating to their lives and fortunes, of which Cookery is the first: for what ever food they get by fishing, fowling, or hunting, the men dress and not the women. They therefore are quite ignorant of this Art, (which the men are not very expert at) and never use it but upon necessity, and in the absence of men.  
The second is the boatmakers, which they make of Pine or Deal boards, not fastened with nails but sewed together with twigs, as among the ancients with thongs, Olaus Magnus and Johannes Tornaeus says with roots of trees, but most commonly with Rain-deers nerves. When they launch these boats they caulk them with moss to keep out the water, and use sometimes two, sometimes four oars, so fastened to pegs in the sides, that one man may row with two.  
The third trade is the Carpenters, to make sledges, which are not all of the same shape, those they travel in, called Pulca being made in the fashion of half a boat, having the prou about a span broad turned up, with a hole in it to run a cord thro' to fasten it to a Rain-deer, and the poop of one slat board: the body is built of many, which are fastened with wooden pegs to four or five ribs; they never go upon wheels, but are convex and round, that they may roll any way, and more easily be drawn over the Snow. This description agrees with that sledg which I have, and the Testimony of Herberstenius, Olaus Magnus, and Johannes Tornaeus. The fore part of them is covered with Seacalves skin for about an ell, stretched upon hoops, lest the Snow should come in, under which they put moss to keep their feet warm. These are about three els long, but those that carry baggage, called ackkio, aj●five, are not covered any where. The people defend their goods from the weather, according to Wexionius, with raw flax: but that is not probable, because no flax grows there, and the use of flaxen garments is unknown, and therefore I believe they do it with skins or bark. In Olaus Magnus lib. 17. cap. 25. there is a cart painted upon wheels, the Author describes it in these words, qui domestici sunt Rangiferi curulibus plaustris aptantur, but what these curulia plaustra signify he does not explain. And since the Painter has drawn other things according to his own capacity, and understanding, I do not know whether he has not followed his own opinion more than Olaus' narration, but 'tis certain there are no wheel carts, for what they carry in Summer is put in dorsers upon Rain-deers. These Tradesmen make their sliding shoes, which because I have described in the former Chapter, I need not now speak of.  
The fourth is making boxes and chests to lay up weapons and other things in, which are all of an oval shape, of which sort Lodovicus Otto Bathoniensis gave me one. They are made of thin birch planks, which are so contrived and bend into an Oval, that the pegs or twigs, with which they are fastened, are not perceived. The lids are of one board, and for ornament often inlaid with Rain-deers bones in divers figures, which for better illustration you shall see described at the end of this Chapter in the cut marked with the letter C.  
The sift Trade is making Baskets, in which Art no Nation can compare with them. The matter they make them off is roots of Trees, which they work not as other people do, for they make them of what bigness they please, and if occasion require, will be so accurate in their work as to interweave the roots so neat and close together, that they shall hold water like a solid vessel. Their shapes are divers, some round with a cover and handle to carry them by, and others squares or oblongs. Not only the Laplanders and Swedes use these, but they are also for their curiosity and strength sent into farther Countries: the figure B. at the end will give a view of a round one.  
Beside these the men make all manner of householdstuff of wood or bone; and particularly spoons, one of which I have with all its Rings and Ornaments, as you may see at figure A. I have two weaving instruments, a shuttle about two inches long or more, with an hole at one end D. and a kind of comb or small Loom in which they wove particular wreaths and ornaments E.   depiction of various handcrafted items, including a spoon, a shuttle, shoes, boots, gloves, a chest and a woven basket 
They make also very neat Tobacco boxes carved with knives in bone, with many Rings and other pretty appendages about them, all which being considered will prove this Nation not to be so dull and stupid as by some it is supposed.  
They have also one Art more worth taken notice of, as engraving flowers and several Beasts in bone, into which they cast several plates of Tin, and with these figures the men and women adorn their girdles and other things: the same way they make their moulds for casting bullets. They make instruments for all employments, as Cookery, etc. those for hunting are usually made of bone, and others are commonly adorned with it. Zeigler mentions tubs, which are rather cups, or vessels cut out of a stump of a Tree, as trays are: and Wexionius mentions other vessels made of bark, but I forbear to speak of any more, only I shall add that they learn their art not from masters but their father's according to their capacity.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the women's Employments.  
HAvING run thro' the men's employments, the women's are next to be considered. Two trades are most peculiar to them, as doing the work of Tailors and Shoemakers, for they make and mend all the Clothes, Shoes, Boots and Gloves; and they have a third the making all those things that join the Rain-deer to the sledg, as collars, traces, etc. in order to which they learn subservient arts, as making thread, which is commonly of Rain-deers nerves, because they have no flax: of this sort I have some by me. Olaus Magnus saith ad indumentorum usum, for the making of shirts, which made Lomenius believe the women wove this thread into cloth, who I perceive in his short description of Lapland, hath very closely followed his words more than his sense. In the making of their thread, which is of about 3 els long, the extent of the Rain-deers nerves, they first cleanse the nerves, then having cut off all the hard parts, they dry, and hatchel them, and lastly mollify them with fishes fat. Besides this they spin wool for swaddling clothes, and Hare's fur, with which they knit caps, as in other parts of Europe they do stockings with four knitting needles, which art the Germans call stricken. These Caps are as soft as Swans down, and extremely warm. In the same manner they make Gloves, which are very benesiciall to them in the cold. The work of their sillets is very curious, for they put in them many figures, as you may see at the end of the foregoing Chapter, at the figure I. The fourth trade is their covering thread with tin, which first they draw into wire by pulling it thro' little holes in horn with their teeth, which holes they fill half up with bone, that the tin may be flat on one side, and fit to be put on thread. The picture of a woman drawing wire you have in the next page. Then they put it upon the nerves by the help of a spindle, which doth so twist them together that they seem all tin, and when they have done, they wind it about their head or foot, lest it should entangle and be spoiled. And this is their way of making thread of tin, as in other Countries of gold and silver, the chiefest use of which is in adorning their clothes after the way of Embroidery, which is the women's fifth art.  depiction of a woman making wire thread Ziegler adds to this faciunt vestes intextas auro & argento, that they interweave in their clothes gold and silver, which I cannot believe, because they do not do so now, and whatever is spoke of the metal, they wove neither linen nor woollen, but buy it from the Bothnian or Norway Merchants: so than they do not wove this thread into their garment, but embroider them with it. Thus they adorn all their vestments, as gowns called Muddar, boots, gloves and shoes, and she that doth it neatest, is preferred before other women, and had in greater estimation. They do not immediately put this upon the fur of skins, but lifts of blue, green, or red woollen cloth.  depiction of embroidered accessories, including a pincase, a knife sheath and scrips Their gowns are embroidered about the neck, sleeves, breast, and sides; gloves about the tops, shoes; instep and toes; boots, about the knees; in which work they commonly picture; Stars, Flowers, Birds, Beasts, especially Rain-deers: and to make their clothes more glorious, they set them with spangles, fillets, points, and knots of this thread, and wear upon their head shreds of divers coloured cloth, the pictures of all which you have in the former Chapter, Boots F, Gloves G, Shoes H. The Rain-deers harness they embroider in the same manner.  
Lastly they have nothing that appears in sight, but it is hereby made very commendable and ingenious. I have by me men and women's scrips, pincases, sheaths for knives, very curiously wrought. Of all which, that I might not seem to give too a large commendation of them, I have put the Pictures in the foregoing page.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Employments common to both Sexes.  
THE other buisinesses, which we have not treated of yet, whether they be at home or in journeys, belong to both Sexes, and that they may be the better undertaken, men and women wear breeches, and as Joh. Tornaeus takes notice, equally undergo all pains and work excepting hunting: by which words exceptâ venatione he doth not deny but men and women have peculiar employments. In their travels the master of a family goes first, with his baggage and Rain-deers after him, and next him his wife with hers, in Summer they both walk on foot, in Winter both are drawn in sledges, which I have described in the next page: in these they like children are tied and bound fast with fillets and cords, especially when in haste, having only their hands and head at liberty, and their back leaning against the end. The Rain-deer is not harnessed like an Horse, but hath a strong cloth about his neck, to which is fastened a rope that goes between his fore and hind feet, to the hole in the prou of the fledge. He therefore that drew Olaus Magnus' pictures was much deceived, when he made Rain-deers joined to the sledge with traces on both sides, and such a collar about their necks, as is used in other Countries upon their thillers; and in another place two yoked together drawing a cart with wheels, which is a thing unknown to the Laplanders, and men riding upon them as on a Horse, whereas they never do so, but walk on foot, and carry their goods only on them in dorsers. He that is drawn rules the beast, not with a bridle, but an halter made of Seadogs skin tied about his head or horns, fastened to a stick which he holds in one hand, with which he removes the thong to either side, according as he would go or turn: with the other he guides the sledge, for it being round at bottom is still wavering, so that he which rides, must still with the motion of his body, and hand, take care it overturns not, as you may see in the picture. When they thus travel in the Winter, the Rain-deers are bravely adorned with needle work of tin-thred upon divers coloured cloth, about their necks and back, and a bell, with which they are mightily pleased. They travel in these at what rate they will; but if upon a remove, always slow, because of the weight of their goods, in which journeys the man and his  depiction of a reindeer pulling a man in a sledge wife go first, and all the family come after. Ziegler says in 24 hours they can go 150 miles: Herbersternius says in a day 20 Germane miles: but 'tis not to be believed that it is performed with one Rain-deer in the day of 12 hours, except the ways be good and slippery, but they ordinarily go 12 14 or 16 Germane miles in ten hours, which number doubled will make out Zeigler's opinion: and that not with one Rain-deer which is impossible to out so long, but that it must die or be left to rest the next day. In this way of travelling the Women are as expert as the men, and Olaus Magnus says more. As the men and women travel together, so they help one another in fishing, and at baiting time to feed their cattle, which is evident in the Rain-deer, for the women take as much care of them as the men, and equally take the trouble to milk them: and in fishing 'tis manifest; for women in the absence of men, are very intent for some weeks at catching fish, which they gut and dry up for Winter. Their way of catching them is with Nets, and other instruments, as every where else. I know not what Paulus Jovius meant, when he said they have a foolish way of fishing, except he refers to their hooks which are not of Iron but Wood: they make them of Juniper bend round: these they fasten to sticks, and throw them into the Rivers, and very easily take many large fishes. If they fish with a Cane or Whale-bone, the fisher never knows when the fish bites, but pulls up at a venture. Their way of fishing altars with the season, in the Summer usually with drag nets, between two boats, or else with spears like Tridents, but that they have more teeth. With these they strike pikes, especially when they lie sunning themselves near the top of the Water: they do the same by Night burning dry wood at the prow, by which light the Fish are enticed thither. In the Winter time they thrust nets under the ice to a bank side, and then by a great noise above drive the Fish to them; all these things the Women often do alone, which is the less to be wondered at, because every wherein this Country there is a great multitude of Fish. Besides all these, they carry and cleave wood, and make hedges, with such like works, which are so inconsiderable as not to be worthy to enlarge our discourse.   

