THE Complete Courtier: OR, THE MORALS Of the Famous Historian CORNELIUS TACITUS Concerning Flattery, etc.  
In above One Hundred ESSAYS.  
paraphrased and Illustrated with useful Observations by the Sieur Amelo de la Houssaie and M. D'Ablancourt.  
Done out of French.  
LONDON: Printed, and are to be sold by E. Rumball, at the Posthouse in Russel-street in Covent-Garden, 1700.   

TO THE READER.  
IT was the Judgement of the Learned Philip Carriana, That among all the Latin Historians, there was not any one, who was to be preferred before Tacitus, if equalled to him, either for the Solidity of his Instructions conducing to Civil Life, or for his manner of Concise and Judicious Writing; which is the reason, that all his words are as so many Sentences. There is nothing unprofitable, says he, in his Writings, nothing of Hyperbole, nothing of Circumlocution in his words.  
The Marquis Virgilio Malvezzi speaks this farther of him, That his History consists in recounting the Actions of Sovereign Princes; and the Benefit that accrues to Us from thence is this, that we may learn thereby those things which may be of great use to us in an Age, wherein almost all the Estates of the World are under Monarchical Government.  
This Treatise than contains several Observations upon the Choicest Morals of that Famous Historian, written in French by the Sieur Amelot de la Houssaie, Dedicated to Monsieur Boucherat, Chancellor of France, and Printed with the Allowance of that Potent Monarch now Reigning in that Flourishing Kingdom.  
This is enough to recommend these few Sheets to your Reading; For tho' the Design may seem to require a larger Epistle, yet I am apt to believe it would be superfluous at such a time as this, when the World is grown weary of long Prefaces; as also for that all Persons who delight in good Authors, have too much Sense, to be informed of the Benefit of Tacitus' Morals, and the Use which ought to be made of them.   

The Modern Courtier: OR THE MORALS OF TACITUS, CONCERNING FLATTERY Lately Revived.  

ESSAY I.  
EGregious and Sparkling Wits are soon discouraged and depressed, where Flattery once gets Footing and Prospers, Tacitus Annal. l. 1.  
The meaning of the Text is, That there was no want of Egregious and Sparkling Wits, till they were Stupefied by Adulation. D'Ablancourt renders it, While there was no speaking of Truth without a Candid Complacency, Which does not does not sufficiently express the Sense of Tacitus, whose meaning is, that where Flattery Reigns, there follows a decay of Towering Ingenuities, for that all Recompenses and Rewards go to the Flatterers. Therefore Monsieur Harlay Chanvalon, has rendered the words much better, thus, till Noble Ingenuities had debased themselves by Flattery.  
There needs no other Comment upon these words, then that of Tacitus himself. Many Authors, saith he, have Compiled us the History of the Seven First Ages of the Roman Commonweal, at what time they Wrote with no less Freedom than Eloquence: but after it was the Interest of Peace that the Supreme Power should be devolved upon one single Person, those lofty Genius's were soon Eclipsed. And the Reason was, for that Dominion having deprived Equality of all Command, every one strove to please and comply with the Prince, that he might render himself capable of Honours and Preferment, to which he could not ascend, but by the steps of Servitude. For so it is, that Servitude and Flattery are two inseparable Companions: And it was upon the occasion of the shameful Flatteries of the Senate, that Tiberius himself was wont so often to Exclaim: Poor Souls prepared for Slavery. The younger Pliny, whom we shall frequently cite, by reason of the Conformity of his Maxims with those of Tacitus, whom he caused to examine his Writings, speaking of his Uncle's Books, makes an excuse for eight, which were not wrote in the same Style, and wanted those Sinews of Eloquence, that gave manly force to all the Rest; because they were Written under the Reign of Nero, when the Servile Fears of Men would not permit 'em to write with Freedom. And in one of his Epistles, he adds, That he lived in the Reign of another Emperor, when the Senate was become altogether Mute, and merely Stupefied, by reason of long Silence.   

ESSAY II.  
CAius and Lucius, the Sons of Agrippa, he introduced into the Family of the Caesar's, and them, tho' he made a Semblance of an utter avers●●● to any such Design, he most earnestly desired to have Proclaimed, Princes of the Youth, and to be Nominated for Consuls.  
Princes of the Youth; that is to say, Presumptive Heirs of the Empire. D'Ablancourt renders it thus. He had Adopted the Sons of Agrippa, Caius and Lucius, and caused 'em to be Proclaimed Princes of the Youth, and earnestly desired they might be in Nomination for Consuls, tho' to outward appearance, he testified an extreme unwillingness to have it so.  
Flattery is always the Companion of Advanced Fortune. For Caius and Lucius were no sooner admitted into the Imperial Family, but the Senate and Roman People design 'em for the Empire. And that which is yet more remarkable is this, That these two Princes, who had not as yet assumed the Robe of Manhood, and consequently were not capable of Public Employments, were already Consuls Elected by the Senate and People, altho' Augustus, out of an Affected Modesty, seemed so unwilling to give his Consent. But Flattery is ingenious and studious to Insinuate; she divines with ease what it is that Prince's desire; so that let them cover their Long with never so much Art, she will find out the Secret. And this was that of which Galba gave warning to Piso, when he used this Expression 〈…〉 much ado, how Wise, how Resolute, how Constant soever thou may'st be (Irrumpet Adulatio) Flattery will force thy Modesty; and make herself Mistress of all thy Affections.   

ESSAY III.  
Nero was only left of all the Sons in Law: Him all the Popular Adoration Courted.  
D'Ablancourt renders it; There remained no more alive than Tiberius, so that Fortune began to cast an Eye upon him alone.  
While Marcellus and Agrippa, both Augustus' Sons in Law, were alive, as also Caius and Lucius, the Sons of Agrippa, Tiberius had much ado to brush off several slights and Scorns, that were put upon him in the Family of Augustus, his Father in Law. But when the Palace was empty by the Death of all his Rivals, than he ruled Lord and Master: All People made their Addresses to him; they took no notice of any Body else; Courted no Body else but only him alone. Illuc 〈…〉, as if Tacitus would seem to intimate, that they began even to neglect Augustus himself; as it is the Custom of Subjects, more especially Courtiers to adore the Rising Beams, and forsake the Setting Sun. Flattery has been always swayed by Interest, and Mercenary. When Princes grow in Years, and begin to stoop towards the Grave, Flattery removes her Altars, and offers her Incense to those who are to Succeed, to the end she may be sure betimes to make sure of their earliest Favour and good Opinion. Therefore it was a Sentence of Galba, grounded upon good Reason, that Flattery was vaid of Love; and that there was not any Poison more dangerous than hers. And I wish it were the Will of Heaven, that all Princes were as well Convinced of this Truth, as Galba. Surely it would be much better for the General Prosperity of their Affairs; and their Reputation, of which they can never be too jealous, would advance itself to a higher Pinnacle of Grandeur. For than they would have Subjects that would adore their Persons, whereas those Many Flatterers that crowd about their Thrones, Idolise nothing but their Exalted Fortune. And therefore it was, that Tiberius and Galba always contemned and scorned ' 'em.   

ESSAY. iv  
consuls, Fathers, Knights, all ran headlong into Slavery; and by how much the more Illustrious they were, by so much the more Deceitful, and speedy in their Motion: And with a Composed Gravity, that they might not seem to be too much overjoyed at the Death of the deceased Emperor, nor sad at such a Conjecture as the Advancement of the Succeeding Prince, they intermixed their Tears with Joy, and their Lamentations with Adulation.  
At Rome, says D'Ablancourt, all Degrees of Men, Knights, Senators, and Consuls, ran headlong into Slavery, and the most Illustrious and Eminent first of all; composing so their Looks and Countenances, that they might not seem joyful for the Death of Augustus, nor sad that Tiberius was come to the Throne. Nevertheless their Tears, their Condolements and Congratulations, were all but cunning Dissimulation.  
Flattery is always Excessive at the beginning of a new Reign: For every one strives to be Complaisant and to advance his Fortune, by Ingratiating himself. Even they themselves, who are not addicted to Flattery, become Flatterers then, spurred on by Envy and Jealousy, not enduring that their Competitors should gain a greater ascendant over the Affections of their Prince than themselves, and fearing lest Favours should advance their Equals to be their Superiors. The Grandees are obliged to Flatter, in regard there is an absolute Necessity for them to please, that so they may be able to preserve their Grandeur. Every Prince at the beginning of his Reign is subject to mistrust, not knowing whither the Great Ones are well pleased or disgusted at his Advancement. Therefore it is, that he makes it his business to sound the Affections of his Nobility; and that he studies to observe their Countenances and their Discourses. Which is the Rea●on that we we find all Men in all Companies, striving to outvie one another in Adulation and Servitude.   

ESSAY V.  
Valerius Messala added, That the Senators should every Year renew their Oaths of Fidelity to Tiberius: And being asked by Tiberius, whither it was by his Order that he had given those hints to the Senate, he answered of his own accord, That in those thing which Concerned the Commonweal, he was not wont to follow any other Counsels than his own, not caring whither others were offended or no. That only sort of Flattery then remained.  
Says D'Ablancourt, When Tiberius had asked him, whither he had given him Orders to speak what he had said, he answered, That what concerned the Republic, he never took advice of any Person. Where he leaves out, Vel cum periculo Offensionis, Wherein chief consists undiscernible spurn of absolute Control, and the disguised assertion of Liberty. And besides, he omits the following Sentence, Ea sola species adulandi supererat, Which makes a most graceful and pleasing Epiphonema to what went before.  
The Question which Tiberius put to Messala, plainly shows, that there are certain Flatteties, which are so far from being grateful to Princes, that they rather blush and are ashamed to hear 'em pronounced. But from one piece of servile Flattery, which had wounded Tiberius' Modesty, Messala drives on to another, which under the false appearance of a Bravado, and an undaunted Courage, concludes in the Absolute Annihilation of Liberty. For while he feigns as if he thought Tiberius offended with his Advice, as one that really was resolved never to take upon him the Burden of the Empire, he maintains by his Reply, That it was not the Power of the Empire to excuse Him, and by Consequence, that there was a compulsive necessity for Him to accept of the Sovereign Power maugre his aversion to the Contrary protesting that he would rather incur the Prince's Indignation, then be debarred from speaking freely whatever he thought might be for the Service of his Country.   

ESSAY VI.  
THE Fathers unanimously cried out, that the Body should be carried to the Funeral Pile, upon the Shoulders of the Senators.  
D'Ablancourt renders it, Then the Senate cried out, that it was but decent for the Body to be carried to the Funeral Pile upon the Shoulders of Senators.  
There needs but one Flatterer to infect a whole Society. Messala had no sooner delivered his fawning Opinion, but the whole Senate are for improving and striving to outvie his glozing dissimulation. Messala had spoken like a Colloguing Courtier, and the Senate speaks like so many abject Slaves: For it was a Duty incumbent only to the Slaves to carry the Bodies of their Masters to the Funeral Pile.   

ESSAY. VII.  
NOR were the Father's less Prodigal of their Adulation toward Augusta. But Tiberius told 'em, there was a Moderation to be used in bestowing Female Honours.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Their Flattery was not only excessive toward the Emperor, but also towards his Lady.  
Princes are willing enough that Honours should be bestowed upon their Mothers, or their Kindred; but they cannot endure that any Person whatever, should be made their Equal. But this was that which the Senate were about to do, when they decreed that glorious Title of MOTHER OF HER COUNTRY to Livia. For indeed Flatterers are strongly subject to one piece of Imprudence, for that as they are a sort of People, that make their Interest the only Idol of their Adulation, looking one way but rowing another, they never measure their studied Encomium's according to the Merit, or Quality, or Dignity of the Person, but give the same Panegyrics to a Judge, a Chancellor, a Precedent, or an Earl, etc. as to a Sovereign Prince. And thus we find at this day several Illustrious Epithets, whither before large Folio's, or Plays, or Discourses upon mean and frivolous Subjects, which are allowable to none but Kings and absolute Princes. Which is the Reason that France now mainly stands in need of a PRAGMATIC Sanction, like to that which Philip the II. set forth in the Year 1586. to prevent Abuses of the same Nature. As for Women, Tiberius like a Politic Prince, well understood how dangerous a thing it was to raise their Pride, their Vanity, their Luxury, their Avarice, their Ambition, their Insolence, and their Cruelty, which according to Tacitus, are the usual Passions incident to their Sex. And this Maxim of Tiberius, is well observed in Hungary, where the Queens, at the Ceremony of their Coronation, are never Crowned but upon the Shoulders, to let 'em know that the Kingdom has no need of their Heads, the King's being altogether sufficient for the weight of Government.   

ESSAY VIII.  
THE Name of Father of his Country, frequently by the People crowded in among his Titles, Tiberius refused; Nor would he permit any Oaths to be Sworn for the Observation of his Acts, alleging that all the Acts of Mortal Men were frail and uncertain, and the more he was advanced in Power, the more slippery was the Pinnacle upon which he stood.  
He excused himself, says D'Ablancourt, by urging the Inconstancy of Human Events, affirming that the higher he was Exalted, the more dangerous would be his Fall, and the more likely to happen.  
Nothing better becomes a Great and Glorious Prince, then to withstand the assaults of Flattery. The Senate had decreed, that all the Acts of Tiberius should be Sworn to; that is to say, that they should be bound to Confirm and Justify, whatever he did to be Legally and Warrantably done. But Tiberius was of a contrary Opinion; that he was so far from being Infallible, that he was more than others in danger of Failing in his Judgement, for that his High Employment, and the Burden of the Ponderous Charge upon his Shoulders, was not only more difficult than any other to undergo, but more Obnoxious also to Human Accidents.  
Princes have always been accustomed to have Flatterers at their Elbows, who Swear continually to all their Acts; Insinuating that God has given 'em a Universal Knowledge, and a Judgement that cannot err. So that we must not wonder if so many Princes miscarry in their Government, for want of Faithful Servants that will open their Lips to tell 'em Truth. Therefore a Politic Spaniard, giving the Reason why it was the Custom for many Princes to carry their Jester along with 'em where ever they went: 
* Gracian in his 3d. Dialogue of his 3d. Part of his Critioon.  Because, says he, they were Wise and Prudent Men; for they did not make use of those Jesters for Sport or Divertisement, but for Information. And in another Place, 
† In his Ferdinand.  These Jesters, says he, are the Oracles of Truth, who fearlessly discover what others have unwarily uttered in their Hearing.  
Which is a great Assistance to Princes, who never can Correct the Fault before they know it.   

ESSAY IX.  
THE Tribunes and Centurions reported oftener what was grateful to the Ear then what was true: The Freedmen still retained a twang of their former Slavery: Friends were all addicted to Flatter: But 'twas his business to know the inside of the Soldiers Hearts, when alone and thinking themselves secure, they freely imparted their Hopes and Fears at their Military Meals.  
D'Ablancourt renders the whole thus: For that the Tribunes and Centurions made their reports rather as things were wished to be, then according to Truth. That the Freedmen still retained a smatch of their former Slavery, and treacherous Friendship only Flattered. He resolved himself therefore to discover what he was uncertain to know by any other Information, and to penetrate the Minds of the Soldiers, when retired in their Tents, and familiarly discoursing over their Military Commons, they displayed the naked verity of their Hopes and Fears.  
Germanicus it seems one night took his Opportunity to walk in Disguise and unattended through every Street of his Camp, and stopping at every Tent, heedfully Listened to the familiar Discourses of the Soldiers. Several great Princes have observed the same Method, to make those Discoveries themselves, which they were certain others concealed from their Knowledge. The Spanish Author last Quoted (in his Ferdinand.) says very pertinently, That Charles the V was become the Spy of his own Reputation. And that Francis the I. having spent a whole Night in the Dwelling of Simplicity, that is to say, in the Country among the Vulgar Hinds, discovered so many Things of high Imporoance to his Government, that he was often wont to repeat this saying, He had been lost, unless he had been lost; as he road a Hunting. In like manner might he as well have said what the Great Antiochus uttered, upon his having been in a little Cottage, where he Discoursed with several poor People that knew him not, That he had never heard Truth spoken till then. And the same Author adds, If it be so difficult for a private Man to know himself, what a Task must it be for a King? While Self-Love will not permit to know himself; nor, Flattery to know others. Princes have no Mirrors, and therefore muct make use of their own Industry. So then, there cannot be a more Beneficial piece of Industry to be their own Perdus, when Men are discoursing over their Trenchers and Cups, with free and open Hearts; for than it is that they give their Tongues and Jocund Humours the liberty to Range; while Precaution and Reservedness are laid aside.   

ESSAY X.  
Tiberius' rejoiced to hear the Senate argue for the Laws against his Sons.  
D'Ablancourt renders it, Tiberius was glad to see his Sons, in that same famous Dispute, made equal with the Laws.  
What a strange thing Flattery is! The Dispute was about the Election of a Praetor; for which Office there were several that stood. Drusus and Germanicus, the Sons of Tiberius, favoured a Kinsman of their own, whereas the Roman Law preferred those who had the most numerous Issue. However, notwithstanding the Election was hotly bandied and opposed by the Senate, yet Favour at length carried it above the Law. Which is no more than what happens every day in other Courts, However let Princes be never so Virtuous and Moderate, yet they always take delight to prefer their Authority above the Laws, while it gives them the Opportunity of reaping to themselves the sole Glory of submitting afterwards. Thus it was that Tiberius one day Depressed himself, to advance the high Opinion of his Moderation, returning in answer to the Flattery of a Senator, That the Customs of a Country prudently Established, and with which the People had always all along been satisfied, were not to be Changed, but upon mature and deep Premeditation: That Princes had too much Business already, and too much Power: That while they laboured to advance and extend their own, they did but weaken the Authority of the Law. Lastly, That there was no need of Application to a Prince, when the Laws were sufficient to reform the Grievance. Here by the way we must observe, that in Republic's they say, The Laws are above Princes: But in Monarchies, Reason of State requires that the Prince should be above the Laws: I speak of Hereditary Monarchies; for in Elective Monarchies, the Laws are Superior to the Prince, as in Germany and Poland, where the Government is Aristocratico-Monarchical.   

ESSAY XI.  
HE sharply reprehended those who gave the Epithet of Divine to his daily Employments, and gave him the Title of LORD.  
Says D'Ablancourt, He severely reproved those who called hiw Lord, and gave his daily Exercises the Epithet of Divine Occupations.  
There are some Flatteries, that render Princes Odious. Tiberius, who was hated enough already, had been much more Contemned, had he accepted of a Title, which Augustus, whose Example had always with him the force of a Law, had refused by a Decree. And for that reason it was that he thundered out his Indignation against Those, who called him LORD. He was a Lord in Reality, but he would not that People should call him so, as being desirous they should believe he did not look upon himself so to be. Politic Princes are contented with the Substance of their Power, and willingly part with all the rest as merely Superfluous. For Subjects are almost all of the humour of that same Parthian King, who was nothing troubled that his Brother bore the Yoke of Roman Servitude, so long as he did not wear the Scars and Marks of it. The greater Progress Tiberius made in taming the Senate with the vain show of Liberty, the more he enlarged and established his Power. The more Popular his Words and Actions were, the more pliable he found the Great Men, and the more easily led to Servitude. He was offended with those who called his Occupations, Divine; for because he knew himself not undeservedly to be taxed with the Common Stain of his Family, which was Haughtiness, he was desirous that the People should believe he went hand in hand with the Senate in the Government. I know, said he, that I am but a Mortal Man, and subject to all the Frailties of Humanity, and therefore 'tis enough for me to be Honoured with the first Seat in the Senate, and more then enough if I supply it well.— Princes are Mortal, but the Commonwealth is Eternal. By this acknowledgement he was no more than a Member, and he permitted those Honours that were paid him no otherwise, then as they were ascribed to the rest of the Senators. Who though they gave little Credit to what he said, yet were they pleased to hear him deliver himself with so much Modesty, so much the rather because it was not always his luck to be Popular for all that. Observe moreover, that by the Difference which he made between Princes as Mortals, and Commonwealths as being Eternal, he seemed to intimate, that he was so far from being LORD of the Empire, that he had little Concern in the Government of it; only his Eternity resided in the Body of the Senate, which was Immortal, and was able alone to shake the Affairs of the Universe.   

ESSAY XII.  
WHO feared Liberty, yet hated Adulation.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Under a Prince who hated Flattery, yet was no friend to Liberty.  
To hate Flattery is to love Liberty; to hate Liberty, is to love Flattery. Nevertheless Tiberius hated both the one and the other. A strange thing, says Tacitus, that a Prince who left remaining not the least Footstep of Liberty, should be tired and discontented to behold in the Senate, such an Effeminate and Servile Complacency. Certainly 'tis a very difficult thing to find the way how to please the Palate of a Politic Prince. If you Flatter him continually, you incur his Contempt; if you deal too frankly and freely with him, you meet his Indignation. How Virtuous soever he be, too much Liberty offends him; because it appears not so respectful as Flattery. And if they are wickedly inclined, Flattery then becomes suspected; because her Eucomiums are oftentimes the Reproaches of Vices, which are opposite to Virtue. Therefore had Tacitus reason to say, that a Man has enough to do, who has to deal with a Prince that understands what Flattery is. For which reason it was an Ingenious and Witty saying of the Countess D'Aranda, that there was no Register in the Heart of a King, and by consequence it was not to be read. Moreover Princes find greater Benefit by Liberty, than Flattery, as being deluded by one, but instructed by the other. But Courtiers take the surer Course to attain their ends by Flattery, then by Liberty of Speech; while the one is grateful, the other odious to the Generality of Great Personages.   

ESSAY XIII.  
THE same undestinguished Lamentations among all: an intermixed and confused Throng of Mourners, and every one Weeping at their own rate. There could be no Adulation there, while all Men knew that the Death of Germanicus was welcome to Tiberius.  
D'Ablancourt says, That it was no formal Funeral Pomp, or studied Mourning, to gratify Tiberius, who they knew was well pleased with the Death of Germanicus.  
The Common People are not capable of Dissimulation, nor by consequence of Flattery. For when Tiberius outwardly bewailed the Death of Germanicus, they were so far with Complying with his inward Joy, that they sought to spite him by all the Demonstrations of a Public and Real Lamentation imaginable; and celebrating the praise of the Deceased. And indeed there has been in all Times, a certain kind of Antipathy between the Prince and the People. They who are hated by the Prince, are generally beloved by the Multitude. On the other side, they who are the Darlings of the People, are never favoured by the Prince. Germanicus was mortally hated by Tiberius, because he was the People's Favourite; and the People had an Antipathy against Drusus, because Tiberius had a greater kindness for him, then for his Brother. The People adored Agrippina; Tiberius persecuted her to Death. When the Wife of Drusus lay Inn of two Male Infants, Tiberius could not contain his Joy, nor the People their sorrow. Because the Reinforcement of Drusus' Family weakened and depressed the Family of Germanicus. But when Drusus died, the People were overjoyed to hear the Emperor's Lamentations, in hopes the Family of Germanicus, against whom his Father had all along displayed his Enmity, would now revive and flourish in its former Glory.   

