THE PERFECT ambassador TREATING OF The antiquity, privileges, and behaviour of Men belonging to that Function.  
By F. T. Esquire.  
LONDON, Printed for John Colbeck at the Phoenix near the little North-door of S. Paul's Church. 1652   

To the Right Honourable, his singular good Lord, WILLIAM Lord COBHAM, Lord Warden of the cinque, FRANCIS THYNN wisheth perpetual health, further increa●…e of honour, and good success in all his Honourable Attempts.  
ALthough my very good Lord, neither according to my honest desire, nor your honourable desert (Which worthily may challenge from me a far more dutiful service than my attendance upon you into Flanders) I could not in person, as I did in good will, be present in the same Journey (where I both might have reaped profit, and your Lordship been fully ascertained of my good mind towards you, for that I protest unto you remaining in this out-nook of the little world (where London news is somewhat scant, and the Prince's affairs very seldom known) I had no intelligence of your so honourable place of embassy in this year of Christ 1578. until two days after your departure. The which bred some corsie of a Melancholy conceit in me, by reason of my foolish negligence that would no oftener direct my Letters to crave intelligence from London. And by reason of the unkind forgetfulness of my kindred & friends remaining there, who would not vouchsafe so much courtesy in a matter so much desired by me, and of so small a trouble to them, as to direct their Letters to me thereof. Wherefore sorrowing for that which is past, that I could not as the rest of my kindred, & friends did, assume such enterprise upon me, and yet not only rejoicing at your honourable entertainment, of the good success, of the wise Dispatch, and of the orderly behaviour, wherewith your Lordship was received beyond the Seas; but also desirous by pen amongst the rest of your wellwillers at this your happy and desired return to congratulate your Lordship with the tokens of my old vowed fidelity, as a sign of my hidden joy conceived of your safe arrival, I have thought it my challenged duty to direct this tedious Discourse unto you, containing as well the unfolding of my former griefs, As laying open to your sight the rejoicing of my well-willing heart. And for that other occasion doth not so fitly minister cause to me in other sort to present myself unto you than by saying somewhat which may, & doth concern ambassadors; Therefore as well for that the time is most apt for the man to whom I write, having supplied such place, & for that it also putteth me in mind of your honourable courteous talk which you have often used unto me in like matters, I will here in affairs of embassy to an ambassador present my labours, the ambassadors of their absent Master, & make discourse of things belonging to embassy. Wherein I will show the original, Privileges, the Wisdom, the Valour, the quick wits, & other the behaviours of ambassadors, as examples for us in all respects to imitate: For as Seneca saith in his sixth Epistle, Longum iter est per praecepta, breve & efficax per exemplum, of which kind of people, that is of ambassadors, legates, or Deputies, Messengers of Princes, and of the Orators of Kings (For all these several terms do include one Function exercised in divers manners) because there are sundry sorts somewhat different from the custom of our age, I will not only entreat as they were in times past amongst the magnificent Romans in the midst of their greatest glory; But I will also in like order collect, and digest the usage and duty of them as they are now used, & put in office by Princes, Kings, and Emperors, for the executing of their determined pleasure. In which (my good Lord) if any thing shall be found, that for want of more diligent search may seem faulty, consider that Bernardus non videt omnia. we are no Gods, we can say no more than reasonable conj●…cture or former Authority may lead us unto. But if in the placing of the same in the apt sentences, or in the sweet composition of stile there appear default, impute the same to the want of leisure, and to the rude hasty writing of him, who was never brought up in any university, and I seek not fucum ver borum, so I may have ipsam veritatem, & materiam solidam. And thus, this far of that; And so into my purposed matter.   

The Table.  

CHAP. 1. fol. 1. OF the Name, or first Invention of Legates, or ambassadors. 1.  
CHAP. 2. That other Naetions besides the Romans used ambassadors. 6▪  
CHAP. 3. What persons are meet to be ambassadors. 13.  
CHAP. 4. What laws and Privileges were made and allowed for, and to ambassadors. 34  
CHAP. 5. Apothegms, or Wise, and pleasant Answers given, and made by and to ambassadors. 50  
CHAP. 6. Of Amdassadours that died in their embassy. 73  
CHAP. 7. Of ambassadors evilly entreated in their embassy. 82  
CHAP. 8. The revengement of cruelty used to ambassadors against the Law of Nations. 117  
CHAP. 9 Of ambassadors evilly rewarded at their return into their Country. 130  
CHAP. 10. Of traitorous ambassadors towards their Masters, and Princes. 140  
CHAP. 11. Of the foolish sayings, and doings of ambassadors. 160  
CHAP. 12. Of Persons sent divers times in embassy. 176    

The Application of certain Histories concerning Ambassadors and their Functions, &c.  

CHAP. 1. Of the Name, or first Invention of Legates, or ambassadors.  
THE name of Legate is taken divers ways, being sometimes reputed for any kind of Magistrate, or for any person that executeth a●… office for, and under another, especially in any other country than his own, being substitute in the place of his superior. The which persons so appointed the ancient Romans did call Legates, the Majesty of whom the Bishop of Rome presenting in his monarchical Government of the Church doth at this present observe, having in every country subject to his Dominion, a legate sometimes permanent, and sometimes temporaneall called Legates à latere, as he were his assisting deputy, or his deputy sent ●…rom his side. The Ro●…an Legates lay their ●…eads together as counsellors, and what so was ●…eedfull to be done, it ●…as determined by their counsel and agreement, ●…nd at the length establi●…ed by the judgement, ●…nd rule of the Legate.  
Agesilaus amongst for●…aign Nations, is found ●…o have supplied the place ●…f a Legate, although he ●…ere the greatest Com●…ander of the wars, so much accounted, and in ●…uch great honour was his office deemed to be among them.  
Wherein as there be many notable things besides that which he hath uttered of Legates (which most properly in this place are holden Deputies) as are the name of the offices, and officeRs amongst the Romans, fo●… there were the Lictors, quaestors, Praetors, Tribune, Consul, Emperor, and such like, whereof I mean not at this time to entreat as well for avoiding tediousness, as for that they are impertinent to this matter, and for that at some other time hereafter I mean to take fitter time to discourse thereof to your Honour. So now I will only say thus much ●…ut of him concerning Legates. That he hath not only learnedly (though somewhat obscurely which 〈◊〉 could not in better ●…orme reduce into our mother tongue) declared their original office, authority, privilege, and recompensed honour, But also bewrayed the order, and manner of their E●…ection, Creation, Conti●…uance, triumphs, wisdom, and estimation amongst the Romans, for ●…e speaketh nothing of other Nations, whereof I mean here to say somewhat   

CHAP. 2. That other Nations beside the Romans used ambassadors.  
IT was not only a thing peculiar to the Roman●… to observe this order i●… displacing, requiring, consenting to, or procuring the performance of any thing. But the Jews also the most ancient an●… peculiar people of God with the Egyptians, an●… Grecians, who were o●… far more Antiquity tha●… the Romans, are read to have used the same, whereof I mean to produce some examples. And because the best kind of persuasion, or chief rule whereby to square our life, either in following virtue, or avoiding the Vice, in confirming in Morality, or instructing in philosophy, is to be drawn from the examples of others; therefore I will at this time only (since leisure serveth not, with more Ample Reasons, and profound Sentences to enlarge my proposition) set down the Confirmation of t●…e several matters ●…elonging to ambassadors by examples with short abridgement thereof drawn out of many Histories, as if I had privately noted them for myself, sufficiently confirming whatsoever I shall here utter unto your Lordship, as requisite for an ambassador to do, to receive, to deliver, and to profess; wherefore in that order I will descend to this matter, that other Nations besides the Romans used ambassadors by intercourse to dispatch the affairs of their Countries having to deal with other Princes. And because (as I said) the Jews were a people ●…ost ancient, I will therefore begin with them, as men from whom all Government and Order, Learning, morality, philosophy, and all other notable things have been derived, though somewhat altered and corrupted by the evilness of other Nations, separating themselves from the true people of God, and right use of his Religion. Phineas the Priest, the Son of Eliazer, with ten Princes of the ten Tribes, was sent ambassador to the Israelites beyond Jordan; Zorobabel, Annanias, and Mordocheus were appointed Legates of the Jews, and sent to Darius, King of Persia, that they might accuse the Samaritans hindering the re-edifying of the Temple. Josephus, lib. 11. cap. 4. Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason the Son of Eliazer were from Judas Machabeus sent ambassadors to the Romans to join friendship with them. Machab. cap. 8.  
And likewise as the Jews, so the Greeks, when come to Tenedos, they sent Messengers to the Trojans for the delivery of Helen, which were ●…lisses, an eloquent Orator, furnished with copy of Speech, and wisdom, and Menelaus, who was brief, and pithy in Sentences, that the one by his Eloquence, the other by the force of his Argument, might move the Trojans. In like sort Mirsus the son of Gyges' was sent by Orestes the governor to Polycrates, the most fortunate Prince of the world, and King of the Samnites, to the end that he might entice and entrap him by his Speech, and hope of gain to be received, which he did effect accordingly (as teacheth Hesiod. lib. 3. by which short notes (it doth shortly prove for shortness of time) That the Romans, the Jews, and other Nations had the use of Embassies, and ambassadors; wherefore that being proved, it is now to be considered what persons are of sufficiency to supply such place.   