CHAP. XXIV. Of their Divertisements.  
HAVING spoken of their ordinary employments, it will not be amiss here to annex something of their Divertisements: where first we may note, that the people of this Country are generally disposed to idleness, not willing to take any great pains, unless when mere necessity constrains them to provide against want. This they seem to derive principally from their Ancestors the Finlanders, as is elsewhere said. To which as well their cold constitution by reason of the sharpness of the Air in this Country (that itself is sufficient to dispose men to laziness,) as the length of their Nights, and indulgence to much sleep. may contribute not a little. In fine, that I may omit their many other infirmities, whereby they are incapacitated to undergo any considerable hardship, they are lovers of sloth and wholly given up to it. But further, to consider how they bestow their vacant time from business, 'tis the general and most received account, that making and receiving visits, and familiar conversation become the greatest part of their recreations. For whereas their manner of life so nearly resembles solitariness, that each family seems confined to its own hut, they can take no greater satisfaction in any thing then such mutual intercourse. And here it may be observed, that in their discourses at these meetings of friends and acquaintance, usually the most ordinary affairs and daily occurrences have the chiefest place: as particularly their welfare, employments, and the like. But besides 'tis their humour to make remarks upon the transactions of all foreigners, whose names or customs commerce has at any time brought to their knowledge. And furthermore they can take no greater pride, then either in traducing the management of their affairs, or imposing drollish Nicknames upon them. Tho indeed those of the richer sort are used to entertain their visitants with greater merriment and magnificence. Besides these visits they use some sports wherewith they recreate themselves, especially in Winter (when for some space of time they live as scateringly as in Summer, but are more familiar,) or at their public assemblies in the places of Judicature and Fairs. Again some sports are looked upon as only peculiar to men, others the female Sex also have their part in. Of the first sort this is one. They make a line in the Snow, in place of a goal: behind it at some paces distance they set up a mark, from whence each person taking a run to the goal, and there taking his rise, throws his body as far as possibly he can, and he that at one leap compasses the greatest space of ground, is reckoned the Conqueror. In this first sport they both leap and run. Another they have where the trial of skill consists in leaping only, and that too not in length but height; there stand two men upright, at no great distance the one from the other, and hold in their hands sometimes a rope, sometimes a pole, now higher, now lower, as is agreed upon by the combatants, usually at the common height of a man: then each Person attemts to leap over from a station assigned, and he that performs most dextrously, gains the applause to himself. A third sort of sport among them is with bow and arrows. At a convenient place they set up a mark of a very small bigness, and shoot at it with arrows from any distance prescribed. He that hits either soon or oftenest, bears away the bell from the rest. These sports hitherto mentioned are almost instituted by them merely for the consideration of credit and renown: yet sometimes they play for prizes such as they agree upon among themselves, and instantly they lay them down in the place where they keep their games. Their prizes are seldom money, usually skins, especially of Squirrels, sometimes one, sometimes more as they see convenient and agree upon it. But in those sports wherein as well the women as men are players, they commonly play with a leather ball stuffed with hay, about the bigness of ones fist; whatever company of men and women is there present, is sorted into two sides, one whereof seizes on this ground, the other on another opposite to it, and at some distance off. Then every Person of one side in his turn, beats the ball with a club through the Air, those of the contrary side catching it at the fall; and if any one chance to catch it in his hands, before it touch ground, than the order of the play is inverted, and this side strikes out the ball, the other is fain to catch. Thus play the men and women, the boys and girls together, nor do the men show thereselves more expert at it then the women. They besides have another play at ball: in the hard frozen snow they draw two lines at some distance from one another, than all the multitude both of men and women parting into two sides, one applies itself to the defence of this, the other of that line; then they meet in the middle space between their two goals, and fling down the ball, than each party with bandies and clubs strives to strike the ball cross the opposite party's line, each party still maintaining the defence of its own line; but if one side chance to strike the ball with their bandies over the others line (for it is foul play to fling it with their hands) and so take their goal, that is accounted the conquering side. The sports as yet mentioned are such as belong to the younger sort, as well as to those of more mature age: the next is peculiar to these last and only to men. Their custom is to separate themselves into two companies, and attack one another by wrestling: first each company stands like a file of Soldiers all along in order to confront the adverse company: then each man catches his adversary by the girdle, wherewith all Laplanders are always girt, as is elsewhere shown, (their girdle goes six times round their body, and so is fast and fittest for their purpose,) so each man having caught hold, endeavours to fling the other down, which they are not allowed to attempt by craft or deceit, as by any lock or the like; Any one that is found delinquent in this kind, is branded for a fowl player, and excluded the lists. These are the sports that are almost peculiar to the Laplanders: besides them they use some, which they borrow from other places, such is playing at Cards, a sport sufficiently known through all Europe, for even the Laplanders take no little satisfaction in it: they procure their Cards of the Merchants that trade thither. They use likewise to play at dice, which they themselves make of wood after the common fashion, with this only difference, that whereas dice commonly have some number of spots inscribed on every side, they have a figure made only on one side like an X. he wins in this sport, that casting two Die, on the top of either can show the X. their stakes are usually Squirrels skins, or some small trifles, and in the failance of these leaden bullets, which they use in their hunting to charge their Guns withal: and it happens sometimes that a fellow having lost all his bullets, in hope of repairing his damage by winning again, not only at present will be sensible of the harm, but being disappointed of his Hunting puts to stake and loses his future acquisitions and hope of livelihood. These are the usual ways, whereby the people of Lapland spend their leisure times and divert themselves.   

CHAP. XXV. Of their Contracts and Marriages.  
WE have hitherto taken a survey of their ordinary employments, and such as are almost every day in use, as well those peculiar to each Sex, as common to both; likewise of their Divertisements and sports, wherewith they use to intermingle those employments: It remains that we treat of those businesses, which do not every day occur, but are singular and solemn, and undertaken upon special occasions. And first of what appertain to their Marriages; Concerning them 'tis most memorable, that whenever any person purposes to marry, 'tis his first business, to make search after a Maid well stocked with Raindeers. For the Laplanders have a custom, (as shall hereafter more particularly be mentioned) of bestowing upon their Children soon after their birth, some certain number of those Rain-deers, and their increase is accounted of, not as the Parent's estate, but the Child's portion. She therefore, that is best provided of them, is in most likelihood of meeting with an Husband. Nor have they regard to any thing else, as either good breeding, or beauty, or other the common allurements of wooers. For they who dwell on a hard and barren soil are generally solicitous concerning food, which because their Rain-deer afford, every one thinks himself best secured against want when he is best provided of them. As soon therefore as the young man has cast about him for a wife, which is usually done at their public meetings for paying of taxes, or upon the account of fairs; next he makes a journey to her parents, taking along with him his father, if alive, and one or two more whom he thinks will be most kindly welcome, but especially one who may declare his affections, and win the favour of the Maid's parents. When they arrive at the hut, they are all kindly invited in, only the suitor is fain to wait at door, and bestow his time in chopping wood, or some such trivial business, till he be summoned in also, for without express permission 'tis uncivil in him to enter. When they have drank of the Spirit of Wine, which the spokesman brings, he applies himself to the management of his province, discloses the Suitors affections to the Daughter, and makes his address to her Father, that he will please to bestow her in Marriage upon him. Which that he may achieve with more success, he honours the Father with the greatest titles and names of renown that he can devise, at every one bowing the knee, as if he were treating with a prince. He styles him with the High and Mighty Father, the Worshipful Father, as if he were one of the Patriarcks, the best and most illustrious Father, and no doubt if they were acquainted with the Royal title of His Majesty, He would not scruple to call him, the most Majestic Father. The Wine, that the Suitor is supposed to have brought along with him therewith to pay his respects to her parents, whom he pretends to, they call either Pouristwyn (that is) the Wine of prosperous access, or that Wine wherewith he designs to caress his Father and Mother in Law, that are to be; or else, Soubowiin (that is the Wine of wooers which 'tis expedie●… for wooers to bestow, thereby to procure permission of converse with 〈◊〉 daughter, and gain the favour and liking of the future Bride. But we must take notice, that the business is not proposed to the maid herself first but her parents; nor may the Suitor have any conference with her without their permission. Nay 'tis the usual custom, at this time to dispatch her away upon some sleeuless errand, either to the Rain-deers pastures in the Woods, or a Neighbour's hut, so as neither the Suitor nor any of his company may have a sight of her; but if at last either she or some other woman procure leave for Her of her Parents or kindred, to speak to him, their entertainment finished he gets him out of the hut to his sledg, and then takes out his woollen Cloth-Garments, (such as they use to spruce themselves up withal, at their public Festivals, or more solemn affairs) and what else is requisite to the present business: when he has trimmed himself up, he makes his address to his Mistress and salutes her. Their manner of Salutation is by a kiss; in which that they mainly aim at is, that each not only apply his mouth to the others, but also that both their noses touch; for otherwise it goes not for a true salute. Next he makes her a present of the rarest delicacies that Lapland affords, the Rain-deers tongue, the Beavers flesh, and other dainties, which she refuses to accept of in the presence of any body; presently after she is called aside to some convenient place without the hut, then if she profess herself willing to receive them, the Suitor farther puts it to her, whether she will grant him leave, that he may take his repose by her in the hut; if she grant it, 'tis concluded between them of their future marriage: withal he presents his gifts above mentioned. If she rejects his suit, she casts them all down at his feet. The Bridegroom usually carries them in his bosom, before he presents them. The full approbation of the Parents, and the celebration of the wedding is used oftentimes to be deferred for a considerable while, sometimes for two or three years together; and all that while they bestow upon courting their Mistresses. The reason why their time of Courtship or wooing proves so long, is because the Bridegroom is necessitated to gratify with frequent presents, the parents and friends nearest in blood to the Bride, without the leave of each of which he cannot compass the possession of her. This is expressed by Samuel Rheen in these words, When any Person pretends marriage to the Daughter of one of the richer sort, he is obliged to make a present to her parents and nearest Kinsmen, such as is made for state to Ambassadors or chief Officers, as large as his means will reach to, which present they call Peck, that is, Pieces; every piece at least must contain two marks of silver, that is, six ounces, there are some too, that must contain twenty, forty, sometimes threescore ounces a piece, such pieces the Bridegroom is bound to bestow upon His Mistress' parents and her near kindred. In what things these presents particularly consist, I shall mention hereafter, for they do not give barely silver, but moulded into some fashion, or other things besides; while therefore the Bridegroom is employed in procuring these pieces, 'tis no inconsiderable while that passes.  
In this interval he ever and anon makes a visit to his Mistress, to whom while he is travelling he solaces himself with a Love Song, and diverts the wearisomeness of his journey. And 'tis their common custom, to use such kind of Songs, not with any set tune, but such as every one thinks best himself, nor in the same manner, but sometimes one way, sometimes another, as goes best to every man, when he is in the mode of singing. An ensampel of one they use in the Winter season, communicated to me by Olaus Mathias, a Laplander, I here annex.  
Kulnasatz niraosam augaos joao audas jordee skaode  
Nurte waota waolges skaode  
Abeide kockit laidi ede  
Fauruogaoidhe sadiede  
Aellao momiaiat kuekan kaigewarri.  
Patzao buaorest kaellueiaur tuuni  
Maode paoti millasan  
Kaiga waonaide waiedin  
Aogo niraome buaorebaest  
Nute aotzaon sargabaest  
Taide sun monia lii aigoamass  
Saraogaoin waolgat amass  
jos ivao sarga aoinasim  
Kiuresam katzesim  
Kulnaasatz nirasam  
Katze aoinakaos tun so salm.  
The meaning of this Song is this, 

Kulnasatz my Rain-deer  
We have a long journey to go;  
The Moer's are vast,  
And we must hast,  
Our strength I fear  
Will fail if we are slow,  
And so  
Our Songs will do.   