ESSAY. XIV.  
HE named Manias Lepiodus, and Junius Blesus, to choose which of the two they pleased to be sent Proconsul into Africa. Lepidus excused himself by reason of the Crazy Constitution of his Body, and for that he had a Daughter ready to be Married: But there was another Reason which was Conjectured at by all, tho' by him not so much as mentioned, which was, that Blesus was Uncle to Sejanus, and therefore assured of the Preferment: Blesus also refused the Proffer, but not with that Fervency and Sincerity as the other did, nor was he so much Applauded by his Flatterers, who were also the same that flattered Sejanus.  
D'Ablancourt says, That Lepidus grounded his refusal upon his Indisposition of Body, alleging besides, that he had a Daughter to Marry; but that there was another Reason which he durst not discover; because his Rival was Uncle to Sejanus, and therefore would be sure to be preferred before him. Blesus also made a refusal; but not with half that Earnestness, nor so loudly Applauded by those that flattered him.  
When Tiberius proposed Lepidus and Blesus to the Senate, he propounded a Choice between Merit and Favour. Lepidus was a Person of Merit, as being a Person whom Augustus had adjudged worthy and fit to Govern the Empire. But Blesus was the Favourite, as being Uncle to Sejanus. Tiberius' named Lepidus in the first place, seemingly designing to give the Precedency to Merit; but he knew well, that Flattery would bequeath it to Favour. The excuses which Lepidus alleged were received with Applause and Acclamation, as being no less grateful to Tiberius, then to Sejanus and Blesus. But the excuses which Blesus produced could not be heard; while every one knew there was a willing force designed to engage him to acceptance. For Favour and Flattery go hand in hand together; they never part Company, attended by Injustice that follows close at their Heels.   

ESSAY XV.  
CEstius the Senator discoursed, That Princes indeed were like the Gods, but that neither Gods bowed down their Ears to the unjust Supplications of their Adorers.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Cestius declared, That Princes were like the Gods, but that the Gods never listened to Prayers that were unjust.  
Princes are oftentimes compared to God; and indeed they may be said to be Corporeal Gods; according to that of Vegetius, There is a faithful Devotion to be paid to the Emperor, as to our present and Terrestrial God. God himself also gives them the same Title, I have said ye are Gods. But the Illustrious and Celestial Title should put 'em in remembrance of their Principal and Godlike Office, which is to distribute Justice to their Subjects, and prevent the Oppression of the Poor. 'Tis a usual thing for them that Kneel at their Feet for Favours and Preferments, to tell 'em they are absolute in Power, and that they are the Images of the Almighty: But for the same reason, they are obliged to take care that all their Grants be just, for fear of defacing that same glorious Similitude. 'Tis a great Weakness in a Prince to be so timorous, as not to dare justly to deny what others dare demand without regard to Justice. Certainly, that King spoke like a Virtuous Prince, who being pressed to keep an Illegal Promise, replied, That 'twas impossible he should ever have made an Unjust Promise. Thus Charles the V being informed that he had signed a Grant that was contrary to Equity, sent for it again, and after he had tore it, I love my Soul, said he, much better than my Writing.   

ESSAY XVI.  
DOlabella Cornelius, while he strove to outvie the rest, stumbled into a most absurd piece of Flattery, and Decreed, that he should make an Ovant entry into the City, returning from Campania.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Dolabella desirous to surpass all others, fell into a Ridiculous piece of Flattery, proposing to decree Tiberius the Honour of a Petty Triumph.  
Can there be a more Impertinent piece of Flattery than this, to decree a Triumphant Entry to a Prince, merely upon his Return from a bare Progress? But Tiberius had too much Wit to be in the humour to accept of such an Honour, which had rendered him more ridiculous than the Curry-Favour that decreed it him. I am not so indigent of Honour, said he to the Senate, after having Tamed so many Warlike Nations, and received and refused so many Honours in my Youth, as in my Declining Age to beg a Counterfeit Triumph for a Journey of Pleasure almost within view of Rome itself. Princes that have acquired a substantial Reputation, as Tiberius had done, in the East, in Germany and Pannonia, or Hungary, scorn all false Honours: And to flatter 'em, is to incur their Displeasure; because their Renown has no need of borrowed Augmentation. When their Praises flow from the Lips of Flatterers, they become suspected; for it is with Flatterers as with Liars, whom no body believes, even when they speak Truth. So that Princes have the greatest reason to abhor their vain Idolisers, who rob their Virtue of more true Glory, than the Sophisticate Honour comes to, so sedulously prepared for a false and unseasonable Glitter.   

ESSAY XVII.  
ONly Rubellius Blandus held with Lepidus; the rest all sided with Agrippa.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Of all the Consular Senators, only Rubellius Blandus was of Lepidus' Opinion? the rest condemned Priscus to Death.  
Agrippa had adjudged to Death a certain Roman Knight accused to have cheated Tiberius, in presenting him an Elegy upon the Death of Germanicus, which he had made for Drusus, who was recovered from a Disease, of which 'twas thought he would have died. Lepidus, according to his Custom, which was to moderate the rigour of severe Sentences, insisted, that the mild Temper of the Prince, and the Example of their Ancestors, would not admit that they should run to that Height, as not to make a distinction between Words and Actions; and that Ostentation was not to be punished as a Criminal Offence: That they might find out such a Medium, so that the Offender might be punished, and yet they have no occasion ever to repent of too much Clemency, or too unwary Severity. That a Man who made it his study to write Verses and read 'em to Women, to acquire the reputation of being a Poet, was neither in a Capacity to do the Public any harm, if they suffered him to live; nor considerable enough, to be made an example of Terror, if they put him to Death, and therefore that it was sufficient to Banish him, and Confiscate his Estate. But this Prudent and Grave Advice had but one only Person to applaud it; while Agrippa, tho' his Opinion and Intentions were unjust, had all the rest of the Voices of his side, because he flattered the Inclinations of the Prince, who was both cruel and greedy of Revenge. One Flatterer makes many, while they are afraid to be less forward than He, to support the Prince's Interests, if they do not side with that Opinion which flatters most.   

ESSAY XVIII.  
HE spoke Modest Things concerning the Manners of the Young Man, nor did he add any thing of untruth to set a higher value upon his Parts.  
Says D'Ablancourt, He added something, as to Drusus, but without Flattery.  
When Tiberius mentioned Germanicus, to whom he bore a particular Spleen and Envy, he spared for no Words, nor no Applauses, because he Flattered him, and was willing the Senate should believe he said more than he meant. But when he spoke of Drusus, who was his own Son, he was always thrifty of his Expressions, as being desirous they should believe all that he said; as indeed he never did speak any thing of him but what every one knew to be Truth. Behold here the difference between Praising and Flattering. To Praise, is truly to declare the real Worth and Merits of any Person and no more: Whereas he who Flatters, either Aggravates, or Lies. He that Aggravates, attributes more to the Person than he deserves: And he may be said to Lie, who gives to Vices the appellation of Virtues, that are their Opposites, as it is the custom of all that Flatter.   

ESSAY XIX.  
THE Fathers had studied his Oration before hand; so that the Flattery was the more finely Spun.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senators waited for this Request, which rendered the Flattery more delicate.  
If Flattery be generally so subtle and Ingenious as it is, what is there which it is not able to invent to show her Complacency, after a serious Meditation? If she be so pliant and submissive, when her Acts are unconstrained and voluntary, to what a low degree of Pusilanimous Baseness will she not condescend and poorly stoop, when once necessity and awful force compel her?   

ESSAY XX.  
M. Silanus, in contempt of the Consulship, laboured for the Honour of the Princes, and delivered it, as his own Opinion that the Names of the Consuls should be no longer affixed to Public or Private Acts, as the Rule of Calendars and Chronologies, but the Names of those that had the Tribunitial Power. But as for Quintus Haterius, when he proposed that the Decrees of the Senate for that day, should be set up in the Court in Letters of Gold, the Old Man became the Laughter of the whole Court, who having so small a time to Live, could think of carrying the Infamy of such a notorious piece of Flattery to his Grave.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Haterius exposed himself to public Laughter, for having proposed to Engrave their Decrees in Letters of Gold, as one that could not hope to reap the fruit of his Flattery, but the Ignominy that attended it. But this does not come up to the sense of Tacitus, who the better to set out the poor Spirit of Haterius, tells us, that he was an Old Man, who by Consequence not having long to live, could expect no other, then to go to his Grave loaden with Infamy.  
The same thing happened to Tiberius, which had befallen Augustus. When Augustus made Tiberius his Associate in the Tribuneship, than thither Cuncta Vergere. The Flatterers began to pay their Adorations all to Tiberius: And so soon as Tiberius' summons Drusus to Partnership in the Dignity and Authority, every one strives to adore the Rising Sun, all the Flatterers; all the Senators like Emulous Champions, dispute for Pre-eminence in Flattery, and to gain the Favour of the New Prince, generally the Prize of early Sedulicie. Silanus therefore, a person Illustrious for his Extraction and Eloquence, steps up, and proposes that the Public Accounts of the Years should be no longer taken from the Names of the Consuls, but from the Sovereign Tribuneship, little heeding that while he Honoured Drusus, he Dishonoured Tiberius, who having been four times Consul, received the same Affront as the rest of the Consuls, if he suffered a Dignity to grow into Contempt, which he himself had taken upon him, after he was Emperor. Besides, that if the Alteration of Chronological Computation should Commence from no longer a Date then the Tribuneship of Drusus, he must be Inferior to his Son; or at least be beholding to him for being Named with Him in all Public Acts and Registers: Which is a Thing highly injurious to Majesty, that endures neither Equality nor Dependency. And thus see how Flattery ofttimes splits itself upon the Rocks of Imprudence, and becomes Affrontive where she studies most Obsequiousness. As for Quintus Haterius, his Flattery was so ill resented by Tiberius, that his Proposal was looked upon as Extravagant. And that which rendered him most ridiculous, was his Old Age, that put him out of hopes of ever living to reap the Fruit of Drusus' acknowledgement; so that there nothing more remained for him, but the ignominy of having been the Author of a Proposal so much beneath a Person of his Years and Quality: for he was of an Illustrious Family, and moreover highly esteemed for his Eloquence. Whence you may observe by the by, that Eloquence and Flattery wonderfully sympathise one with the other; and that it is a difficult thing to be a cunning and dextrous Flatterer without Eloquence; or to be Eloquent without Adulation. And this is that perhaps, which the younger Pliny means, That Eloquence is not to be learned, without good Manners; to let us understand, that Eloquence is a dangerous Talon in them, who are not endued with a Sincerity capable to make a right use of it.   

ESSAY XXI.  
I Think it to be the chiefest Duty of a Historian, to take care that Virtue be not smothered, and to deter Men from evil Actions and Say, for fear of being branded with Ignominy to Posterity.  
In my Opinion, says D'Ablancourt, 'tis the Duty of a Historian, to give to Virtue the recompense which she deserves, and to beget an abhorrency of Vice, by awing Men with the shame of Eternal Infamy.  
It is the custom of Flatterers to extol Vice, while by a wrong impression of Interpretation, they make it pass for currant Virtue; and to cry down as Crimes, the Virtues of such as are hated by those Princes whom they Flatter. Of all People therefore in the World are Flatterers the most unfit, and improper to undertake a History, which ought to have Truth for its Guide, and for its Object the Instruction of Posterity. And here we must not omit to give that worthily deserved Character of Monsieur Mezeray, to be the only Modern Author, that has honoured France with a Sincere Story, and left in his Writings the lively Image of its ancient Liberty.   

ESSAY. XXII.  
Ennius' a Roman Knight, accused of High Treason, because he had melted down the Prince's Statue, and turned it into Silver Plate, Cesar forbade to be Registered among the Guilty; Aseius Capito openly opposing him under the Pretence of Liberty, alleging that such a Heinous Crime ought never to go Unpunished; that he might be remiss in pardoning Offences against himself; not be so lavish to forgive notorious Injuries done the Public.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Ennius a Roman Knight was accused of High Treason, for having melted a Statue of the Prince, to change it into Silver Plate for his own use. But Tiberius discharged him; tho' Capito opposed him, crying out as if he had stood up in defence of the Public Liberty, that it became him not to let so great an Offender go Unpunished; that he might Pardon his own, but not the Injuries of the Commonwealth.  
Flattery is never more wicked, then when she disguises herself in the habit of Liberty. Capito was not to learn that Tiberius hated Flattery, and that on the other side he was no Friend to Liberty; and therefore he intermixes both together. What? says he, will you let go a Criminal, that has thus daringly displayed his contempt of your Person, by melting down one of your Statues; and had this Offence been committed against You alone, you might have pardoned it, and the Senate could not have opposed it; but since it is a Crime that Ennius has committed against the whole Republic, the Punishment belongs to Us; since it is not just that you should be so merciful at the Expense of our Authority.  
Certainly no piece of Flattery could ever have outdone this Reprimand. Capito, who was not ignorant of the cruel Temper of Tiberius, would insinuate that all the Injuries done to the Prince, should be looked upon as done to the Common-weal; to the end that under that specious pretence, while the Senate satisfied the Emperor's Revenge, Tiberius might be discharged of the Odium which was like to fall upon him, had he been Carver for himself. Thus Sycophants cherish and foment the Vices of Princes, and teach 'em how to be Tyrants. Observe by the way, that this Capito was a Person highly learned in the Laws, both Human and Divine, and moreover accounted one of the Chief Men in the Senate, yet all his Learning served but to slain his Reputation with Eternal Reproach; considering the ill use which he had made of it, as well under Augustus as under Tiberius. There are always at the Elbows of Princes, says Commines in his Memoires, l. 1. c. 6. some or other of the Long Robe; a lovely sight, when Virtuous; but dangerous, when Wicked. And in his Fifth Book, toward the end of the Chapter, Too much Knowledge corrupts the Wicked; but the Virtuous are much the better for it.   

ESSAY XXIII.  
LAbeo, an untainted Asserter of Liberty, and for that Reason, of a more celebrated Reputation; but Capito's Obsequiousness was more approved by those that had the Sovereign Power.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Labeo more Frank and Generous, and therefore more Famous among Men, the other more Complaisant, and better beloved by his Prince.  
I have already said, that how Virtuous soever Princes may be, they are unwilling however to suffer absolute Liberty: Whatever their aversion may be to Flattery, yet too much Freedom is that which more offends their Ears. Majesty is so accustomed to Respect and Adoration, that whatsoever is not Complaisance or Submission, proves insupportable to it. Augustus was a mild and virtuous Prince, but yet he never loved Labeo, because he did not seem to demean himself as became him, like a Subject; therefore he preferred Capito, his Competitor, tho' his inferior in Birth, in Merit, and in Honesty, only surpassing him in Complaisance. Labeo was more esteemed by all the World, and Capito more valued by his Prince. Labeo deserved the Consulship but never had it; Capito's Advancement was early to the same Dignity; tho' not otherway deserved it then by his Cringing Obsequiousness. Labeo's Humour gains a Reputation among the People, but he who strives to be a Favourite at Court, must observe the Method that Capito followed; according to the Court Maxim, That Favour acquired is more durably preserved by Complaisance, then by Courage.   

ESSAY XXIV.  
A Dulation and Pride kept equal pace together.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Servile and Proud both together.  
Flatterers (I mean the Flatterers in Courts of Princes) are for the most part Tainted with two sorts of Vices, which seem however to be contrary to each other; that is to say, Servility and Pride. They are flexible pliant, and obsequious to their Prince, but arrogant and haughty toward their Inferiors. And this was the meaning of Tacitus, where he says, that Mucianus was an Intermixture of Affability, and Arrogance: And of what the Orator Passienus said of Caligula, who had been a most Servile Flatterer of Tiberius, that there was never known a better Slave nor a worse Master. Plutarch also records in Sylla's Life, That he always humbled himself to those with whom he had to do; but expected Adoration from those that had to do with him; so that it was hard to say of him, which of the two were his chiefest Excellency, his Flattery, or his Pride.   

ESSAY XXV.  
THose that were too lavish of their Flatteries, He himself restrained and reproved.  
Says D'Ablancourt, And if any suffered themselves to run into high-strained Flattery, those the Prince was the first that reprehended.  
This was the True means to preserve himself from being misled. For it is with many Princes, as with Women that are given to tell Stories, that their Ears are too open to the Charms of pleasing Impertinents. If Flatterers never opened their Lips, Princes would never be misguided, for Verity would take place of Untruth. For this Reason it was, that the prudent Senator Helvidius, delivering his Opinion concerning the Deputies which the Senate had resolved to send to Vespasian, to Congratulate his Advancement to the Empire, alleging, That it was for the Interest of the Public Weal, and the Honour of the Prince, to depute the first time, such of their Number, whose Lives and conversations were free from stain or reproach, that they might accustom his Ears to wholesome Counsel; that Thraseas, Soranus, and Sentius, (who were three of the Sincerest Persons in the Senate) having been Honoured already with Vespasians Friendship, it behoved 'em to be careful to let him see their Accusers. That a Deputation so judicious would be as it were a tart Intimation which the Senate gave him of those Persons, who were most worthy his Esteem and Favour; and likewise of those other whom he had reason to mistrust. That is to say, Flatterers, and other wicked People, that build their Fortunes upon the Ruin of others.   

ESSAY XXVI.  
THE same Honours were Decreed to the Memory of Drusus, as to that of Germanicus, tho' with several Additions, as the latter Adulation will be always contriving to do.  
Says D'Ablancourt, They Decreed the same Honours to Drusus, as were decreed to the Memory of his Brother: But some new Ceremonies were added, as the latter Flattery is always the moct Ingenious.  
By the means of this same Novelty it is, that Flatterers always support themselves in the Favour of their Princes. They would be weary of her Flatteries, had Adulation but one string to the tuneful Harp of their Encomiums. They only value those Honours that are peculiarly invented for themselves. For every Prince new Incense and Perfumes. Hence it comes to pass, that he who sits at present in the Throne, is more applauded, than all those that Reigned before him. As Ridiculous and Stupid as the Emperor Claudius was, the slave to his own enfranchised Bondmen, yet he failed not to find one Consul, who was not ashamed to propose the giving him the Title of Father of the Senate, alleging that Father of his Country was too Common; and that a Prince who blessed the Empire every day with new Accumulations of his Favour, deserved at least to be Honoured with a Surname that never had been given to any of his Predecessors.   

ESSAY XXVII.  
THE chief Priests also when they made their Vows for the Welfare of the Prince, recommended likewise Nero and Drusus to the Gods, not so much for love of the young Men, as out of Flattery, the Omission of which as equally begets Suspicion, as the Excess.  
The High Priest, says D'Ablancourt, when they made their Vows for the Emperor, recommended to the Protection of the same Gods, Nero and Drusus, not so much through any Affection as out of Flattery, the Excess or Omission of which are equally dangerous.  
We have already asserted, that Flattery is void of Love, and that by straining at Flattery, Men often lose themselves in the Mazes of Folly and Imprudence. And certainly it was a great piece of Imprudence to equal to the Person of the Emperor, two young Striplings that were but just coming into the World. Majesty endures no Companion or Partnership in Honours. When others mount, she must descend. Flattery's mercenary; and is always for him that bids most. Tiberius was now in his declining years, and Nero and Drusus in the prime of their Youth. The High Priests looked upon the Reign of Tiberius, as a Reign that would be soon at an end; and the Fortune of Nero, as a Sovereignty that was shortly to Commence. Therefore it was not through Affection but Interest, that they made so little a distinction between the two Brothers and Tiberius, who having lost his Son, seemed to have no more than a precarious and languishing Authority. And this was the meaning of Tiberius, when he told the Pontiffs, That he was glad to see Children equalled to his Hoary Age; which was a wipe by the by, to let 'em understand they had been too hasty to appoint him a Successor. And thus you see what an ill reception Flattery finds, when once it knows no bounds. But the Omission of Flattery is no less displeasing to Princes, as ascribing the cause of that neglect to Haughtiness, to Contumacy, or Contempt. And therefore it was that Tiberius so often complained of the Arrogance, and Indocibility of Agrippina, Germanicus' Wife; and that under Nero, it was objected against Thrasea, for no less than High Treason, that he had never either applauded, or countenanced the Flatteries of others, and that he always absented himself on purpose, when the Magistrates were to take their Oaths of Allegiance, or made any Vows for the Prosperity of the Prince: That he had never Sacrificed in return of Thanks for his Charming and Celestial Voice, that he would never acknowledge Poppea for a Goodess; that he had forboru coming to the Senate for three Years together, because he would not consent to his Decrees; to show that none of his Majesty's Actions pleased him, though he would not declare his mind by any open Contradiction or Opposition. That he left the Senate one day, when they were making Speeches against the Memory of Agrippina, the Mother of Nero. And thus you see in one Man, almost all the sins of Omission, which a Courtier could commit in the concerns of Flattery. Moreover, there are some Occasions where the Subject cannot dispense with Flattery as others do. Such are those which we call Congratulation, or Condolement. Tho' had Thrasea been present when the Magistrates took their Oaths, had he made his Vows for the Prince, or appeared at the Funeral of Poppea, it could have been no stain to his Reputation. And therefore it does not become a Subject to be too stiff neither; but on the other side to comply with the Times and Humours of the Prince, as much as it is possible, more especially so far as the Rules of good Breeding and Civility extend.  
Thus the younger Pliny being designed Consul, refused to decree new honours to Trajan, as the Consuls Elect had wont to do to other Princes. But, said he, I did not abstain from this same outward Appearance of Flattery, through any motive of Liberty infringed, or of Constancy, but because I was assured of the Moderation of my Prince, therefore believing it would be much more to his Honour, for me to refuse the making any such Decree; altho' so just a Duty could not be taxed of Flattery. Those Grandees and other Persons who are obliged to live at Court, can never learn a better 〈◊〉 than this, to preserve themselves in their several Stations. 'Twere well, there were no Flatterers at all; but there is no need of such remarkable Demonstrations to prove Men are not so; in regard it shows like a piece of Contumacy and Mutinous Insurrection against the Majesty of a Prince. So that Seneca spoke rather like a Philosopher that contemned death, than a Courtier when he answered the Tribune whom Nero sent, to bring back his Justification, that he was not of a humour to Flatter, as no body better knew than Nero himself, who had had more frequent Experience of Seneca's freedom than his Complaisance.   

ESSAY XXVIII.  
IN the Senate he gave a severe charge in a set Speech, that no Man for the future should attempt to Elevate the fluctuating and unsteady Minds of the Young Men with over hasty Honours.  
In the Discourse which he made to the Senate, says D'Ablancourt, he gave a strist Caution, that no Man should swell the Volatile Minds of the Young Men with Honours above their Age.  
This Admonition concerns the Governors and Tutors of young Princes, for whom there is nothing so necessary as these Lessons of Moderation and Modesty. The Children of Princes know too soon that they are Princes, and by consequence that they are born to Command over Men, tho' sometimes they learn too late that they are but Men themselves. They are told upon every occasion, that all belongs to them; but the same Instructors at the same time forget to tell 'em likewise, that their Persons belong to the Commonweal; that all their Time belongs to the Public; that the Burden which they are one day to undergo, is very troublesome and painful; and besides that, extremely subject to the accidents of Fortune; that the Higher they are Advanced, the greater is the danger of their Fall; that they will never be beloved, unless they love Reciprocally; for Love itself is Masterless, that to be beloved of God, it behoves 'em to be beloved of Men; that Flatterers misled 'em, if they listen to their Charms; that when they are Flattered, 'tis not their Persons, but their Fortune that is fawned upon; since no Flatterer can be capable of sincere and real Love. That Princes can never know all things, nor bear the whole burden of their Sovereign Employment, and therefore for the good of the Kingdom, and their own Honour, they ought to make choice of able and faithful Ministers, to assist 'em with their Counsels and their Industry; Dominion and Absolute Power, which commands all other Things, not having any more to desire, than their dextrous and truly Loyal Assistance. And lastly, That the safest and shortest Expedient to Reign well, is for a Prince to propose to himself, as the Rule and Balance of all his Actions to be no other than he would wish a Prince to be, were he a Subject.   