CRAP. 3. What persons are meet to be ambassadors.  
THE person who ought to dispatch these things must be (as is requisite in all other causes of Government) learned, well born, free, no bondman, of good credit in respect of his honesty, of good estimation in respect of his calling, that he be no liar, vaunter, dissembler, or traitor; But that he be wise, valiant, circumspect, furnished with divers Languages, eloquent, of quick capacity, of ready deliverance, liberal, comely of person, tall of stature, and briefly that he be adorned with all virtues required, or commendable, in a good man, and unfurnished of any vice to blemish his credit, or that may win him the Surname of a wicked man. First, that he must be learned (besides many reasons that may be made for it) these examples following shall manifest. In so much that it appeareth, that Princes did always choose forth the best learned to dispatch their affairs. Amalarius Fortunatus, by Nation a German, a Monk of Luxonia, a man very eloquent in the Greek, and Latin, and Archbishop of Trevers for his learning, was the legate of Charles the great, to Michael the Emperor of Constantinople, to join and confirm amity, and peace with him, in the year of Christ 813. So Jesse a learned Bishop, for that he had singular knowledge in the Greek tongue, was made by Charles the Great, Legate to Irenee the Empress of Constantinople, for to entreat of peace. Amionius, lib. 4. cap. 9 de Francis. The which example, as witnesseth Sigebertus, Achaius, King of Scots, imitating, did send Rabanus Maurus (a Monk of Fulda) Ambassador to Charles King of France. The which matter of their learning, I will knit up with one example more of the King of Armenia, who by his Legates offering to marriage his Daughter (being but 12. years old) to Michael Andronicus, the Son of Paleologus the Emperor of Constantinople, did for his ambassadors choose the most learned men of that age, who were called Methochides, Theodorus, and Johannes Glyces, whereof the one was Domesticus, and the other (as saith Gregorius, lib. 6.) Dromologotheta, whom he did not so much choose to that place, because they had great use, and experience of things, but because they did excel in wisdom, in plentiful knowledge of Divine and human things, and in the understanding of the Greek tongue. For they had need to be such persons, that should supply a legates place in a foreign Nation. Since they should be instructed in many Languages, and should obtain the victory in all kinds of disputations, as was Haido, or Hatto, Bishop of Basile, sent ambassador in 811. by Charles the Great, to Constantinople, to make peace, who (as Auentinus, lib. 4. testifieth) wrote the Book entitled Itinerarium.  
Thus having learning, and divers Languages, yet he is not sufficient to play the ambassador, unless he be able in like sort Rhetorically by persuading eloquence, in apt words, ready tongue, sweet voice, and speedy deliverance to discharge his Message; For such is the force of words, as it often worketh strange miracles; For besides that virtue which the Philosophers, the Cabalists, the Divines, and the Magicians do place in pronouncing words, we find eloquence to be of such force, that it moveth unsensible creatures to be reclaimed unto reason. And thereupon was Orpheus feigned by his music to draw trees, stones, mountains, and wild beasts after him, for that by his sweet words he reduced the savage people to civility: the want of which utterance gave Moses occasion to excuse himself before God, that he was unapt by reason of his stammering (which he got, his mouth being burnt by eating hot coals, when he was brought up in Pharaoh's house, where being then but a boy, he threw down the Crown from Pharaoh's head, whereby the Divines prophesied that he should destroy the King of Egypt) to be God's ambassador to the Egyptians for the delivery of the people of Israel; Wherefore to him God chose Aaron as his Assistant, by his Eloquence to supply Moses his default, and to utter whatsoever Moses should give him in command. Such an eloquent person was also Carneades Cyramus, whose eloquence was so great, that he could easily in any matter by the strength of his speech draw any man to his opinion. And therefore he (Prince of the Academians) with Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic, being sent ambassadors to Rome from the Athenians, brought his Legatship in doubt amongst the Romans, Marcus Cato saying in the Senate, that they should beware of that man who by his eloquence, and skill of utterance, could obtain whatsoever he would desire. Volater: Lib. 4. Cap. 2. Anthropo. of whom in like sort Quintilian doth report 
Quintil. ●…i. 2. cap. 1.  that in the hearing of Cato the Censor at Rome, he did with no less force the day following argue against Justice than he had the day before defended it; His singular eloquence being also remembered 
●…ellius, li. 〈◊〉 cap. 14. ●…initus, ●…22. cap. ●…de honest. ●…scipl.  by Gellius, and Crinitus. Not unlike to whom was Cyneas Thessalus the hearer of Demosthenes, and Legate of Pyrrhus, who when he was sent to any City to require Surrender thereof, would use this saying of Euripides; That neat, and sweet words could do as much as threatning swords, of whom Pyrrhus was wont to say, that he had subdued more Cities by the Orations of Cyneas, than by the hands of his Army; whom (as Plutarch saith) the King had in great estimation, using his help in his chiefest affairs. With no less commendation did Scopelianus the Sophist obtain the request of his embassy, for whereas Domitian the Emperor had made Proclamation, that no Vines should be growing in Asia, because the plenty thereof, by drunkenness might seem to move Sedition, Scopelianus being sent to Rome, did by his eloquence not only bring so to pass, that they might lawfully plant Vines, but also further 
●…elius, ●…i. 20. ●…ap. 11.  obtained that he should be Fyned that would abstain from the setting, and planting of the same. In which number of Eloquent ambassadors, may take his place, Eusta●…hius Capadox, the Successor of Aedesius in his Country, who was of such profound Eloquence (being the Disciple of Jambions' the Chaldean) as being sent to Supinus King of Persia did there so enchant the King by his speeches, that casting away his tiara (which was a kind of Crown or imperial Cap folded with linen) the King would have changed his garment for the cloak of Eustachius, which the Courtiers did forbid, saying that he was a Magician, and wrote by a course of witchery, as teacheth Eunapius. And so concluding this matter, your Lordship may easily gather hereby how requisite it is for an ambassador to be eloquent in Speech, in delivering his Message. But to what use shall all this serve, if he have not joined with these estimation, and credit, and that he be of good account in his country before he be sent? For if he be not, both he, and his embassy shall be despised and neglected. As well appeareth in this one history done in our time. And because I will not in this point be tedious unto ●…our Honour. I will only ●…hew you here (omitting ●…hich I could cite con●…erning the same) one Hi●…torie thereof, for a small ●…hing can give light to a ●…ise man, and your Lord●…hip by this one example ●…hall learn that others ●…ave told in many. Which History is thus.  
When in the year of our Lord (as telleth Paulus 
Paulus jovius, lib. 28.  ●…ovius) Charles the fifth, ●…he Emperor (by Confe●…eracie made with Cle●…ent, the seventh Bishop of●…ome against the Floren●…ines, attempting to reduce ●…hose of the house of Medici's into their country) did with continual Siege oppress the City of Florence (such was the obstinacy of the Citizens favouring the popular government) that great cruelty was showed to them, who did freely, and truly say, that Peace was to be embraced: But at the length by Philip Meliores, an honest young man in the commonwealth, preaching often to the Senate, and persuading to embrace Peace, the Fathers decreed that ambassadors should be dispatched to the Pope: yet such was the malignity of the hinderers, that not they whom the waightiness ●…f the cause did require, ●…ut men otherwise of small ●…redit, and common Citizens were sent forth. Of whom one Aloysius Sode●…inus (who had not done a●…y thing worthy any grave ●…ffaires in ordering any matter, other than that he was called a good housekeeper) was one and ano●…her was Anderolus Ni●…olinus, rather a continual, and diligent Merchant, than a Senator, and the third was Robertus Bon●…ius, whom by reason of his late near alliance with Thomas Soderyne, who still laboured against this Peace, made the Embassi●… to be the more suspected. These men when they were arrived at Bononia, the Pope (for that they were not of sufficient honour, and for that sufficiency of industry, sincerity of mind and faith was not found in them) did so contemn them, that he greatly laughed to see, that in place of worthy Senators, they had out of Florence sent Merchants, and those not of the best sort. And that which did most sound in derogation of their Legation was, for that the Ministers of the customs in Bononia had found in their Coffers for merchandise sake great store of gold thread to make and weave cloth-of-gold; the which they then brought to avoid further charge of carriage for the same; which foolish subtlety in so grave a matter, wrapped about with the filthiness of gain, was the more to be jested at, Because when they had delivered their Message, they had brought no further authority to confirm the Peace. Wherefore Clement, and Caesar also, scorning them, and stomacking the covetousness and unskill of the Merchants, did so upbraid them, that their pertinacy seemed next unto madness, and they with open shame rejected, were sent home, &c.  
Thus far Jovius translated in English. In which is to be seen, that the baseness, foolishness, covetousness, and want of experience, was the cause that these ambassadors were not only disdained, and their Petition rejected, but that the poor Florentines were still oppressed with the said war. And thus much hitherto, that an ambassador should be learned, eloquent, and of good calling.  
Now for the other matters, as that they must be wise, and expert, &c. you shall find plentiful examples thereof under the title of ambassadors praised for the wise dispatch, and worthy doing of their Legation, and under the title of apothegms, and wise answers of Legates; wherefore I here strain my quill to other matters belonging to them, as followeth.   