Kaigè the watery Moor  
Is pleasant unto me,  
Though long it be;  
Since it doth to my Mistress lead,  
Whom I adore;  
The Kilwa Moor,  
I ne'er again will tread.   

Thoughts filled my mind  
Whilst I thro' Kaigè past.  
Swift as the wind,  
And my desire,  
Winged with impatient fire,  
My Rain-deer let us haste.   

So shall we quickly end our pleasing pain:  
Behold my Mistress there,  
With decent motion walking o'er the Plain.  
Kulnasatz my Rain-deer,  
Look yonder, where  
She washes in the Lake.  
See while she swims,  
The waters from her purer limbs  
New cleverness take.    
This is a love Song of the Laplanders, wherewith they encourage their Rain-deers to travel nimbly along. For all delay, though in itself short, is tedious to lovers. They use too at other times to entertain themselves with such Sonners, when at some distance from their Mistresses, and therein to make mention of them, and extol their beauty. One of this kind I received of the said Olaus, and seeing we have lit upon this subject, I here set it down.  
Pastos paiwa Kiufwresist jawra Orre jawra  
jos kaosa kirrakeid korngatzim  
ja tiedadzim man oinaemam jaufre Orre Jawra  
Ma tangast lomest lie sun lie  
Kaika taidae mooraid dzim soopadzim  
Make taben sad sister oddasist  
ja poaka taidae ousid dzim karsadzim  
Makqwodde roamaid poorid ronaid  
Kuliked palwaid tim suteatim  
Make kulkis woasta jaufrae Orre jaufrae.  
jos mun taeckas dzim kirdadzim saeaest worodzae saeaest  
A must lae saeae dziodgae saeae maina taeockao kirdadzim  
Aeka lae Iulgae songiaga julgae, akaelae siaedza  
Fauron sietza, maan koima lusad  
Dzim norbadzim.  
Kalle ju leck kucka madzie wordamadzie  
Morredabboit dadd paiwidad, linna sabboid  
Dadd salmidad liegae sabboid waimodadd  
Ius kuckas sick pataeridziek  
Tannagtied sarga dzien iusadzim  
Mi os matta laedae sabbo Korrassabbo  
nurse lie paddae soona paddae, jam salwam rout salwam  
Kaek dziabraei siste karrasistae.  
In kaesae myna, taem aiwitaem puny poaka  
Taemae jardaekitaemae Parne miela  
Piaegga miela noara iorda kockes jorda  
jos taidae poakaid laem kuldaelaem  
Luidaem radda waera radda  
Ouita lie miela oudas waldaeman  
Nute tiedam poreponne oudastan man kauneman.  
The sense of this Song is thus, 

With brightest beams let the Sun shine  
On Orra Moor,  
Can I be sure,  
That from the top o'th' lofty Pine,  
I Orra Moor might see,  
I to his highest bow would climb,  
And with industrious labour try,  
Thence to descry  
My Mistress, if that there she be.   

Can I but know amidst what Flowers,  
Or in what shade she stays,  
The gaudy Bowers  
With all their verdant pride,  
Their blossoms and their sprays,  
Which make my Mistress disappear;  
And her in Envious darkness hid,  
I from the roots and bed of Earth would tear.   

Upon the raft of clouds I'd ride  
Which unto Orra fly,  
O'th' Ravens I would borrow wings,  
And all the feathered Inmates of the sky:  
But wings alas are me denied,  
The Stork and Swan their pinions will not lend,  
There's none who unto Orra brings,  
Or will by that kind conduct me befriend.   

Enough enough thou hast delayed  
So many Summer's days,  
The best of days that crown the year,  
Which light upon the eyelids dart,  
And melting joy upon the heart:  
But since that thou so long hast stayed,  
They in unwelcome darkness disappear.  
Yet vainly dost thou me forsake,  
I will pursue and overtake.   

What stronger is then bolts of steel?  
What can more surely bind?  
Love is stronger far than it;  
Upon the Head in triumph she doth sit:  
Fetters the mind,  
And doth control,  
The thought and soul.   

A youth's desire is the desire of wind,  
All his Essays  
Are long delays,  
No issue can they find.  
Away fond Counsellors, away,  
No more advice obtrude:  
I'll rather prove,  
The guidance of blind Love;  
To follow you is certainly to stray:  
One single Counsel though unwisc is good.    
As they come to visit their Mistresses, they are necessitated to bring along with them some spirit of Wine, as a singular and most acceptable present, and Tobacco too. But if in the mean while, as it often falls out, the father intends not to bestow his daughter upon the man that hath made pretensions to her, he seldom refuses them, but defers the positive answer till the year following, that he may the oftener entertain himself with the spirit of Wine the Suitor brings along with him. And thus he delays his answer from one year to the other, till the Suitor perceive himself cheated, and be constrained to require at his hands his charges made to no purpose. There is then no other remedy to be taken, then bringing the business before the Judge, where the Maids Father is sentenced to refund either the entire sum, or half of it, as the case stands. Where withal we must observe this, that the expenses made by the Suitor on the Spirit of Wine, at his first arrival, do not fall under this compensation, but he alone stands to the loss of that. But if after the downright refusal of the Maid, he of his own accord will show his liberality, he may try what luck he will have at his own peril. If all things happen conformable to his wishes, than some set day is appointed for the wedding. The day before it, all the kindred and Neighbours as well of the Bridegroom as Bride resort to her parents but, and the Bridegroom presents them all with wedding gifts, about which they had agreed, and of which mention is made above.   depiction of a Lapland bride being led between a man and a woman  