ESSAY. XXIX.  
VArro the Consul gratified the hatred of Sejanus, by the loss of his own Reputation.  
The Consul Varro 〈◊〉 D'Ablancourt, became his own 〈…〉 and was not ashamed to sacrifice 〈…〉 and to the Interests of Sejanus.  
Flatterers are always no less Servile than Cruel: And seeing they Sacrifice so willingly their Honour to Favour, 'tis no wonder we are so easily induced to sacrifice to the Interest of Topping Favourites, the Objects of their Hatred. If the Favourite, says Commines, would lay an Imposition of a Penny, they cry two. If the Prince do but threaten a Man, they cry, let him be Hanged. And be sure Sir, to render yourself formidable; and for themselves, their Deportment and their Frowns discover nothing but Pride and Severity, as if Authority and Power were their Inheritance. Observe by the way, that Tacitus when he mentions Flattery, frequently associates with it Calumny, which is indeed one of the most usual means, that Flatterers make use of to the Ruin of others.   

ESSAY XXX.  
Lepidus' for the most part, deviated for the better, from the severe Adulations of others; and yet he carried himself so exactly poised that he flourished under Tiberius with an equal share of Authority and his Prince's Favour. So that I am constrained to doubt whither the Inclination of Princes to some, and their Aversion to others, be not guided as many other things are by fate and the ruling Constellations at our Birth: And whither it be in our power to walk in a Path free from Ambition and Dan- between untractable Contumacy, and deformed Servility.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Many times he allayed the overrigorous advice of others, not failing nevertheless in his Respect to his Prince, and by that means preserved two things most difficult to be preserved; the Honour of his Employment, and his Majesty's Favour. Which makes me frequently doubt whither the Favour of Great Men, and their Hatred, be not rather the effects of Destiny, and the Stars that governor Nativities, as are all other Accidents that happen in the World, then of Human Prudence, that so much pretends to have a share therein.  
The Moderation of Lepidus, is a remarkable Testimony, that there may be some great Personages, impenetrable to Flattery and Injustice under the Dominion even of the most wicked Princes, and that there never was any Age so barren of Virtuous Courage, but has offered us Examples of such a noble Generosity. Prudence understands to choose out such a way that leads neither to the Precipice of Liberty, nor the Abyss of Servitude. She is neither Libertine nor Slave, but observes an equal Temper, so as neither to be offensive to Majesty nor Justice. Sh● gives to Caesar, that which belongs to Caesar; that is to say, Obedience and Duty: To God, that which is Gods, or whatever is required by a sincere Conscience. If at any time she Flatters, (for she cannot always avoid it) she makes use of such a sort of Flattery, that rather informs than misleads the Prince, and serves as an Incitement to provoke him to some Generous Act, which otherwise perhaps he might not think of. For example, Lepidus to save the Life of Lutorius Priscus, whom Haterius Agrippa had sentenced to Death, for a certain Elegy made upon Drusus, makes it his business to applaud the Moderation of Tiberius; telling him, That after he had several times heard him complain of those that had prevented his Clemency, he could not believe so just a Prince would ever confirm so rigorous a Sentence. In short, when Tiberius, (who was then in the Country) understood that Drusus was Executed, he blamed the Senate, tho' the Reprimand were very gentle, and commended the Prudence of Lepidus, tho' on the other side, he did not rebuke Agrippa for his severity. Now it is certain, that if Priscus had been repreiv'd, Tiberius would never have taken away his Life, Lepidus so well understood to make him sensible of Honour.  
In Nero's time, the Precedent was quite the contrary. For the Praetor, Antistius, who had made a bloody Lampoon against him, was saved by Thrasea, who after he had spoken of Nero, as it is Customary to speak of a good Prince, and had bitterly enveigh'd against the Insolence of the Praetor, further added that the cruelty of preceding Reigns was out of date; that without putting the Criminal to those Torments which he deserved, he might be Punished in such a manner, that he should have no reason to object against his Judges; and lastly, That his Life would be a solemn Testimonial of Public Clemency. This Advice was no less prudent nor less respectful, then that of Lepidus; but it was as ill received by Nero, as the other was well received by Tiberius. Thrasea incurred the Hatred of Nero, and in a few years after lost his Life, for having saved Antistius, whom the Prince would fain have put to death. Tiberius and Nero, resembled each other in Cruelty; Lepidus and Thrasea were Competitors in Virtue, Priscus and Antistius equalled each other in Arrogance and Sauciness; for the one had the vanity to repeat his Elegy to a company of Ladies, and the other to read his Lampoon at a Public Feast. Thrasea pleaded for Antistius, as Lepidus had done for Priscus; and yet that which made for Lepidus' Honour, turned to the perdition of Thrasea. And thus you see the different effects of that Fatality, which Tacitus attributes to that same natural Inclination which Princes have for some, and that natural Antipathy which they have for others. But if we more narrowly pry into the real Character of Lepidus, and Thrasea's Genius, we shall easily perceive, that tho' they were both highly Prudent, and equally averse to Flattery, yet there was a Remarkable difference between 'em; for assur'dly, Lepidus was the more prudent of the two. Lepidus was Feasible and Complaisant, yet without any thing of low-spirited Meanness, or abject Condescension: Thrasea prided himself altogether in his Steadfastness and Constancy. Lepidus' shaped himself according to the Times he was born in, and the Humour of the Reigning Prince, as it is the duty of every good Subject so to do. Thrasea was a little too obstinate and hardy in what he thought Just and Reasonable, which occasioned that saying of Nero, That he wished Thrasea loved but him, as well as he did Justice. The latter was the better Man, the other the better Subject. By which Parallel it is apparent, that Prudence has a great share in the Conduct of Human Affairs, and that the Favour and Aversion of Princes, are not always the Effects of their Fancies.   

ESSAY XXXI.  
SOme things he had added more Contumaciously, then safe to be gathered in by haughty Ears, and prone to be Captious.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Serenus had reproached his Ingratitude, in terms more Insolent than the nice and tender Ears of a Prince could endure.  
The Ears of Princes are not accustomed to the rude touches of Insolence and Expostulation. When we speak to Princes, (said one of the Ancients) we must make choice of words either all Silken, or all Honey; that is to say, our Language must be tempered with Modesty, Prudence, and Submission. The Contumacy of Inferiors, causes the Superiors to lay aside his Clemency. Let a Subject have never so just reason to complain, he is not however allowed to do it Arrogantly; for Submission and Respect are claims and rights never to be alienated from Majesty: There remains to the Subject nothing but the honour of Obedience. He that upbraids him with his Services, destroys the Fortune and Grandeur of a Prince; and generally such Reproaches are the forerunners of Rebellion. And therefore upon this Foundation it was, that the Accusation was grounded, designed against Serenus by his Son, that he had Conspired against Tiberius, and sent Incendiaries into Gallia, to kindle a War in that Province. Lastly, It better becomes a Subject to be a Flatterer, then to be too lavish of his Tongue, when he speaks to his Prince: But if he can avoid it, 'tis better for him to be neither the one, nor the other.   

ESSAY XXXII.  
NEither is it such a Mystery to understand, when the Actions of Princes are truly and really Congratulated, and when with a Fictitious Joy.  
'Tis no great Difficulty, says D'Ablancourt, for great Personages to discover, when the Praises which are given 'em proceed from Flattery, and when from a real sentiment of Affection.  
Politic Princes are not easily to be deluded by Flattery, for they consult not their Ears, but their Hearts, which are sufficiently Conscious, whether or no they merit those Praises that are bestowed upon ' 'em. They understand by what their Flatterers say, the undisclosed conceptions of their Hearts; well knowing, that when such People make their Addresses to their Persons, 'tis their Fortunes that they Court; a Truth that never deceives 'em, when ever they put it to the Trial. Real Encomiums are most delightful to their Ears, because they are apt to believe they Merit what is given 'em; but false Applauses are distasteful, because they look upon 'em as By-reproaches of their Defaults. The younger Pliny reports, that Trajan wept for joy, and blushed to hear himself called, The Truly Virtuous, because he knew it was to Trajan that they spoke, and not the Emperor. And afterwards he adds, That he was not afraid lest Trajan should think, that while he discoursed of the Mildness, the Frugality, the Munificence, the Clemency, and Vigilancy of a Prince, he had any design to upbraid those Vices, which were their Opposites.   

ESSAY XXXIII.  
THE Fathers decreed the Books to be Burnt, but they were not all found; some being hid up, and Published afterwards. Which gives us an occasion to deride the Simplicity of those People, who think that the Memorials of Posterity can be stifled by present Dominion. For on the other side, the Authority of Punished Ingenuities increases, and Princes who have made use of that Severity, have only purchased Dishonour to themselves, and enhanced the Glory of the Authors suppressed.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The purport of the Decree was this, That the Books should be Burnt, but they were privately preserved, (he leaves out and afterwards published, which is that which both Tacitus and Suetonius seem to have inserted for particular Observation) which makes me laugh at their Impertinency, who think by virtue of a soon Expiring Power, to extinguish the Memorials of Future Ages. For on the other side, Punishment enlivens their works with new Authority, and all those Princes who have made trial of that same Artifice, have only augmented their own Disgrace, and the Glory of their Enemy.  
Flattery and History could never well agree together, for the one is wholly devoted to Falsehood, the other to Truth. The one deludes, the other informs and disabuses Princes. Sejanus ordered Cordus to be abused for having applauded Brutus in his Annals, and called Cassius, the Last of the Romans. And this was looked upon as but newly imputed for a Crime, the rather for that all the preceding Historians, and among the rest, Livy and Pollio, had mentioned them with Honour; and for that Augustus himself, by whom they were Vanquished, had always had such a Veneration for their Memory, that he never removed their Images. Besides that, but three Years before, Tiberius himself, had permitted the Funeral Rites of Junia, Sister to Brutus, the Wife of Cass●us, and Cato's Niece, to be Solemnised with all the Ceremonies that appertained to her Illustrious Birth. Nevertheless, the Senate, to please Sejanus, condemned both Cordus and his History, the purport of which was, that the last of the Romans was dead, and that at Rome there remained alive no other than such as sacrificed all to Favour. For here the Senate gave the Appellation of Parricides and Robbers to two Men, whom History had celebrated for Illustrious and Famous Personages. So that Cordus' only Crime was this, That he had spoken like a faithful Historian, and that he was adjudged capable, to Write with the same Liberty, the Reign of Tiberius, who after the death of Drusus, began to grow worse and worse; and to display the Actions of Sejanus, who so insolently abused his Favour. Great Favourites infinitely delude themselves, when they think their Reputation sheltered by the suppression of Books, that discover their Miscarriages. For to burn Books, is but to kindle in others a Curiosity to read 'em, whereas the taking little or no notice at all of 'em, renders 'em less prized by those that have already read 'em, and cures that Itch in others, to be prying into a subject little regarded. 'Tis an easy thing for Men in Power to be revenged upon Historians, whose Lives are in their Hands, but their Authority will not prevail against the History, which is Immortal, and will devolve itself to the Judgement of Permanent Posterity. 'Twas very cunningly done, says Tacitus, to burn the Writings of Rusticus Arulenus, and Seneca, as if that Fire could stifle the Voice of the Roman People, the Liberty of the Senate, and the Memory of Mankind. Posterity, says Cordus, renders to every one their due, and they who will remember Brutus and Cassius, will not fail to remember me as well. Meaning, that Posterity would honour his Memory, as it had honoured the Memory of those great Men.   

ESSAY XXXIV.  
AND the Honour of Augustus will vanish, when profaned with promiscuous Adorations.  
Says D'Ablancourt, For this would be to lessen the Honour of Augustus, to Communicate it to every Body without Distinction.  
Princes despise those Honours that are common to others, esteeming only those that are new and only invented for themselves. They are likewise for the most part jealous of their Honour, that they hardly will admit an equality of Comparison with their Predecessors, how Illustrious soever they were. Flattery, said Pliny to Trajan, has so drained the Fountain of Encomiums, that we have not any remaining more, that are new, to give Thee. The only Honour which we can pretend to pay Thee is, not to decree Thee any; so well assured we are of thy Modesty and Bashfulness. A Commendation worthy the Prince who received it, and the Subject that Addressed it. And therefore Cardinal Richlieu, tho' he loved Applause, yet would not accept of Balzac's Praises, alleging, 'Twas no Honour to be extolled by a Person that equally praised all Men alike; so prone that Author was to Hyperboles.   

ESSAY. XXXV.  
THrough the Benevolence of Augustus ratified by Tiberius himself, it has been the custom, that the Supplicant, e'er he put up his Prayers and Wishes to the Gods, should first address them to his Prince's Ears.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The purport of his Letter was, That his Obligation was such to the Memory of Augustus, and to the Testimonies of Tiberius' Affections, that he addressed his Prayers rather to the Emperor than the Gods.  
This Language well befits the Flatterers at Court, who adore no other Deity but Fortune. This is a Theme so plain, it needs no Commentary: Besides that, my design is only to Inform, and not to Offend.   

ESSAY XXXVI.  
Tiberius' heard the Opprobrious Language with which his Reputation was wounded, and was so deeply concerned, that he cried out, he would immediately clear himself, and stand a Trial. Nor could the Persuasions of nearest Relations, or the Flatteries of all his Followers compose his Mind, but with Elaborate Importunity.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Tiberius heard the Defamations that were thrown upon him, and cried out in a great Fury, that he would at the same instant clear himself of those Calumnies; so that it was a difficult task of the Senate, and all his Friends together, to apappease him with all their Flatteries and Prayers.  
Flattery is never so seasonable, nor runs to that excess, as when the Prince is wounded in his Honour. Tiberius had received a Bloody Affront. For a certain Officer in the Army, coming in as an Evidence against one Montanus, who had uttered heinous Language against the Emperor, in a full Senate repeated the Words as they were spoken, to add the more weight to his Testimony; and the more the Senators showed their unwillingness to understand him, as detesting his Impudence, the more obstinate the Officer was to make good his Accusation. So that considering Tiberius' humour, a Prince so politic and dextrous in concealing his Vices, and designing 'em into Virtues, it was no wonder he should be more enraged against the Testimony, then against the Person accused. And this was that which obliged him to protest with so much Violence, and be so earnest to clear himself of what was laid to his Charge.  
Now when a Prince goes about to insist upon his Justification, especially when the Imputation from which he thinks to clear himself is true, and known to all the World, than it is, that Flattery becomes most pleasing to him; and that he is overjoyed when they tell them, that he has no need to purge himself from Scandals and Reproaches which no Body believes; that it redounds to his Honour to be hated by Wicked and Vicious People; that it is peculiar to Princes to do well; and for Subjects to talk Maliciously and Scandalously of Princes. Moreover, as Flattery is always excessive toward bad Princes, as being feared and dreaded most of all; so are Scandal and Oblcquie most outrageous, when they believe themselves most secure; that is to say, when Men are venting their disgusts among their Intimate and most Familiar Acquaintance, where every one discovers the very bottom of his Heart. So that it is the most certain Mark of a good Prince, when his Subject's discourse of him in their Private Houses and Retirements, as he is cried up at Court. And this it was which the younger Pliny intended, when speaking to Trajan. This day, said he, it is, that we have just reason to complain, that our secret discourses are not spied and observed but by Princes which hate us: For if good Princes were so Inquisitive as the bad, what a pleasure would it be to Thee, to hear what we discourse of Thee in our private Dwellings, to our Wives, our Children, and our Servants? Then thou wouldst know the full extent of our Love and Admiration of thy Virtues, and how we power forth our Prayers continually for thy long and prosperous Reign. Then, tho' Love and Hatred are perfect Contraries, thou wouldst understand, that in our Houses there is so far a kind of Reconciliation between those opposite Passions, that we adore and reverence Virtuous Princes with the same excess of Cordial Affection, as with detestation we abominate unruly Tyranny.   

ESSAY XXXVII.  
WHen the Conflagration had consumed all things round about it, the Effigies of Tiberius only remained untouched: So that the Claudii were looked upon as peculiarly favoured by the Gods, and there was a farther addition of Reverence and Adoration to the Place, wherein the Gods had shown so high an Honour to the Prince.  
Says D'Ablancourt, It was a Remarkable Testimony that the Claudian Family was Sacred and Favoured by the Gods, and that the Place deserved a particular Reverence where they had showed a Miracle so particular in favour of the Prince.  
Flatterers construe all things to the Prince's Honour, and cry up for Testimonials of their Virtue, those Accidents which are the effect of Chance and Hazard only. They never mind, that Flattery becomes Ridiculous, unless it be such as is pleasing to the Prince. And such was this same Adulation of the Senate, upon this occasion; for that Tiberius had a custom to appropriate Honours to himself from all Accidents, that would bear a favourable Construction. On the other side, he could not choose but be highly satisfied, to see the Senate make a Construction so different from that of the People, who laid the Fire to his Charge, and all the other Calamities that had befallen the City, as having left it a little before, in spite of the unlucky Signs and Omens that appeared upon the Augur's Consultations. The good Fortune of Princes, many times supplies the place of Merit; for Men have always a high Opinion of their Worth, so long as they are happy. Let the Accidents that happen, be ne'er so merely Casual, they are taken for assured Omens of their Grandeur, and are of great importance to improve that Veneration which Men pretend to be their due.   

ESSAY XXXVIII.  
NEither was it the Care of the Senate, to prevent loss of Honour upon the Frontiers of the Empire. An inward Consternation had possessed their Spirits, for which the only remedy they could provide was Flattery. So that altho' they had several Affairs of higher Importance that required their Debates, they decreed an Altar to Clemency, another to Friendship, and Statues to Caesar and Sejanus round about.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senate troubled and amused with inward fears, neglected the Frontiers of the Empire; and to shelter themselves under some signal piece of Flattery, never minding those more Important Affairs which they had under their Consideration, decreed Altars to Clemency and Friendship, and Statues to the Emperor and Sejanus.  
Under evil Princes the Grandees take little Care of the Public Misfortunes, as being solely employed to secure themselves. The more in fear Men are, the more they abandon themselves to Flattery. Especially those Persons that live at Court, or else have high Employments to lose; in regard their Advancement, exposes them to greater Dangers than others. And then again, when a Prince dissembles the bad Condition of his Affairs, than it is that he is Flattered most of all; every one affecting to show his absolute reliance upon the Fortune and the Prudence of his Prince.   

ESSAY. XXXIX.  
BUT as for Junius Gallio, who had decreed that the Praetorian Soldiers having served out their full time, might have the Privilege to place themselves in the Amphitheatre upon the first Fourteen Benches among the Knights, he chid him severely. Such was the Reward that Gallio had for his premeditated piece of Adulation, to be Expelled the Senate.  
Junius Gallio, says D'Ablancourt, was severely handled, for having proposed, that the Soldiers of the Guard, might sit upon the Fourteen first Rows of Benches in the Theatre, after they had served their time in the Wars.— And Gallio, for the Reward of his premeditated Flattery, was Ejected out of the Senate.  
He that Flatters, aught to understand the nice Temper of the Person to whom he makes his Addresses; for otherwise he loses his Aim, while contrary to his Expectation, his Flattery becomes offensive. Gallio thought he had highly obliged Tiberius, in decreeing a new Honour to the Soldiers of the Praetorian Guards. But Tiberius was offended, that he should take upon him to meddle with rewarding the Soldiers. What has Gallio to do, said he, in his Answer to the Senate, with the Privileges of the Praetorian Soldiers? who being under the Command of none, but only the Emperor, ought not to have their dependence but upon him alone? Does he believe he has found out an Expedient which Augustus never dreamt of? Rather may it not be thought that this same Creature of Sejanus, sought to bring an Innovation into Military Discipline, on purpose to prepare the Soldiers for Rebellion? These Expressions of Tiberius demonstrate, that he had reason to be offended with a Proposal, which perhaps a Prince less Politic than he, would have taken for an Honour. For had the Soldiers of the Guards obtained this Privilege to sit equal with the Roman Knights, they had been beholding for their Honour only to the Senate. To which we may add, that such an Honour would have rather served to swell their Pride, then increase their Affections to their Prince.   

ESSAY XL.  
LVcius Piso, chief Pontiff, died in his Bed about this time; (which was rare for a Man so eminent in Dignity) a Person who willingly never uttered an expression that savoured of Servility; or if necessity constrained him, tempered his words with Prudence and Sobriety.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Pontiff, Lucius Piso, died a Natural Death, which was a rare thing at that time, considering his high Reputation. A Person that never propounded any Advice that misbecame the Dignity of his Employment; and when he was constrained to approve the Flatteries of others, would be always sure to moderate their high flown Excesses.  
A Man may both preserve his Life, and his Dignity, yet neither be a Slave nor a Flatterer, as is apparent from the Example of Piso, who lived Fourscore Years, and yet neither lost his Employment, nor suffered in his Reputation either under Augustus, or Tiberius, by whom he was always highly esteemed. But who expects the same good Fortune, must take the same Course. Tacitus says, that he never miscarried in any servile piece of Flattery: But he adds, that sometimes he surrendered to the Flatteries of others upon some occasions. To teach Great Men to comply with the Experiencies of Seasons and Business. Generosity is a Virtue that becomes 'em, however they must be careful, lest it degenerate into Obstinacy and Rashness: For as Pliny says, Necessity is a part of Reason. Had Piso always opposed his Colleagues, he had never been in a condition by the preservation of his Authority, to have allayed their Heats; because they would have concerted together, to thwart his Counsels: Whereas they many times gave way to him, as he sometimes submitted to them.   

ESSAY XLI.  
FRom whence Vitellius returning to Rome, partly for fear of Caius Cesar, and partly through his intimate Familiarity with Claudius, he abandoned himself to such a degree of Abject Slavery, that he became an Exemplar to Posterity of Obsequious Infamy.  
Says D'Ablancourt, At his Return debauched by his dread of Caius, and the Favours of Claudius, he only served to Posterity an example of Ignominious Servitude.  
Fear and Favour are commonly the Original Sources of Flattery. He that stands in fear of his Life, Flatters to preserve it; and he that is warm in the Favour of his Prince, betakes himself to Adulation, that he may not lose it. And thus, were it not for Self-interest, there would be no Flattery.   

ESSAY XLII.  
THey that dwelled by the River, brought news that Euphrates, in a season free from Rain, or any immoderate Showers, was swelled to an unusual and prodigious height; and carried a Foam that curled upon the Water in white Circles like so many Diadems; from whence they gathered a prosperous Omen, to encourage his crossing the Stream with his Army.  
They brought News, says D'Ablancourt, that the River Euphrates was swelled, and yet no Showers had fallen, and seemed to curl its Waters in the shape of a Diadem. Some took this for a happy Omen, etc.  
Flattery interprets all things to the Advantage of Princes, and particularly at the beginning of their Reigns. For than it is, that she feeds their Humours with vain hopes; and that all People who make their approaches to the New Sovereign, are equally contending to excel each other in quaintness of Addresses. Nor is it enough for Princes to be deluded by their Flatterers, Astrology, the ancient Companion of Falsehood, intrudes for a share, and then chief succeeds in her Designs, when she meets with an easiness in the Prince, to believe the greatest Uucertainties in the World. There is not any Prince, to whom, at his first coming to the Crown, she does not pretend, but that he shall be more happy than Augustus, and that he shall Live till he is grown weary of his Grandeur. But the most numerous part of Princes are deceived by these vain Calculations, and reap no other Fruit of their Credulity, than the Misfortunes of their unwary Confidence.   

ESSAY XLIII.  
AND labours by Obloquy to be informed of the Truth, to which Adulation is an Enemy.  
D'Ablancourt has omitted this Expression.  
This is a Maxim, of which if Princess and great Men were fully convinced, they would never be so ready to hearken to their Flatterers, or at least to credit their Flatteries, who make it their only business to disguise and conceal from their Knowledge, the real certainty of Things that most concern ' 'em.   