CHAP. 4. What laws, and privileges were made, and allowed for and to ambassadors.  
ALthough this matter may best by a Civilian be discussed, for that the same is most plentifully known unto them, and is a thing that I cannot well entreat of, for that I have not acquainted myself with Justinians Writings, and Decrees: yet so farforth, as either in History, or other authority, I have read, or collected any thing thereof, I shall not refuse to say what I can, though not so much as I would, though not so much as the matter could bear, and though not so much as your Lordship might learn from others to your contentment, and my desire; And therefore to say what I can, I affirm, That it is but reason (since ambassadors endanger their persons, consume their substance, travel their wits, toil their bodies, serve their country, and uphold their Prince) that they should be Franchised with such liberties, as both might be safety for themselves, and guerdon for their deserts; or else who would willingly discharge that thing, the performance whereof shall not so much as defend his life? But to leave proofs of reason, we will descend to the writings of others who have treated thereof. And first for the order how ambassadors were received and used, Alexander ab Alexandro thus writeth.  
Apud Graecos nisi praeconibus 
●…ex. ab ●…ex. lib. 5. 〈◊〉. 3.  adhibitis, Legatos minimè hostium fines ingredi decebat; neque Legationis munere fungi quenquam, nisi prius infula aqua ab eisdem manus abluissent, jovique coronatis poculis propinassent. Hi tamen Legati qui cum patriis sacris, O●…ympum aut Pythiam missi erant, sacri: qui vero foed ra percutiebant quasi pacis arbitri, & Interpretos {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} dicti sunt.  
Which Alexander further speaking of the time when Ambassadors should be received amongst the Romans, and in what language the Legates should speak, saith in this order.  
Neque illud praetereundum, 
Alex. ab. Alex. l●…. 4. cap. 21.  &c. Neither is it to be overpassed, that it is remembered, that to Legates, and foreign Nations, admitted into the Senate, the Roman consuls were not accustomed to give any answers, but only in Latin, who being admitted after the manner of the Fathers, the Senate gave them power of that they would have; but the Greeks (by their Deputies appointed) did declare their minds, if anybody required any thing, as the Atrebates, and Belonaces did assemble their counsels by the sound of Trumpets. But if they would speak any thing in their own Language to those (being admitted in the Senate) were Interpreters given, by whom they did propound what was needful, and receive the agreement, and answers of the Senate.  
And although Molo the Rhetorician is first said to have declamed in Greek in the Senate; yet so much did Tiberius hate the Greek tongue, that endeavouring to speak (I well know not what in the Senate) in Greek, he first craved pardon therefore.  
And Claudius Caesar did raze out of the Table of the judges, and sent away the Governuur of a Province in Greece, for that he was ignorant in the Latin tongue. Further, this custom grew in force amongst the Romans, that in the month of February, styled the Calends of March (by Consuls appointed therefore) the Senate did daily apply themselves to hear the requests of ambassadors, and complaints of their fellows, lest they should be deceived in the end by long delay, and tedious expectation. Thus far he.  
In which is worthily to be noted, that the Romans with great reason did use to give answers to Legates in their Mother tongue, which was the Latin, and that he which spoke in the Senate should have the Latin tongue. The which observation if it were at this day used, it would judge most allowable, that what Prince soever should by his ambassadors request any thing of us, should use our tongue, they standing in need of us. And so likewise when we are to require of them things necessary for us, we to use their language, because the truth of the matter should better be understood thereby than otherwise, upon the ambiguity of the word (not known of the ambassador ignorant of our tongue) might great contention rise. As did to Frederick Duke of Saxony, in Sentence given against him by Charles the Fifth, in the Dutch tongue, where Frederick understanding one word to signify absolution and pardon of life, was by the same word condemned to death, that word having double signification.  
Now what Privileges 
Aerodius ●…itus Livi●…s, Dec. 4. 〈◊〉. 8. ●…heatrum ●…itae hu●…anae. ●…ol. 14. 〈◊〉. 5.  and Immunities are further to them belonging, Marcus Popilius Lenas' being dispatched Legate unto Antiochus Epiphanes 
Valer. Max. li. 6 cap. 6.  (who had besieged King Ptolemy, friend to the Romans) to will him that he should abstain from molesting the Companions of the people of Rome, did compass about Antiochus 
Livius, lib. 45. Valer. Max. Plinius.  (deferring answer) with a circle which he made with a wand, charging Antiochus not to depart out of the same, till such time as he had delivered an absolute answer, the which Antiochus fearing lest of his war where he doth by manifest error place C. Octavus for Popilius.  
Nicholaus Damastenus being sent of Herod, King of the Jews (whose deeds he wrote with more flattery than troth) ambassador to Rome, to Augustus, did pacify the Emperor offended with Herod for wars made against the Arabians; And so wrought that Syllius 
Joseph. li. 6. cap. 17  the Legate of the Arabians was condemned. Agapetus the Roman was sent of Theodorus king of the Goths to Justinian the Emperor to excuse the death of Amalasuenta, where the Emperor being pacified, and he attempted by the Emperor to follow the heresy of Eutiches, by his constant denying thereof so wrought, that in th'end he enforced the Emperor to return to a sound opinion of Catholic Religion.  
Francis Dandalus the 
Volater. l●…. 12. Anthrop.  Venetian Orator, being sent into France, to Clement the Pope to pacify him, for that he was offended with the States of Venice for the receiving of Feraria, when he had divers times used many persuasions, and yet could not remove the anger of the high Bishop, falling grovelling upon his hands and feet (of his voluntary motion, not by compulsion as some affirm) with a Chain about his neck, in the manner of a Dog, did prostrate himself at the feet of the Bishop then at Dinner; At which strange sight the Pope being astonished, received him into 
Ignatius, li. 6. cap. 2.  his favour, and forgave the injury of the Venetians.  
Laurence Medici's, ambassador of the Florentines, sent to Naples to King Ferdinando, when one of the King's horses was brought forth on which Laurence should ride together with the King (who came to meet him, not as a private person) into the Castle, said, he should then need a horse, and not before, when he had obtained Peace of such a King, whereby he might with quick speed carry such message to his City, whose hope in this was not deceived, for Ferdinand being allured with the enticement of his Speech, & courtesy (which plainly seemed to represent a kingly majesty) did so bind him unto him, that of a bitter enemy he made him a dear friend to his Country, in such sort, that he which made the war by the malice of this Laurence to the Florentines, did also leave off the same by the words of the same person. Brutus, hist. Flor. li. 7. When Clement the seventh Bishop of Rome, and Charles the Fifth, the Emperor, had met at Bononia about divers affairs, Francis Alvares the Legate of Divide, commonly called Presto John, was King of the Abissine Aethiopians (which do possess the middle part of Africa) being come to Bononia by the conduct of the ambassadors of John King of Portugal did in the Senate, in the name of his King, promise faith and obedience ●…to Clement, 
Polidor. de Inven. lib. 4. M. 2.  Bishop of Rome, in the year of our Lord 1533. in the month of Pebruary. And so with these examples I conclude this title, of such persons as have been commended for the wise dispatch of their embassy. After which I mean with like examples more plentifully to utter many wise Answers given, and made by, and to the Legates of other Provinces, in which their wit, and learning was notably declared.   

CHAP. 5. Apothegms, or wise, and pleasant Answers given, and made by, and to ambassadors.  
DArius the King entering into Scythia, was driven to great need, and poverty; Whereupon the Scythians sent Legates unto him with presents, which were, a Bird, a Mouse, a Frog, and five arrows, which Darius interpreted after his mind, that thereby they did yield themselves, and the country; By the Mouse, understanding the Land; by the Frog, the Waters; by the Bird, their Horses; and by the Arrows, their bodies. But Gobrias did conjecture, that these presents did speak to contrary effect. That unless the 
Byusomius, li. 3. cap. 30.  Persians did fly away as Birds, hide themselves in the Earth like Mise, leap into the water like Frogs, they should be killed with those Arrows.  
Polycartidas an Orator, being sent with others to certain Dukes, when it was demanded of them, Whether their coming was private, or public, answered, That if they obtained the effect of their Message, they came publicly, if not, privately; which Speech did singularly manifest 
Plutarch in Lacon.  his good mind to his country; For if his Legation succeeded to his mind▪ he would give the glory to his country, if otherwise he would not have the reproach of repulse to pertain to the commonwealth.  
The lacedaemonians sending but one Legate to King Demetrius, he greatly 
Brus. li. 2. Sap 1.  stomached the same, asking if one man were enough to come to him: Whereunto the Legate answered, yea Sir, we deem it sufficient to send but one body to one man, which words also Agis the son of Achidanus used, being sent to Philip of Macedon, when certain Lacons (a people of Greece inhabiting Sparta) went ambassadors to the Tyrant Lygdanus, who often deferred conference with them, excusing himself, that he was somewhat sickly, they willed the Messengers to return answer, That they gently 
Brus. li. 3. cap. 30.  came to talk, and not boisterously to wrestle with the King.  
Ismenias, the Theban, and Pilopidas who was Victor in Leustrica, being sent Messengers to King Artaxerxes, when they should have worshipped the King, Ismenias (as it seemed) resused to do it, yet for that he would not by disobedience utter any folly, he wisely excused it, for being commanded to honour the King, he let fall his Ring at his foot to the ground, which he took up again with a bowed 
Plutarch in artaxerxes.  body, whereby it was judged that he then worshipped the King.  
Ambassadors being sent from a besieged city to Alexander Magnus then in India, did humbly present themselves to him, much marveling to behold him in Armour, without any kingly pomp. To the eldest of which Legates (whose name was Acuphis) Alexander delivered a Cushion (brought for himself) which he willed Acuphis to take and sit down near unto him, whose benignity, and humanity Acuphis wondering at, and commending, demanded of him with what conditions he would receive them into his friendship. To whom Alexander answered, With this condition, That I make thee Prince of thy Country, and that thou send me an hundred of the best, vertuousest, and chiefest men thou hast; Whereunto Acuphis smiling said; But I shall govern better as King, if I should rather send thee an hundred of the worst, 
Plutarch. in Alexandro.  than the best.  
Aximines made Legate to the same Alexander to pacify his anger vehemently incensed against the Lampascens. Alexander as soon as he saw him, made oath (thereby to cut off all occasion of hope of favour) that he would not condescend to any of Aximines' requests, although he was his Master; whereto answered Aximines; Then I require this of thee O King, that thou wilt utterly subvert the country of Aximines this Master; By which wise policy Alexander against his will did spare the Lampascens.  
The Romans dispatched their ambassadors into Bythinia, to assuage a domestical discord between Prussia the Father, and Nicomedes the son, which Legates were such as one had many scars of wounds in his head, another was diseased in his feet, the third was but of a slender wit, of whom M. Cato was wont to jest, not unwisely, that the same embassy lacked both head, feet, and heart; Sab. li. 9 en. 5. ex Plut. Catone. Cornelius the Centurion, being Legate in the Creation of the Consul Octavius, showing his Sword in the Court, said, this shall perform it, if you will not. Volat. li. 23.  
Genuinus when he was sent into Asia to Antonius Triumvir (overcome with the love of Cleopatra) to move Antonius to endeavour himself to fall into amity with Octavius, being called to a Banquet by Antonius, and in the presence of Cleopatra being commanded to deliver his Message, said (not respecting the greatness of Antony, or presence of Cleopatra) the thing that I am enjoined to tell to thee, is to be entreated with a sober man, and in another place than where we now be. But howsoever I may seem to myself as a drunken person to say a thing, yet I affirm, that all things shall succeed well unto thee, if thou wilt let Cleopatra depart into Egypt, freely thereby noting the drunkenness of Antony, and his immoderate love to Cleopatra. Plut. in vita Antonii.  
When a Sedition was raised between the Jews, and the Greeks dwelling at Alexandria; three Legates of either part were chosen to be sent to Caius the Emperor. Whereof Appion, Prince of the Legates for the Alexandrians, laid many faults upon the Jews, one of which was this, that they did not prosecute the Emperor with Divine honour. The chief one of the party of the Jews was Philo, the brother of Alexander Alabarcha, and a skilful Philosopher, who preparing to plead the cause of his Nation, was repulsed of Caesar, and commanded to depart; The Emperor scarce for anger abstaining from doing him injury; wherefore he being thus cast out with reproach amongst men, fled to the assistance of God, and turning to the Jews his followers said, we must now be of good comfort, for when Caius is offended with us, God shall work against him for us.  
Leo Bizantius, when he was sent ambassador to Athens, entering into the assembly, to pacify a long sedition continuing amongst them, provoked laughter to the people, for that he appeared so fat in body, being furnished with a great paunch or belly; but he nothing moved therewith, yet knowing the occasion of th●…r jesting, cried, Why do you laugh to see me thus gross? Assure yourselves, I have a wife far fatter than myself, and yet being such, and so monstrous, a little bed can hold us being quiet together, but being at square, and variance, the whole house is too little; and so went on by this occasion with his Oration, inducing the people to concord, and quiet. Philostratus.  
Ambassadors being dispatched to Pyrrhus, did come to redeem certain prisoners, amongst the which Legates was Caius Fabritius, whose fame and name was had in great estimation amongst the Romans, being a virtuous man in peace, and a noble soldier in war, but yet very poor, which Cineas declared unto the King; Whereupon Pyrrhus did privately use him very courteously, contending with him to take reward of gold at his hands, not for any evil cause, but as he said, as a pledge of friendship, and good entertainment; the which Fabritius refusing, silence was made thereof for that time. The next day (to the end he might fear Fabritius, who never before had seen an Elephant) Pyrrhus commanded the great beast, as they were in talking, to be brought, and set behind a screen, which was so done, than a sign being given, the screen was removed, and the Elephant lifting up his nostril, did hang it over the head of Fabritius, sounding up a sharp, and terrible noise, whereat Fabritius, by little and little turning back, said to Pyrrhus, neither thy gold yesterday, nor thy beast to day can move me. After at supper, when talk was had of the Greeks, and of the Philosophers, Cineas fell to naming of the Epicures, reciting what they thought of the Gods, and of the commonwealth, how they placed their chiefest felicity in pleasure, how they avoided the government of the State as troublesome, and hurtful to good life, and how the gods were removed from rewarding, from anger, and from care, of, to, and over us, leading an idle life, flowing with all pleasure. To whom yet thus speaking, Fabritius cried out; O God, be these Precepts pleasant to Pyrrhus, and the Samnites, whilst they make war with us. Upon the which Pyrrhus marveling at the mind, and gravity of the man, did more earnestly study, by breaking off the wars, to join friendship with the Romans, privately inviting Fabritius (if the Peace were performed) to remain and live with him, offering that he should enjoy the chiefest place amongst his friends, and Nobles. To whom Fabritius is said to have answered in his ear. It will not be for thy profit O King, for those that do now worship, and follow thee, if they had made trial of me, would wish me king to thee. With which Pyrrhus was no whit offended, nor took it with a tyrannical mind, but did declare to Fabritius friends, the noble disposition of the man. To whose only credit he did commit the Captives, with this condition, that if the Senate did deny Peace after their friends saluted, and the Saturnals celebrated to the Gods, they should be sent back to him again, who in like sort (the Festivals ended) according to the condition were returned to Pyrrhus, of whom as many as remained at home, the Senate put to execution. Plutar. in Pirrho.  
Two Legates (saith Poggius) being sent from the council of Constance to Petrus Deluna, the false Pope, did (amongst other bitter chidings, and hard speeches, which they used together upon the right, and title of pontificiality, after that the Pope had said of himself, this is the ark of Noah, meaning that all the power of the Apostolic See remained with him) answer, there were many beasts in the Ark of Noah, expressing thereby, that there were many vices in him, the Pope, and many wicked men in the Church.  
When Sfortia the great, being feared with the weapons, and awaits of Paulus Ursinus, had departed from Rome, and placed his company in Algido, there came to him from the Pope a Legate (the Cardinal of St. angel) being of the family of Columna, and was well received into the city. To which Cardinal amongst many speeches, when he had said, Shall Sfortia fear a bear (alluding to Ursinus, for Ursus in Latin, is a Bear in English) When he shall be in most safety under a Pillar (meaning himself descended of Columna, which in English signifies a Pillar) Sfortia suddenly answered, Shall not I seem mad unto thee (O Father) if whilst in vain I crave aid of a dumb and deaf Pillar, that great beast, fierce with tooth and ●…ayle, making haste oftentimes with the pace of a lively man, shall not seem fearful unto me? not unpleasantly noting the absence of the Columnians (who were far off) and lively depainting the wit of Ursinus, with his present 
jovius in vita mag. Sfortiae.  strength, which was at hand.  
And so my good Lord I knit up this matter with many ambassador's examples, wherein is showed their wit, their government, their wise answers, their gravity, their magnanimity, policy, favour, and many other excellent things required in an ambassador. Of which former examples I shall not need to make any Comment, or application to your Lordship, who by nature have a ready wit to conceive, by experience a sound judgement to understand, and by study a heaped knowledge to judge both my intent in writing them, their commendations in speaking them, and my friend commodity in reading them. And so to other matter concerning legates to be confirmed by collected examples found in ancient and learned Writers.   