CHAP. XXVI. Of their Childbearing, and the Education of their Children.  
NEXT to Marriage it will be expedient to treat of their Childbearing, and their Children. Where we may note first, that they wish for nothing more, and that they take no greater pleasure in any thing then fruitful Matrimony. And hence it is, I suppose, they are so prone to lust, as is elsewhere shown: but although they desire this so ardently, yet they are very seldom fruitful in Children, for they can scarce beget more than eight, which number is the greatest, and usually they beget but one, two, or three. An occasion of this their barrenness, Sam. Rheen imagines their bad diet, as likewise the extreme coldness of the Country, which I think may be very true. He moreover adds God's anger, which he collects from this, because though they are not worn away with War or Plague, yet notwithstanding their Country is never the more populous, and their Nation wastes rather daily. The motive of this anger he supposes to be their obstinateness in maintaining their ancient impieties. They use indeed at this very day, not only in Childbearing, but other affairs too, to be solicitous concerning the events, and to search after them by their superstitious rites. Their first care is concerning the sex, for as soon as they perceive the wife to be big with child, they have an opinion that they can inform themselves whether it will prove a Boy or a Girl, after this manner: they forthwith view the Moon (for they imagine that a Childbearing woman bears some resemblance to the Moon, as we shall hear) if there be a Star just above the Moon, they thence collect that the burden will prove of the male sex, if below, of the female. But I wonder they make a comparison between the Moon and a woman with child. For can there be any account given of their resemblance? is it, that like the Moon, she grows big with her burden, and when that is laid, lessens again? I rather suppose that these are the relics of their Pagan superstition, which made the Moon the tutelar Goddess to women with child. For so most of the Pagans did account other, which opinion being outdated, they yet pretend some resemblance between them. Their second care is touching the health or sickness of the child, which thing also they suppose the Moon will inform them in. For if a Star be just before the Moon, they take it for a sign that the child will prove healthful, and grow up to be a man. But if it comes just after her, they thence presage that the child will be a very sickly one, and not long lived.  
The woman with child lays her burden in a hut, but (which any body may understand) a sufficient incommodious one, especially if the time of her delivery happen to be in the Winter, for though they have a fire kindled in the middle of the hut, yet that can give her but little warmth. After her delivery, her first restorative and cordial, is a good draught of Whales fat, which they procure out of Norway, the taste of which is as strong and ill savoured as of a Sea-calves lard, when dried. The child, as soon as brought forth is washed over as in other Countries, but it is a peculiar custom of the Laplanders, that first they do it with cold water or snow, and then afterwards dip them in hot water, when it gins to fetch its wind, and can scarcely draw breath. And also they use to dip in the water all the other parts of the body, the head only excepted; They heat water, says Sam: Rheen, in a Cauldron, and in that they set the infant straight up to his neck, but they let no water come upon his head, before such time as he is baptised by the Priest. The new born Babe is instantly wrapped up in an Hare's skin, instead of linen swaddling clothes.  
The woman lying in, hath her peculiar place assigned her in the hut where she lodges, till she recover her health. And it is just by the door usually on the left hand: there is no other reason given for it then that this part of the hut is less frequently disturbed by company, and there they have all things needful for them administered. Tho this seldom resort thither be rather, by reason of the woman's lying in in that place, either because they would not disturb her with their company, or, which I rather suppose, because they look upon her at that time as unclean. But the women of Lapland seldom keep their beds long after their delivery, and in that while are extraordinary careful touching the Baptism of their Infants: for after they began more diligently to be instructed in the Christian Religion, they take the greatest pains imaginable to have their Children baptised as soon as possibly may be. In former times it was otherwise, most of them then were baptised very late, and at their mature age; some deferred it for altogether. Of this Gustavus the first is a witness, in his Charter, the words whereof I have cited elsewhere. As touching the former Gustavus Adolphus in an other Charter and Preface, premised to that which he published Anno 1634, in which the State of the Religion in Lapland is declared at large; Baptism, says he, is administered indeed to them but only at Winter. if their young children can live till then, it is well; if not, they die without Baptism. Some of their children come to years of Discretion before it, so that with those that are grown up, there is no small pains to be taken when they are to be baptised. The time of Baptism being the Winter time, was because they have Sermons then preached to them, and the Sacrament administered, and that no oftener then twice; once about New-years-day, and again at Lady-day, of which I have treated in another place. Before these times there was not so much done as that, but the Laplanders were fain to come with their Children to the neighbouring Churches of the Swedes in Angermannia and Bothnia, of which Olaus Magnus must be understood to speak, when he says Lib. 4. c. 17. Once or twice in a year they visit the Baptismal Churches, and bring along with them their sucking Babes in Baskets tied to their backs, to be baptised. But at this day those women that are able, and not impeded by some grievous sickness, carry their Children to the Priest themselves, about a fortnight after their delivery, that by him they may receive Baptism. So much good hath building Churches in Lapland done, and having Sermons there, not in a strange Tongue, but the Laplanders proper own: and so zealous are they for hastening their children's Baptism, that the Mother scarce lying in above a week or fortnight, after her delivery, will undertake a most tedious journey, over the tops of Mountains, through wide Marshes and high Woods with her Infant to the Priest; for the women of this Country are naturally hardy, and able to endure any thing without trouble, and therefore, though they feed upon course food in their sicknesses, and drink nothing else but water, yet they recover again quickly. They carry their young Infants to the Priest, one way in the Summer time, and another way in the Winter. In Winter they lay it upon a sledge. In Summer they put it in a Pannier fastened to the back of a Rain-deer. The Infant is not set upon the back of the Raindeer, but is tied in his cradle, and fastened to the pack saddle after this fashion.   depiction of two Laplanders walking, one carrying a bow, the other leading a reindeer with a child in a cradle fastened to the pack-saddle 
Olaus Magnus makes them put in Baskets, as his words afore quoted do intimate, and those Baskets too to be tied at their backs; and the Picture he makes of them represents not only the woman, but the man too so laden, each with two Children a piece: so that together they travel with four Children, and with wooden shoes on their feet; but here I am afraid the Painter followed his own fancy too much. Certain it is that the Baskets there represented, bear no resemblance to those of Lapland. The Laplanders are wholly ignorant of this sort of Baskets, that are carried at one's back. Nor are their Baskets like wooden square Boxes, such as his figure represents them, but of a round compass, and one part shut down upon the other, as I have said elsewhere. But to return to their Baptism, in it they give their Children names, according to the names of some of their friends and kindred. Samuel Rheen adds that they affect to put Pagan names upon them, such as Thor, Guaarm, Finne, Pagge; but that the Priests avert them from so doing as much as possibly they can. And this is peculiar with them, that they often change their names, and put others upon them then those that were given them at their Baptism, for the love they bear to some friend or kinsman deceased, whose memory thereby they desire to preserve. Tornaeus too avouches the same thing, and if at any time in their younger years they fall into sickness, than they use the name given them in Baptism instead of a surname, especially they observe this in boys. But although the Laplanders wives are hardy, so as to be able to undertake a journey a week or two after their delivery, and to go about other employments, though they have made their public appearance, and have been churched by the Priest, yet by their husbands they are looked upon as unclean, till six weeks be accomplished, so that they admit of no familiarity or conjugal society with them for all that space of time. And thus much of their childbearing.  
I proceed next to their Education of them, the first thing that occurs here is their Nursing, which is always by their own Mother's milk, for the Laplanders make no use of Nurses. And this they do not only for some small time, but usual for two years, three or four together; but if sickness or any other occasion happen, so that they cannot themselves suckle their young ones, they give them the Rain-deers milk, which is grosser and thicker, than they can well draw out of a suck-bottle, (as at sometimes they are accustomed to do, elsewhere) and for that reason, if the necessity be urgent they give it in a spoon. Besides their Mother's milk, they instantly accustom their young Infants, to eat flesh, for they thrust into their mouths a piece of Rain-deers flesh, that they may suck the gravy out of it, and so get nourishment.  
The rocking the infant in his cradle, follows next, whereby they get him a sleep. Their Cradles are made of the stock of a tree hollowed, like a boat: these they cover with leather, and at the head they erect an arched kind of roof, of leather likewise. In such a cradle they lay & tie in the Infant, without any linen clothes or sheets, instead of which they lay him on a sort of soft moss, of a red colour, which they dry in Summer, and have great plenty of it. When the Infant is to be rocked, they let the cradle hang by a rope from the roof of the hut, and by thrusting the cradle and tossing it from one side to the other, they lull him a sleep. They use likewise to please their young children with some certain baubles, for at their cradles they tie some rings of Alchamy, to make a noise and clinking. To these rings which serve instead of rattles they moreover add some emblems, wherewith their children may be timely admonished of their condition and future duty. If it be a boy, they hang up at his cradle a bow and arrows, and a spear made very artificially out of Rain-deers horn, whereby they signify, that their children must diligently practise to be expert and ready in using the bow and spear. If it be a girl; the wings, feet, and beak of a white Partridge, which they call Smaeripa, and is called Lagopus having feet like the feet of an hare, thereby implying, that their Daughters must carefully learn to be cleanly, and like those birds nimble and active. As soon as the children come to some age, they instruct them in all necessary arts, the Fathers the boys, the Mothers the girls, for they have no Schoolmasters among them, but each person is his own children's Master, and they are so far put on by their parents as to be able to perform any works in use among them. Their boys they chiefly teach the Art of Shooting, and hitting marks with an arrow, because in old time they were necessitated to get their living by the help of bow and arrows, whereas the greatest part of them maintain themselves by hunting, and therefore when they have practised never so little the use of the bow, the boys victuals are kept from them, till they can hit a mark with an arrow, and as it was the custom anciently among the Baleares, and so now among the Laplanders, their boys earn their food every day by their dexterity in shooting, and thereby at last they prove most excellent marks-men. Olaus Magnus makes mention of this their practice, and wonderfully extols their dextrousness herein, and avers that he himself has seen some of them who could exactly hit a farthing or a needle, set at such a distance off as would just let them see it. On the boys, that they may take more care to hit the mark, when they have hit it, they bestow a white girdle, wherein they take huge delight, and sometime a new bow. But as the Laplanders do look to their children in time to teach them arts requisite to get their living, so also to provide them means to maintain themselves withal, where it will not be impertinent to mention, that 'tis a custom with them to bestow upon their infant a female Rain-deer, soon after its birth or Baptism, if it be of female Sex, and upon the horns of it they engrave her mark, so to prevent all controversies or quarrels, that may arise concerning her right. She receives likewise another, when she cuts her first tooth. Which they call Pannikeiss, that is, the tooth Rain-deer. John Tornaeus writes as if these gifts were given only by women. The Woman says he, that first spies a tooth in his mouth, is fain to honour him with a present of a Rain-deers Calf. This custom might probably have its rise thus, because, when the infants have gotten teeth, they have need of more solid meat, therefore they stock them with Rain-deer as being their chiefest food. That Rain-deer then, and whatever increase comes of it, are preserved to the future uses of the child, as may appear by what we have elsewhere said, in the Chapter of their marriages, and so likewise of the other Rain-deer which parents give the child besides, for 'tis usual among them to superadd one to the former, and this they call Waddom, that is, the given one. And this is the chief care of the Parents towards their children, but if they die, instead of them are substituted Guardians, as among other nations, out of their nearest kindred, who manage all these affairs for them.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.  
THOUGH the Laplanders lead a miserable and hardy kind of life, yet they enjoy their health perfectly well. They have not so much as heard of most diseases, and are not all infected with those, that elsewhere use to depopulate whole Countries. There are no acute and burning fevers among them, no plague. And if any infection be brought among them, it instantly loses its force. Some years since an infection was brought into Lapland in hemp, but none were hurt by it, besides the women that in spinning chewed it, for the Northern cold easily dissipates the poisonous vapours. The ordinary and frequent disease among them is, sore eyes, from whence not seldom proceeds blindness. The cause of this may be, that from their infancy they for the most part are forced to be in smoke, wherewith their Huts are filled both in Summer and Winter. Ericus Plantinus gives the same reason, and moreover adds the light of the fire to be a cause of it. And this gives them the greatest trouble imaginable, that their old age usually ends in blindness. They are often troubled also with the Pleuresy and inflammation of the lungs, stiches in the back, and dizziness in the head. The small Pox likewise sometimes takes them. Now as diseases are rare among them, so Physic is altogether unknown. Against all diseases inwardly they use the root of a kind of Moss, which they call Jereh, or in the failance of that, the stalk of Angelica, which they call Fadno, and is any where to be found. For this use they boil the Angelica with the whey of Rain-deers milk, as I said it was a custom among them before, in the Chapter of their food, and so prepared it is made use of as a special Medicine. If they feel any pain in their joints, they apply some fired chips to the place ill affected, that the ulcer then made may attract the vicious humours, and so mitigate the pain.  
They cure wounds with no other ointment or plaster then of resin, which the trees sweat out: if a member be benumbed with cold, the Cheese made of Rain-deers milk affords the presentest remedy to it; they thrust a red-hot iron into it, and with the fat of the Cheese that instantly distils from it, they anoint the part affected with incredible success. Others apply the Cheese itself, slicing it thin like a plate or leaf. This Cheese so boiled in milk is extraordinary good fora cough, and what other distempers, either of lungs or breast arise from cold, if it be taken so heated. It helps the stomach when disaffected by their drinking water. Because diseases are so rare among them, most of themcome to extreme old age. Nay Sam. Rheen says there are some among them that live to be above an hundred years old, and that most of them usually reach 70, 80, and 90 years, and at this age he says many of themare still sufficiently brisk and lively, able to manage their business with expedition, to take a journey, to course through Woods and Mountains, and to perform other such labour: and lastly that they grow not grey-haired either soon or easily; so that old age dispatches more of them then diseases do. But if any be so dangerously sick as to keep his bed, either worn with age, or some distemper, they first inquire concerning him by their Drum, whither he will recover his health again or die, as I have in another place shown this to be one of the uses of the Drum, and Cl. M. Mathias Steuchius in his Letter to me tells us the same; I remember, says he, I was once told by a Laplander that they can tell the very hour and manner of any man's death by those their Drums.  
When they perceive any one near death, then if there be present any well disposed persons, and versed in the Christian Religion, they exhort him in his agonies to think of God and Christ. If they are regardless of Religion, they instantly abandon the sick person, careful only about the funeral banquet, which they begin sometimes to celebrate before the person departing is quite dead. Steuchius confirms this by a Story; There was a rich Laplander named Thomas, who when he was taken with a dangerous fit of fickness, so as to lose all hope of recovery, he summoned before him his friends and acquaintance; they when they perceived him to be desperate, they hasted to the Victuallers that keeps the Inn towards Norway and Jamptland, and of him they bought Ale and spirit of Wine ready to sacrifice over their friend, whilst he was alive: when they had spent a whole day in qnaffing, they come to the sick man's Hut, and by that time found him quite dead. This is an example of the latest date, that hath happened in these our days, from whence we may learn how just and reasonable the complaints were, which were premised to the Charter of Gustavus Aldophus, concerning the Lapland School. Furthermore, it is customary if any die, of whatever distemper, all instantly forsake the Cottage where the departed person lies; for they imagine (which is elsewhere shown) that there survives something of the deceased, such as the ancient Latins called Manes., and that that was not always benign, but sometimes hurtful: for this reason they are afraid of the corpse of the deceased. And if the person departed were of the richer sort: they wrap his corpse in a linen garment, if a poor mean man, in a woollen tattered one, so as to cover over as well the head, as all the other parts of the body, this they call Waldmar. So indeed do they that are more observant of the Christian rites then ordinary there; as for the others, they cover their dead with their own vestments, and those too the best they had when alive, as N. Mathias Steuchius assures me by a Letter, and confirms it too by a late example that a person worthy to be credited, related to him by an Inhabitant of Vndersaok, a near neighbour to Lapland. The body of the dead, says he, they cover with the best garments he had alive, and shut it up in a Bier. They lay the corpse so wrapped up in a Coffin, or funeral Chest, which is done by one peculiarly entreated to undertake the employment, and who must receive of the nearest kinsman to the deceased person a ring of Alchemy, and wear it fastened to his right arm. Twe reason of so tying this ring is, because they believe it to be a preservative against the harm the Manes of the deceased person may otherwise bring upon them, for this reason he is fain to wear this same ring till the Burial be over, I suppose, because than they think the ghost may be more quiet, which is the ancient superstition as well of Greeks as Romans. The Coffin is usually made of the hollowed trunk of a tree, when they have not wherewithal to make a Coffin, as is common with them that dwell in the barren Mountains near Norway, they lay the corpse of the deceased on a Carr or Sledge, which they call Akia, instead of a Coffin. The place of their Burial in ancient times, before they turned Christians, was the first convenient place they met withal for that purpose, especially a Wood As for them that dwell at a considerable distance from the Church at this day, they leave not off the custom of burying them any where where they first light, with the Sledge too, especially if there are only bare Rocks, and no Trees to be seen. Others on every side beset the Sledge with the corpse too with stocks of Trees, both above and below, on each side, so as that it may not contract filthiness or moulder, nor the corpse be torn in pieces, or devoured by wild Beasts.  
There are some besides that lay them in Caves, and stop up the mouths of them with stones. But what Peucer writes that they dig a hole, and lay their dead bodies under their hearth, thereby to escape the haunting of Ghosts, that is neither known nor heard of by the Laplanders: Whereas says he, they are strangely frighted and haunted with the Ghosts of their kindred after death, they provide against that by burying their bodies under their hearths: by this only remedy they guard and protect themselves against the haunting and affrightments of Demons, this if they do, no ghosts afterwards appear; if they neglect to do it, they are perpetually interrupted and infested with the apparitions of their too officious kindred. They are so far from burying the corpse under the hearth that they rather remove them to as great a distance as they can, But it is a singular and memorable passage, that those especially who are less observant of Christian rites, do use to bury with their deceased, first an hatchet, and next a slint and steel, of which ceremony they give this account, that if they ever come to rise again in that darkness they shall have great need of springing a light; to which the slint and steel may help them, as likewise there will be occasion for a ready way, wherein they may travel to Heaven, to which purpose their hatchet may stand them instead, them especially that are buried among thick Woods, that if any Trees obstruct their passage, they may cut them down. And this do they themselves at this day affirm, now they have heard of a last day, and a Resurrection of the dead. But I suppose it rather to be an ancient superstition remaining still in these Countries, nor used only by the Laplanders. I myself saw some few miles distant from Vpsal, raked out of the Sepulchre of a famous person, the great Treasurer of this Kingdom, M. Steno Bielke, a steel and flint; which that it was a relic only of Paganism, not the place only, but Tomb over him did sufficiently testify. It is certain that it was the ancient persuasion of Pagans, that there was no other way for the dead to arrive at the abodes of the Blessed, but through darkness, which they are the more afraid of, because it is the nature of their Country to have thicker darkness and of more durance than is usual among others. As concerning the hatchet, it is no wonder, whereas in other places it is a received custom to lay by dead People their Weapons, of which the principal one, among the Laplanders, is the hatchet. As for what appertains to the modern Laplanders, Olaus Petri imagines that they bury these things with their dead, because they believe that after the Resurrection they shall take the same course of life they lead before, and for that reason they furnish them with the same utensils. Thus do they who are less observant of the Christian ceremonies, and dwell farthest off from the Christian Churches. The others take special care to have their dead carried to the Churchyard, which too the Priests do earnestly request of them. It is said too that some of them, when they have been accustomed to bury in such a place are so ambitious as to give money to have their deceased buried not in the Yard, but the Church.  
But here none of the Laplanders will willingly dig up a grave, unless he be extraordinary poor, such whom the richer of them hire at a considerable rate to such an employment, or some other of Swedland, whom they can procure. So the deceased person is buried according to the Christian rite, when they have mourned for him, putting on the worst clothes they have, that is peculiar to them, that they leave behind them the sledg whereon the course was brought to the Churchyard and all the vestments wherein the deceased lay during sickness, these they bring to the Sepulchre, for fear I suppose lest any deadly thing should cling to them, and that cannot be used by others without harm. So when the Person is buried, a funeral banquet is provided, the time of it is usually, the third day after the burial, the banquet is furnished out of the flesh of the Rain-deer; that drew the person departed to his Burial place. That they sacrifice in honour of him, and all the kindred and acquaintance feast upon it. At this feast they take special care, not to lose the bones, but gather them all up diligently, and lay them in a coffer and bury them under ground; if they have the opportunity of procuring Spirit of Wine, they drink it about to the memory of the person deceased, and call it Saligawiin, that is the Wine of the blessed, meaning, I suppose that they drink it to the memory of him, that is happy by his departure from earth: however it happened, that those kinsmen of Thomas the Laplander, as was above mentioned, made this feast before the due time. They fasten upon the coffer, wherein they shut up the Rain-deers bones, the image of a man fashioned out of wood, bigger or less in proportion to the deceased person; thus much of their funeral rites. Only some of the richer sort repeat the feast every year, in the manner aforesaid, where may note, that the Rain-deers are not only slain for their business of the feast, but likewise in manner a Sacrifice, and that the bones are offered to the Manes of the deceased, at 'tis more largely treated of in another place. It moreover is apparent that the Laplanders time of mourning is not used to be short, but of a long continuance, especially for the loss of married persons or children, and consists not in ostentation, or appearance, but only in inward sorrow. I come now to their manner of inheritance and division of their goods, which follows upon the death of any one, for the Laplanders likewise have their sort of riches, consisting most in moveables as cattle, silver, brass and copper vessels and the like, but there is nothing for which they are more esteemed than plenty of Rain-deer. Some of them have a hundred, some a thousand or more; Olaus Magnus makes mention of but half these numbers Lib. 17. Cap. 28. but what may be read in the papers of John Buraeus, confirms their number to be much greater. Oroveen, 'tis there said, was so rich in Rain-deer, that their number could not be known. Arent Justinus stole a hundred of them, and yet they could not be miss. And other things which serve for daily uses, they keep in public, or else lay up in their cupboards, as I have elsewhere shown, but they bury under ground either silver plate or money, and the place they call Roggri, they lay it first in a close box, that in a copper kind of kettle, and that they cover over with board, and so strew it over with earth and moss, that no body may perceive any thing to be hid there, this they do so privately, that neither their wives nor children can tell any thing of it, so that it sometimes chances, that, when they die suddenly, all these things lie buried and never come to the heirs, but what come to their hands are thus divided among them, if they be moveables, the Brother receives two thirds, the Sister one, as was appointed by the Provincial Laws of the Swedes. The two Rain-deers given to the children in their tender years, the one the Tooth Rain-deer, the other the Parents free gift, are exempted from this common division, as likewise their increase, which sometimes comes to a considerable number. If the goods be not moveables, as territories, lakes, mountains and such like, the children of either Sex, possess them with equal right, and make use of them indifferently, though this be not a bare permission, but founded in the division of Lapland, made by Charles the Ninth, in which to every family were given its own territories, Lakes, Woods, Mountains, and the like, as has been mentioned in another place, from whence I suppose 'tis, that they remain still to each single family, and are not liable to division or to be distributed among the heirs as other goods; for these are not their own proper possessions, as other goods are, but only granted from the crown of Swedland to them to receive the profits, and upon that score every year they pay a certain tribute, which we have treated of before, so that there remains nothing else to be added here.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of their cattle.   depiction of a reindeer 
Moreover the beast is naturally wild, and such still abound in Lapland, but now multitudes are tamed for domestic service; those that are bred of tame ones, remain so, of which there is great plenty. There is a third sort bred of the wild and tame, for they use, as Sam. Rheen observes, to set out tame Does about rutting time, for the better conveniency of catching the wild ones. Thence it happens that sometimes the tame ones breed that third sort, which they call particularly Kattaigiar or Purach, and are bigger and stronger than the rest, and sitter to draw Sledges. He says too that they retain something of their primitive wildeness, sometimes being very he adstrong, and kicking at him that sits on the Sledge. The driver hath no remedy then but to turn his Cart, and lie under it, till the Beast ceases to be unruly, for they are strong, and will not be governed with whips. They go a rutting about S. Matthews tide, in the same manner that Staggs do: if any Buck be killed in that Season, the flesh stinks like a Goats, which makes the Inhabitants desist from killing them at that time, but at other times they are good meat. The Does (which they call Waijar) are big ten months, they calve about May, when they can recruit themselves with the Sun, and fresh grass. They breed but one a piece, but are so fertile, that of an hundred there is not ten barren. Those that have calved are styled Raonae, which become exceeding fleshy, as if they were farned against Autumn, at which time they are usualy killed.  
Those that have young ones never are housed, but give suck without, and in this case the great multitude breeds no confusion, for each do knows her proper Calf, and is known by it; so says Sam. Rheen, who affirms that they know one another after two or three years' absence. When the Calves are grown they feed on grass and leaves, and what the Mountains afford: their colour is mixed of red and yellow. About S. James tide they cast their hair, which in the next growth turns blackish. They are at their full growth in 4 years, each year changing their name: the first, they are styled Namiloppa, i. e. nameless. Tornaeus calls the Buck Hiroas, but Rheen gives him the name of Herki. When they are able to work, they are tamed; one sort being condemned to the Sledge, and thence named Vaijom-herki, others to carry burdens, thence call Lykam-herki. Those that are designed for labour they commonly geld, which renders them more tractable: this is done when they are a year old. Those which are reserved for breeding, are called Servi. The Bucks are not so numerous as the Does, of which there be an hundred for twenty, which are profitable for Milk, Cheese and breeding. Both men and women milk them kneeling, one hand being employed to hold the pail, and the other the dug. They milk them sometimes lose, and sometimes bound to a post, about 2 or 3 of the clock in the evening, and but once a day, the rest being reserved for the calves: those which have Calves always yield most milk: the greatest quantity they give at once is a Swedish pint and half, that is about the fourth part of the ordinary measure upon the Rhine. The milk is fat and thick, and very nourishing, which is their chiefest food; that which they do not boil they make Cheese of, which is thus described by Rheen. The Dairy-Maids first let the milk stand to cream, when it hath stood they take off the cream with a skimmer. When one Cheesefat is filled, they fill another, and put it on the first, and so till 6 or 8 are filled, than they turn the Cheesefats, that the lowermost be in the top, and use not their hands to press the Cheese, but let them press each other. Each Cheese requires as much milk as ten Rain-deers can spare: their shape is round about two fingers thick, and as big as a Trencher, which we use at table, their Milk makes very fat Cheese, but no Butter, instead of which they have a kind of tallow, as I showed before.  
Now the Laplanders having such advantages from these beasts, take great care in driving them to their Meadows, and defending them from wild Beasts. They are so concerned for them, that they bring their Wives, Children, and Servants, to watch them in the pastures, and drive those that wander back to the Herd. When milking time comes, they drive them into folds, which are spots of ground, hedged in with hurdles stuck on forks, each fold having two doors, one by which they enter, the other which carries them out into their Meadows. Their meat in Summer is the best grass the Mountains afford, with leaves of young Trees. They avoid all hard rough grass, especially where Bulrushes grow. The other Seasons of the year they feed on a kind of white Moss, which abounds in Lapland: when the Mountains are covered with Snow, they scrape out this Moss with their feet. And S. Rbeen observes that though they get least food in the Winter quarter, they grow whiter and fatter than at other times, for in Summer the excessive heat makes them worse. These cattle too are subject to disseases, which if once begun, spread and kill the whole Herd, but this very rarely. They are infected with that more frequently, which Olaus describes. About March worms or wornels do begin to breed in their backs, which when alive, creep out and make the Beasts skin, if then killed, full of holes, like a Seive, and almost useless.  
The Wolves trouble them, though they have their horns to defend themselves; but they are not always so armed, for they cast their horns once a year, which grow again very slowly. The Does never cast theirs till they have calved. The Rain-deers use not their horns when they encounter the Wolves so much as their forefeet, with these they receive them coming on, otherwise their feet defend them by flight, which they can easily do, if not hindered by Snow. The third inconveniency is that if they be not very carefully looked to, they will wander and be lost, therefore the owners put certain marks on them to distinguish them from others; their marks they put sometimes on their ears, and not their horns, because they cast them. But if they escape all accidents whatever, they never live above 10 years.  
And thus much for the Rain-deers, which alone supply the want of Horses, Sheep, and other cattle. Therefore the Inhabitants apply themselves only to the care of these, neglecting all the rest; besides Dogs, which faithfully watch their Houses and cattle, and are very serviceable for hunting, as I have mentioned in that Chapter.   