ESSAY XLIV.  
BUT the Seleusences were they, who out did the rest in Flattery.— They loaded Tiridates not only with the Honours of their Ancient Kings, but with all the profuse and acquaint Additions of later Ages.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Seleucia surpassed all the other Cities in Magnificence.— Tiridates was received with Honours of all sorts. He leaves out, That Seleucia added modern Adulation to their Ancient Honours; wherein consists the stress of the Sentence.  
The latest Flattery is always the most Ingenious: And this same charming Novelty it is, by which she gains and encroaches upon the Favour and Affection of Princes, that nauseate vulgar Honours worn threadbare by Custom. Seleucia, tho' she were then a free Republic, would needs be so Obsequious, as to surpass in Servitude all the other Cities through which Tiridates had Marched. Such is the eager desire that Subjects have to Gratify a new Prince, not so much out of any love to his Person, as the Novelty of the Government.   

ESSAY XLV.  
BUT upon Artabanus they poured forth all their Scorn and Contempt, of the Race of the Arsacidaes by the Mother's side, and otherwise Degenerate and Mean.  
Says D'Ablancourt, They publicly debased the glory of his Enemy. For they upbraided Artabanus, that he had nothing in him of the Blood of the Arsacidaes, tho' he were descended from 'em by his Mother's side. It is a Cotnradiction to say, That he had nothing in him of the Royal Blood of the Arsacidaes, and yet allow his Mother to be a Branch of the same Family; and therefore, what Tacitus affirms, should D'Ablancourt have also said, that he was of the Ancient Family of the Arsacidaes by his Mother's side, however he came to Degenerate in other things.  
They despised Artabanus, to heap the greater Honour upon Tiridates, who was bred up from his Infancy in all the Effeminacy and Softness of Roman Education. Whereas Artabanus setting aside his Cruelty, was a Heroic Prince, who had put a happy and successful end to several Wars with his Neighbours. A proof sufficient of the Impertinency of Flattery, that lessens and eclipses the Glory of so great and famous a Name, to advance the honour of weak and slothful Effeminacy.   

ESSAY. XLVI.  
THen Vitellius, with Tears in his Eyes, alleging the antiquity of the Friendship contracted between 'em, repeating in the next place the good Services which Asiaticus had done the Commonweal, and his late Expedition against Britain, or whatever else seemed proper to raise Compassion, besought his Judges that he might have leave to choose his Death; and he was seconded by Claudius, who moved for the same Clemency.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Vitellius in few words related the first beginning of their Friendship, and running over cursorily all the past Services which Asiaticus had done the Public, and particularly mentioning his last Enterprise against Britain, he proposed to permit him to make choice of his own Death; to which the Emperor consented, as a particular favour done him. Which latter words pass by the Irony of Tacitus, who tells ye, that Claudius interceded for the same Clemency.  
I have already observed, that all Flatterers are naturally Cruel; nor need we a clearer Example, than this of Vitellius, to prove this Assertion. Messalina, the Emperor Claudius' Wife, caused Asiaticus to be accused of several Crimes against the State, thirsting after his Life, and his delicious Gardens. Claudius' consulted Vitellius, Messalina's confident, and it may be, one of her Adulterers also: Vitellius therefore, that he might not lose her Favour, betrays his old Friend, and throws away his Life, under a pretended Mitigation of his Punishment. And thus you see the Trust of Courtier's Friendship. Their Love and Friendship without Hesitation ply to Interest. They readily bestow their Praises, and undermine your Life at the same time: They utter Clemency with their Lips, but Cruelty is in their Hearts.   

ESSAY XLVII.  
VItellius voted a Remuneration of Five and twenty thousand Crowns to be given Sosibius, for instructing Britanicus with his Precepts, and the Emperor with his Counsel.  
Sosibius, says D'Ablancourt, had a reward of Five and twenty thousand Crowns, by the Advice of Vitellius, under pretence of the good Services which he did the Emperor and his Son, by assisting the one with his Precepts, and the other with his Counsels.  
Sosibius, Tutor to Britanicus the Son of Claudius, was made use of as an Evidence against Asiaticus; and for this piece of of Service it was, that Vitellius would needs vote him a Reward so considerable, under the fair and specious pretence of Merit and Desert. And thus it is, that Flattery adorns and beautifies deformed Villainy, with honourable and graceful Titles. Vitellius calls that Counsel, to which Men of Virtue and Integrity, would have given the Appellation of Tyranny. Sosibius had told the Emperor, that the excessive Riches of private Persons many times proved fatal to Princes, on purpose to provoke him to a suspicion of Asiaticus' Wealth, and a seizure of his Estate; which being once designed by Messalina, the officious Pedagogue was no less diligent to appear as a Witness against the Innocent Gentleman, whose Crimes were ready multiplied to take away his Life. Certainly, if the Instruction which he gave Britanicus, were answerable to the Maxims which he instilled into the Father, he was a dangerous Tutor for a young Prince.   

ESSAY. XLVIII.  
BUT Claudius reproved the Consul, as urging his Flatteries a little too high.  
Says D'Ablancourt, A little too concise, The Emperor reproved the Consul for his Flattery.  
Princes have as great an Antipathy against those that Flatter too openly and excessively, as against those that are too sparing of their Respect: For the former seem to have a mean opinion of their Parts, and the latter of their Actions. Of their Parts, as if they thought their Prince not able to discern the Vanity of such Hyperboles. Of their Actions, because a Prince may well believe, that they who vouchsafe 'em a kind Commendation, either can find out nothing worth their Applause, or else discover much that deserves Reproof and Censure. Witness that Senator Thrasea, whose silence was laid to his Charge by his Accusers, as a sufficient mark of his dislike of the Prince's Government.   

ESSAY XLIX.  
THerefore Vitellius covering his Servile Fallacies with the name of Censor, and foreseeing a new Torrent of Usurpation ready to supplant the true Successor, that he might purchase the good opinion of Agrippina, began betimes to intrigue himself in her Designs.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Vitellius to gain the good will of Agrippina, who, as he saw was mounting into Favour. But he leaves out the words (Ingruentium Dominationum provisor) by which Tacitus intended to show that Vitellius foresaw that Agrippina would labour to set up Nero to the Exclusion of Britannicus.  
This same Conduct of Vitellius, is a perfect demonstration of that which Flatterers put in practice every day. Before he had devoted all his Grandeur and Reputation at Court to serve Massaline; when she was dead, he employed all his Interest to second Agrippina, who was forming a Design, to supplant Britannicus the young Prince, and lawful Heir to the Empire, merely for the Advancement of her own Son. And thus are Flatterers no less Ungrateful than Cruel, as having no other aim then their own Interest. For Acknowledgement can only proceed from Love, and consequently is never to be expected from the Breasts of Flatterers, who are incapable of real Affection.   

ESSAY. L.  
NOR would they venture yet to Solemnise the Nuptials; there being no Precedent to be found of an Uncle, that ever espoused his Niece.— Nor did this Hesitation cease, till Vitellius by his wont Artifices undertaken to remove the Obstacle:  
Says D'Ablancourt, They durst not openly Celebrate the Marriage; for that there never had been any such thing seen before in Rome. But at length Vitellius to remove those Difficulties, etc. where he again suppresses those Emphatical words, (Nec ante Omissa cunctatio.)  
Claudius was afraid lest his Marriage with Agrippina should be looked opon as Incestuous; and consequently draw from Heaven some dire Calamity upon the Empire. Vitellius therefore to gratify this Princess, who resolved to Reign, at the expense of Honour, Virtue, Modesty, and Prostitution itself, declared in a full Senate, That the welfare of the Empire depended upon this Marriage; that it was a visible effect of the Providence of the Gods, that Agrippina, who was of the Imperial Blood, and had given sufficient Testimonies of Foecundity, and of all the noble Qualities required in an Empress, should happen to be a Widow, at the same time, that the Emperor was in a condition to Espouse her: That in truth, it was a Novelty at Rome, for a Man to Marry his Brother's Daughter; yet that there was no Law which forbidden it, and that all other Nations authorzed the Act by public Precedents: That as Marriages between Cousin Germans, heretofore but rarely known, were now by allowance of Time, become the frequent Mode, succeeding ages would permit the same liberty also in this Case; and therefore that was their duty to accommodate their Debates, to the present necessity of Affairs. Thus that which Claudius thought to be a Crime, (and was so indeed among the Romans) was by Vitellius burnished over with the specious Titles, not only of the Welfare of the Empire, but the Will of the Gods. And thus we see how Flatterers misled unsteady Princes, and embolden 'em to do those things, which of themselves they dread. For Tacitus makes this Marriage so great a Crime, that he affirms it to be the Source and Original of all Agrippina's Impieties.   

ESSAY LI.  
NOR were there any wanting who crowded out of the Senate, crying out, they would make use of Force, if Caesar delayed. And a promiscuous Multitude being got together, clamoured aloud, that it was the Voice of the Roman People. Then Claudius without farther Hesitation entered the Senate, and demanded a Decree, declaring all Marriages for the future Legitimate, between Uncles and Nieces.  
Says D'Ablancourt, There were some so Insolent, as to rise from their Seats, and rush out of the Senate, as it were to constrain the Emperor if he made any Difficulties; and the Multitude cried out in the Streets, that it was the Will of the Roman People. Then Claudius without any farther delay entering the Senate, demanded a Decree to Legitimate this Marriage, and that it might be lawful for the future, for the Uncle to Marry the Niece.  
Princes are misguided by their Flatterers, and the People are led astray by the Examples of their Princes. How pleasing and how acceptable is that sort of Adulation, which Imposes upon Princes a necessity to do the Thing, which they desire themselves with far more earnestness, than they with all their Zeal make show of, who put the Force upon ' 'em. They reap all the Pleasure, and their Subjects all the Infamy.   

ESSAY LII.  
AND yet there was not found but one, who attempted such a Marriage, Talledius Severus, a Roman Knight; to which, as it was reputed, he was merely instigated, to serve his Mistress Agrippina.  
However, says D'Ablancourt, there was but one single Person who followed the Example; which by report he always did, to pleasure Agrippina.  
A certain Proof, that Subjects think quite otherwise then they speak. When they find that the Prince's desires are eagerly bend for speedy Satisfaction, they show themselves more eager still to gratify his Impatience: Yet afterward they show their Dislike, in forbearing to follow the Example; which is the most certain Symptom which the People can give of their ill Resentment of the Act. Claudius had caused his Marriage to be decreed Legitimate by the Senate, believing the Romans would follow his Example, and authorise those Marriages by Custom. However notwithstanding the Decree, which was a sufficient shelter from Punishment or Infamy; yet there was but one single Person who followed his Precedent. Nor did he neither marry his Wife out of any true persuasion that his Marriage was Just and Lawful, but out of a desire to please the Empress, and to raise his Fortune by an Act, of which there was no Body cared to share the Reward.   

ESSAY LIII.  
HOwever thanks was returned the Prince, intermixed with more exquisite Adulations of Tiberius; and a Law enacted, that the Name of Nero should be Transferred into the Claudian Family.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senate returned thanks to the Emperor, wherein they cunningly interwove the Praises of Nero, who was obliged to quit the name of Domitius for that of Nero, in favour of his Adoption.  
Here Claudius had the Thanks of the Senate for a great piece of Injustice which he had done Britannicus, his own Son, as if he had performed some noble Exploit, And Nero, according to the custom of Flattery, which always addresses her Adorations to the Rising Sun, was applauded, as if he had been worthy of the Empire, whereas all his Pretensions had no other Foundation than an Incestuous Marriage, and a pernicious Adoption made by a weak and misguided Prince. But whether Princes do well or ill, they are always applauded, and have always Thanks returned 'em for what they do, and never more than when they least deserve either the one or the other. And this is an easy and certain Rule, by which to know a Sycophant.   

ESSAY LIV.  
TO which it was added by Scipio Cornelius, that Thanks should be publicly given to Pallas, for that he being Sprung from the Kings of Arcadia, prefer the Public Benefit before his Ancient Nobility, and condescended to be still a Servant to the Emperor.  
Scipio added, Says D'Ablancourt, that Thanks should be given to Pallas, for that being descended from the Arcadian Kings, he preferred the Interest of the Empire when his Grandeur was so Sublime, and chose rather to be counted one of the Emperor's Ministers.  
Thus we find what comes to pass, when the Ministers are more Powerful than the Prince; or at least, when the Prince suffers himself to be Governed by his Ministers, as Claudius did. Flatterers who adore the Favour only, will not allow the Prince to honour the Minister, but will have the Minister to be an honour to the Prince. Pallas was no more than one of Claudius' Bondmen, by him made Free, and for this a Noble Senator has the confidence to applaud him in a full Senate, for contenting himself with the Quality of a Chief Minister. As if he would have said, that he deserved to supply his Master's Throne, who indeed according to the younger Pliny's Expression, was no more than a Slave to his Bondmen.   

ESSAY LV.  
AND a Decree of the Senate was Engraved in Marble, and publicly Erected, wherein an Enfranchised Slave, in possession of above seven Millions in Gold, was extolled for his Frugality, equal to the Parsimony of Ancient Times.  
Says D'Ablancourt, They made a Decree by which an Enfranchised Slave, that was worth above seven Millions in Gold, had the praises of Ancient Frugality.  
The Consul, Barea Soranus, having decreed to Pallas, the Praetor's Ornaments, and a Present of a Million of Money, in recompense of his Services, Claudius declared, That Pallas was satisfied with the Honour, and was unwilling to renounce his primitive Poverty. An Expression befitting the poorness of Claudius' Spirit, who 'tis very probable could not be Ignorant, that his Bondman was at that time Richer, than all the Kings of Arcady, his pretended Ancestors.  
The younger Pliny makes mention of this Decree in two of his Letters, in such Terms as will serve in this place, for a most excellent Commentary. There is, saith he, upon the Highway to Tivoly, a Monument of Pallas, with this Inscription: The Senate has decreed to Pallas the Ornaments of the Praetorship, and the Gift of a Million, for his Fidelity and Zeal toward his Masters, but he is contented with the Honour.  
But certainly I was never an Admirer of those things that proceed rather from Fortune then Judgement. More especially this Inscription taught me a new Lesson, what a strange Impertinency those Men were guilty of, who decreed Honour to d Scoundrel; and what an unusual Impudence possessed that Rascally Fellow to accept the one, and refuse the other; and to transfer these refusals to Posterity, for an Example of Modesty. But to what purpose do I seem to be offended at it? Were it not more proper for me to make it the subject of my Derision, to the end they may not think to have gained any great Matter, who by their good Fortune, do but serve to be the Sport and Contempt of other Men?  
In another Letter, after he has told ye, that as Lofty as this Inscription seems to be, yet it appeared both Modest and Humble, in respect of the Decree which he found among the Registers of the Senate, he adds the following words. I omit to tell ye, that the Praetorian Ornaments were offered to a Slave, because they were Slaves themselves that offered 'em: And that it was Decreed, not only to beseech him, but also to force him to wear the Rings of Gold. For it was a Dishonour to the Majesty of the Senate, for a Praetorian to wear Rings of Steel. But this is nothing; that which is most worthy Observation, is this, That the Senate returned Thanks to the Emperor, in the name of Pallas, for having spoken so advantageously in his behalf, and given leave to the Senate, to give him those Testimonials of their Respects and good Will toward him. For what could be more Honourable to the Senate, then to show their Gratitude to Pallas? The Senate knowing how averse Pallas was from such Ambitious desires, ordain that an Address should be made to the Emperor, to beseech him that he would oblige Pallas to accept the Senate's Kindness. There could not be a more Servile Condescension than this, that the Public Authority was made use of, and the Intercession of the Emperor implored, to mollify the haughty Moderation of Pallas so far, as to bring him to vouchsafe the acceptance of the Senate's Present.— Now do but imagine you saw Pallas opposing the Decree of the Senate, and moving in Mitigation of the Honours which they offered him; refusing a Million, which was given him as a Present, tho' an excessive Gift, after he had accepted the Ornaments of the Praetorship, as a thing of mean Value; suppose you saw the Emperor, who submits to th● Entreaties, or rather Commands of a Bond▪ man Enfranchised, in the presence of the Senate. Then take a view of the Senate, who recite in their Decree, that among other Honours decreed to Pallas, they thought it material to add this Donative, in recompense of the Services he had done the Empire, and that they did not desist from their Importunities to Pallas, that he would be pleased to accept their Donative, but only in Obedience to the Emperor, whose Will and Pleasure it was not lawful for them to gainsay in any respect. The conclusion will be, that it required no less than all the Modesty of Pallas, and all the Complaisance of the Senate, to excuse Pallas from accepting a whole Million of the Public Treasure. To which the Senate would never have consented, but that they thought it contrary to their Duty to disobey the Emperor. Now do you believe that this is all? No, there is something worse behind. It was Ordained that this Decree should be Engraved in Brass, and set up next the Armed Statue of Julius Caesar. 'Twas not enough for the Senate to be the Testimony of so great a piece of Infamy, they made choice of a most remarkable Place, where it was to be read by the Living▪ and transmitted to Posterity. It was their care, that all the Honours offered to an Insolent Slave, should be Engraved in Brass; what he had refused, and what he had accepted. His Praetorian Ornaments were Inscribed upon Public and Eternal Monuments, like the Ancient Leagues, and Alliances, nay like the Sacred Laws of the Empire. Such of the Prince, such of the Senate, such of Pallas himself, was that I know not what to call it. While all Three exposed to the view of all the World; Pallas his Insolence, the Emperor his Patience, and the Senate their Obsequious Servility.  
Certainly the Roman Flattery far outdid the Adulation of the Greeks.   

ESSAY LVI.  
WHile he discoursed the Antiquity of his Extraction, and numbered up the Consulships and Triumphs of his Ancestors; while he Commemorated his Inclinations to Learning, and the Liberal Arts, and insisted upon the Prosperity of his Reign, in all which time the Commonweal had suffered no Disaster, he was attentively and willingly heard by all: But when he came to applaud his Providence and his Wisdom, there was hardly any Person could refrain from Laughter.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Nero spoke his Funeral Oration, wherein he highly extolled the Antiquity of his Descent, and the Grandeur of his Ancestors, Enumerating at length their Consulships and their Triumphs. Thence he proceeded to applaud his Learning; and told the People how that the Empire had suffered no Damage during all his Reign. All which was heard attentively without the least Murmur; but when he began to talk of his Prudence and his Wisdom, they could not forbear Laughing.  
Flatterers often fall into the same Imprudent Errors; while they strive to be excessive in their Praises, they render both themselves, and those they applaud Ridiculous. Many People Flatter, but few are Masters of the Art. Witness Seneca, who as great and piercing a Wit as he was, was not sensible of the Impertinency of the Harangue which he had made for his Pupil, till he found it to be derided by all that heard it. For to extol the Wisdom and Understanding of Claudius, who was so generally known to be a Person of weak and sottish Intellectuals, was to accuse all Mankind of Stupidity.   

ESSAY. LVII.  
HE forbids any Statues of Massy Gold or Silver to be Erected, in Honour of his Person.— And when the Magistrates took their Oaths, in Confirmation of the Acts of his Predecessors, he would not suffer Antisthius, one of his Consuls, to hear the Confirmation of His; for which the Senate loaded him with Encomiums, in hopes that since his youthful Thoughts were thus inclined to Virtues of a lower Rank, he would continue greater.  
Nero, Says D'Ablancourt, would not suffer his Colleague to pay him that Honour; which was received with Acclamations more than ordinary, on purpose to excite the youthful Prince to the love of Virtue. Which last words come far short of the sense of Tacitus.  
Modesty is a powerful means to procure both Love and Esteem to a young Prince, at the beginning of his Reign. For as it is then the time that Flattery sets all her Springs at work, to make herself the Darling of his Favour, so is it likewise then that he acquires a solid Reputation, if he ward off the first Assault of Adulation. And therefore it was, that the Senate were so profuse of their Praises to Nero, to preingage him by their own, against the Flatteries of others. For there is a sort of Adulation allowable and wholesome, which infuses into Princes and great Personages a love of Virtue, wherein consists their chiefest Glory.   

ESSAY LVIII.  
AS lately too severe in Restraining his Son, now as immoderately Submissive.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Agrippina was constrained to change her Severity into Caresses, and to repent her past Severity; and that with as much Submission now, as Rigour and Arrogance before.  
Of all the sorts of Flatterers, there are none so bad as those that are forced to stoop, in hopes to regain the favour of a Prince, whom they have disobliged either by their Severity, or over saucy Freedom. For being then to repair the Faults of their Ingratitude, they spare for no submission to recover what they have lost, either by their Moroseness, or their unwary Zeal. For there is a far greater mixture of Vanity than Integrity in that same Hardiness, which many Men assume in reprimanding Princes. Who are never to be contradicted, but when we are assured, that our Arguments are such as will not offend their Ears; and that it may prove the more Successful, the Admonition must be such as may seem to relish of Commendation. Ita reprehendat ut laudet, says Pliny, Ep. 12. l. 3. Thus Gundamore, the Spanish Ambassador in England, perceiving that James I. particularly valued himself for his Scholastic Learning, very facetiously told him one day, that his Majesty spoke Latin, as it became Gundamore to speak it: Whereas Count Gundamore spoke it, as it rather became his Majesty to do; insinuating that Pedantic Learning was beneath a Prince, from whose Lips there is always expected something more Weighty and Sublime.   

ESSAY LIX.  
THereupon the Senate enacted Public Processions, and Days of Thanksgiving; Statues also, Triumphal Arches, and continual Consulships were decreed the Prince: And that the Days upon which the Victory was won, when the Tidings were brought, and the Relation of it made, should be numbered among the Solemn Festivals; with several other Additions altogether so Exorbitaut, that Caius Cassius readily consenting to the former Honours, farther declared, That if the Solemn Thanks to be repaid the Gods were to be measured according to the merit of their Benignity, the whole Year would be too small a time for Public Supplications; and therefore that the holidays and Worky-days, ought only so to be divided, as that the Worship of the Gods might not be a hindrance to secular Business.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senate ordained Public Processions, Triumphal Arches and Statues, together with a new Consulship in Honour of the Prince; and farther that the Day wherein the City was taken, when the News was brought, as likewise when the Decrees were made, should be solemnly observed as Public Anniverssaries, with several other Flatteries so excessive, that Caius Cassius who consented to all the rest, was constrained to add, That if they were to render Thanks to the Gods proportionable to their Favours, the whole Year would not suffice; only some days were to be set a part and excepted, that the Worship of the Gods might not hinder Human Commerce.  
This Article has no need of any Commentary. Only I will observe this by the way, That what Cassius spoke of Nero's Reign, might be well said of Lewis the Great, which has been a complete Calendar of nothing else but Combats, Victories, and Triumphs. So that if Paterculus observed of Caesar, That his Achievements were so great, that he who durst attempt and bring to pass such wondrous Enterprises, could hardly be other than some Deity: What would he have said of a Prince, that in a few days won those Cities, which Caesar could not take in many Months?   