CRAP. 3. Ambassadors that died in their embassy.  
AS you have before heard what good things have been commended in Legates, and ambassadors, how they have been rewarded, honoured, esteemed, preferred, what privileges, what entertainment, and how many other good things have been belonging unto them. So since there is nothing certain in this world, nothing happy on every side, but that every commodity brings its discommodity, these men with all these good matters are subject to as many evils, misfortunes, losses, and hindrances, as they seem to be adorned with many excellencies. And therefore having already spoken of the first part, I will come to the later part of this Proposition, and lay before your eyes their misfortunes, how some have died by the way, some have been slain, some maimed, some blinded, and some many other ways misused, as the malice of the doer, or the will of the Commander gave in charge for the same; And therefore first to ambassadors that have been slain, and died in their embassy.  
The Athenians sent Demades the Orator as Legate to Antipater (for that Demades seemed very expert in the Macedonian affairs) to require of Antipater, that as at the beginning he had promised, so he would bring forth his aid out of Munichia. Antipater at first seemed of good disposition towards Demades, but after Perdicea being dead, and certain of the King's Letters found amongst the King's writings in with Demades did exhort Perdicea, that he should speedily pass into Europe against Antipater, the favour of Antipater was alyened from Demades, so that he nourished privily cruelty against him, wherefore Demades with his son Demea, (who with his Father was also ambassador) urging the performance of the promise, were both delivered to the Executioner. Diodo. li. 18.  
Servius Sulpitius dying in his Legation, had a Statue erected to him, sitting on horseback. Agapetus, the Roman, as before you heard, coming to the Emperor to excuse the death of Amalasuenta died in his embassy.  
Porcopius Domatus Accioiolus (who wrote the Grammar, as I conjecture) singularly learned in the Greek, and Latin tongue, being ambassador from the Florentines to Lewis the Eleventh (King of France) for to join in league against Xistus the Fourth (Bishop of Rome) died before he was departed out of the limits of Italy. In recompense whereof his Children had many privileges granted, and great sums bestowed on them, with other money appointed by the Magistrates to the bestowing of his Daughters in Marriage. In whose place Guidontanius Vespatius was erected, Brutus li. 7. Histor. Florenc.  
Claudius Marcellus, one of the three ambassadors sent unto Massinissa into Africa perished by shipwreck a little before the third punical wars, Livi. li. 50. Volater. Livius, li. 17.  
Julianus Caesarius the Cardinal, and ambassador with Udalislaus King of Polonia, sent by Eugenius the Fourth (chief Bishop) against the Turks, was slain. Volat. li. 22.  
Bassarion (Cardinal of Nice, who wrote the history of the Greeks in the beginning of the popedom of Xistus) whilst he went into France, to conclude a Peace between Lewis the King of France, and Charles Duke of Burgundy, as meaning to sacrifice that for his last offer to God, being suspected of th'one part, and returning without doing any notable thing in the cause, with very grief of mind, died at Ravena i●… his journey. Volat. li. 2▪ Anthrop.  
The Senate of Venic●… did dispatch in Legatio●… to the King of Spain, Domick, Frinisanus, and Anthony Boldus to procure (as there was truce taken for a time) a continual amity between those Kings, and Charles the King of France, who taking their journey, Antony being a man of singular eloquence, and profound judgement, overtaken with sickness in the way, died at Genua. In recompense whereof the State and Senate of Venice, gave to his Son Gabriel Boldns spiritual livings at Patavia, after confirmed to the said Gabriel by Alexander the Pope. Bemb. li. 4. Ven. Histor.  
Thus these examples sufficing for the proof of this matter (although many other might be vouched thereupon, as well out of our English Chronicles, as out of other Authors) I will now, (since every man is subject to death, and it forceth not before God, whether he die an ambassador or no) show what injuries as well in life, as limb, with other disorders have been used unto Legates, against Law, Reason, equity, Friendship and Christianity.   