CHAP. XXIX. Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders.  
OF all the Beasts in Lapland the Bear is chief: him says Sam. Rheen, they style King of the Woods, and gives this reason, because in strength and fierceness he exceeds all the rest. They are very numerous, some fiercer than others, especially those which are marked with a white wreath about their necks, many of which are found in the North. These annoy the Inhabitants cattle, and overturn their Stores; which they six on the top of a Tree, to preserve their flesh and fish, and all that concerns provision: but in one night the Bear destroys all the food they have laid up.  
Next the Bear the Elk is remarkable, which Olaus calls the wild Ass, Scaliger confounds it with the Rain-deer, for he says, though it had Ass' hair, it was called by the Swedes, Ranger, by the Goths, Rangifer, by the Germans, Ellend, by the Moscovites, Lozzi, and some Books say that in Norway they were named Rehen: what Books he means I am ignorant, but I am sure the Elks, which the Germans call Ellend, were never called Rehen, but Aelg, or Aelgar, which is now the common name through all the North; neither can I think otherwise of the Moscovites Lozzi, for it is the same with the Lithuanian Losso, as Herbestenius observes. That which the Lithuanians call Loss, the Germans call Ellend, and many in Latin Alce. So that Loss, Lozzi, Aelg, Ellend is the same Beast, but quite different from the Rain-deer, contrary to what Scaliger thought. For first it excels the Rain-deers in bulk not a little, being as high as any Horse: its horns are shorter, but above two palms in breadth, shooting out a few, though not many young sprouts. His legs are not round, but long, especially the foremost: he engages very smartly, and his sharp hoofs enable him to encounter all Men and Dogs that oppose. He hath a long head, and huge thick lips always hanging down; his colour is not so white, but all over his body it inclines to a dark yellow mixed with ashen: when he walks he makes no noise with his hoofs as all Rain-deers do; whoever sees both Beasts (as I have often) will perceive such difference, that he will wonder how any one should mistake. There is no great breed of these in Lapland, but they have them from other places, especially Lithuania. Charles the ninth, by a public Proclamation claimed all the skins of those that were killed for his Exchequer, as I mentioned in another place. Olaus says that they continue altogether in the South of Lapland, and are taken most frequently by running them down, or hunting; in other places they are rarely found: but it is manifest that twice a year they swim in great Herds out of Carelia, over the River Niva, to wit, in the Spring to go into Carelia, and in Autumn to return into Russia. Some few Stags have been seen in Lapland. S. Rheen mentioning the chief Beasts which have been found there, reckons several species of fourfooted Beasts, as wild Rain-deers, Bears, Stags, Wolves, Gluttons, Beavers, Otters, martin's, Squirrels; but these Stags are but few and little, such as they call Damacervi, or Platicerotes, which since they have nothing peculiar from those in other Nations, let it suffice that they are named. To these I may add wild Rain-deers, but because they differ from the tame ones only in bulk, being bigger, and in colour somewhat blacker, I will likewise pass them over. Sam. Rheen after the Stag's mentions Wolves, of which there is a great number, distinguished from those in other Countries only by their colour, something whiter, whence they are often called white Wolves: their hair is thicker, longer and rougher. These most of all molest the Rain-deers, which are armed against them with their horns.  
I find in some Papers of Buraeus that the Wolves did never assault the Rain-deer if it was bound to a stake: the reason may be because he fears some trap when he sees the rope that binds the Raindeer: for the Wolf is a very suspicious creature, and thinks every thing he sees to be a snare to catch him. Besides he may suspect that men lie hidden to kill him, whereas the Rain-deers are only bound for the better conveniency of milking them. Nevertheress, the Wolves venture not only on Beasts, but on Men and Women, especially those that are big with child. Travellers are forced to go armed, particularly Women near their time, for the Wolves take their scent and watch more greedily for them, therefore no Woman is permitted to travel without a guide assisting her. The next are the Gluttons, which are frequent here, they have a round head, strong and sharp teeth, like a Wolf's, a plump body, and feet shorter than the Otters: their skin is of a very dark colour, some of them resemble Sables, only they have softer and finer hair; this Beast lives not altogether on Land, but many times in the Water, like the Otter, though much bigger and stronger: some compare it to the Otter, but it is far greedier than he, for thence it gets its name. For Olaus tells us that it is called by the Swedes, Jerff, by the Germans, Wildfras: but this Germane name doth not denote the Beast to eat much, but to devour what it finds in the Woods, for wild signifies any thing in the Woods; wherefore either Scaliger did not understand the word, or else the Printer did not follow his copy: which appears more plainly, from that the Gulo doth not only infest wild Beasts, but tame (as hath been often known in Swedland) and Water creatures too, being itself accustomed to the Waters.  
There are abundance of Beavers in Lapland, because the Nation abounds with plenty of Fish, whence they have store of food: Olaus thinks that the plenty of them proceeds from the quietness of the Waters, which are never troubled with Ships, as the Rhine and Danow are. I add nothing of these because they are not distinguished from the vulgar sort, neither are the Otters. Next to these Sam. Rheen speaks of the Foxes, as being numerous, and of several sorts over all Lapland. He reckons up, besides the common ones, those that are black, brown, ash-colored, white; and those that are marked with a cross. The black are most valued because they are rare: in Moscovy Men of honour and preferment have their Caps made of their skins, which are sold, as Herberstenius observes, for 10, sometimes 15 pieces of gold. Those that are marked with a cross, Johnston calls Crucigerae, and describes them thus: they have from their mouth, over their head and back to their tail a black streak, another crossing their back, and down to their forefeet, which two lines do resembleacross. These are preferred before the common red Foxes, being bigger, and having thicker hair. The ashen-colored Foxes are those which Johnston calls Isatidae, their colour is mixed of ash and blue, such as is the colour of the woad, though this colour is not spread all over his body, nor is any single hair wholly of this colour, for the longest hairs are black at the end, the shortest white, from both which this colour results. Olaus calls these Celestine, or sky-colored Foxes, where too he tells us that they are of less worth than the rest, and the white ones too, because their colour is so, without the tincture of any other, such as Coneys use to have. The reason is because their number is great, and their hair not durable: but that there is such abundance of these skins happens because the Foxes are more easily taken, not living in the Woods, but on the naked Mountains between Norway and Swedland.  
After the Foxes the martin's are mentioned. These too are frequent in Lapland, and indeed no Nation doth afford more or better skins than this doth. But these differ too, those that have yellow on their throat being preferred before the white: but this is observable that the Laplanders have no Martin's but in the Woods, and they have also a particular sort of meat, for they feed on Squirrels and Birds. In the night time, says Olaus, by the advantage of their sharp claws they can easily climb any Tree, where they make a prey of the Squirrel, who is quite as nimble, though not so strong, and therefore can sometimes save himself by skipping round the arm of a Tree: this the enemy cannot imitate, especially if the Squirrel leads him up to the top branches, otherwise he cannot escape, and leap from the top of one Tree to another. The Martin is not injurious only to the Squirrel, but to both small and great Birds, which he seizes on as they are at roost: if they be the greater Birds they presently betake themselves to flight with him sitting on their backs, and persisting to by't so long, till they drop down dead.  
Next are the Squirrels, which are incredibly numerous. These particularly change their colour every year. When Winter draws on they turn from red to gristle, which colour is valued in the skin; this colour the further the Beasts are Northwards, is the purer, and less mixed with red, and is so too the farther the Season is from Summer, at which time they are never hunted, but all in the Winter. Tho they do so abound, yet they are wont to go away in such troops, till there are scarce any left. The reason of their departure is not known: some think it is because they fear hunger and foresee the want of meat. Others think it is to avoid the injury of the weather. Rheen and Ol. Pet. describe their march on this wise. They go to the brinks of a River, where they find the bark of Pine, or Birch trees, on which they trust themselves, and venture to launch forth, pricking up their tails for sails. Thus they are carried at the mercy of the wind till it overturns them and their bark. Their body is of that nature that it will not sink, but being drowned, is driven to shore, where very often great numbers are taken up, and their skins, if they are found soon enough are as sit for use as ever: but though such an accident, as this, sweeps away most of them, yet the few that are left preserve the species, and multiply very soon, for each Squirrel brings forth 4, 5, or more at a time. And those are all the Beasts which S. Rheen mentions.  
But besides these, there are others, such as are the Sables which Olaus Magnus calls Zabelli, their skins Johnston in his History of Animals commends. Olaus saith that their skins were made use of by the Lapland Women, especially by the Brides to adorn themselves with them; and that there is but small plenty of them in these parts. Some make this beast like a weasel, others especially Scaliger like the Martin, and indeed he seems to be in the right both to the bulk and shape of it. Their colour the nearer it comes to black is the more esteemed. There are found several all white, such as we have often seen the Muscovian Ambassadors bring over to the King for a most singular present. By which Adamus Bremensis in his Scandinavia seems to have understood white Martin's. There are also Ermines which are found only among the Laplanders. Jovius first wrote of them that they were good exchange for any sort of Merchandise. These Ermines are nothing but white weasels having the end of their tails black, Johnston takes notice thereof out of Albertus Magnus, he calleth the beast Erminius, which is the same thing with Armelinus and Hermelinus, differing neither in bigness nor nature from the weasel, the colour argues nothing, for he has that only in Winter, but in Summer is of a bright yellow. It is as greedy of Mice as the Weasels are, whence the Sweeds call it Lekat. I am unwilling to call it with Scaliger a Swedland Mouse. Among these I had rather reckon a little sort of beast which they call Lemmus, which Olaus Magnus saith the Ermines feed on. Samuel Rheen speaks of a sort of Mice found in Lapland which they call Mountain Mice or Lemblar, which Wormius describes with short tails and staring hair, and not unlike a Mouse. I will speak little of their colour, which Olaus says is various, Samuel Rheen affirms it red, who observes too that they come of a sudden, and cover the ground with their multitude. Olaus observes that this is always in stormy weather, and thinks that it reins these creatures, but is all together in a doubt, whether they are brought thither by the winds, or bred in the clouds. Wormius thinks plainly that they are bred in the clouds: but the learned Isaac Vossius in his notes to Pomponius Mela corrects him, and says the reason why these animals are supposed to fall from the Clouds is because they use not to appear, but immediately after rain they creep out of their holes, either for that they are filled with water, or because this creature thrives much in rain, which opinion seems most probable to me. These creatures are very bold, never making their escape when Passengers come by, but keep on their way, and make a noise like the barking of a dog: they fear neither club nor sword, but if any one strike at them, they turn again and by't. It is observable in them that they never go near or do any mischief in any hut, sometimes they set upon one another, being divided as it were into two armies, this the Laplanders take to be an omen of future war in Swedland, and gather whence the enemy will come, by observing whence those animals first moved that provoked the rest. These creatures have their enemies too, first the Ermines as I mentioned before, than the Foxes, which bring a great number of these into their holes: hence the Laplanders have no small disadvantage, for the Foxes using this sort of sood most, regard not the baits which they lay to catch them. Thirdly the Rain-deers devour them, and lastly the dogs which eat only the fore part of them. These creatures never live, if they chance to eat any herb grown after they had tasted it before: sometimes they perish otherwise, as being choked in the Hedges or dropping into water. The last sort of beasts are hares, which are esteemed for their white skin, especially in the winter, at which time they are as white as the Foxes; they change their colour every year, always turning white towards this season; for which though many reasons may be given, I think this is most considerable, that Nature and Providence designed it, lest when the ground was quite covered with Snow, their colour might easily discover them, and they being equally oppressed by man and beast should be quite destroyed. For which reason too, probably some birds at that time are white. Olaus Magnus testifies the same of hares, that immediately after Autumn they begin to grow white, and at that time are frequently taken half white and half not, but in the midst of the Winter they are all white as before.   