ESSAY LX.  
IN this same Consternation, the Flattery of the Centurions and Tribunes first erected his drooping hopes, crowding to kiss his Hands, and congratulate his Escape from the unsuspected and horrid Contrivances of his Mother. Then the Courtiers resorted thick and threefold to the Temples; and thus the Example being set, the Neighbouring Municipal Towns of Campania testified their joy by Sacrifices, and public Addresses.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Burrhus was the first who raised his Hopes, persuading the Officers of the Guard to Compliment him upon the Danger he had escaped, and testify their Joy to see him delivered from the Ambushes of his Mother. After that, the Courtiers frequented the Temples, and Addresses came from all the Neighbouring Cities, etc.  
Flattery is a Contagion that spreads itself from Man to Man. When ever any one has led the way, all the rest are presently at strife who shall out do him. Nero had but just embrued his Hands in a most inhuman Parricide, and the People stood gazing one upon another with Fear and Astonishment. Nero himself was almost at his Wit's end. But no sooner had the Praetorian Officers kissed his Hands, and assured him of their Fidelity, but the Courtiers, a sort of People always ready to unmask, were not ashamed to kneel before the Gods; nor the Neighbouring Cities to offer Sacrifices for joy of such a perpetrated Crime, which cried aloud for Vengeance on the Detestable Murderer. Horrid Thanksgivings, more Impious than the Parricide itself. But the Senate acted higher yet, and worse: They decreed Public Intercessions for the Welfare of the Prince, and put the day of his Mother's Nativity among the Unfortunate Days; and that upon which her pretended Conspiracy was discovered, among the most Solemn Festivals of the Year. So true it is, that never greater Honours are decreed to Princes, then when they are extremely hated. For Dissimulation is more ingenious than Truth, says the younger Pliny; Servitude then Freedom; and Fear then Love.   

ESSAY LXI.  
WHile he was hesitating in the Cities of Campania, how he might return to the City, and no less anxious whether to expect either the Addresses of the Obsequious Senate, or the Favour of the People, all the most infamous of his Adherents argued against his vain fears, that Agrippina's name was become odious, and that by her Death he had inflamed the affection of the People toward him; and therefore that he should go with an undaunted Courage, and try the effects of their veneration upon the Place.  
Says D'Ablancourt, While the Emperor stayed in the Cities of Campania, uncertain whether he should return to Rome, or seek the Applauses of the Senate and the People first: (Tacitus does not say whether he should seek, but wait for, considering the Enormity of his Crime.) His Courtiers advised him to go on, and fear nothing; for that they should find the Affections of the People redoubled by the death of Agrippina, whose very memory they Execrated; and therefore that he should go Courageously to reap the fruit of his Renown and Glory.  
Tho' Princes are made believe that they have an absolute Liberty to do what ere they please, yet are they touched with an inward Remorse, when they either do or have committed any Act which is in itself unlawful. After Nero had caused his Mother to be murdered, he durst not show his Face, he wandered from City to City, thinking to dissipate those Fears and Jealousies with which the apparition of his Crime that haunted him where ere he went, continually tormented his mind. But his Flatterers, accustomed to extol the most heinous miscarriages of great Personages, soon Cured him of his Shame and his Fear; persuading him that all the People of Rome rejoiced at Agrippina's death, and thought themselves beholding to him for having rid her out of the way, tho' every Body in secret detested the Action, and had a bad opinion of Seneca, for the Letters which he wrote to the Senate, in Justification of Nero. Ill done in Seneca, tho' seasonably perhaps, who after he had been beholding to Agrippina for all his Fortune, had the grace to lay to her charge all the Mischiefs, and all the acts of Injustice, that had been committed in Claudius' Reign. He whom she had recalled from Exile, and advanced to be Tutor to her Son, where he had rammassed together above seven Millions of Gold in four Years. A fair Proof, that he knew how better to discourse of Benefits and Kindnesses then to acknowledge 'em; and that it is but too true, that how deeply soever Men are obliged to those who fall into Misfortue, they then believe the Engagement fully satisfied.   

ESSAY LXII.  
HEnce resuming his wont Pride, and victor over Public Servitude, he enters the Capital, pays his Thanks, and abandons himself to all manner of Luxury and Lasciviousness.  
Says D'Ablancourt, He ascended into the Capital, triumphing over Public Servitude, and having paid his Thanks to the Gods, gave himself over to all manner of Voluptuousness.  
Behold the Effects of Flattery. Nero, who feared to return to Rome, observing that the Senate and the People paid him greater Honours, than his Flatterers had promised; and that the City had set up Scaffolds to behold him make his Entry, as if he had led all the Barbarian Kings in Triumph, began to believe, that his Parricide was looked upon as a noble Exploit; and that by consequence, there was not any thing which he might not boldly undertake for the future. Thus when Princes once have laid aside all Fear and Bashfulness, small are the hopes of any farther good from Them. And here it was, that Burrhus and Seneca, both Men of great Prudence and Policy, were much deceived, while they thought, that their condescension to any single Ridiculous Pleasure of their Pupil, would in a short time make him weary of that Vice. For after he had spent his time one while in playing the Charioteer in an enclosed piece of Ground, where no body had liberty to enter; he would needs have Spectators afterwards, whose Applauses did but serve to encourage him in the continuance of that Exercise, which his Governors were in hopes would soon have tired him. In short, after he had been a Charioteer, and had engaged the Principal of the Nobility to ascend the Theatre, he took his place himself there also, to sing to the Harp before his Courtiers, and the Soldiers of his Guard: Well pleased with the Applauses of a company of young Roman Knights, who immediately admired his Beauty and his Voice, for Divine Perfections. Whence Tacitus concludes, that if Modesty and Bashfulness, be so difficultly preserved by Virtuous Education, how are they possibly to be preserved in a Court, where Vices contend and only emulate each other; and where men are only esteemed for being double Hearted, and they accounted Best, who are the Worst.   

ESSAY XLIII.  
NO Man carried away the Prize for Eloquence, but Caesar was pronounced the Victor.  
Says D'Ablancourt, No Man carried away the Prize of Eloquence, but they gave the Victory unanimously to the Emperor.  
Tacitus relates, That the Funeral Oration which Nero pronounced at the Obsequies of the Emperor Claudius, seemed to savour of Seneca's Style; which gave an Occasion for some to observe, that Nero was the first Emperor that ever stood in need of another man's Eloquence, for that he employed his Parts quite another way; as in Painting, Sculpture, Music, and sometimes in Poetry, to which he had a great Inclination. Therefore it could be no other than pure Flattery, which adjudged him the Prize of Eloquence; as it is the custom to ascribe to Princes all those Qualities, which add to the Lustre of Majesty.   

ESSAY. LXIV.  
THE Temple also erected to Deify Claudius, was looked upon as the Tower, as Others will have it, the Pledge of Perpetual Domination.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The People also looked upon the Temple dedicated to Claudius, as a Gage of Perpetual Servitude.  
These People, meaning the Britain's, who were not yet accustomed to Servitude, finding themselves tyrannised over by the Romans, without any hopes of being better dealt with for the future, revolted from their forced Obedience, cut their Soldiers in pieces, and in two days made themselves Masters of this Temple, which seemed to have been built for no other purpose but to let 'em understand, that their Liberty was exterminated for ever. When Princes subdue great Cities, their Flatterers are the most diligent Persons in the World to erect Magnificent Trophies in their Honour, which rather serve to exasperate the Vanquished, then to instruct the Victor what is absolutely necessary for the preservation of his Conquest. Thus the Brazen Statue of the Duke of Alva trampling under feet two other lesser Figures, representing the People and Nobility of the Low Countries, cost the King of Spain the Revolt of Antwerp, and several other fortified Cities.   

ESSAY LXV.  
NERO than not well in health, when his Flatterers told him, The Empire would be at an end, should it be his Fate to die, made answer, etc.  
Says D'Ablancourt; One day that he was ill, his Courtiers, in Flattery, told him that the Empire would expire with him.  
This piece of Flattery is a certain proof of the Impertinency of Flatterers. For, for a Man to tell such a Prince as Nero, who made it his chiefest Glory, to be an excellent Charioteer, a good Musician, and an elegant Poet, as much as to say, Eminent in every thing that was beneath a Prince, that the Welfare of the Empire depended wholly upon him, and that expiring with his Life, it was never to rise again, was either to laugh at the Emperor, or make himself ridiculous. Nevertheless we meet with Compliments every day altogether as vain and impertinent, which however are kindly accepted. So true is that Remark of Tacitus, That Assiduous Adulation corrupts and blinds the understanding of Great Personages.   

ESSAY LXVI.  
NERO inclined to the more Vicious. They assail Seneca with various Accusations. They objected his assuming to himself alone the Pre-eminence in Eloquence, and his making Verses more frequently, since Nero had addicted himself to the study of Poetry: That he openly exclaimed against the Prince's Pleasures: That he contemned his Agility in the management of Horses; and derided his Voice when he sang.  
The Prince (says D'Ablancourt) was naturally inclined to follow the worst Counsels. Thereupon it was laid to Seneca's Charge, That he ascribed to himself the Glory of being the only Eloquent Person in the City; and had made Verses more frequently, since Nero began to esteem Poetry. That he forbore not in public to find fault with his Divertisements, and to laugh at his Activities in driving Chariots; and derided his Excellency in Music.  
When once a Prince gins to lend his Ears to Flatterers, Calumny forthwith makes open War with Men of Virtue. They that accused Seneca, were certain of overruling Nero, to his Destruction: For that Burrhus and He were always averse to his Pleasures. For the Court is always full of certain People, who make it all their business to sound the Disgusts and Discontentment's of Princes, & incense 'em against them who are both the Object & the Cause of them. And thus it was, that Sejanus exasperated Tiberius against Asinius Gallus, and that Cossurianus Capito and Eprius Marcellus persuaded Nero to rid himself of Thrasea. As to what the Courtiers laid to Seneca's Charge, that he ascribed to himself the sole Glory of surpassing all others in Eloquence, that was only an Artifice, by which they rendered him so much the more odious to Nero, in regard that he, continually making use of him for the composing those Orations and Speeches which he had to make to the Senate, should thereby take notice, that Seneca made Merchandise of this Eloquence; while 'twas the general saying, that whatever he spoke or did, either Handsome and Noble, still Seneca reaped all the Honour of it, as being the first Composer. However, that Nero was past a Child, and by consequence needed no more Tutors, the Examples of his Ancestors being sufficient to instruct and advise him in the management of his Government. By the way observe, that Tacitus seems obliquely to reprove the Vanity, or rather Vainglory of Senca, in saying, That he caused Nero to pronounce several Popular Harangues, to show the good Education which he had given his Pupil, or else in Ostentation of his own Wit. So true it is, that the wisest of Men are subject to an ardent love and desire of Glory: And according to the Greek Proverb, 'Tis the last Shirt they put off.   

ESSAY LXVII.  
TIgellinus growing daily more powerful, and believing his wicked Artifices, wherein his chiefest Excellencies lay, would prove more acceptable, could he but engage the Prince to be an Accomplice with him in his Crimes, he dives into his Fears, and found that Plantius and Sylla were the objects of his Terror.  
Says D'Ablancourt; Tigellinus grew more and more in Credit every day; and to render himself yet more considerable, he resolved to plunge Nero deeper & deeper in Vice, as being the only Craft of which he was the absolute Master. Seeing therefore that the Persons whom the Prince most feared, were Sylla and Rubellius, he endeavoured to render their Exile suspected.  
Rubellius Plautus and Cornelius Sylla, were Persons suspected and dreaded by Nero- The first, because he was descended from Augustus by the Mother's side, and in the same degree next of Kin to Nero; besides that, he was vastly Rich. The second, for that having espoused Antonia the Daughter of Claudius, and Sister to Octavia, Nero's Wife, he seemed to have some Right, or at least some Pretention to the Empire. For which reason he had procured their Exilement, the one being Banished into Asia, and the other into Gallia. But Nero (as it is the custom of bad Princes to be prone to Fears and Jealousies) had still the same suspicions of these two Men, notwithstanding the distance of their Consinement: Wherefore Tigellinus, who was not ignorant of the innate Cruelty of his Master, and understanding from whence his Jealousies arose, infuses into his mind, That two Persons of such Illustrious Extraction, had the ready opportunity to revenge themselves in their Exile, where they were at hand to debauch both the Eastern and Germane Armies. That Nero might secure himself from the Contrivances of his Enemies at Rome, where his presence was sufficient to curb the growing Insolences of Mutiny and Disorder, but that it would be a difficult thing for him to put a stop to Designs well laid in distant Provinces. That the Gauls already cast their Eyes upon Sylla, as a Noble Branch of the Dictator's Family; and that the hopes of Asia were no less in the Grandchild of Drusus. That Sylla's Poverty was a sufficient incitement to push him forward in the prosecution of bold and daring Attempts, and that he only affected a counterfeit Supidity, till he met with an opportunity to show his Courage. On the other side, that Plautus was a Person of prodigious Wealth, and so far from seemiog to love Repose and Quiet, that he took a pride in imitating the Ancient Romans, and in practising the Maxims of the Stoics, a Sect that teaches Men to be arrogant, turbulent, and daring. These are the dangers that attend Great Personages: The Flatterers tell the Prince, that the excessive Wealth of a Subject, is fatal to Domination; that they are too High for the Condition of a Private Person, and overshadow the Grandeur of a Prince. And therefore it was, that the Prince of Conde made Answer to a Proposal that was made him, only to beg and have such a Government as he should himself desire, That he had Wealth and Estate sufficient, to preserve himself by his good Services and Loyalty; that if he had more, it would but render him justly suspected to the King, who could have no other reason to Ruin him, but only because he was too Great.  
If they are Poor, than they are represented to the Prince as Malcontents, who study all opportunities to meliorate their Fortunes at the Expense of the Public Tranquillity; that if they are not prevented, their Misery will hurry 'em to Despair; and their Despair to Revolt; and that therefore there is a necessity to hast'n their Destruction. If they are Persons of mean Parts or little Courage, those Feeblenesses are interpreted to be refined Policy and Dissimulation. But if they are Persons of Courage and Merit, than they are branded for Dangerous Persons, that will soon be their Sovereign's Masters, if once admitted to the Helm of State. Or if excluded, that they will meditate Revenge, unless cropped in the bud of their Resentment. Tacitus tells us, That Plautus led a retired Life, went mean and plain, and kept his Family in good order: But the more he concealed himself in privacy from the stratagems of Envy, the more his Reputation exposed him. Therefore that Philosopher was in the right, who said, That Great Men were born to afford Subjects for Tragedies.   

ESSAY. LXVIII.  
AFter he found that all his Crimes were applauded as Egregious Acts, he turns Octavia out of doors, pretending Sterility, and Marries Poppaea.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The Emperor finding that all his Crimes were consecrated by the Senate, Divorced Octavia, as being Barren, and Espouses Poppaea.  
Tacitus tells us, That when the Head of Plautus was brought to Nero, he thus discoursed to himself! What fearest thou Nero, now that Plautus and Sylla are dead? Why dost thou not forthwith Espouse Poppaea, and send Octavia home again, tho' she be truly Complaisant and Modest, but yet a burden to thee, for the sake of her Father's Memory, and the affection of the People?  
Nero durst not repudiate her while Sylla her Father-in-Law was alive, and Plautus her near Kinsman, who might have revenged her Quarrel. But so soon as these Obstacles were removed, he never scrupled to dissolve a Marriage that had advanced him to the Empire. So true it is, that bad Princes cannot endure the sight of those to whom they are too deeply obliged. Now Nero could not see Octavia, without recalling to mind those Obligations which he had received from her Father, who had preferred him before Britannicus his only Son; and therefore it was that the Memory of Claudius was offensive to his Mind. Moreover the Marriage of Nero with Poppaea, is a clear demonstration, that when once a bad Prince is rid of his Fears, he lays aside his Shame as soon.   

ESSAY LXIX.  
OCTAVIA is commanded to die— And to this, a Scorn more heinous than the Cruelty was added, that Poppaea saw her Head cut off, and brought into the City. For this, Gifts were decreed to be offered to the Temples of the Gods: Which I have on purpose delivered to Posterity, that whoever shall read the Story of those Times, whether written by ourselves, or any other Author, may understand, that so often as any Murder was commanded by the Prince, Thanks were returned to the Gods; and those things which were formerly the Signals of prosperous Success and Triumph, were now the Concomitants of Public Desolation.  
Says D'Ablancourt; He commanded Octavia to die— And for an addition of Cruelty, they cut off her Head, to glut the greedy eyes of her Rival. The Senate for this ordained, that Offerings should be made in the Temples: Which I mentioned to this end, that They who shall hereafter read this History, may understand, that as often as the Prince had perpetrated any Crime, so often Thanks were returned to the Gods; and that that which was formerly a Mark of our Triumphs, was become the Witness of our Miseries.   

ESSAY LXX.  
BUT the Child dying within fourth Months, new Flatteries repaid that Loss, while the Senate decreed the Infant the Honour of a Goddess, a Cushion of State, a Temple, and a Preistess.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The Child died four Months after, which made 'em have recourse to new Flatteries; so that they decreed her a Temple, with Divine Honours, and all things thereto belonging.  
Nero having honoured the Infant with the Title of Augusta, upon the day of her Birth, which was a thing for which there was no Precedent before, the Senate, according to the custom of Flattery, which always strives to exceed, would also needs decree her Divine Honour, that had never yet been given to any Infant. For when the Prince himself opens the way to Flattery, the Contention than runs high among the Crowd of Flatterers, who shall bear away the Prize, especially when he is under the pangs of Affliction: For that being the time, when Tenderness and Compassion softens the haughty humours of Men, it affords the most proper opportunities to conquer their Affections.   

ESSAY LXXI.  
CErealis Anicius, the Consul Elect, pronounced as his peculiar Sentence, that a Temple should be erected with all the speed imaginable, at the Public Charge, to Divine NERO. Which he decreed him, as having surmounted Human Grandeur, and deserving now the Adoration of Men. Which was afterwards numbered among inauspicious Omens of his Death; for the Honour's due to the Gods, were never attributed to the Prince, till he ceased to live among Men.  
Says D'Ablancourt; Anicius Cerealis propounded the building him a Temple at the Public Charge, and in his Proposal gave him the Title of a God, meaning thereby, that he was exalted above Human Frailty, and deserved to be adored by Men. But that was afterwards taken as an ill Omen of his Death, for that the Emperors were never honoured with that Title, till they were departed out of this World.  
Nero having escaped a Conspiracy, wherein were engaged almost all the chief Nobility of Rome, and with them, Persons of all sorts and conditions, and many Women among the rest, the Senate decreed Thanksgivings and Offerings to the Gods, and particular Honours to the Sun, who had discovered the Enterprise, just as it was ready to have been put in execution; and to Salus or Safety, out of whose Temple the Senator Sevinus had taken the Dagger, with which he was to have given the first stroke: All this was done in Honour to the Gods, and had been highly commendable, had not Nero been so wicked a Prince. But that there might be nothing wanting of addition to the Public Misfortune, (for to use the words of Tacitus, the Gods, in preserving Nero, plainly showed, that they designed their Vengeance, not their Saving Favour to the Roman People) one of the Consuls proposed the Consecrating of a Temple to NERO THE GOD, as if he meant the World should understand, that the Emperor was beholden for his Deliverance to his Deified condition, which exalted him above all Accidents of Fortune, and rendered him Immortal. Certainly this was the utmost extent of human Adulation, above which it was impossible for human Wit to soar a Higher strain. And if 'twere Fear which made the Gods, a Pagan might have been excused to Deify a Prince, who after he had murdered his Brother Britannicus, his Mother, his Wife, his Tutor, seemed only born to exterminate the Race of Human kind. But how shall we excuse those Christians, who make profession of Virtue in its purity, and particularly of Evangelic Simplicity, who abandon themselves to that degree of Flattery, as to compare a Temporal Prince to the True God, ascribing to him those Attributes which the Sacred Scripture only gives to the Majesty of Heaven. As if among so many Famous and Renowned Actions with which the Universe rings, they could not have found Matter for the most Noble Panegyric in the World, without robbing God of that which incommunicably belongs to Him, to give it to Caesar.   

ESSAY LXXII.  
HEnce the Orators took occasion to spend all their Studies upon Panegyrics and Encomiums in honour of the Prince. The Earth (cried they) produces not only her usual Fruits, and Gold confused with other Metals, but as if infertilized by Thy Rays with a new access of Plenty, teems with unaccustomed Productions, while the Gods throw down their obvious Riches to increase her Store. With several other servile Raptures, composed with no less Eloquence than Adulation, as being secure of the Credulity of their Hearers.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The Orators made choice of no other Themes for their Panegyrics, crying out, that the Earth produced not only Fruits and Flowers, or Metals within its bowels, but from her bosom discovered new Treasures, to augment the felicity of so flourishing a Reign. With many other things of the same nature, which their own servile Inclinations, and the Prince's Credulity, produced with as much Eloquence as Flattery.  
Princes are the more easily induced to flatter themselves with the enjoyment of those successes with which Adulation soothes their Fancies, as being made believe that all things must be obedient to their Fortune; and that there is no contending with their Fate. Nero therefore, who naturally coveted things the most incredible, with ease gave credit to his own Wishes; and his Courtiers were no less careful how they undeceived him, seeing how lavish and profuse he was in his Expenses, in hopes of Dido's pretended Treasures.  
Thus it is, that unwary Princes are frequently abused and gulled by their Flatterers, impoverishing their Treasures by immense Profusions, while they feed 'em with vain Expectations. For his expectance of promised Wealth, was one of the causes of public Poverty. 'Tis the course of Flatterers still to be buzzing in the Sovereign's Ears, that Princes should never mind good Husbandry; whereas they should have told 'em, they could not be well too thrifty, considering there is no end of their Expenses.  
The Favourites of Hen. 3. (says Mezeray in his Life) had instilled into his mind, that all the Estates of his Subjects were absolutely at his disposal; and that France was such an inexhaustible Fountain of Wealth, that no Prodigality whatever could draw it dry. But this ill Advice, and worse bad Husbandry (says he) caused such scarcity of Money, that many times there was not sufficient to defray the Expenses of the King's Kitchin.   

ESSAY LXXIII.  
SOme there were who admonished him to make Caesar his Heir of the greatest part of his Estate, which would be the way to preserve the rest for his grandchildren. Which he refused to do, that he might not tarnish with servile condiscension a Life that he had lead, the nearest that might be to Liberty— And (speaking of Petronius) neither would he Flatter in his Will either Caesar, or Tigellinus, or any of the Great Men then in Favour.  
Says D'Ablancorut; Some advised him to leave the best part of his Estate to the Emperor, and to save the rest; but he replied, That after he had lived so long in Honour, he would not fully the end of his Life with a servile Act— Nor would Petronius Flatter in his Will, either Nero, or Tigellinus, or any other of the Favourites, as most of those there that suffered had done.  
They who never committed any degenerate Act in their life-time, are careful to preserve their Reputation to the last gasp. Nor can there be a smarter incentive to die like a Man of Honour, then to have always been so. Therefore Cocceius Nerva, the best Friend Tiberius had, seeing that the Emperor grew more vicious every day than other, while his Health & Estate were yet in a good condition, and his Reputation unblemished, chose to die. And Thrasea, whom Tacitus calls the Pattern of true Honour, made answer to those who advised him to delay his Death, That he had nothing more to do but to die as he had lived; that is to say, untainted, unpolluted, and imitating the glorious Exit of those whom he had emulated in his life-time. For it is not enough for Great Personages to be distinguished from Others by the Magnificence of their Funerals, unless at their Deaths they likewise leave a distinct remembrance to Posterity.   