CHAP. 7. Ambassadors evilly entreated in their embassy.  
IT is showed before in the privileges of ambassadors, that their immunity should be such as they ought not to be touched for any offence in their Legation, no not for conspiracy against another Prince. Then since this was the Law called Ius Gentium, which was (as touching Legates) called Divinum, for that commonly they sought to maintain godly Peace. How much are those persons, Kings, or others, to be blamed, that have offered violence to such men, which of themselves do nothing, but execute the commandment of their superiors? to resist whom is punishable, as well before God, as before men; Disobedience being such a vice as God abhorreth, Man punisheth, Reason misliketh, and Law condemneth.  
Wherefore as good Princes have been commended to their perpetual glory, for the liberality, good using, and entertainment of ambassadors: So evil Kings to their continual shame are registered in remembrance for abusing, violating, and offending such persons. And therefore under this Title, I will set down both what ambassadors have been injured, in what sort it was done, by whom, for what cause, and to whose despite it hath been practised, as followeth.  
First, the ambassadors of Darius, requiring in great words. Earth, and Water to be given them, which amongst the Persians, was a token of yielding, or subjection, were soon headlong thrown into Ditches, and some into deep Wells, and Dungeons. Alexander ab Alexandro, li. 4. cap. 7.  
Longius (the Legate of Trajane the Emperor) as he was talking, was circumvented, and apprehended. Volat. li. 23. Anthrop.  
John the Son of Edward being issued from the noble house of the Romans called Columna, (which ancient family continueth at this day, of which there did flourish two hundred noble personages) and being Cardinal of St. Praxedis was Ambassador in the expedition to Jerusalem which was in the year 1200. where he did almost suffer martyrdom, for he was of the barbarous Enemies included between two posts ready to be cut in sunder, unless the Divine providence, and his great constancy had not moved them to relent. Volat. li. 22. Anthrop.  
Aurelius Scaurus (Legate from the Cymbries) the host being overthrown was taken, who being called to the council by them, did put them in fear lest they should pass the Alps, and go into Italy, affirming that the Romans could not be subdued, upon which he was killed by Belus, the fierce young King. Livius, li. 67.  
A. Gabinius the Legate, after many things prosperously done against the Lucan's, and many Towns overthrown, was slain at a siege. Livius, li. 76.  
Henricus Dandalus (the ambassador of the Venetians) for that he liberally uttered certain things, had (against the Law of Nations) his eyes plucked out by Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople.  
Pantaleon, (the Tyrant of the Eleans) did geld certain Legates coming to him, and enforced them to eat their own stones. Heraclides in Politiis.  
The Egyptians joining battle with Cambyses (King of the Persians) in the end took their flight without any order, to whom (being withdrawn into Memphis) Cambyses sent an Herald, his Legate, being a Persian, in a ship of Mitelena. They when they saw the ship arrived at Memphis, in whole troops coming out of the city, broke the ship, and tore the men into small pieces, carrying them into the Town. Herodot. li. 3.  
In the second year of the Peloponesian war, the lacedaemonians experiencing all devices to overthrow the riches of Athens, sent Legates unto Artaxerxes into Asia, which should require aid, and money to the use of the war, and also should as they made their passage through Thracia, attempt Sitalces, whether he would be withdrawn from the society of the Athenians, with which ambassadors was Aristius Corinthius, Trinagoras, Togeates, and polis Argivus in his own name going to the King. These repairing into Asia, and passing the Sea of Hellespont, Sadocus, the son of Sitalces (But, Herodotus maketh Sitalces the Son of Tereus Author of this deed) by the persuasion of the Legates of Athens (by chance being then in Thracia) were overthrown, and sent bound to Athens by Mymphiodorus Abderitas. The Legates thus brought into Attica, were by public Decree slain, and cast into Wells and Ditches, and so the Athenians revenged the death of their people, which were taken in the beginning of the wars by the lacedaemonians, and were slain, and cast out unburied. Sabell. li. 7. en 3. ex Herodot.  
When Pacorus the King of the Parthians had taken Jerusalem, contending against Hercames, to bring the kingdom to Antigonus the son of Aristobolus; he persuaded Hyrcanus, that he with Phalesus the eldest Son to Antipater, and brother to Herod, should go in embassy to Barzapharnez, a noble man of Parthia, into Galilee. Hyrcanus' obeyed, though Herod. dissuaded him from it, and so in the end was taken by Barzapharnez, and delivered to Antigonus, who cut off the ears of Hyrcanus that he should thereafter be unapt for the high Priesthood, upon the which Phasaetus knocking his head against a stone, was author of his own death. Joseph. li. 14. cap. 24. & 25. Antiquitat.  
The Fideni, being a colony, or people sprang from Rome, did revolt to Larte Tollinius, King of Vrentines, by which occasion Legates were dispatched to demand the cause of their new device and counsel, which Legates by the Precept of Tolunnius were murdered, of which deed, there were which did absolve the King, for that his Speech was misunderstood, the same being uttered in a fortunate cast of the dice; But whether by error, or of purpose they were slain, it was in question. They that came to the Fidenians were Caius Fulcinius, Lullius, Tullius Sp. Nuntius, &c. Boscus to whom after their slaughter Images were erected at Rome. Sabell. li. 5. en. 3.  
The Tarentines by occasion setting upon the Roman men of war carried away the same, having killed the Captain of the Fleet, with many other persons, by reason whereof Legates were sent from Rome after the manner of the city to demand restitution of their goods, whom the Tarentines (adding one mischief to another) did violate against the Law of Nations. Afterwards being urged of the Romans by war, (when they found themselves not able to encounter the Roman force, and would not for their natural pride have the war dissolved) they called Pyrrhus into Italy. Sab. li. 8. en. 4.  
The Illyrians having gotten a prey upon the Borderers of Italy, and robbing their Merchants (being intercepted in the high Sea) great complaint was thereof made to the Senate of Rome, whereupon they sent two of the Cornicans (a family of Rome) to Teuca the Queen of the Illyrians (who succeeded in the kingdom, after the death of Argronus, her Husband,) at what time she was besieging the Isle of Issa, whether the Ambassadors came, to whom (uttering the complaint of her sellows) she thus concluded, saying, That she would endeavour that no injury should be publicly offered to the Romans, but to prohibit her people, that they should not privately reap the fruit of the Seas, it was not the manner of Kings, neither would she forbid it. Than one of the Legates (in years' youngest) stoutly (but out of time) replied, Because (said he) O Teuca the Romans by custom do publicly revenge private injuries, we will by the assistance of the Gods endeavour, that whether you will or no, this your kingly custom shall be amended. With which bitter answer the Queen grew so offended (as that Sex is most impatient in anger) that neglecting Ius Gentium, she sent out certain which set upon the ambassadors departed, and killed the the younger, whose death being declared, the Romans raised a power, gathered a navy, and made Teuca tributary with her Dominions in the revenge of the Legates death. Sab. li. 9 en. 4. Borifrinus. li. 6. Decad. 1. who calleth this Queen by the name of Teutana.  
At the beginning of the Jews wars, Agrippa the King of the Jews sent ambassadors to the seditious Jews within Jerusalem, such persons as were best known unto the Jews, which were Borceus, and Phoebus, to move the people to lay down their Armour, and be reconciled to the Romans, but the seditious fearing lest the people would have gone to Agrippa, killed Phoebus before ever he spoke, and Borceus being wounded hardly escaped. Joseph. li. 2. cap. 24. de Bello judaior.  
Julianus Apostata (so called, for that he denied the Christian faith, being Emperor) with unspeakable fury raging against the Christians, contrary to all Law, and equity, did not at Calordan fear to murder Manuel Sabelles, and Ishmael, because they were Christians, and sent ambassadors to him out of Persia. Nicephorus, li. 10. cap. 11.  
The Catholics remaining in the city of Constantinople, conceiving a certain hope of the clemency of Valence the Emperor, sent 80 men of holy orders, as Legates to him lying at Nichomedia. The chief whereof were Theodorus, Curbaggus, and Thenedenus, who with the rest, together with their ships, he commanded to be burned. Suidas.  
John the Scribe, or secretary, after the death of Honorius, did invade the Empire, and required the dignity of the East Empire to be confirmed unto him. But Theosodius casting his Legates in prison, and sending Captain Asparus with his host, overcame the Tyrant, and Created Valentinian the son of his Aunt Placidia Emperor of the West. Paulus Diaconus.  
Innocentius, Bishop of Rome (being ascertained of the injuries, wherewith John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, was troubled beyond all humanity, by Arcadius the Emperor) dispatched certain ambassadors, (whose names for brevity I omit) unto the Emperor to Constantinople, who at their first arrival into Greece, were traitorously received of the Tribune, suborned thereunto by Eudoxia the Empress, the wife of Arcadius, who charged them with many reports, and said that they came to disturb the Oriental Empire, Wherefore divers of them being cast into divers prisons of the suburbs of Constantinople, when they could not deliver the Letters they had unto any others than the Emperor, Valerius (having broken one of his thumbs) did forcibly take from them their Letters, and their money, who after offering them 3000. pieces of gold did tempt them to follow the part of Attichus the usurped Bishop of Constantinople, but they pretending that they were admonished in their sleep, not to consent thereto, did earnestly require liberty of return, whereupon being put into an old ship which leaked, with many chinks, they were exposed to the Sea, as to their utter destruction, who using very dangerous Navigation, at the length hardly escaped in safety, and arrived at Lampsacum, there changed their ship, and returned into the West. Nicephorus, li. 13. cap. 33. So zomenus, li. 8. cap. u●…●…imo.  
Hormisda, Bishop o●…Rome, sent Aemiodius th●… Bishop, with Fortunatus Venantius, and Vitalis, Le●… gates to Anastatius Emperor of Constantinople to reduce him from He resy, but he labouring t●… destroy them, put them i●… a ship without sail, Mast●… or oar, where they ha●… been drowned, had they not been saved by the benignity of God, whic●… Emperor willed them to redeliver this Message unto the Pope, That i●… was the property of an Emperor to command others, and not to obey the Pope's Precepts: whereupon Hormisda did curse him. Nauclerus Volu. 2. geno. 18. & Henricus Erphordiensis.  
Gregory the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand, Bishop of Rome, did cast into prison (for the hatred he bore unto Caesar) the Legates of the Emperor Hen. 4. sent to excuse the four Crimes laid against him by the Saxons, who yet thus not contented, did miserably vex the Legates with famine, thirst, and cold, and in the end leading them about the city, did drive them out of the Town. Aventium li. 5. Annial. Boiors.  
Chilperick King of France, when he had made Venice tributary unto him, the same City sending unto him a Bishop for an ambassador upon certain causes touching the State, being moved with extreme anger, against Law banished the Bishop. Aimonius, li. 3. de gestis Francorum.  
Emanuel, the Emperor of the Greeks (after that he found by report, that the City of Venice was grievously infected with a plague) he made to be held a brazen table red hot with fire before the eyes of Henry Dandalus the Ambassador, amongst others; by which cruel fact he was almost blinded, and ever after lost the force of his sight, being still purblind. Sab. li. 5. en. 9  
John the Cardinal, being at Constantinople, and sent by Alexander the high Bishop to Manuel (at the request of him, endeavouring to reduce the Greeks to the Roman Church) was apprehended of Andronicus Corvenus (usurping the tyranny, Alexius being killed) and a dog tied unto him, whose tail was thrust into his mouth, & so drawn through the city, was headlong cast into a ditch, and then buried.  
Cuspinianus Caesar Tregossus of Genua, and Antony Rivico of Spain, sent from Francis the first (King of France) Legates to the Emperor of the Turks, when they had sailed to Padua, to go to Venice, were taken of the Spaniards and killed, wherewith the French King being offended, did cast into prison in lions in France, Gregory of Austria, the Bastard of Maximilian the Emperor, and Bishop of Valentinia, and was the occasion that Laseus the Legate of Ferdinando was apprehended by Soliman the Turk, and yet not thus contented, he pursued this injury with extreme war. Sleydan. li. 14. & Paulus Jovius.  
Achomates endeavouring by open violence (which he could no otherwise according to his mind bring to pass) to execute the government of the Turks from his Father Bajazet; His father gently sent ambassadors to him either to revoke him from his madness, or else to bid him war; But how much the more he did earnestly (after the repulse taken) thirst after the Empire, by so much he judged, that he should deal more sharp, and bitterly therein; And therefore commanded the chief of the Legates (most boldly threatening extremity unto him) to be strangled in his sight, and the rest before the evening to depart the Camp. The which deed did most of all exasperate the choler of Baiazetes, and alienate the mind of many men from him, because that he had cruelly against all humanity, and Law, (without reverence to the person, or duty to his Father) violated the Legates, coming to him to conclude and end the controversy; Wherefore being declared an open enemy, his father being dead; he was taken, and strangled of Silinius his brother. Sab. li. 4. ex Jovio.  
Tomumbeius the last Soldan of the Egyptians being drawn out of Memphis by Selymon Emperor of the Turks, fled into the furthest part of Egypt, to recover his force, & power. Selinius sent unto him noble men, and such as governed the Region, and with them certain Egyptians of great name which should persuade Tomumbeius to lay down his Weapons, and at length to acknowledge the fortune of victory, who further upon their faith should promise, That if he came in humble sort, he should still retain the kingdom by the humanity and gift of the Victor, which he could not any way defend by arms; But if he did proceed to renew the war, and had forgotten his imbecility (the fortune of battle being judge) there should thereafter be left no place for him, either of life, or dignity. These Legates (passing Nilus, and coming into Sarentica) were killed before they were heard speak, by the mad, and barbarous cruelty of certain mamaluches, which wicked and arrogant men did think to have done an acceptable deed to Tomumbeius (looking for no such matter) if (to declare their good wills, & minds abhorring peace) they had opened by that means all the rage, and cruelty of their hearts. But that deed being so proud, and cruel, took away all mercy, and patience from Selymon, who at length set an end to the bloody war, and these beastly mamaluches. Sab. supl. li. 8. ex Jovio.  
With which history I finish this tragical discourse of injuries offered to ambassadors, as well of the clergy, as of Temporal men, by Kings, Emperors, Dukes, Bishops and other persons, both ethnics, Turks, and Christians, against Law, and Justice, which doth always will that these ambassadors should be courteously used. Contrary to which equity they were most cruelly handled; As some being burnt, some having their eyes plucked out, some blinded by other means, some slain, some maimed in their ears, some in their genitals, some strangled, some drowned, some left to the mercy of the raging Seas, & others oppressed with famine, thirst, and cold. And because it is not reason, and Justice doth not permit that such cruel deeds should go unrevenged, as partly is showed in some of these examples (whereof I could have produced many more, but that I would avoid ostentation of seeming to have read, and noted many things in travelling Histories) I will in one special title for that purpose (wherein your Lordship may require more examples of ambassadors disorderly used) lay before your lordship's eyes the revenge of such despite done to foreign ambassadors.   