CHAP. XXX. Of their Birds and Fish.  
I COME now to the Birds, of which here is great store. Samuel Rheen mentions these, Swans, Geese, Ducks, Lapwings, Snipes, all sorts of water Birds, and wild fowl, as Heathcocks, Stock-doves, Partridges, Woodcocks; he makes a distinction between water fowl and those that are bred in Woods, and proves that they abound with each sort, because the country has so many pools, ponds, and woods. Of these birds, some are in other countries, some only in these Northern parts. Swans, Geese and Ducks, are known every where: he means wild ducks, for they have no tame ones. Olaus Petri takes notice of the same thing. It is remarkable in these wild soul, that they come from the South into the North, where they build their nests, hatch and breed up their young ones, which is not frequent elsewhere. I believe it is because they do not find such security nor plenty of food in other places. The Snipes I suppose are scarce found any where else, their back and head are black, and most part of their wings, white on their breast and belly, red bills, very long, and set with teeth, short feet and red with skin between their claws, as all water fowl have. As you may see in the next page.   depiction of a bird  depiction of a bird 
The next is their Fish, of which they have incredible store; Zeiglerus says their draughts are so great, that they are forced to transport some of them into other Countries. Jovius speaks too of great plenty they reap from the Seas, because he is describing those Laplanders which live near Muscovy whereas the rest can have plenty enough out of the rivers. The best sort they have is Salmon, for which Olaus Magnus saith there is not better fishing in any part of Europe, then in the Bothnic towards Lapland; whose mountains send down vast rivers of fresh water, against which the Salmon come in such shoals, and with such vigour, that the Fishermen find them at the head of the river on the top of the mountains. Samuel Rheen too prefers these fish before all the rest, and saith that they swim up all rivers that they are able, and come down again about St Matthews tide. And that it is much worse when it returns, than when it went up, which seems to be, because 'tis wearied and spent in struggling against the stream, and engendering; which it always does in those parts of the river which are most remote from the Sea: when he comes up the river they call him Salm, at his return lax.  
The 2d sort of fish are Pikes, Olaus Magnus speaking of this saith, that in Lapland there are marshes of fresh water, 400 Italian miles in length, and 100 in breadth, in which there is such abundance of Pike and other fish, that they do not only supply 4 Kingdoms, but are dried and transported farther into Germany to be sold: these fish always use fresh water, and are every where known having long heads, the lower jaw hanging out, many sharp teeth, which the Germans call Hecht. They are found sometimes to exceed men in length. Olaus affirms, that if they have fresh water and food enough, they will attain to 8 foot in length.  
The 3d sort are those which the Swedes call Sick, not much differing from the Carp; only they have longer mouths, and not so broad, they are commonly not so big as carp, but in Lapland they are found extraordinary, sometimes weighing 10 or 12 pounds.  
The 4th sort is Abbor which is with us a perch: this is very plentiful too, and frequently of an incredible bigness. There is to this day in a Chapel at Luhlah, kept one of their heads dried, which is from the top to the under jaw 2 spans thick. There are found water-weezels red and white, chief in the pools near the Sea. Samuel Rheen speaks of 2 sorts which the Swedes call Raeding, and Aerlax; whether they are any where else found I know not. Rheen thus describes the first sort. Raeding, has its name from the red colour on the lower part of its belly. The latter is very like a Salmon but not so big. Some take them for Salmon not come to their full growth, but this is an error, for these fishes are taken in pools, which are on every side parted from the Sea, and are known never to have any Salmon. I had rather refer them to the trout, or Trutta, because it scarce differs in shape, only the Trout flesh is redder and softer. Besides these there are many other fish in Lapland, but not regarded, because they serve not for food, for which reason I pass them over: only Olaus Petrus gives us this doubtful account of their names, Salario, Cobitis, Barbatula, Rubellio, Borbocha ocutala, Prasinus, Cyprinus, Cobitis aculeata. This Country breeds not many reptiles, no serpents: but this is meant of the upper Regions towards the Norway Mountains, for in the low woody places they are found though not many. There are but few infects; as for fleas they are quite unknown; but they receive much injury from gnats, which infested man and beast, especially the Rain-deers, which upon that account are driven away to the top of the highest Mountains. The men arm themselves against them by keeping a continual smoke in the house. If they sleep, they put a blanket over their body and head: when they go abroad they put on a garment made of hides, and on their heads cloth caps. I have been told by the Natives, that many to defend themselves from this insect, dawb their faces all over, except their eyes, with refine and pitch.  
Besides these, there are great wasps which trouble the Rain-deers, and sting them so deep, that sometimes they leave marks behind them even when the beast is flayed: those little holes which they make with their stings the vulgar call Kaorme. The only remedy for the Raindeer against these, is smoke, which if not present they dip themselves in water: and let this suffice for their Animals.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.  
I descend from their Animals to their Trees and Plants, with which they are well stored, though Jovius observes that they have no fruit Trees, as Apple, Pear, etc. neither have they any wild Trees which will not bear the cold, as Oak, Beach, which Ol. Pet. takes notice of, but adds that they have plenty of Pine and Fir, Juniper and Birch, Service tree, and Willow, Alder and Dog-tree, the Asp and Ollar: but these Trees do not grow every where, for the Mountains called the Fells, between Norway and Lapland, bear no Trees at all: Pet. Claud. thinks the reason of that to be the continual storm of wind that is on them, but perhaps a truer reason may be the extremity of cold. The ground that lies near the Mountains is thick set with Woods, with this distinction that the parts next them bears nothing but Birch tree, remarkable for their thickness and height, and pleasant prospect, Nature having contrived them so regularly that they seem afar off to be some pleasant Garden. The soil more distant from those Hills, besides Birch-trees, hath Fir and Pitch, which seems like some new kind of wood, composed of these three sorts.  
Besides these, there are very few others found in Lapland. Shrubs, especially Currants, or Ribs are very frequent, but they regard not these because perhaps the taste is unpleasant, especially of those which bear Blackberries, which are more numerous than the others. The Junipers grow thick, being very tall and comely. This Country yields all manner of Berries, the chief are those which the Swedes call Hiortron, some Dew-berries, or the Norway Berry, whose species is the same that grows on Brambles, each Berry being divided as it were into grains of a pale yellow colour, beginning to be red as they ripen. These commonly grow in marshy places. They creep on the ground, and are sustained by little props, so that they ought not to be reckoned among shrubs. The Berries are very wholesome, and are a present remedy for the Scurvy. The Inhabitants delight to eat them with their flesh and salt meats, as I mentioned before. They have a sort of black Berries, called by the Swedes, Halton, according to Olaus Pet. also the thin leaved heath, that bears a Berry, which some call ground Ewe, the Swedes, Kraokebaer, the lesser black Berries called in Swedland Lingon, and the lesser black Berries called Blaobaer, all which Olaus Pet. takes notice of, speaking of their manner of dressing meat, particularly of the Heath-berries: whence it appears that these Berries were as plentiful with them as the former. They have all sorts of other Berries, though the Natives do not so much value them. This Country affords very useful Herbs, such as are Angelica, which the Inhabitant value so much that they call it the Lapland herb, or Samigraes': they are much pleased with it in their meat: it grows with a short stalk, but thick. In the same place is found Sorrel, which they use too in their food. Some particular herbs they have which are not found any where else, as Calceolum Lapponicum, or Brassica Rangiferorum: what sort of herb it is Sam. Rheen expresses in these words, which, though tedious, I thought fit to transcribe that we might have his exact opinion it. There grows (saith he) an herb which they call Calceolum Lapponicum because its flower is like the Laplanders shoe, it is of a blue colour with three rows of seed in the pod, it has larger leaves than the vulgar cabbage, its stalk is a finger thick and the root bitter: it grows extraordinary fast, and rises to three cubits in height, and sometimes more: it is thought a bad and unprofitable herb because no beast will taste of it. There is another herb very usefel and wholesome, and of great esteem among them, which Olaus Pet. take to be like a carrot, he says it is called Mosaraoth, having the taste and flower of Pimpervel growing in marshy grounds to an ell in height. That Mosaraoth is not a Lapland but Swedish name, from maosa which signifies marshy places where moss grows, what the inhabitants call it, I cannot yet learn. And these are the peculiar herbs which this country hath: I have not met with any one that could help me to the exact shape of them. But although this soil bear some peculiar herbs, yet there are not many species of them, which Olaus Pet. gathers from the west-Bothnia, which borders on Lapland, for in that place there are found but very few.  
I come now to Moss, which is of divers sorts. The first is tree Moss, with a kind of long wool, hanging down from the boughs, especially of the Pitch tree, and sometimes from others. The 2d. which is very plentiful and affords food for the raindeers in the winter is ground Moss, of a white colour, with long thin leaves growing a foot high. The 3d. is ground moss, but softer of a more delicate yellow green: this is pernicious to the foxes, which the inhabitants cut small and mix with their baits to catch them. The 4th. is also ground moss, short and soft, of a very fine colour, which because it is so fine they use instead of feathers to lay under Infants new born. I hear of a 5th. sort with larger and longer leaves, which they call Fathne, good against fainting if it be bruised and drank in broth, but I doubt whether this be Moss, I had rather believe it Angelica cut small prepared and boiled under ground. The last thing which is to be mentioned is Grass, which is of divers kinds, the best sort is that which is found in the valleys near the mauntains called Fells, being short, soft, and juicy; that which grows in other places is thicker, rougher, and dryer. There is a 3d sort thin and slender which the inhabitants use for stuffing of their shoes, and gloves, to defend their feet and hands from the weather. And these are all the trees, shrubs, and herbs of Lapland.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of their Metals.  
THat metals grow in Lapland and the outermost parts of Scandivavia, is only a conjecture of the Ancients, and there is no certainty of it, therefore none of them make any mention of them. Olaus M. flatly denies that to his age there were any Iron, Copper, or Silver mine's found, therefore they were forced to fasten their boats with osiers, without any nails because they had no Iron, but in the 35. year of this age, in Queen Christina's reign, a silver mine was discovered by the Inhabitants of Pitha near Nasafialo not far from the mountains which divide Swedcland from Norway, this was the first mine known in Lapland, found by Loens' Person an inhabitant of Pitha.  
In the year 1645. The most Illustrious Ericus Fleming L. Baron of Lais, now Senator of the Kingdom, and Precedent of the company of Mines, first caused it to be opened, and a melting-house built with convenient necessaries. There is also a vein of Lead richer than the Silver and easier worked. Rheen saith that the mountain is opened, not with Pickaxes or any Iron instruments: but they bore a hole, which must be filled with Gunpowder; when the mouth is well stopped they apply fire thro' another little hole, which touching the powder breaks the hardest stones in pieces. But the use of this mine lasted no long time, for in the war between the Swedes and Danes in Carolus Gustavus his reign about the year 1958. it was spoiled by one Van Anon the Danish Kings Governor, from which time no man would go to the expense of cleansing and repairing the mine, because it would require a vast charge, before they could get any profit by it, which was too much for men of mean estates to undertake.  
The 2d Silver mine is in Luhla-Lapmark named Kiedlkievasi found by Jonan Petri living in Torpenjaur about the 60. year of this age. It is in the middle of the Village Torpenjaur, on an high mountain 2. miles from the top, 6. miles from Raedstad a village of Norway, between Raedstad and Keidlkievasi; there is a famous high hill called Daorfiael in the road that leads from the mine to Norway: the foul weather in the winter stops all passage over this mountain. The mine is rich enough and very broad, continuing the same all over, lodged in a hard Marcasite. It has this inconvenience that there are no woods near it, but they are forced to fetch their fuel a mile and a half off: they use powder instead of digging it, (as before) the melting-house stands 5. miles off in a pleasant place near the concourse of several Rivers, especially Darijock and Quickjock, which last gives the house its name. Here is a very spacious wood and great plenty of shrubs, especially currants, and all forts of herbs. The river affords abundance of the best sort of fish as Salmon, Trout, Perch, etc. distant 27. miles from Taorne discovered in 1655. by an nhabitant who was showing the ore to Ericus Ericsonius who first discovered it. It is very rich and not drossy, only necessary's are conveyed thither with some difficulty. There is another 3. miles northward called Wittange, found by a Laplander in 1668. The vein is not so good because mixed with Iron, wherefore they do not dig it so willingly as the other; from these mines the ore is shipped away to the melting-house at Koenge to be melted and thence brought to Torna. There are Iron mines too, one in Tornelapmark joining to the Copper mine, another in the same Lapmark called Junesuando found in 1940. by Laurence an inhabitant there, about 22. miles distant from Torna, whether it is carried to be beaten into bars and rods at the forge at Koenge. A 3d vein of the same metal is found in Pelziwachin at Lulha, but of these the two first only are digged. I heard in 1671. of a Golden mine: but because there was no certainty, I will not insist upon it. I mention it because there are some that affirm that it was found in Swedeland in the time of Gustavus the first, but this was divulged by an uncertain Author, as appears by the event, for to this day nothing more has been heard of it.   