ESSAY LXXIV.  
TRuth was several ways eclipsed and interrupted; first through ignorance of Public Affairs, now managed by a few; then by the contagious lust of Adulation, or else by the general hatred of those that were in Power. So that what between those that were Disgusted, and those that were Obnoxious, there was no care taken of Posterity. But 'tis easy for thee to descry and ward off the Flatteries of a Historian; tho' Detraction and Envy are heard with willing Ears. For there is a kind of resemblance between the foul Crime of Servility and Adulation, but in Malignity, there seems to be some similitude of Liberty. We cannot deny our Preferment begun by Vespasian, augmented by Tiberius, and farther advanced by Domitian; but they that pretend to an inviolate Fidelity, must never be swayed by the Affections either of Love or Hatred.  
Truth, Says D'Ablancourt, was clouded and obscured through ignorance of Public Affairs, wherein few were concerned; and sophisticated either by Flattery or Hatred. The Historians took no care of Posterity, minding only their Revenge or their Preferment. But tho' Flattery and Obloquy both equally disguise the Truth, it is more easy for a Man to secure himself from the one which is odious to all the World, then from the other, which deceives us under the false show of Liberty. 'Tis true, I own the first rise of my Fortune to Vespasian, and the progress of my Advancement to his Children. But when a Man once goes about to write a History, he must forget Favours as well as Injuries. Wherein D'Ablancourt mistakes the words of Tacitus, who says no such thing, but only that no Historian should suffer himself to be biased, either by his Love or by his Hatred.  
Were it absolutely necessary for a Historian to understand not only the Events of things, but also the Reason and Causes which produced those Events; it would be impossible for any Man to be a good Historian, that never had any share in the mannagement of Public Affairs. For the Success and Events of things are known to all the World, but the Motives, the Interests, the Accidents, the Springs, that enlivened, moved, and managed those Affairs, and were the Causes of their prosperous accomplishments or miscarriage, are only known to the Contrivers and Artificers themselves. And for that Reason it is, that Historians of Republics have more advantage to write the Truth of things, than the Subjects of Sovereign Monarches: Where the Secret lies locked up in the Breast or Cabinet of the Prince, so that they may be well called strangers to the Government.  
The second thing which disguises and disfigures History is Flattery, which in Republics is but little practised, where Servility is incompatible with Equality: But is of absolute use in Monarchies, where it is hard to attain to Honours and Employments, or long to enjoy 'em, but by gaining the favour of the Ruling Sovereign, by the customary and usual ways of Assentation and Obsequiousness.  
The third Rock that Shipwracs' Truth, is Hatred; which takes place of Flattery, after the Decease of the Prince. So long as Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero Reigned, says Tacitus, Fear disguised and eclipsed the Truth, but so soon as they were Dead, Hatred published with aggravations, what Fears suppressed before. Whence we may infer, that the Histories of bad Princes, are never faithfully Written, neither when they are Alive, as being dreaded then; nor after their Decease, when Calumny takes her full swinge to disgrace their Memories. When Princes are hated, men are willing to believe whatever is reported of 'em, tho' never so heinous and horrid; nay, many things too, which are altogether impossible. And for this Reason it is, that Tacitus desires of those that shall read his Works, never to prefer vulgar Reports and Tales Incredible, tho' greedily swallowed, before plain and downright Truths, not yet corrupted into miracle. There are some Historians that seem to have no other design, then to abuse Posterity, transmitting to future Ages, Things not to be believed. And some Persons there are, so unjust and empty in their Judgements, that no Histories will please their Appetite, but such as are stuffed with Scandals and Absurdities. And this proneness of the one to Credulity, and of the other to Falsehood it is, which is the occasion that all Affairs of Importance are communicated to our understandings, quite otherwise then as they were really transacted. Add to this, that many times they who have been the managers of these Affairs, and encourage the Author of the Story, having sometimes acted by the sway of bad Principles, furnish the Writer with Memorials, so far from discovering the real Truth, that they rather stifle it in those politic Ambiguities, from whence it is impossible to Disinvelop it. Whence it comes to pass, that the Historians themselves being first deceived, the Reputation of their Fidelity serves only to delude others. Moreover the severity of History is such, as not to suffer that her Authors should discover the least resentment of Injuries or Favours; She would be shown to the World without Hatred or Flattery; without Fear or Hope; without refined Subtlety or Affectation; not to Criticise, but to Instruct; nor to kindle any hatred against the men themselves, but a detestation of their Vices.   

ESSAY. LXXV.  
AFelicity of the Times but rarely known, when it was lawful to think what ever thou wouldst; and what thy Thoughts were, those to utter freely.  
Says D'Ablancourt, A Subject more Ample and less Thorny, upon which a Man might fearless utter whatsoever he thought, which was no small Happiness.  
Court Flatterers observe this for a certain Maxim, Never to speak what they think, but always to speak what they never think, or at least never intent. And thence it is, that Princes being accustomed to understand 'em, those Persons that are Sincere and Real-hearted, are at a Nonplus how to please their Humours, and by consequence to make their Fortunes. Besides, 'tis no such Error in Princes, as generally the Common sort believe, not always to favour and esteem those Persons, who freely and frankly speak their own Thoughts. For besides, that freedom of Speech approaches too near forbidden Licence, it is also no less subject to heighten into Imprudent Zeal, which frequently leaves behind most mortal stings in the nice Breasts of Princes. The simplicity of the Dove at Court signifies nothing, if it be not managed by the wisdom of the Serpent.   

ESSAY LXXVI  
PRosperity and Success, with sharper Probes, explore the Minds of Men; for Miseries are endured, but we are corrupted by Felicity. Thou perhaps wilt retain thy Fidelity, thy Liberty, thy Friendship, the chiefest blessings and perfections of the Mind; but others will endeavour to vitiate thy good Nature by their Flatteries. Adulation, and glozing Sycophantries, the most pernicious poison of a virtuous Inclination, while every one seeks his own Profit and Interest, will break in upon thee. Thou and I discourse this day together with Sincerity and Cordial Integrity, others more willingly address themselves to our Fortune then to us. For to persuade a Prince to what it behoves him to do, is a task of great difficulty. But to Flatter any Prince, there's no Affection required. To be Begotten or Descend from Princes is merely Fictitious, nor is valued any farther. Nero will be also always wished for by the worst of Men; however it must be both Our Cares, that he be not wished for by the Good and Virtuous. But this is not a time to insist longer upon Admonitions. The most profitable and the shortest Method in the regulation of thy Actions, is to consider what thou wouldst require, and what not, from another Prince. For thou art now to Govern a People that will not brook an Absolute Servitude, add will be as impatient of Absolute Liberty.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Prosperity has more powerful Incentives than Adversity, for we give way to the one and resist the other. (Which words are more obscure than the Text itself.) Tho' thy Inclinations prompt thee to preserve thy Virtue, they that have access to thee, will have lost their own. (Which is quite contrary to the sense of Tacitus.) There is nothing so easy as Complaisance, and therefore all Men are ready to make use of it. But there are few Persons that advise Princes what they ought to do, because it is a Task of too great difficulty. (Here also is the sense of Tacitus again mistaken.) 'Tis by Fortune that Men are born Sovereign Princes. (Here again Tacitus expresses himself more at large.) Only, Do thou learn that the shortest way to Govern well, is to consider what is to be Approved, and what Condemned in other Princes; to avoid the one, and follow the example of the other. (Which latter words are superfluous.) Never were more Noble, nor more Universal Admonitions given to Princes, to guard them-themselves from the contagion of Flattery. Here they are warned, that Prosperity runs 'em headlong into more Impieties than Adversity for that it usually plunges 'em into all manner of Luxury, and all that Tacitus calls the Licence of Regality. Which was the Reason of that Saying of Tiberius himself, That the more Puissant he was, the more in danger he was of Falling; and that he could not have his Authority, without Diminishing the Law.  
Thus what Galba says to Piso, that the obsequious Respect which all men would pay to his Person would corrupt his Virtue, is a wholesome Admonition which he gives to all Princes, not to confide in the constancy of their own Resolutions, nor in their natural inclination to Justice, in regard that if they bow their Ears to their Flatterers, Adulation by virtue of her alluring Blandishments, will glide at length through the Ears into the Heart, and tear from thence all Shame, all Moderation, Docility, Gratitude, Clemency, and all other Virtues whatever that harbours there. Mezeray gives us a remarkable Example of this, in the Person of Henry III. His Reign, saith he in his Life, might be called the Reign of Favourites (and consequently of Flatterers) they brought to perfection their Design, and absolutely Enervated whatever he had of constant Resolution, and at length dissolved him into all Voluptuousness. And that they might possess him wholly to themselves, they persuaded him not to show himself so frequently and so publicly to his Subjects as his Predecessors had done, but to keep himself reserved and close like the Eastern Monarches; or if he did at any time appear among 'em, that it should be with all the dazzling Pomp and Magnificence imaginable, or else to let 'em know him by the Absoluteness of his Commands; but above all, to break the Neck of that Custom among the French of making Remonstrances, and to make 'em understand that there was no other Justice but his Will. (For according to the Dictates of Flattery, 'tis but a precarious Reign, and an Acquiescence in single Authority, which extends itself no farther, then only Things permitted.) With these Flatteries they raised him to a high Opinion of himself, and filled him with a Conceit, that he was the Greatest Prince in the World: That all the Politics of his very Youth, were Master pieces; and that all the Prudence of the most Cunning Artists in that Profession, was but mere Ignorance in comparison of his.  
Nor is there any Prince whatever, to whom at lest some of their Flatterers do not say as much: A sufficient demonstration that they speak not to the Person, but the Fortune of the Prince, which is the sole object of their Adorations. As for the advantage of being born a Prince, Galba tells Piso 'twas only an accident of Fortune, to let him understand, that it was not an Honour to be so highly gloried in by Princes, as being that which they received from another, and was no Honour to 'em farther, than they gave it lustre by the brightness of their own Virtue. They that told Nero he needed no other Rule whereby to govern himself then the Examples of his Ancestors, while they Flattered him with the greatness of his Birth, did but give him an obliqne hint, that having Augustus for his Great Grandfather, and Germanicus for his Grandfather, it best became him to derive his Glory from the Imitation of those two Persons: For it is not Nobility of Extraction that makes a Prince. Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, were all Illustrious by Descent, but Scandals to the Empire and the Family of the Caesars. Neither is it the vast extent of Dominion that makes an Emperor; but on the contrary 'tis rather a Burden, which only serves to display the Weakness of the Prince, and by consequence to render him Contemptible, when he is found to be incapable of Government. Witness Galba, who when he came to the Empire, through his want of Parts, lost all the Reputation which he had acquired, while he was only Governor of a Province; whom all Men would have judged most fit for the Imperial Dignity, unless he had Reigned.  
A Prince therefore is never to be accounted a Great Prince, unless the glory of his Merit be equal to those of his Fortune. Historians, says Matchiavel, gave greater Applauses to Hiero of Syracuse, while he was but as yet a private Person, then to Perseus, when he was King of Macedon; for that Hiero wanted nothing but a Kingdom to be a Prince, whereas the other had nothing in him of a King, but his Kingdom. An Argument, that Posterity considers neither Royal Birth, nor Royalty itself, as not deserving its Esteem, but how the Prince managed his Affairs, and carried himself in so high and difficult an Employment▪ And in this sense it was, that Tiberius prayed the Gods to grant him a quiet Mind to the end of his Life, and all necessary Understanding of the Law of God and Man, that after his Decease, his Name and his Actions might be Honoured with the remembrance and approbation of all his Subjects. Observe by the way, that in the same place he tells the Senate, how highly Honoured should he deem himself, if Posterity do him but that Justice to acknowledge him for a Prince worthy his Ancestors, Vigilant, Resolute in Dangers, and Zealous for the Public Welfare, fearless of Envy or Hatred. To inform those who are Born Princes, that it ought to be their chiefest Ambition to show themselves worthy of their Illustrious Extraction, in performing glorious Actions, deserving the Remembrance of all succeeding Ages. And this was that which Octavius himself confirmed, when his Mother and his Father in Law dissuading him, to acknowledge himself Heir to Julius Caesar, he rejected their Counsel, affirming, 'twould be a shame for him to think himself above a Fortune that Caesar thought him worthy of: To whose Opinion he would rather stand than theirs, who understood not his Worth. But to return to Galba.  
Nero, said he, will be always lamented and wished for by the Wicked; but it must be our Duty so to behave ourselves that good Men too, may have no reason to lament his loss; which certainly they will do, if we prove no better then Herald This is an Admonition so much the more necessary for Princes, in regard that Flatterers, by applauding their Actions whether good or bad, and by infusing a Conceit into their minds, that they surpass all their Predecessors, make 'em sometimes worse than they, whose memories are become most odious. 'Tis a burdensome thing to succeed a Virtuous Prince, says Pliny in his Panegyric, in regard it is a difficult labour to gain that Affection which he had done. Which was the Reason that the younger Pliny told Trajan, that no Body would covet to Succeed him, because no Body could presume to equal him. But it is no less dangerous to succeed a bad Prince; for instead of this happy Effect, that the virtue of a Predecessor should serve to inflame the Emulation of him that succeeds, it happens that while he fears to be despised or hated upon the neglect of his Duty, the Vices of the Predecessor seem to authorize, or at least excuse the the miscarriages of the succeeding Prince. Whence it happens that the latter, not having any recent Example of moderation to upbraid his Liberties, and check his Irregularities, he throws of his Mask, and abandons himself to all manner of Luxury and Impiety, insomuch that his Predecessor, though he had been very inordinate, is many times recalled again in wishes for a good Prince. Thus the loss of Tiberius was bewailed in the Reign of Caligula, Caligula in the Reign of Nero, and Nero in the Reign of Domitius: So true it is, that wickedness finds out new Rivals every day, especially among bad Princes, that suffer themselves to be guided by their Flatterers; that bad Examples can never stop their career, when once they have begun; but that when once they are strayed out of the high Road, they never stop till they precipitate themselves into an Abyss of all Disorders.  
Lastly, says Galba, if thou wouldst know in short, what method is most proper to gain the Esteem and Love of the People over which thou art to Rule, call to thy remembrance whatever has been applauded or condemned in the Princes that have Reigned in thy time, and then do thou of thy own accord, as formerly Maecenas advised Augustus, so manage the conduct of thy Rule, as thou wouldst expect another Prince should do, wert thou a Subject to the same Person. The Younger Pliny commends Trajan for his observance of this Precept. Long hast thou lived among us (said he) and ventured with us through the same danger, and thereby thou giv'st us an apparent demonstration, that thou art not forgetful of the Wishes and Complaints which thou weret wont to make among us, for in thy Sovereignty dost thou fulfil, whatever thou didst once desire so ardently, when a private Subject; only with this difference, that thou art more benign and clement toward us, than thou didst then desire the Prince should be moderate toward thyself. And thence, whereas before we wished for no other happiness, then to have a Prince but somewhat better than the worst of all that ever we had (speaking of Domitian) we are now, by thy means, become so nice and difficult, that we cannot endure any other than the Best of Emperors.  
And in several other parts of the same Panegyric, Thou makest the choice of thy Friends, among the most Virtuous; and truly it is but just, that they should be beloved by a good, who have been hated by a wicked Prince. Thou knowst the difference between Domination & Supreme Rule, which is the reason that they who are now most acceptable to the Prince, have the greatest Antipathy to a Tyrannical Master. Thou knowst, that there can be no Power so great conferred on any single Person, but that Liberty still is more desirable than Masterless Superiority. And yet so far art thou from triumphing over our Patience, that thy Triumphs are only o'er the pride of wicked Princes. Thou liv'st among us like a Father with his Children. 'Tis lawful to approach thy presence, to accompany, and speak to thee. Nor is it thy Pride that puts a conclusion to the Discourse, but a modest shame and fear of being too importunate. Thou Governest us, and we Obey, but yet not otherwise then we Obey the Laws. Thou hast barred up the passage to thy Ears against greedy Sycophants, who excited thy Predecessors to nothing but Rapine and Violence. And now there being no such Prince that will afford a ready Ear to pernicious Counsels, there are none that now will undertake to give it. Insomuch that being highly obliged to Thee, for the Integrity of thy Manners, we are yet more engaged to thy Virtues, for the amendment of our own, which the Servility of former Times had so horribly perverted. So powerful is the Example of a Virtuous Prince, whether out of that veneration which all Men pay him, or the desire which we have to please him in our Imitation.   

ESSAY LXXVII.  
PIso's Oration was modest and civil; nor did he want the Favour of the Father's; many out of pure good will and affection; more vehemently they that least desired it; the Middle sort, and the Moderate party were the most, all meditating private Interest, while obviously obsequious without Care of the Public.  
Says D'Ablancourt; Piso's Oration was very modest, and received with applause by the Flattery of some, and the Affection of others. They who had the least desire, testified the most, and every one suffered himself to be busied by his particular Interest, without any Care of the Republic.  
A new Prince always occasions the growth of new Interests, new Expectations, and new Sycophants. And Flattery was the more excessive toward Piso, while every one believed that Sycophantry could not choose but be acceptable to a Person who had always been the Mark of Adverse Fortune. For there is nothing so lulling to the Senses, as to be Flattered, Caressed and Honoured, after a Man has been a long time Unfortunate. And for that reason it was that Galba, putting him in mind of his former condition, Hitherto (said he) thou hast only experimented the Cruelties of Fortune; now she gins to look upon thee with a favourable Eye: However be sure to stand upon thy Guard, for it is more easy constantly to undergo Adversity, as thou hast done, then to resist Allurements of Prosperity, so ingenious in depraving our Inclinations. 'Tis not to be questioned but that thou art a Person of great Virtue, but if once thou giv'st admision to Flattery, she will soon impair thy Virtue. These and such like were Galba's Expressions (says Tacitus) to Piso, as to a Private Person, whom he was about to make an Absolute Prince, but all the rest he spoke as to a Prince already Enthroned. To let us understand that Galba spoke to the Person of the Prince, whereas Sycophants make their Addresses only to his Fortune: That the first Admonished him, as a Father and a Prince; but that others Flattered him, as the Person that already was their Lord and Master: That Subjects are only capable of Flattery, because they only seek to please; whereas the Prince who makes his Choice of a Successor, bespeaks him cordially and sincerely, and gives him no other than only the best of Counsel.   

ESSAY LUXXIII.  
THE most Favoured of his enfranchised Slaves, and other Servants, laid before him the Pomp of Nero's Court, his Luxury, his Adulteries, his Divorces, and incestuous Wedlocks, and all those other Pleasures of Imperial Reign, all which he thirst'd after, and which if he had the Courage, were his own; but if he trifled away his Opportunity, would be another's.  
His principal Domestics, (says D'Ablancourt) ceased not to lay before him the Luxury and Licence of Princes, and to upbraid him secretly, for abandoning to another, that which was in his power to seize as his own.  
Thus we see the gay Allurements that Sycophants make use of to provoke the Appetites of Princes, and incense 'em to Luxury. This is that which they call, Releasing Kings from the Subjection of Wardship; but indeed (says Mezeray) Is the putting them beside their Senses and their Reason. Otho had spent his Youth in Debauchery, and had insinuated himself into Nero's Favour and Confidence, by the imitation of his Voluptuousness and Vices. Piso, on the other side, had always lived a sober Life, and without Scandal, but the severity of his Manners, which pleased Galba, displeased the old Court, which Nero had accustomed to honour a Voluptuous Prince, no less then formerly they were wont to reverence a Prudent and Moderate Sovereign. Therefore it was that Otho, who was of the same temper with Nero, and as such a one, desired by all the Courtiers, was so highly encouraged by his Domestics, and his Friends, to take Possession of the Empire. For the loser and more extravagant sort of Courtiers are afraid of nothing more than a Virtuous and Vigilant Prince, because their Interest is incompatible with his Duty. The young King (says Mezeray, speaking of Charles VIII.) was naturally inclined to the study of Virtue, addicting himself, as much as his leisure would permit him, to the reading of good Authors, and to converse with learned Men. But the Sycophant, to whose humour, a serious and prudent Prince is a burdensome Master, before the Year was out, plunged him again into the love of Toys and Women.  
I find moreover two or three things more to be observed upon the Choice which Galba made of Piso to succeed him, rather than Otho, who being the first who had declared himself for Galba, was in hopes to have been adopted for his Son. The first is, that Galba rather chose to expose himself to Otho's Resentment, to whom he was so highly obliged, then to advance to the Empire a Person, who was guilty of all Nero's Vices; considering, that would be of little benefit to the Publick-weal to have escaped Nero's Violences, should it relapse under the power of his Companion in Debauchery. The second thing is, that Virtuous Princes make it their chiefest Glory to choose a good Successor; whereas a bad Prince en deavours to find a worse than himself, to the end he may be missed, when gone. Augustus (said Galba to Piso) made Choice of a Successor out of his own Family, but I choose mine out of the Commonwealth: Not that I am destitute either of Kindred or Friends, but because of all my own and thine, thou seem'st to me most worthy to be the Heir of my Fortune. My Age permits me not to do the Roman People any other kindness, but only to leave them a Virtuous Successor. But thou who art in the flower of thy Youth, hast it within thy power to bless 'em with a Virtuous Prince and long Tranquillity. The Younger Pliny tells us, that Nerva was beloved and lamented by all good Men, for that he had made such Provision, that no body should have cause to miss him, and being a most worthy Prince himself, he was not afraid to make Choice of one that might exceed him. And in another Place he says, That a good Successor is a most evident Mark of the Divinity of the Prince that makes the Election.  
The last thing is, the difference between the Advice which Princes give to their Successors, and that which Sycophants give to Princes. When a Prince admonishes another, 'tis his usual custom to tell him, that Sovereignty is a weighty Burden, and a Condition above all others most subject to the Capriccio's of Fortune: That the Higher a man is exalted, the more in danger he stands of the Precipice: That Power is never truly secure, when excessive, and rarely longer permanent than the Life of him that exercises it: That there is nothing in the World so unstable, or so difficult to preserve, as the Fame of Power that rests not on its proper foundation, of Justice and Reason: That it is impossible for a Prince to know or act all things himself, and therefore had need of good Counsel and Assistance: That his Ministers and He, transacting unanimously together, the Public Affairs will be better managed: That he ought not to study Dominion over Slaves, but equal Government over Children and Subjects accustomed to rational and not to blind Obedience: That Loyal Subjects never grudge to pay Taxes or Impositions, but ill brook the Violence, the Cruelty and Avarice of the Officers: That a Government cannot long subsist between unjust Command and forced Obedience. I do not Interest myself, said Tiberius, in in the Choice of Edils, Praetors or Consuls; something greater and more sublime is expected from a Prince; nor do I make use of Power, where I can act by Law. Then he goes on, that Liberality, when excessive, proves pernicious, as forcing to repair by Injustice, what Extravagancy has dissipated; That Clemency advances the Reputation of Princes; and that having all things at their Command, there remains nothing for them to desire more, then only to Eternize their Happy Memories. These are the Temples, those the Noble Statues, said Tiberius, that I desire to be erected in your minds; for as for those that are built of Stone, should I deserve the hatred of succeeding Ages, they would be scorned, and soon defaced.  
On the other side, Sycophants infuse into the ears of Princes, that they have not only an Absolute Power, but a Universal Understanding, and that their Subjects can pretend to nothing but only the Honour of a blind Obedience: That the Will and Pleasure of a Prince, is the Rule of Justice, and by consequence, that all the Actions of Kings are Infallibly Just: That a Prince who Governs according to Laws, is only a Precarious Prince; and that he who listens to the Advice of his Counsel, is a Pupil: That all ways and means whatever which conduce to the preservation of Authority, are honest and lawful, provided they be successful: That the Impov'rishing of the People, and keeping the Nobility Low, are the main Pillars of Imperial Power. That Privileges, Exemptions and Moderate Taxes serve only to render the People untractable and mutinous; whereas they are supple, submiss and yielding, when they have nothing to lose: That Luxury, Adulteries, Revelling and choice of Women, are the Rewards of Principality: That it is of little importance to be beloved, but of great moment to be feared; for that Fear is supported by the dread of Punishment, which never ceases; but that Love is preserved only by a certain tie of Complaisance, which Men as often break, as fancy and humour inspire 'em: That Clemency is a dangerous Virtue, and Modesty fitting only for a Citizen's Wife. And lastly, That Princes never need take any care what Posterity says of 'em, as being no competent Judge of the Truth or Falsehood of those that applaud or discommend, since 'tis the Fate of Historians, to be always suspected either of Flattery or Malice.   