CRAP. 8. The revengement of cruelty used. to Ambassodours against the Law of Nature.  
TOuching this matter you heard before out of Alexander ab Alexandro, how they which offended ambassadors, were delivered to the offended, and were sent for the most part to the country of such Legates, there to receive punishment according to their deserts. Here I will collect in examples what revengement, and other hatred hath been used, and exercised by open wars to other Princes, and Nations, for injuries done to their ambassadors: for it is but reason, that they who will misuse any by wrong against right, should with like violence by Justice be rightly requited. And thus to the confirmation thereof by examples.  
When under the conduct of Magabizis (whom Darius had made ruler of Hellespont) the Thracians were subdued of the Persians; the Persians sent ambassadors into Macedonia to require water, and earth, of Amyntas the King. Amyntas received them with liberal hospitalities, and yielding himself to Darius, at the length, through the request of the Persians (according to their custom) he brought certain Concubines in to the Banquet to the Persians, whom when the Persians had handled, and kissed, Alexander the Son of Amyntas taking the same in disdain, sent his Father to bed, after the which, when free liberty was given to the Persians to have carnal company with which of these women every one would choose, Alexander sent forth those young dames to wash, and cleanse themselves for more delicacy to content the Persians, and forthwith brought in neat young men unbearded, clad in the same apparel, and privily weaponed with daggers, with whom as soon as the Persians began to dally in amorous sort, they drawing forth their weapons killed the Persians, which slaughter Alexander did redeem partly for a great sum of money, and partly by giving his Sister Gygia in marriage to Bubirus the Persian, who was one of the Inquisitors of the murder. Herod. li. 4.  
Thirty Legates of the Cratonians coming to the Siberites were all killed, and unburied, cast before the walls of the city, to be devoured of wild beasts; which deed was the beginning of all those evils to them, which the Oracle did before signify; For all their noble men (a few days being between) did seem to see the same monstrous act in the same manner, for they beheld Juno coming into the marketplace spewing forth her choler; In whose chapel also burst forth a fountain of blood, and yet with all this did not their arrogancy cease, until they were wholly destroyed by the Cratonians. Athen. li. 12. cap. 6. Which history Heraclides Ponticus in libro de Iustitia, although in substance of matter all one, yet in form, and names, doth seem otherwise to repeat.  
King David sent Legates to Hanno the Son of Nalia, the King of the Ammonites to comfort him of the death of his Father, with whom David had joined friendship, and they had promised it should be confirmed. But Hanno taking the Legates as Spies shaved half of their beards, and curtailing their garments by the buttocks, did after in that manner send them away. With which injury David being offended, willed the Legates to remain at Hiercunt until their hair was again grown. And sending Joab with an army against the Ammonites, he grievously afflicted them, and the Syrians (Coming in their aid) with bitter slaughter, wherewith the Syrians being further molested, there were to the number of 40000 Horsemen killed at Helam by David himself, and the rest after were made tributary. 2 Reg. cap. 10.  
The Arabians (having overcome Herod the King of the Jews by subtlety, and Juda being miserably shaken with an earthquake) killed the Legates of the Jews requiring Peace, but not long after they being again grieved by Herod with most bitter slaughter, and in the en●… subdued, received worthy 
Joseph. li. 15. cap. 18. Antiqui●…at.  punishment for their wicked act.  
Certain persons of the Families of Tatius Sabinus (after the manner of thieves, and robbers) entering the fields of the Laurentines, drove the beasts from thence, and spoiled many people, whom they met; Whereupon Romulus (judging the guilty worthy to be punished) sent Legates unto Tatius (with whom the favour of his people did more prevail) than the Law of the Countries, insomuch that he did not only deny the request of the Messengers, but as they were departing, permitted them to be violated of his people, which punishment of the offendor, Tatius procured to himself, who a little while after (Coming to Lavinius, to the solemn Feast there holden) was by privy conspiracy in an assault made upon him miserable slain by the kindred of them, who before were violated of the Tatians. Theatrum. Vit. human. vol. 14. li. 5.  
The Corinthians being under the government of Philip raised dissension against him, and bore themselves so proudly against the Romans, that certain Corinthians did presume to cast urine and other filth upon the Roman ambassador passing by the houses of the street, for which fact, and other like offences, they received revengement out of hand, for a great army being sent thither, Corinth was made level with the ground by Lucius Muminius, Achaius, and the rest of the Dominions, even to the parts of Macedonia fell to the Roman government. Strabo. li. 8.  
The Legate of the King of Persia sent to Aquisgrave to Charles the Great, being very hardly received of the Frenchmen, complained t●…Charles, that the authority of Legates was greate●… amongst the Persians, tha●… the French, upon whic●… to pacify the Persia●… King, to redeem such injury, as to revenge th●… fact, Charles remove●… all the Magistrates, an●… Captains of every Province through which they came, reduced them to a●… private estate, losing thei●… office; Amerced also th●… Bishops in a great mass●… of money, and provided that the Legates with al●… care, duty, and piety should be conveyed to their Countries. And yet deeming this not sufficient, he presented the King of Persia with horses, Spanish Mules, and costly garments of the German fashion, and noble dogs to hunt, which Germany bringeth forth excelling in swiftness, and cruelty. Avent. li. 4. Annalium Boiorum.  
And thus hitherto of the tragical murders following the injuries offered to ambassadors, which hath been the overthrow of many States, and Conquest of many Countries. For no greater villainy can be offered to any absent, than to misuse his present deputy, representing the majesty of his King, and Master.   

CHAP. 9 Ambassadors evilly rewarded at their return into their Countries.  
AMongst the other mischiefs that hang over the heads of ambassadors, besides their charge, death by the way, misusing in their Legation, and bloody wars that follow thereon; This also is not the least evil that accompanieth them, That at his return into his country (when he hopeth for great reward, honourable title, glorious receiving by the people, and credit with his Prince, in recompense of his toiled body, his great expenses, his endangered life) that he is not only deceived therein, but in place thereof receiveth either imprisonment, the Prince's displeasure, loss of life, confiscation of goods, discredit in his country, disdain of his equals, rebuke of his superiors, and evil report of his inferiors, if in dispatch of his Legation, the event falleth not to his Prince's mind, and his country's benefit; And yet he doing as much as wit by nature will give him leave, and judgement by experience hath taught him, is rather in my opinion to be pardoned for the overthwart success, than to be punished for those defaults which himself cannot remedy; God having dealt no more liberally with him in imparting great wit, learning, or experience unto him: For in truth if his Legation be not well performed, the lack is rather to be imputed to the Prince, that would not make better choice, than to the subject that of force must obey, or else run into further inconveniency of his King, whose displeasure (saith Solomon) is death. But because my intent is not in any of these matters fully to say my mind, and to utter what reasons I can produce to confirm any such thing depending on the shoulders of Legates, but only to warrantise my assertion with authority of examples; Therefore leaving all other ordinary proofs, I will descend to my former course, and only will with one example or two for that I mean not to be tedious, and intend but to give your Lordship a taste, that many other examples might be vouched thereon) display sufficient authority in that point, In which ambassadors have been evilly rewarded at their return into their country, as followeth.  
Amasis' the Legate, being sent of King Apris, to those people that were revolted, afterwards became King of the Revolters, upon the which there was another Legate called Paterbenus sent to Amasis who returning without doing any good in the matter, was cruelly handled of King Apris. Theatrum. Vol. 18. li. 4.  
Alexander the Son of Amyntas, King of Macedonia, was (of Mordonius whom Xerxes had left in Greece to subdue it) sent ambassador to the Athenians, to conclude a Peace between them, but he departed without bringing any thing to success, whereupon he was afterwards forbidden to come to Athens, and so banished the Town. Herodot. li. 8.  
In both which examples what cause was there, why either Paterbenus of Apris, or Alexander of the Athenians should be so cruelly handled, doing what in them lay? for when the obstinacy of the other party with whom they must confer, is so much, that neither reason can move, eloquence persuade, gentle usage make willing, or threatenings fear to yield unto their embassy, what shall the poor Legates do? and if they bring not their message to effect, they shall be sharply punished at their return, as either faithless to their Masters, or partial to the enemy. For, methinks, I hear some Sycophant flattering the Prince, and maligning the ambassador (either before his going for some private grudge, or after his departure, for his open honour, in that he is advanced to his place of Legation) and yet setting his own commodity thereby doth say, that if the matter come not to effect, it is by the negligence of the party ambassador, who if he carry not sufficient authority to conclude, or answer all things done on the adverse part, may send home for a larger Commission, the which if he do not, if thereby he might have brought it to conclusion, is to be deemed as a traitorous person to his Prince, and country, and therefore at his return to be punished. The which thing if he do (as I would not excuse it, where open, and not surmised negligence is found in the cause) I say he is worthy therefore of double revenge at his home coming, and to receive torment in place of liberality, reproach for credit, loss of life for advancement, and disinheritance in recompense of his deserved reward. And here since now I am fallen into the mention of treacherous ambassadors, it shall not be unfitting in this place to show what persons, to the shame of them, and of their posterity, are registered in the everlasting Records of traitorous Ambassadors towards their Prince and Province.   