CHAP XXXIII. Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.  
I Come now to their stones, which are very large and many, of an ash colour but rough hard and intractable, not to be reduced by any instrument to shape for use. Besides these there are others often found on the shores which represent the shape of an animal. These the inhabitants esteem much and adore them for Gods, under the name of Stoorjuncare. In Tornelapmark near the mine Junesuando, on the banks of Torno, there are found yellow plain stones of a circular figure like money, about the bigness of a half crown, which look like dirt, but are as hard as flints. Dn. Grape in his papers makes mention of them. I will set down a draught of them marked with the letter B. In the mine itself there are found stones in the perfect shape of Octaedra, polished and worked by nature herself, but very small not exceeding the bigness of a nut, and sometimes less. I have put down their figure with the letter C It is not certain whether the loadstone be found in this Country, though Olaus Mag. speaks of mountains under the pole which some have thought do breed the stone: his words seem to intimate loadstones as big as mountains, but 'tis certain he cannot mean Lapland, for that has none such, yet there are those who affirm that the loadstone is found there. As for precious stones they have them frequently, Buraeus mentions jewels, and afterwards he adds Diamond, Amethyst, and Topaz. By diamonds he means transparent stones or Crystal, they are found big and little sticking up and down upon the rocks and craggs: some are as big as children's heads, such as I saw the Illustrious Gabriel de la Galdie Chancellor of this kingdom have; they have six sides ending like a pyramid, though some of them are imperfect; the colour in some is bright and clear not inferior to Crystal, in other dull and spoiled with flaws, some are pure, others have veins like cracks branching out every way, they serve the inhabitants for flints when they have occasion to light a candle, and yield more fire if stricken with a steel than the flints themselves. I have now in a Lapland pouch some Crystal which they made use of for flints. The Jewellers polish and cut their Crystals with such art that sometimes they are taken for true Diamonds by those that have skill. I have drawn the greater sort of Crystal in the native bigness & shape, marked with the letter A. Buraeus mentions Amethysts next, some of which I saw brought out of Lapland, but so pale and spotted that they were scarce comparable to those that come out of Bohem●a though I hear since that there are much better found, cut rarely. The same thing is to be said of the Topaz, one of which I have in my study, in every thing like a Crystal, only the colour inclines to a yellow. I am told that none of the rest do shine so much as those that come from other places, which is the fault of almost all the jewels of this Nation, not being so apt to bare lively brisk colours as the eastern jewels do. To this head I reduce all Pearls and Margarites, though they be not stones. Some rivers in Lapland produce these, therefore there are certain inhabitants appointed to dive  depiction of various precious stones and search for them, such as was John Peterson, mentioned by S. Rheen, who first found the Silver mine at Nasasiael, he is called e'en diamontzbryeare sampi partefoekiare i. e. one that finds and cuts pearls. Which (though out of this Country) are not contemptible, it cannot be denied but that most of them want that liveliness which the oriental Pearls have, though some are found as good, and in bigness and shape exceeding them. There are found some not come to perfection, half round and half slat, the round part being bright the other yellow and dull. I saw one a few years ago brought out of Bothnia, so exactly round with such fresh colours, that a certain woman offered an 120. crowns for it, a Jeweller assured me that if he had another as good, he would not sell both for 500 They are bred not of such shells as are in the east broad, plane, and almost circular like Oyster, but longer and hollower like Muscle shells, and not in the Sea but in Rivers, as may be gathered from Olaus Magnus. Those that are not come to perfection stick within the shells, but those that are perfect, are lose and drop out when the shell is opened.   