ESSAY LXXIX.  
THen from all Parts of the City, as Othonians met Othonians, some augmented the general Fears, others minced the Truth, not then refraining from their wont Adulation.  
Says D'Ablancourt; People crowded together from all Parts of the City, some augmenting the danger, others lessening it as much, not forgetting their usual Flattery even in that extremity.  
Otho was Proclaimed Emperor, and Galba now no longer in Possession of the Sovereignty; nevertheless there were some People that Flattered the Unfortunate Prince, as if after he had lost the Empire, he had something of higher Advantage to lose. An evident proof, that Sycophants never can find in their hearts to speak sincerely to Princes; and that Princes are Flattered, because 'tis the Mode, without the least anxiety for their good or ill success. Sycophants never tell 'em any thing but what is grateful, tho' it be ne'er so prejudicial. They who soothed up Galba at such a Conjuncture, when the preservation of the Imperial Dignity, and his Life lay at stake, were so much the more to blame, in regard they knew that Galba was always desirous that the Truth should be told him, as one that detested Flattery; and that his Safety then depended upon true Intelligence of the imminent danger. But in short, it is the Fate of Princes to be deluded, even to the last minute of their Lives. Mezeray tells us, That after the French had lost the Castle of St. Angelo, between Milan and Milan the most prudent Captains (and particularly Lewis de la Tremoville) were of opinion, that Francis the First should raise his Siege, laying before him, That his Army was wasted a third part more than he was made believe it was; that five thousand Grisons had deserted him, under pretence of going to defend their own Country against the Milanese, who perhaps with their connivance, had taken Clavenna from them; and that the Enemy's Army, for want of Pay, would certainly Disband within fifteen days at farthest. But those Reasons were not of force sufficient to alter his Resolutions. The Sycophantries of his Favourites, overruled the Counsels of his Experienced Captains. And that was the reason that his Enemies, not able any longer to keep their Forces in a Body resolved to give the King Battle; who was there taken Prisoner, together with the Chief Nobility of the Kingdom. So that it was held for Prophetical, what a Jester told the King, when he had concluded upon the War of Italy: Sir (said he) your Counsellors seem to me, to be a company of Fools. They say very true, that your Majesty shall enter Italy; but they do not tell you how you shall get out again.   

ESSAY LXXX.  
I Shall not boast of my Nobility or Moderation (said Piso to the Pretorians,) nor is there any necessity for me to dispute my Virtues in competition with Otho. His Vices, in which he only glories, ruined the Empire, even then, when he acted Nero's Friend.  
Says D'Ablancourt; There was no need for him to urge his Virtues there, nor those of his Ancestors, in comparison with Otho's vices, which had ruined the Empire, when he was no more than a private Person. But this does not express the sense of Tacitus (Cum amicum Imperatinis Agecet) by which he plainly gives us to understand, that Otho was Nero's Confident, and the Pander to his Pleasures, and consequently the cause of the Disorders of his Reign.  
To be a good Prince, 'tis not sufficient for him to be only better than one that has been very vicious. Otho had lived a life so licentious, while he was one of Nero's Courtiers, that Piso, whose Manners were without reproach, would have thought himself dishonoured to have made a Parallel between his Deserts, and Otho's Vices. On the other side, Sycophants observe this method, that when a Prince is guilty of those Miscarriages which are abhorred by all the World, they still amuse 'em with stories of the Vices of his Predecessors, or of such and such Princes living at the same time; which they aggravate to that degree, that his own seem Peccadillo's and Trifles in respect of their Enormities. Whence it comes to pass, that instead of Amendment, he grows Worse. And therefore if it were true that Comines spoke those words to Lewis XI. whose Favourite he was, which he repeats in his Memoire, we may suspect him to have been as much a Sycophant as any of the Rest.  
Comines, says Mezeray, represents him extremely prudent in Adversity, on that penetrated to a Miracle into the Interests and Thoughts of Men, and then made a dextrous use of 'em to his own ends, ragingly suspicious and jealous of his Power; absolute in his Will; Inexorable; a terrible Oppressor of his Subjects, and yet one of the best Princes of his Time.  
Certainly the rest were then most heinous Criminals, or else Comines was a great Sycophant. As for what Piso said, that Otho had a mind to the Empire in the Reign of Nero, whose chiefest Confident he had been, for three or four Years together, thereby we are instructed that Sycophants (for Otho, while a private Person, was his Craftsmaster in that goodly Calling) are the common Pests of Kingdoms, by reason of the pernicious Counsels which they infuse into the Ears of Princes, which is the reason that Tacitus calls 'em the Corrupters of Government, and Pedagogues of Tyranny.   

ESSAY LXXXI.  
NOR was it Judgement or Truth that swayed their Affections, but according to Custom, licence of Acclamation, and a habit of Flattering any Person whatsoever.  
Says D'Ablancourt, 'Tis neither Affection nor Judgement, but Custom and Flattery. Far short of the Author's sense.  
There are very few Princes that are beloved, or indeed that can escape Irrational and Brutish Hate: But they are all Flattered without exception. For that Flattery never makes its Addresses to the Person, generally the Objects of it will, but to their Fortune which is always adored; Galba was despised because of his Old Age, and hated for his Severity, and his Covetousness: Nevertheless, both People and Grandees could not forbear to Flatter him, while they demanded Otho's Life, and the Banishment of all his Accomplices, so long as they thought the Conspiracy would be crushed before it got to a head. And when the Report was spread abroad that Otho was killed, they not only expressed their Joy by public Acclamations and Congratulations, but a great number of the Knights and Senators who thought Otho dead, crowded to the Palace to Congratulate him, bemoaning their hard Fortune, that had rescued Otho from their Revenge. An evident Example to teach us how little trust or heed there is to be given to the fair words or services of Sycophants, and how unwary those Princes are that put their Confidence on such weak and failing Support: They were therefore in the Right, who to encourage Flavius Salinus to take up Arms for his Brother Vespasian against Vitellius, told him, that the People, who seemed to love Vitellius, would change both their Opinions and their Notes, so soon as he should declare himself; and that all the Flatteries, and Acclamations, which the Multitude hollowed forth to Vitellius, would as loudly fill the Fire and Honour of Vespasian, so soon as they found the strength of his Party.   

ESSAY LXXXII.  
OF Menaces an undaunted Contemner; impenetrable to Flattery.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Invincible both to Flattery and Fear.  
The greatest part of Princes make a much stouter Resistance against Fear then Flattery. For Menaces provoke their Courage; but Adulation poisons the very Mind, and depraves their Inclinations▪ Menaces waken 'em, soft and soothing Sycophantry lulls 'em asleep. And they lend an ear the more willingly to their Sycophants, in regard that Complaisance being one of the Properties of Love, they believe themselves to be beloved by those that please their Humour. Cabrera tells us, that Philip the Second, King of Spain, had a custom to interrupt his Sycophants▪ with this Expression, Dex ad esso, y de zid lo que importa: Let this alone, and talk something to the purpose. Words that become the Lips of all Princes, to whom their Sycophants never prattle other then what is either Prejudicial or Unprofitable. Besides, that if Princes would not listen to their Stories, but only to matters of Importance, Flatterers would have little or nothing then to say.   

ESSAY LXXXIII.  
ALL thronged in heaps to the Camp, got before the next, strove to outrun the foremost, upbraided Galba, extolled the Soldiers Judgement, kissed Otho's Hand; and the greater their Dissimulation was, the more was the Bustle and the Ceremony.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Every one made haste before his Companion to get to the Camp, where the Cursed Galba, applauded the Soldiers, and kissed Otho's Hand, redoubling their Caresses, the more feigned they were.  
What I have already observed in the iv and LXXXI. Articles may serve for an Explanation of this, and therefore I shall add no more than one single Reflection of Particulars, which is, That Flattery is for the most part attended by Treachery. For in regard that Sycophants adore the Fortune only, not the Person of the Prince, they soon exchange their Person, when the Person exchanges once his Fortune. Witness their Invectives against Galba, merely to reconcile themselves to Otho, whose Life they had demanded but some few Hours before, for a Sacrifice to their fury. So that Tacitus might well say, that whoever had beheld those Hurries, would never have believed but that they had been another Gang of People, and quite another Senate. Which brings to my remembrance what a Roman Senator said to Plancus, who was Secretary to Antonius, who accused his Master and his Benefactor of several Crimes, after he had been one of his most obsequious Flatterers. Certainly, said he, Antonius must have committed a world of wicked Actions, the day before thou left'st him. Thus it is with Sycophants, while the Prince's Liberality and Favours last, they Deify him; but when he either grows weary of their Company, or by any Misfortune to be deprived of his Grandeur, they are the first to render and leave his Reputation. So true it is, that all sorts of Friends never believe themselves to be any way concerned in Gratitude to those who are in Adversity; or that the Fidelity of those that have received the greatest Favours, is of any longer permanency than the good Fortune of their Benefactor.   

ESSAY LXXXIV.  
THE Magistrates contend to outvie each other in Adulation: The Father's flock in haste to the Senate: The Tribunitial Power: The Title of Augustus, and all the rest of the Imperial Dignities, are decreed Otho; every one striving to bury in Oblivion the scurrilous Invectives and opprobrious Language that had been promiscuosly bestowed upon his Reputation before.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The Praetor assembled the Senate, where the principal Men strive to outvie each other in Submission and Flattery. They bequeath Otho the Tribunitial Authority, the Title of Augustus, and all the rest of the Imperial Honours, in hopes he might forget the Affront and Injuries he had received.  
Injuries done to Princes, are always repaired by excess of Flatteries; and that so much the rather, because that sort of Reparation costs the Sycophants nothing, who have neither Honour nor Shame to expend. And then again, the Dread which terrify the Roman Grandees, lest Otho should revenge their former Obloquys, and abusive Scurrility, serves as a Document to Great Personages to keep within the bounds of Decency in season of Turbulence and Disorder, when the Common People let lose the reigns of Vulgar Malice and Contempt. The People are always exempted, by reason of their number. On the other side, the Nobility are always exposed, by reason of their Wealth, which causes all their Words and Actions to be narrowly scanned and pried into. The People however are overjoyed when such Ringleaders once abet, encourage and accompany their Insolence: Tho' indeed, it should be the consideration of Great Personages, that the Favour of the Mobile, are no shelter against a Prince's Resentment. For to lay a Foundation upon the Multitudes (says Machiavil) is to build upon the Mud.   

ESSAY LXXXV.  
VItellius, among the more prudent and ridgid sort, was thought to be a Man of a poor and pitiful Spirit; which his Favourers called his Affability and Mildness, as being a Person that squandered away his own, and was no less profuse of other men's, without either Moderation or Judgement: And thus they interpreted for Virtues, most Egregious Vices, in greedy hopes to Command their Master.  
Says D'Ablancourt; His readiness to give away both his own and the Estates of other Men, without rule or measure, was looked upon as Liberality and Genorosity, tho' they that censured more severely, called it his Weakness and Prodigality. But the eager desire of Dominion, made 'em disguise his Vices under Virtuous Appellations.  
Sycophants extol the Vices of Great Men, because it is their Interest to foment and cherish ' 'em. So that if Princes had not their Vices, at what a loss would Flatterers be, who have only that Sally-Port open to creep into their Favour, and only that same ignominious means to preserve what they have once attained? The Younger Pliny says, that Princes have no need of Masters to instruct 'em to be wicked; yet let 'em be ne'er so bad, yet they learn many things which else they never would have thought of, had not Sycophants been their Tutors. Nor is there any Vice to which a Prince may be prone, which they more seduliously labour to foster and cherish, than his Luxury and his Prodigality, in regard they are Persons that get the largest share of his Profusions. Henry III. of France, was one of the best Princes in the World, but Francis D'O, one of his principal Sycophants, and as an addition to the King's Misfortune, Superintendent of his Exchequer, made swift haste to corrupt and vitiate his good Nature. He was a Person (says Dlozeray) entirely devoted to Luxury, who every day persuaded the King to make new Edicts, which were called Bursal, and to go to the Parliament, by his Presence to force their Confirmation. And this was one of the chief Causes of the ruin of that Prince, by his losing insensibly that Respect and Affection which the People had for him: Nor did the Heads of the LEAGVE fail to make their advantage of it, by augmenting their Contempt and Aversion to his Person. To which the Insolency of his Favourites did not a little contribute, who acted the parts of more than Sovereign Princes, and disposed of all things with an absolute Will and Pleasure.   

ESSAY LXXXVI.  
A Loud shout ensued and the Acclamations of the People no less immoderate than dissembled: As if they had been pouring forth their Wishes for the Prosperity of Caesar the Dictator, or the Emperor Augustus; with equal strife did they implore the Gods for the Prosperity of his Expedition; not out of Fear or Love, but an inflamed desire of Servitude.  
Says D'Ablancourt; The Oration was received with great applause, and attended by the feigned and excessive Praises, as if they had been to honour the Departure of Caesar Augustus; and this not for Fear or Affection, but by the instinct of Custom and Flattery.  
I have observed in several places, that Flattery and Love are incompatible, and never makes its Addresses but only to the Fortune of Princes. So that altho' Otho fell short of Caesar's Worth, or the Merits of Augustus, nevertheless the People paid him the same Honours which they would have rendered to either of Them, because he was exalted to the same Dignity. For the People measure their Reputation by the present Grandeur of the Prince, and not by his Credit and Reputation, of which they are not capable to judge. They despised Galba, for that being Old, his Reign could be of no long endurance. On the other side, Otho, far inferior to Galba for his Parts and Integrity, was reverenced because his Youth promised a long Reign.   

ESSAY. LXXXVII.  
OTHO was desirous of Battle: And his Brother Titianus, and Proculus the Captain of his Guards, as being Persons of little Experience in War urged him on; assuring him that as Fortune, the Gods and Otho's Genius were present at his Councils, so would they also assist his Enterprises: A piece of Flattery which they made use of, lest any one should oppose their Advice.  
Otho (says D'Ablancourt) was willing to give Battle, seconded by his Brother, and the chief of the Pretoriun Countiers, who spunred him on for want of Experience, and cried out, That the Gods who had assisted Otho in managing the Design, would never abandon him in the execution of it; adding Flattery to Impatience, lest any one should presume to oppose ' 'em.  
There is no sort of Flattery so bad, as that which precipitates a Prince to the rash and overhasty execution of a Design, where there can be no miscarriage twice committed. In the most Important Affairs of Private Persons, there is always some hope, or something of last remedy, to which he may have recourse; so that a Man with the absolute ruin of himself, may try a second Fortune. But the Affairs of Princes, especially such as are advanced of a sudden from a Private Condition to Absolute Dominion, and whose unstable Fortune is still upon the Totter, are subject to so many Accidents, and depend upon so many Circumstances, that the smallest Error is enough to unhinge the whole Frame of their Designs for ever. History furnishes us with a remarkable Example of the Fatality of Sycophant Advice in the Person of Francis Duke of Anjou, Brother to Henry III. of France, who lost Flanders and Brabant by miscarrying in his Design upon Antwerp. They, by whom he was more particularly governed (says Mezeray▪) were Persons without Honour or Fidelity, among the rest Quinsay his Secretary, Fervaques, and Aurilly his Son▪ in-Law, the Son of a Sergeant of La Terte near Blois, with his Playing upon the Lute, his Voice, his Dancing, and such other Effeminate Qualities, more proper for the Affection of a Young Lady, than a Great Prince, had raised to the highest degree of his Master's Favour. These People keeping him still at defiance with the Duke of Montpensier, and other Men of Honour, spurred him on continually to make himself Master of those Towns and Places of which he promised them the Government. For the Counsels of Sycophants are always biased. And for that reason it is that all Princes, who lay the Foundations of great Designs, ought seriously to deliberate, whether their intended Enterprises will turn to their Honour, and the Benefit of the Public; whether the Execution will be easy; or at least, whether it be not beyond their Strength and their Industry; and, whether they that advise 'em, have Courage and Fidelity enough to venture equal Dangers with 'em and for 'em: For many times they happen to Engage themselves in a War, of which they know not how to make an Honourable end when they have begun it: In regard that if they repent, their coming fairly off is in the power of another. Besides that, their own Authority lessens, as the Reputation of their Generals increases. Therefore Tiberius rather chose to terminate his Differences by Treaty, then by Arms; and always concealed his Losses upon the Frontiers of the Empire, because he would not be obliged to give the Command of his Armies to Persons that might find him work at home. There is not the same equality of Prosperity and Adversity (said Mucienus to Vespasian) between Thee and Me: For if we Vanquish, I shall enjoy no more Honour, than what thou wilt be willing to confer upon me. But if we fail in our Enterprise, we shall share alike in our Misfortune. All Generals speak the same words; but when once they become Victors, they change their Language, and many times their pretensions are too excessive, that their Victory would prove a Burden to the Prince and State, should they be gratified to the utmost of their demands. For, according to the saying of M. de la Rochefoucauld, 'Tis a difficult thing for a Man to contain himself within the limits of Moderation, after the performance of great Services, which inspire sublimer Thoughts of Rule and Dominion into those that never think their Merits rewarded to the full. Then as to the point of giving Battle (says Comines) whoever he be, it is expedient for him to consider, before he hazards his Kingdom upon a Battle; for the loss of a small number of Men, dismays the Courages of all the rest beyond belief; and instead of terrifying the Enemy, begets a Contempt of the Loser. And some few lines after, Let it be how it will, a Battle lost, draws a large Train behind it, to the prejudice of whoever is vanquished. And in another place (speaking of Lewis XI.) The King, said he, whatever could be said or argued to the contrary, was resolved he would not Fight, as being resolved not to venture the Fortune of a Battle. And in my Opinion, he took the most prudent course. To conclude, I shall only add one single Reflection more, and more remarkable than the former, out of the same Comines, upon another usual piece of Adulation which Flatterers daily insinuate into the ears of Princes, that they should rely upon their own good Fortune, and despise their Enemies. A notable Example, says he, (speaking of Edward iv King of England, who was driven out of his Kingdom in fifteen days,) for Princes to take notice of, who pretend to be always fearless of their Enemies, and to disdain and scorn an Armed Foe. 'Tis true, the chiefest part of their Courtiers, uphold 'em in their vain Conceits, to please their Humours: And they think they are to be esteemed and valued for it; and that People will applaud 'em for their courageous advice. But the wiser sort look upon those Rodomontades as mere Folly; since it is a virtue to fear with Prudence, and provide against it. 'Tis a great Treasure for a Prince to have a Wise Man at his Elbow, provided he believe him, and that he have permission to tell him the Truth. For no Person is more likely to Ruin himself, than he that lays aside all Fear, his Security and Confidence being generally the beginning of his Destruction.   

ESSAY LXXXVIII.  
TItianus and Proculus being overruled in their Counsels, betook themselves to the Prerogative of their Generalship.  
Says D'Ablancourt, They seeing that they were vanquished by Reason, fled to the Authority and Commands of the Emperor.  
Otho had in his Army three, the most Prudent and most Experienced Captains of that Age, Suetonius Paulinus, Annius Gallus, and Marius Celsus, who were all three of a contrary opinion to Titian and Proculus, That it was not the safest course to give Vitellius Battle; alleging that Vitellius had all the reason in the world to be desirous of Combat, and Otho to spin out the time in delay; for that the Enemy had all the Force he could make, as not being out of hopes of any Succour from Gallia, that began already to totter; nor could they expect any Recruits from the Rhine, which would be then exposed to the Incursions of the Barbarians; that his supplies out of England had the Seas to cross, and an Enemy to oppose 'em already; that Spain had but few Soldiers. That Gallia Narbonensis was sufficiently Infested by Otho's Navy, and had not yet forgot the misfortune of their last Engagement: That the Army of Vitellius lay enclosed between the Po, and the Alps, without any hopes of Relief by Sea, and could not subsist long in a Country harassed as that had been, by the continual March of so many Legions; that if they could but spin out the War till Summer, the very change of the Climate would bring Diseases among the Germans, who were the most hardy Soldiers among all the Vitellians; and that many Armies who have driven all before 'em at first, had been forced to dissipate for want of meeting an Enemy to fight with. On the other side, that Otho had plenty of all things; that Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia, and all the East were at his Devotion, with numerous Succours; and more than all this, that he had Rome at his back, the Seat and Rudder of the whole Empire; together with the favour of the Senate, whose Majesty had been always held in Veneration, tho' it might be for a time Eclipsed; that the Immense Treasures which he had in his Possession, would soon render him Master of the whole; in regard that Money was far more prevalent in a Civil War, than the edge of the Sword; that the Soldiers were accustomed to the heats of Italy: That the River Po was a sufficient stop to impead the farther march of the Enemy, upon which he had several Cities well Fortified and Garrisons, which as he found already by the Resistance that Placentia had made, would with no less Vigour and Fidelity oppose the Enemy: That therefore his business was to spin out the War, or at least to stay for the fourteenth Legion, so highly esteemed for their Valour, together with the Forces out of Moesia, which were all expected within a few days: That then Otho might again deliberate what he had to do, and if he thought it his wisest course then to give Battle, he might do it much more to his Advantage, with the Assistance of that new Reinforcement.  
These Reasons were so Convincing, that neither Titianus nor Proculus had any thing to reply. But in regard that Otho was so extremely desirous of Battle, as one that was impatient of Languishing so long between Hope and Fear, both Titianus and Proculus Flattered him to his Destruction, by telling him, that all things would give way to his Fortune. A piece of Sycophantism, that was one of the principal Causes of his Ruin; whereas if they had listened to the wholesome Advice of Paulinus and his Colleagues, Otho might have been persuaded to have changed his Resolution. But that which is here most observable is this, that Proculus (as it is the custom of Favourites, and Sycophants) had not only a particular Antipathy against those three Generals, to whom he was inferior both in Probity and Understanding, but made it his business to Calumniate, the high Reputation of Paulinus, Celsus' vigour, and the accomplished Experience of Gallus; so that being now mistrusted and suspected by their Sovereign, they were only Nominal Generals, whose unhappiness and chief perplexity it was, to see their Prudence made a Cloak to cover the Miscarriages and Ignorance of others. A misfortune that happens too often in the Courts of Princes, that suffer themselves to be made a Prey to the passions of their Favourites.   