CHAP. 10. Traitorous ambassadors towards their Masters and Princes.  
AS all injuries which tend to the subversion of a commonwealth are to be punished, because not one city, but a Province, not a part of the body, but the whole body, not the King alone, but the subject is grieved thereby; so the same wrong (being injustice) is not only to be avoided (by all good men) as chief enemy to virtue, but also they are to be hated, and sharply punished, which contrary to natural duty to the Prince, to equity, to his country, to good disposition towards himself, to virtue, to good men, and contrary to Justice, to all men in matter of trust (Wherein all truth is to be used) do falsely, and injuriously betray their Children, their Parents, their Friends, their King, their country. And as in all men such treason is to be abhorred, so especially in ambassadors, who are the doors, and gates of the commonwealth, by which Peace, or war, quiet, or dissension, profit, or discommodity are brought into the same. This vild fault is most abhorred, and worthy to be rewarded with death, a thing which in all ages, amongst all men, in all places, and in all matters hath been misliked, hated, condemned, and revenged. Because no greater injury can any ways be offered, than that he who is in credit, with the life, with the commodity, with the honour, with the state of his Prince, or country, with the benefit of his friend, or familiar, should under the colour of assured duty, and friendship, overthrow such State, or person, as giveth such fidelity unto him. But what spend I many words to confirm a thing so manifestly known to be evil? I will not do it, but by example set out such wicked persons, as have wrought against their own head, in such a villainous sort, as the blot thereof will never be wiped away, which examples (for he is happy that can beware by the harm of others) I have set down as condemning that evil fact in them, and as a warning for others to beware, which may fall into the like inconveniency, if fear of God, discourse of reason, duty to the Prince, love to his country, and fidelity to his friends and Allies, do not restrain the evil mind of men's natural inclination always of itself by disposition bent to the worst, and ready to yield to his basest part. The examples be these.  
Labienus the Legate of Caesar, in France, having performed great exploits under Caesar, at the length in the civil wars traitorously fled from Caesar, to Pompey, of whom doth Lucan write; 
— Dux fortis in armis Caesareis, Labienus erat, nunc transfuga vilis.   
The which history is more to be seen at large in Volater. li. 16. Urban. can.  
Amasis' (as you heard before) being the Legate of King Apris; who sent him to the Egyptians, revolted from him, became most traitorously King of the Revolters.  
Ibancus falling from the part of Abexius Angelus Emperor of Constantinople, did defend, and make strong with Castles the places adjoining to Mount Hemo, for the reconciliation of which Ibancus to become again subject, the Emperor did send an ambassador Eunuch very familiar unto him, which should revoke, and renew Conditions and Covenants between them, willing him also to put him in mind of the Marriage of his niece, but this wicked gelding, coming to Ibancus, did not only not do any thing belonging to his Message, but with his presence did rather confirm him in the continuance of his attempt, when he had rashly spewed out unto him that the Greeks out of hand would invade him: And therefore counselling him, that leaving the champion plains, he should for his and the people's better strength, and safety, commit himself to the mountains. Nicelius, li. 3. de Imperio Alex.  
Ariepertus, the Brother of Theudolinda created King of the Lombards, when he had reigned nine years, bequeathed the kingdom to Bertanus, and Godopertus his Sons. The kingdom being divided, Bertanus placed his imperial seat at Milan, and Godopertus at Ticinum, after (Dissension sprang between the two brothers) Godopertus sent to Grinidaldus (Duke of Beneventa) a Legate, Garipaldus, Captain, or Duke of Taureventinus, to request speedy aid against his brother, in recompense whereof he promised his kinswoman in marriage; contrary to which thing the traitorous Legate did persuade Grinidaldus●…o possess the kingdom of L●…mbardie, having now apt time therefore, the brothers being at wars within themselves; whereupon Grinivalde with a chosen company went to Ticinum, where being honourably received (because of his marriage, as was thought) into the King's Palace, did kill Godopertus, and enjoyed the kingdom. Bertarius which was at Milan hearing thereof, for fear fled into Panonia, or Hungary, to Cacanus King of the Araries, a people of Panonia, leaving behind Rodolinda his wife, and Camipertus his Son, whom Grinivaldus sent to Benevenventa not long after, which Domus Gariopaldus (the Legate) was in the Temple killed by the Servant of Godopertus, who feared not to be murdered for the revenge of his Master's injury. Bonsinius, li. 8. Deca. 1.  
Edgarus, King of England, by sickness losing the Queen his wife Elfreda (on whom he had gotten Edward his son) at what time Fame had blown abroad, that Horgerius, Duke of Cornwall, had a fair Daughter named Alfreda, he sent Ethelwold his familiar companion, as his ambassador, to see the beauty of the Maid, and with his words, and in his name, to demand her in marriage, if her beauty did answer the report. Ethelwold when he had seen the beauty of the Maid, unmindful of the King's commandment, did earnestly desire to have her for Wife, who returning to the King, said, That she was not such a person as was convenient to be espoused to the King; but a little after, perceiving by this device, that the King's mind was changed from her love, he began with little, and little, to work with the King to obtain licence, that he might take her by his consent; the which (the King having now despised her beauty) did easily grant. Afterwards the rumour of the beauty of Alfreda did more and more increase, which moved the King, desirous to see her, to take occasion to visit the Town of Ethelwold as he went in hunting. Ethelwold when he understood that the King would come thither, discovering the whole matter to his wife, prayed her (for the safety of them both) that she would attire herself more carelessly, and show herself less beautiful (than she was accustomed) to the young, and lusty King. But the woman forgetting matrimonial love, and the Children born to Ethelwold, as richly attired as she could, came forth to meet the King, where (casting off all shame) she gave the occasion of her husband's destruction, for he was after slain, and the King shortly married her, of whom he begat many Children. Than which deed nothing did more blemish the fame of that worthy King Edgar, as well for that he had taken away the Husband, as for that he had espoused the unchaste Wife. Polydor, li. 6. Ranulphus, li. 6. cap. 11. Will'mus Malmes, li. 2. cap. 46.  
Francis Sabarella the Cardinal (whose writings are highly commended, and allowed, being holden in great authority amongst the civil Lawyers) sent ambassador by John the 23. Bishop of Rome, unto the council of Constance, to excuse his fact, and keep him in the popedom, was author and occasion of the Pope's utter overthrow, in hope that himself afterwards by the consent of the council, should have supplied the place of Pope John: But being prevented by death, he at one time did satisfy both his tyrannical ambition, and unchristian treachery. Garmibertus, li. 5. de vitis Pontificum.  
And so with one history more delivered in Latin, as Guicchardine hath written it, I will set end to these traitorous, and unfaithful ambassadors; The which matter I have purposely delivered in Latin as the course of the style leadeth word for word, and as the Author writ the same, for that not reading the history in any other place, I could not so fitly set it forth, as methinks both such a matter, and the author's meaning doth require, And yet loath to leave out a thing done in our remembrance, I thought best, rather so to do, than utterly to defraud your Lordship thereof. The matter is this; Constans fuit multorum opinio, Albertum Pium Carpensem, Galliae Regis Lodovici duodecimi apud julium 2. Papam de controversia inter Pontificem, & Ferariae Ducem Alfonsum Atestinum, & salinis Cerine, Comactii ●…rta componenda, Legatum legationis munere non bona fide functum, ut Pontificem Ferariensium Ducem contetaret operam dedisse. Ad idque ardentissimo desiderio, in quo ad mortem usque permansit impulsum, ut Alfonsus Ferariensi principatu spoliaretur. x Hercules Alfonsi pater ante paucos annos à Gilberto Pio dimidiam Carpensem ditionem accepisset, eique Saxuli castellum cum nonnullis aliis oppidis permutationem dedisset. Albertus ne tandem (ut saepe necesse eum minus potentem potentioris vicini cupiditate cedere) ei alteram partem, quae ad se spectaret, concedere cogeretur, metuebat. Guicchard. li. 2.  
With which Latin history concluding, and uttering what I have read concerning such unfaithful Legates, who without better government may be drawn into Treason, one of the most wicked evils, which by their own occasion, and folly they may rashly fall into, I will finish up the enlarging of this proposition concerning traitorous ambassadors, with their manner of treachery. And take upon me briefly in like order, with like manner of examples to treat of one other mischief that followeth such ambassadors; For as there is nobody but hath its shadow, no Corn but hath its chaff, no Wine but hath its lees, nor any man that at all times, in all places, in all matters, and to all persons doth show himself alike perfect wise: So since these Legates hereafter may (as before time they have) by words, by writings, by deeds, by gestures, show some folly in them (though otherwise perhaps not to be discommended) I will now discourse of foolish ambassadors to give light to others, and to save them out of such condemned actions.   