CHAP. XXXIV. Of their Rivers.  
LApland if any Country is well watered with springs and rivers: the most noted are those from whence the particular marches and regions have their names, as Umeao, Pitheao, Luhleao, Torneao, and Kimeao, these spring from the Norway mountains, and are increased by several less rivers, unburdening themselves at last into the Bothnick Sea. Vindela fills Vmeao, and Skiellefle Pitheao, Luhleao swallows a less river of the same name, and Kimeao is increased by Avilaiocki, which itself is no small river, for there are numberless rivulets which run into it. So Luhleao which has a double stream, the lesser receives Pyrrijaus Kardijoch, and it is the same case with the greater called Stoor-Luhleao, and Tornaeo which is filled with the river Kaeungemae Taengeleao and others. And so it is with all the great rivers, which upon that account are so impetuous and big, that they yield to few in the world: and because they run through hilly and uneven Countries, and are stopped by several dams & wears, they force their way over precipices, with a great noise, and in those places are not navigable. Such is the sluice at Lughlens, called Muskaumokke, and another named Sao, likewise Niometsaski i. e. an Hares leap, so called because the river Lughla runs between two mountains so near that an Hare may leap over.  
The like Cataracts are found at Torna, the most remarkable is called terrafors near the Norway mountains. Next Caengerbrooks-fors then Lappia-fors, then three more meeting in an head called by one name Paelloforser, next Kettille-fors and lastly Kukula-fors near Torna. Although these Cataracts are a great hindrance to sailors, yet they are advantageous to the mettal-melters, and afford an incredible plenty of Fish. Besides these rivers there are abundance of pools, so numerous that but few can be named, one is Lulafraesk by Lughla, by which Lughleao the greater runs. Next Lugga and Sabbaig all abounding with Salmon. By the lesser Lughleao are Saggatt, Ritfack, Pirrijaur, Skalka, Sittijock, waykijaur, and Karra-green which exceeds them all, each affording plenty of Fish. Pitha has these remarkable ones near it, Hornasvandijaur, Arfussierf, Pieskejaur, but especially Stoorafuan in which there are as many Lands as days in the year; but above all Enaresraesk near Kimue. Wexionius saith the Hills and Lands in it are innumerable, and without an hyperbole, for Tornaeus affirms that never any inhabitant lived long enough to survey them all.  
There be some Marshes, little but full of Fish, in that language called Suino i. e. holy, and they account it a sin to foul them. These marches have two Channels one above the other: sometimes it happens that the fish leave the upper and retreat into the lower, upon which account the superstitious natives bring sacrifice to appease the Damon of that marsh whom they suppose to be angry.   

CHAP. XXXV. Of their Mountains.  
THeir land which I treat of last, is not in the same condition all over, for that which is near Bothnia is wholesomer and more fertile for all sort of potherbs, as those can witness who have made gardens in both soils. They found that some places would bear coleworts, raperoots, parsnips, radishes and the like. In other places by reason of the abundance of rocks and rivers, the ground is too moist and stony, and sandy in many places, which being scattered by the wind covers the ground like snow, such are those places near the mountains of Norway. These sands make a very dangerous passage for travellers, especially when they are covered with snow, because than they cannot tell what they are to avoid, sometimes falling in and being overwhelmed. Towards Norway, are very high mountains which the Swedes call Fiael the Laplanders Tudderi. Cluverius calleth the top of the mountains Sevo which he took from Pliny l. 4. c. 13. By Adamus they are called Riphaei, but he was to careless in looking over Pliny, Solinus, and Orosius. But whatever the name is, what Pliny saith is true of the mountain, that it is no less than the Riphaean; the top is perpetually covered with snow. Moreover the ascent and rise of this mount is thus described by Pet. Neuren: the mountain which separates Norway from Lappia gins to rise about Zemptland; thence with continued ascent towards the north it reaches a hundred miles, till it comes to Titus-fiord, which is a bay of the frozen sea. By this mountain the provinces of Swedeland are divided from Norway, as by a wall designed by nature herself. But although these mountains are one continued tract, yet they swell higher in some places than others, called by these distinct names, which Samuel Rheen mentions. Waesawaari, Skipoive, Nasawari, Ceruioive, Kioldawaari, Niottuswagg, Keidtkiwaari, Zeknawaari, Fierrowaari, Cardawaari, Steikawaari, Skalopacht, Darrawaari, Woggousaari, Niynnas', Kaskaoive, Wallawaari, Skieldawaari, Harrawaari, Portawaari, Kafla, Seggock Vltivis. In like manner there are many other of their names in the other parts of this Country, but because it is hard to meet with them all, and not so much to our purpose, we'll end now.    

THE CONTENTS.  

CHAP. I.  
OF the Name of Lapland. Pag. 1.  
Of the Situation of Lapland. p. 3.  
Of the Temperature of the Air, and soil of Lapland. p. 7.  
Of the Division of Lapland. p. 9  
Of the Laplanders in reference to the inclinations, temper and habit, of their minds and bodies. p. 12.  
Of the Original of the Laplanders. p. 15.  
Of the Religion of the Laplanders. p. 21.  
Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders. p. 24.  
Of some remains of Pagan sm in Lapland at this time. p. 34.  
Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day. p. 37.  
Of the magical Ceremonies of the Laplanders. p. 45.  
Of the Government of the Laplanders. p. 60.  
Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders. p. 65.  
Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading. p. 67.  
Of the Language of the Laplanders. p. 72.  
Of the Houses of the Laplanders. p. 80.  
Of the Garments of the Laplanders. p. 87.  
Of the Diet of the Laplanders. p. 91.  
Of the Hunting of the Laplanders. p. 94.  
Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting. p. 98.  
Of the Laplanders Handy-craft-trades. p. 100  
Of the women's Employments. p. 103.  
Of the Employments common to both Sexes. p. 105.  
Of their Divertisements. p. 107.  
Of their Contracts and Marriages. p. 110.  
Of their Childbearing, and the Education of their Children. p. 120.  
Of their Diseases, Death and Burial. p. 124.  
Of their cattle. p. 129.  
Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders. p. 133.  
Of their Birds and Fish. p. 137.  
Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants. p. 141.  
Of their Metals. p. 143.  
Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls. p. 144.  
Of their Rivers. p. 146.  
Of their Mountains. p. 147.   
FINIS.