ESSAY LXXXIX.  
THE Death of Otho being known, the Senate presently decreed him all those Honours that had been studied in the longest Reigns of Preceding Princes. A return of Thanks was also ordered to the Germane Armies, and Commissioners were sent likewise to Officiate their Obsequious Congratulations.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senate heaped upon the new Emperor all the Honours, which others had obtained during a long Reign, and ordered Thanks to the Germane Legions, with a Deputation to the Prince, to Congratulate his coming to the Imperial Crown.  
Here are three Things to be observed. First, That upon the first intelligence of Otho's death, and that the Soldiers had sworn Allegiance to Vitellius, at the Instigation of the Governor of the City, the People Crowned with Flowers and Laurel Garlands, carried the Images of Galba round the Temples as it were in Procession; and passing by the place where he had spilt his Blood, they covered it with a Pyramid of Garlands, as it were to Erect him a Monument. Which was done to blacken Otho's Memory, who had wrested from him both the Empire and his Life; and in Honour to Vitellius, who seemed to be the Avenger of his Death.  
The second Thing is, That when Tidings were brought to Rome of the Revolt of the Germane Legions, and the Election of Vitellius to the Empire, the Senate and People of Rome openly declared the Calamity of the Commonwealth, which was fallen into the hands of two, the Vilest and most Infamous Persons in the World. Shall we repair to the Temples cried they, to offer up our Prayers for Otho or Vitellius? Certainly, most Impious and Detestable will be our Devotions, either for the one or the other of those two Rivals, of which two whoever proves the Victor, will be still the worse Nevertheless the same Senate and People that Cursed Otho and Vitellius, as two Subjects fatally elected the Ruin of the Empire, now decreed to Vitellius those Honours which were never given to Augustus himself. So strangely do Sycophants and Flatterers differ from themselves, and so subject are they like Bulrushes, to bend with every wind of the Court.  
A third Remark is this, That when the two Armies that had Proclaimed these two Emperors, came to understand how unfit they were to manage so high an Employment, and consequently began to repent of the bad Choice they had made so much to their Dishonour, presently some time before Otho's death, they fell to deliberate Considerations about a Reconciliation one among another, for the Election of an Emperor to the general Satisfaction, and to restore Peace and Concord to the Empire. For the Senate therefore to give the Germane Legions thanks for the Choice which they had made of Vitellius, the Scorn and Contempt of Mankind, was one of the poorest and meanest Condescensions imaginable. And thus you see there is nothing so vile and abject, which Flattery will not stoop to.   

ESSAY XC.  
BUT when the Army importuned him to honour with the Dignity of Knighthood his Enfranchised Vassal Asiaticus, he reproved their Immodest Flattery.  
Says D'Ablancourt; But upon the request of the Army, to make his Enfranchised Slave a Knight of Rome, he put a stop to their Flattery.  
'Tis one of the meanest and the lowest condescensions of Flatterers, to seek to ingratiate themselves with the Prince, by soliciting the Interests and Aggrandizement of such as they know to be their Favourites, tho' Persons of never so base an Extraction, without Merit or Honour. In the Fifty fourth and Fifty fifth Principal Heads, we have discoursed at large of all the servile Flatteries, to which the Senate stooped, while they laboured to heap up Honours upon the Enfranchised Vassal of Claudius. We Courted Satrius and Pomponius (said a Roman Knight to Tiberius) and we held it for an inestimable Honour to be accounted then Enfranchised Slaves and Porters to Sejanus. Mezeray reports, That the Cardinal Chancellor de Birague, had a greater esteem for one of his Lackeys that was his Favourite, then for all the Laws of the Kingdom: For it was his saying, That he was not the Kingdoms, but the King's Chancellor. An Expression becoming an Italian Sycophant. As for Vitellius, we are to observe, that after he he had refused to grant this favour at the request of his whole Army, which was to bestow Gold Rings upon Asiaticus, and thereby to dignify him with the Order of Roman Knighthood, yet he conferred the Honour upon him afterwards at a great Banquet. So difficult a thing it is for Luxurious Princes to withstand the force of Flattery, and to guard themselves from the insinuating Artifices of certain small Officers that creep into their favour by unwarrantable means, as Asiaticus did. Therefore it was the saying of the Younger Pliny, That a Prince who prefers mean and abject People, can be no great Prince himself. And in another place he thus addresses himsel to Trajan. Tho' thou bestowest the marks of thy favour upon thy Enfranchised Vassals, yet they are no other than such as are only convenient for their Quality. Thou form'st 'em so, and hast such an eye over 'em, that they dare not presume to measure themselves by thine, but by their own Fortune.   

ESSAY XCI.  
BEing heard, they made use of Justifications rather useful then seemly: For they acknowledged themselves guilty of Treachery to Otho, of their own accords; as if they had designed the long march of the Army before the Battle, the Tiring of the Othonians, and the Pestering the Battalions with Carriages on purpose, and attributed to their own perfidiousness several fortuitous Events, which only Chance produced. Thereupon Vitellius seemed to believe their Perfidy, and absolved 'em from the Crime of forfeited Fidelity to Otho.  
Paulinus and Proculus (says D'Ablancourt) had Audience, and defended themselves by Excuses not so honest as necessary: For they ascribed to their own Cunning the long march of the Army before the Battle, and the encumbrances of the Baggage, with several other accidents of Fortune, to make out their Fidelity to Vitellius by a supposed Betraying of Otho.  
Behold an Example of what I have in other places alleged, that Flattery is always biased by Interest. Paulinus and Proculus rather chose to be accounted Traitors, than Persons of Honour. Because their Treason was a meritorious act, and advautagious to Vitellius, and by consequence secured 'em from his Indignation. Another Prince then Vitellius, who had no sentiments of Generosity, would have despised their Submissions. For if Traitors are odious to themselves, whose Party they embrace, the supposed Traitors, that is to say, they who to ingratiate themselves with the new Prince, falsely accuse themselves to have betrayed his Rival, are no less Treacherous and Criminal than others. And for that reason Tacitus tells us, That the Justifications of Paulinus and Proculus, were rather such as necessity required, than honesty. For, for a Man to boast himself a Traitor, to the Person to whom he had been Faithful in his Life-time, was an open acknowledgement, that he ne'er was faithful, but for his own Interest; and that he only studied to enrich himself by opportunities of Treachery. For that reason it was, that the Consul Marius Celsus, who never stirred from Galba's Interest, frankly confessed before Otho, that he had always adheard to Galba's Fortune; and that if he lived longer, he would have served him with an inviolable Fidelity. And that with the same integrity he stuck to Otho against Vitellius, who nevertheless continued him in his Consulship, for which another had offerred Money. So highly is fidelity esteemed by them, that have used all their endeavours themselves to vitiate it in another. And therefore Tiberius not only acquitted a person that had the courage to acknowledge himself one of Sejanus' Friends, and caused his Accusers to be punish'dd with either Death or Exilement. Augustus had always a high esteem for Asinius Pollio, tho' he ne'er would attend him to the War of Actium; in excuse of which he gave him such a reason, as ever after afterwards excused him to his favour. The good Services (said he) which I have done for Anthony, are greater than the Benefits which I have received from Him; but what he has done for me, is better known to the World, than what I did for him: And therefore I leave him to determine your Differences, without declaring for the one or the other, resolving to be a prey to the Victor.  
Thus Men of Courage always abominate whatever has the least Tincture of Treason; whereas Flatterers, who are only the Friends of Fortune, believe themselves disengaged from all Obligations of Loyalty or Fidelity, to those whom She abandons.   

ESSAY XCII.  
Vitellius upon the coming of his Brother, and Preceptors of Tyranny creeping into favour, became more lofty and more cruel.  
Says D'Ablancourt; Vitellius became more lofty and more cruel upon the coming of his Brother, and the Courtiers from Rome, who taught him to act the the Tyrant. Not to act the Prince, as the Translator erroneously renders it; for Tacitus and the Younger Pliny always oppose Domination to Principality.  
I have already told you in several of the preceding principal Heads, that Sycophants are always of a cruel humour. Which is the reason that Princes who listen to their Charms, cannot choose but be very sanguinary. Nor need we crowds of Examples in this place, to clear what has been sufficiently made out already.   

ESSAY XCIII.  
AS Vespasian came out of the Bedchamber, some few Soldiers that waited in the next Room, instead of saluting him, as the Emperor's Lieutenant, bid him All hail, by the Title of Emperor. Then crowds of others pressed in, and heaped upon him the Titles of Caesar and Augustus, with all those Appellations belonging to Imperial Sovereinty.  
Says D'Ablancourt; As he came out of his Chamber, the Soldiers that were upon the Guard, saluted him Emperor; whose Examples others followed, that came running in shoals, and gave him the Names of Caesar and Augustus, with all those other Titles that are usually given to Emperors themselves.  
What has been said already in the 4. 26. 44. 77. 14. & 89. Articles, may serve as a Commentary sufficient for Explanation of this. I shall here add but only one Reflection of Tacitus himself, That the first Attempts of Men aspiring to Sovereign Dominion, are full of dubious Thoughts, and tottering Resolutions; but when they have once laid violent Hands upon the Throne, they shall not want for Encouragement, Counsel and Assistance.   

ESSAY XCIV.  
VEspasian in the Infancy of his Empire, not being so obstinate in licensing Injustice, till his Indulgent Fortune, and the Flatteries of his Tutors taught him to dare more boldly.  
Says D'Ablancourt; There were nothing but Accusations of the Rich, and Confiscations of Estates; Violences insupportable to the People, but excused through the necessity of the War. Nevertheless Vespasian corrupted by his good Fortune, and instructed by his evil Tutors, practised the same Oppression in Peace toward the end of his Reign, notwithstanding his Reservedness at the beginning.  
Avarice was a Vice predominant in Vespasian, Equal but only for that (says Tacitus) to the Ancient Roman Captains. His Flatterers fomented and cherished this same failing of his, which he had some thoughts of reforming at the beginning of his Reign, at which time he carried himself with so much Moderation, that it was said of him, That he was the only Private Person advanced to Sovereignty, who ever changed for the Better. But they that are always at the Elbows of Princes, make it their study to corrupt and enervate their virtuous Intentions by the force of Pleasure, which they strive no less to make habitual to 'em, that so they may have neither leisure, nor any desire to look after the Public Affairs. If Private Men (says the Younger Pliny) change their Manners and their Conduct in so short a time, Princes are more easily allured to the same Effects of Human Frailty, how excellent soever their Natural Inclinations may be; because there are so few that study to cultivate and improve those blooming Excellencies, while all Men rather labour on the other side, out of servile Complaisance, to encourage and augment whatever they discover amiss or irregular in his Disposition. Francis I. (says Mazeray) had been a most Renowned Prince in all particulars, had he not suffered himself sometimes to be led astray by the evil Counsels of his Ministers▪ who to advance their own Authority, screwed up his Prerogative beyond the Anncient Laws of the Kingdom, to irregular Domination. And that Henry II. who was greatly inclined to acts of Justice, Was the cause of all the Mischief which they who Governed him committed, in regard he never was the absolute Master of himself.   

ESSAY XCV.  
THE Multitude grew burdensome through the vast number of Senators and Knights that thronged out of the City to meet him, some through Fear, many out of Adulation, the rest, and all by degrees, lest others going, they should remain behind.  
Add to this (says D'Ablancourt) the numerous Train of the Court, always Proud and Insolent even under the best of Princes, all the Senators and Knights, went out to meet him, some in Honour to his Person, others out of Flattery, or for Fear, and all at length, that they might not be seen to remain alone behind.  
The Fourth Article may serve as a sufficient Commentary for this, to which I refer the Reader, to avoid Repetition.   

ESSAY XCVI.  
THE next day he made a long Harangue in Commendation of Himself, wherein he extolled his Industry and his Temperance with high Encomiums, tho' all that were present had been Eye-witnesses of his Debaucheries, and all Italy, through which he had marched, had seen himnotorious for his drowsy Luxury and Gluttony. Nevertheless the Vulgar, unable to distinguish between Truth and Falsehood, made a hideous noise with their Acclamations and Applauses, and clamoured to him to accept the Title of Augustus, which he refused.  
The next day, says D'Ablancourt, he made a Harange to the People and Senate, wherein he commended his Industry and his Temperance, as if he had spoken to Strangers, and that all Italy had not been able to testify the contrary. The People however, who are accustomed to Flattery, void of all Sentiments of Honour, applauded his Impertinences, and forced him to assume the Title of Augustus, which he had refused.  
When Princes applaud themselves, 'tis a sign they expect to be Extolled and Admired by those that hear ' 'em. And Sycophants when they Flatter out of Custom, they never fail to magnify a bad Prince, who is so vain as to commend himself. Some there are therefore who have styled Sycophants the Echo of Princes, and indeed it is a Definition that properly befits 'em; for they always speak whatever the Princes say, and always repeat the Princes own words. Tacitus reports that Caligula affected as much as in him lay, all the Expressions of Tiberius; and then when Nero sang upon the Theatre, all the Company, but more especially, the Senators and Roman Ladies extolled his Voice, observing the same Time and Measure in their Acclamations that he kept in Singing.   

ESSAY XCVII.  
BUT neither had Aponius written to him the whole Truth, and his Flattering Sycophants made a more slight Interpretation of his Intelligence, as being only the Mutiny of one Legion, while all the rest of the Armies continued in their Obedience.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The first Intelligence that Vitellius received of Vespasians Revolt, was from Aponius Saturninus, who sent him word that the first Legion had dedeclared for his Enemy. But as one that was himself astonished at the Action, he had not given him an account of all the particulars; so that the Emperor's Favourites made slight of the News, assuring him that it was only thy Revolt of a single Legion, but that all the rest continued their Fidelity to Himself.  
This Article is explained by the 79. Article, where it is said, That Princes are Flattered, even in the most Perilous Conjunctures of their Affairs. So far Vitellius was well informed, that one Legion was already Revolted, but that other piece of Intelligence, so absolutely necessary for him to have known, was suppressed, that the Legions of Egypt, Syria, and Judea, had already Elected and Proclaimed another Emperor. They made him believe, and he himself had divulged It among his Soldiers, that there was no fear of a Civil War, and yet at the same time there was one already begun, while the Empire was shared between two Emperors. Then he demanded Succours from the Germans, the English and the Spaniards, and yet not one of those Provinces made haste to send him any, in regard that through the pernicious Counsels of his Flatterers, he dissembled the present necessity of his Affairs. A piece of Dissimulation which Tacitus calls Impertinent, while it delays the Remedy instead of putting a stop to the Distemper: 'Tis very probable, that Portugal had still been subject to the Crown of Spain▪ if the Conde D'Olivares, Chief Minister to Philip the Fourth, had had a better Opinion of the Courage of the Portugueses; and had put a higher Value upon the Prudence of the Vice-Queen Margaret of Savoy, Duchess Dowager of Montova, who advissed him several times to dispel the Tempest, which she else foresaw would fall upon the Spanish Monarchy. But the Duke was born to be an Example, that the too great Confidence which the Grand Ministers of State have of their Abilities and their Fortunes, is most commonly the foundation of their Destruction; and that God infatuates the Counsels of Princes, whom He designs to punish.   

ESSAY XCVIII.  
VItellius having made an Oration to the Senate full of Pomp and Ostentation, was applauded with all the most exquisite Flatteries which the Fathers could devise.  
Says D'Ablancourt, He made a most Maguificent Oration to the Senate, which was received with no less Pompous Adulation.  
There needs no other Explanation of this Text, than what has been already said in the 96. Article.   

ESSAY XCIX.  
VItellius enquiring the cause of so much Light in a certain Tower, word was brought him that several Persons Supped with Laecina Tuscus, among whom the most considerable for Honour, was Junius Blesus; at what time they that brought the News aggravated much more than it was, the Splendour of the Feast, and the dissolute Riot of the Guests: Nor were there wanting some that accused Tuscus himself and others, but Blesus more heinously, for Debauching so publicly when the Prince was Sick.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Vitellius lay very ill in Servilius' Garden; at what time he observed a great Company of Lights in a House adjoining, and demanding the reason, he was told that Tuscus Cecina made a great Entertainment for Junius Blesus, and several others of meaner Condition. Nor did they fail to give him an Account of the Magnificence of the Banquet, and the Excess of their Debauchery, and to blame the Master of the Feast, but more especially Junius Blesus, for Debauching so scandalously when the Emperor lay Sick.  
There can be nothing said more perhaps to this Subject, than what Tacitus himself repeats concerning the Death of Blesus.  
So soon, says he, as certain of the Courtiers who make it their Business to dive into the secret Jealousies and Disgusts of Princes, perceived that Vitellius was Exasperated, and that Blesus might be made the victim to his Indignation and their Envy, they made their Addresses to Vitellius' Brother, who out of a depraved Emulation hated Blesus, whose high Reputation was an Eyesoar to a person sullied with all manner of Infamy, and engaged him to undertake the Accusation of his Rival. L. Vitellius thereupon entering the Emperor's Chamber, took his little Son in his Arms, and throwing himself at his brother's Feet, told him that the Trouble he was in, and the Supplications he made him with Tears in his Eyes, proceeded from no other cause, but his real good Wishes for the Welfare of the Emperor and his Children. That his most dangerous Enemy was not Vespasian, whom so many faithful and courageous Legions, and so many Loyal Provinces prevented from approaching Italy; but a Person that Rome fomented in her Bosom, who boasted his Descent from the Family of the Caesars, and a Branch of the Junius' and Antonius', and who daily corrupted the Allegiance of the Soldery, by his Traitorous Liberality and Caresses. That all the World looked upon him as already Emperor, to the contempt of Vitellius, who slighting equally both his Friends and his Enemies, suffered the Fortune of a Rival to grow great, who rejoiced to behold in the midst of a Luxurious Feast, his Sovereign languishing upon the Bed of Sickness. And therefore it behoved him to let him taste the sorrows of a sad and dismal Night for his unseasonable Jollity, that he might both understand and feel Vitellius was alive and Emperor, and had a Son too to succeed him.  
And thus we see how Sycophants envenome the most Innocent Actions of Men, of whom the Prince has once a Jealousy, and spur their Sovereigns on to Cruelty and Tyranny. And this Example of Blesus may serve to serve to admonish great Personages, how much it behoves 'em to be careful of themselves, and to 'em understand the Dangers to which their Birth and Fortune expose ' 'em.   

ESSAY C.  
COntrary to the Opinions of the most experienced of the Centurions who would have frankly given him their Advice, might they have been Consulted. But the Favourites of Vitellius would not permit 'em to come near him, besides that the Ears of the Prince were so possessed, that all things profitable sounded harsh, and nothing would be admitted but what was Grateful and Destructive.  
Says D'Ablancourt, Against the Opinion of his most Experienced Captains who would have given him their Advice, if he would have required it: But he had been accustomed for a long time to hear nothing but what was pleasing and prejudicial.  
Sycophants understand so well to possess the Ears of the most part of unwary Princes, that in time they render 'em not much unlike Vitellius; there being very few that will endure to hear Truth spoken without Offence. Therefore it was that one of the Ancients resembled Sycophants to Thiefs, who when they go about to break open a House in the Night time, put out their Candles for fear of being discovered. For the first thing that Flatterers do in the Courts of Princes, is to remove from about their Persons all Men of sharp and penetrating Apprehensions, though bold and able to give wholesome Advice to their Sovereigns, and discover the Artifices which they make use of, to the prejudice of the deluded Prince. Thus Nero became a Prey to his Flatterers, when once they removed Burrhus and Seneca out of their way, who laboured by consent, and made it their Business to infuse into him Sentiments becoming a Virtuous and Magnanimous Governor.   

ESSAY. CI.  
BUT Envy lay concealed, and Adulation practised openly.  
Says D'Ablancourt, The Senate concealed their Sentiments, as well of Hatred as Envy, only their Flattery shew'p itself openly.  
Observe here in two words, the Portraiture of the Court, where Hatred lurks in the Heart, while the Lips of Men are full of Adulation. The Chief Ministers who ever they be, are still Flattered by reason of their high Advancement, but Envied always by reason of their Power. It being the Custom of Men to behold with murmuring and repining, Superior Authority in the hands of those that have been their Equals. Mucianus having written to the Senate, the Senate murmured in their Private Cabals. If Mucianus be a private Person, cried they, why does he Writ like a public Minister? Had he had any thing to say to us, he might as well have stayed till his Return to Rome, at what time he might have proposed it himself in the Senate. But when they were met in a Body, than they strove who should most applaud what they had condemned in private, even to the decreeing Triumphal Ornaments to Mucianus for a Civil War, which he had kindled by inciting Vespasian to Revolt against Vitellius. And this that the Senate acted at Rome in respect of Mucianus, is no more than what is daily Practised in all the Courts of the World, where the Chief Ministers and Favourites hear nothing but Encomiums of themselves, because all People fawn upon their present Fortune. But they are much deceived who judge by their own Ears, of the inward Sentiments of their outward Adorers.   

ESSAY CII.  
A Certain Person known to have been long Blind, imploring with Tears the Cure of his Blindness, besought the Prince to rub his Cheeks and the Balls of his Eyes with the Excrement of his Mouth. Another lame of his Hand, begged the favour that Caesar would vouchsafe to Tread upon him with his Feet. Vespasian at first refused and laughed at the Petitions of both, as fearing the vain Issue of such an attempt; till tired with the Supplications of the Afflicted People, and the Encouragements of his Adulators, he was induced to have a better Conceit of himself.  
Says D'Ablancourt, One that was Blind and well known by the People, besought him to rub his Eyes with his Spittle, as being the only means to recover his Sight; and another that was lame of one Hand, implored him likewise but only to touch the part Affected with the sole of his Foot. The Emperor rejected both their Solicitations at first with Scorn and Laughter, till pressed by their continual Importunities, he enquired of the Physicians whither such a thing were possible to be done, waving between the Flatteries of his Courtiers, and the fear of rendering himself Ridiculous.  
Tacitus makes the Commentary upon this place himself. Vespasian, says he, Commanded the Physicians to consult among themselves, whether Humane Remedies could surmount the Nature of those two Infirmities. The Physicians after they had argued the Point, concluded, that the Blind Man not having as yet quite lost his visual Faculty, the sight of his Eye not being utterly Corroded away, his sight might be restored, provided the Impediments were removed: And that the other's Hand might be recovered, so that the Nerves that were shrunk, could be mollified and stretched out to their natural use: That the Gods perhaps made choice of him to effect this great Miracle: Moreover, that the Glory of the Cure would redound to his Immortal Honour, whereas if it did not succeed, all the Laughter and Derision of the Cure in vain attempted, would fall upon the Credulity of those unfortunate Persons. Vespasian therefore believing all things would submit to his Fortune, with a cheerful Air went on, and condescended to their Supplications.  
Thus Princes at first withstand the Corruptions of Flattery, but sooner or later suffer themselves to be Vanquished by its Temptations. They may be Modest, Prudent, Constant, Resolute, Politic, and Judicious, yet Flattery always finds a way to steal into their Affections, and supplant those Virtues which she meets with in their Inclinations.   

ESSAY CIII.  
WHen Domitian read Agricola'r Will, wherein he left him Coheir with the best of Wives, and a most Pious Daughter, he rejoiced at it were to find so great an Honour done his Brother by so judicious a Person. So blinded and corrupted was his Judgement by continual Adulations, as not to discern that a Virtuous Father never left a Prince his Heir, unless he were a bad one.  
Says D'Ablancourt, When Domitian read Agricola's last Will and Testament, and saw that he had left him his Heir together with his Wife and Daughter, he took it for an Honour; being so Infatuated by Flattery, as not to apprehend that a bad Prince was never the Heir to one that was Virtuous.  
Princes that have a Kindness for Sycophants, are soon mistaken in their Judgements, while the tother make use of all their Art and Cunning, to disguise the Truth of things. Self-love it is indeed that blinds the greatest part of Men. But they have a Remedy which Princes want, in regard that either their Superiors or their Equals, are not afraid to tell 'em Truth, which is an easy step to Reformation; whereas Princes having neither Superiors nor Companions, unless they please themselves; all the World studies to please or rather to misguide ' 'em. Whence it comes to pass that they delight in many things, which they would shun as the Rocks of their Reputation, and as eternal Stains upon their Memories, had they but Faithful and Uninterrested Friends, who had the Courage to discover what their Sycophants conceal from their Knowledge. I wish to Heaven this little Treatise may prove acceptable to others as perhaps it may be unpleasing to them, who raise their Fortunes by Adulation.  
FINIS.