CHAP. 11. Of the foolish sayings, and doings of ambassadors.  
NOtwithstanding that it often happeneth to be counted a point of wisdom to dissemble, and to utter great folly, yet in a Legate, in a matter of gravity, in the benefit of a country, in the cause of a King, to show either folly in the tongue, rashness in the hand, lightness in the gesture, clownishness in action, or want of good government in ordering himself, is not simply a fault in the Agent, which yet is not to be allowed, but also it stretcheth further, and ministereth occasion to condemn the Master, or Prince, for want of judgement, that either he had not people out of whom, or else had not in him to discern to whom he might have better committed such a weighty charge, a thing not to be imagined of the head, and governor of the commonwealth, and kingdom; Wherefore as you have before on the one side wise ambassadors, honoured and commended for their singular and quick wits in answering, for their worthy, and prudent dispatch of their embassy in action. So on the other side you shall now see, That they who do not advisedly consider the place wherein, the person to whom, the matter whereof they are to use their speech, do not only fall into many gross errors, which hurt themselves, injury their Countries, and shame their Princes; But that they also thereby become a note, and blot of ignominy to be left behind them in their utter condemnation, and the heavy reproach of their posterity, as is proved by these persons following, vouched for that intent, whose children although they might be condemned, as descended from ambassadors, yet it is reproachful to have the folly, and evil of their Ancestors to be spitefully objected unto them. And so to the matter. The people of Florence sent an Orator or ambassador to Jane Queen of Naples (of life incontinent, and such a person as hanged her Husband, a gallant young Prince, out of her Chamber window, for that he could not the night before content her immoderate, and insatiable lechery) called Francis, a certain Lawyer by profession, but better learned in wearing the apparel of a civilian, than deeply seen in the judgement of Justinian; And yet more unlearned indeed than he appeared in show. This man being called into the Queen's presence to perform his charge; when he had uttered with some good care the effects of his Legation, was the next day commanded to return to the Court to hear his answer: (In the mean time having intelligence, that the Queen loved proper men, not disdaining such persons as were of excellent beauty) but when according to commandment he was returned to Court, there after many things spoken this way, and that way, about his embassy unto the Queen, at length more impudent than wise, more glorious than seemly, broke with the Queen, and said, that he had far more secret matters to impart unto her. Whereupon the gentle Queen desirous to satisfy his Legation in all convenient order, and deeming the matters of great importance should be revealed unto herself, courteously called him into a more secret place, where the fool, besides all order, and civility, much flattering himself in the excellency of his beauty, demanded of her society in the act of Venus. At which the wise Queen nothing abashed, nor altered into any sudden passion, beholding the countenance of the man, did only smiling ask whether the Florentines had given him the same in commission also, and telling him that he were best to have authority therefore, without further anger willed him to depart home. Poggius in facetiis.  
Ariston the Tyrant of Athens, (besieged and subdued by L. Sylla, and being in great poverty, and want of all things) did send two Legates, or Messengers into the Camp to Sylla (but they with the minds of Tyrants, and not with an humble, or gentle stile applied to the present fortune beginning with the praise of Theseus, and Eumolisuenta, together with the memory of things done against the Medes, and other Nations by the Athenians, did gloriously, and foolishly execute their Legation, by which they did not only not mitigate the mind of the enemy, but made him far more offended than he was before, saying that they were a people most happy, and therefore meet to carry back such praises again, for he was sent to Athens by the City of Rome, not to be instructed in learning, but utterly to overthrow the taken City of Athens, which he did after perform. Sab. li. 9 en. 6. ex Plut. Sylla.  
The Perusines sending Orators to Urbaim Bishop of Rome, (afflicted with sickness) one of them without respect of the grief of the Pope, used a long, and tedious Oration. The other who grieved at the folly of the first Speaker, then being to mend all, fell into a far more offence to move anger in the Bishop, saying, That it was given them in charge, that except they were answered forthwith, they should repeat the same Oration again. At whose folly the Bishop smiling, commanded them to be quickly dispatched. Poggius in facetiis.  
Franciscus Codelmerius a Cardinal, being with a Navy sent Legate against the Turks, subduing Hellespont, by his folly, and ignorance, suffered the Turks to pass out of that straight, and gave no warning to the Christians, wherein he might, and did seem to be author (by his stupidity) of that memorable, and lamentable slaughter of the Christians at Varua. Garimbertus, li. 6. De vitis Pontificum.  
In the wars which were kept between Pope Gregory the Eleventh, and the Florentines, a Legate of the Racavatenses being sent to Florence, gave them thanks for the liberties restored, inveighing with many despiteful words against the Bishop, and the Princes of the City, & the Ministers of the Bishop, having no respect to Radolphus, Lord of the Camerines, who was then Potimansis or chief governor of Florence, for the Bishop. Whereupon Radolphus demanded of the ambassador of what faculty or Art he was, to whom he answered, a Doctor of the civil Law, than he asked how long he had applied that study, the Legate said, more than ten years. O replied Radolphus, very glad would I have been, that you had bestowed a year thereof to learn discretion, and wisdom, judging him a simple fool, that in his presence being one of the number, would so lavishly bluster out such heavy words against the Princes and Rulers. Poggius.  
The Venetians dispatched two young Legates ●…o Frederick the third Emperor, who being highly offended with their young years, forbade them to approach his presence, yet at the length ●…hey obtained this favour, ●…hat they were privately, and without the order of the custom of ambassadors (which openly should deliver their Message) brought to the Emperor, at what time, beyond all humanity, or wisdom, out of the matter propounded they said that if all wisdom and learning rested in a beard, and in white hairs, the Senate of Venice had in place of them, to send to the Emperor two fair Barbara goats, with which proud answer, they confirmed the suspicion this Emperor conceived of their folly. Aegidius Cororetus de dictis, & factis memor.  
And here winding up the Clue of my raw thread, spun, and woven to make the mournful garment for unfit ambassadors to wear, that is, to clothe them with reproach to posterity, for that they were foolish, traitors, proud, disdainful, unfit for so honourable a place, I will only now add to this matter one title more, being a badge of their office, and so set end to this unorderly discourse of matters belonging to ambassadors, for both shortness of time, and tediousness of the matter, and indigestion in the method, do will me with speed (Remembering Solomon's divine Speech, That in multiloquio non deest peccatum) to draw to my journey's end, left my weary hand, and my tired Pen, thinking to reach to a further place, do break their wind, and cast their Master into the mire, whose end is then far worse than his hasty beginning. And thus to the last title.   

CRAP. 12. Of Persons sent divers times in embassy.  
AS the end for every thing maketh the same happy, or evil, as the Proverb is, Bonus exitus omnia probat, so of a good beginning by grace, continued for virtue, attempted with order, executed by good minds, performed of necessity, there must ensue a good end, no less worthy such a beginning; For as the good life is cause of a good and quiet death; So the mild, and godly death, declare the former good life of the Person; And therefore since my beginning by intent was good; the continuance for matter not unprofitable, for order not altogether confused, and for the commodity that may ensue not to be rejected (since this benefit cometh thereby, that although it be not worthy the reading of your honour, and although it bring no great learning to others, yet to me who travel my wit and hand, my study and pen therewith, it bringeth advantage) I hope a good end, and conclusion of matter will follow; For as the beginning of this Treatise was in the commendation of the wise, learned, and worthy ambassadors; So with like end in praise of them, and their travel, I will finish this simple Treatise; And for that there is nothing can beautify their person, increase their honour, augment their substance, win love of their country, gain credit amongst strangers, favour of their Prince, and friendship amongst all men, than oftentimes to supply the place of so weighty, and honourable a charge; Therefore I will say somewhat of divers persons, who divers times, to divers Princes, and in divers matters have won singular commendations therefore, committing all other matters to silence, which I could speak of them, and their office; Since these Messengers of Princes to Princes, had their first original from the angelical Order of archangels, who are made the ambassadors of God, to great Personages in great matters, either of Revelation of the success of kingdoms, as Gabriel was to Daniel, or of opening some rare, and strange thing, as he was also to the Virgin of the Conception of the Saviour of our Souls, and Redeemer of us from our sins; For this is certain, that there is no order, or government in this world, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, but it is had from the pattern of the celestial hierarchy; Since God Created the world, and appointed the government thereof according to the archetype, chief pattern, or ideal form of the same, conceived in the divine mind, and ordered in the celestial Hierarchy. But enough of this, and perchance to some cavilling heads, (who as yet have not tasted the sweet kernel of the hard Nut) too much to be discovered. And so once again to my ambassadors which divers times have enjoyed that Function, whereof I (although I might produce many good, and present examples) both of our own country, in our own remembrance, and living in our present days, As of your Lordship, of whom for modesty I will forbear to speak, who have now twice been ambassador, And of Master Doctor Nicholas Wootton, who being counsellor to four Princes, was also divers times ambassador, of Sir John Mason likewise, and many other our countrymen: yet I will only here pour out of the small store of my Collections, such as in times past in foreign Nations have enjoyed such high and honourable title.  
Caius Lelius, ambassador to Africa going into Spain, was governor in the expugnation of New Carthage, as Livy witnesseth, who also being sent ambassador from Scipio to Syphaces for conclusion of friendship, did lead with him certain Tribunes expert in the feats of Arms, under the form of Servants, to the intent to descry the manner of the country, as writeth Frontinus; in which Legation he wisely wrought that Syphaces became friend to the Romans. Volat. li. 16. Urb. Com.  
Aegidius Carilla was sent from Innocent the sixth high Bishop to conclude the matters of Italy, who being by birth a Spaniard, of the Nation of Carilla, was so singular wise in the dispatch of his affairs in the absence of the Bishop, that he pacified the State of the Church at that time miserably vexed with many and great tumults, which man also of Urban the sixth, being again sent into Italy, brought under the obedience of Count Barnabas, molesting the quiet of the Bishop; who likewise before of Urban the Fifth, was sent Legate into Italy. Volat. li. 22. Anthropo.  
Quintus Cicero, the brother of Marcus Tullis Cicero, the Legate of Caesar in France, was the chief in 14. Embassies, Volat. 29.  
Epiphanius the most holy Bishop did execute the office of many Legations for Theodericus King of the Goths, and for many others, who always returned most happy, in that every thing in those several causes succeeded well according to his mind. Ennodius in ejus vita.  
And so concluding this Title of such persons as have divers times supplied the office of an Ambassador with the number of four foreign examples (thinking the same number in arithmetic to possess virtue) As all the Divines, both Latins, Greeks, and Hebrews, as well Cabalists as others do fully agree, and not without great reason most learnedly and Christianly do maintain against unlearned and foolish opinions of such as do grossly judge such hidden mysteries of numbers to be superstitious, contrary to Scripture, which voucheth that God made the world, in weight, number, and measure, which three do signify music, arithmetic and Geometry, of which number of Four, I refer the Discourse to another more convenient time. I will in few words set end unto this my unorderly, but well meaning Discourse of ambassadors in a short Epilogue by way of recapitulation knitting up the sum of all that which before in those Examples have been so huddled up together in hotch-poch.  
Wherefore first it ap●…eareth that ambassadors having their exam●…le from Heaven, and ●…heir original upon earth, were used in all Ages, ●…n all matters, amongst all men of sundry Nations, of the Jews, Gentiles, Greeks, Barbarians, Latins, and other people.  
Secondly, that he who in honour should furnish the place of such a person, must be free born, no bondman, stout, and valiant, not dastard-like, or a coward, that he must be learned, not ignorant, wise, not foolish, quick of wit, not blockish and dull, faithful, no traitor, that he must be rewarded, not suffered to consume his substance. That he must in his embassy be well entreated, not abused, murdered, or have any villainy, or injury permitted to be done unto him, and that he must be of good calling, and estimation in his country before he be sent, not a Crafts-man, a servingman, a common Citizen, a mean Priest, an Advocate, or a defamed person, either for perjury, simony, treachery, or any other kind of evil life. For if he be unfurnished with these virtues, and garnished with these vices, he is not only not worthy to supply the place of embassy in a foreign Nation, where he shall do his country good, his Prince honour, and himself good, and credit; But he rather well deserveth as a wicked, and hateful person to be banished into some other country, there to rid his commonwealth of such an evil member, to become opprobrious to other Nations, and in all places of the world to receive due punishment for his evil deservings.  
Thus having ended my Christmas work done in the midst of my Christmas plays, as may appear by the Christmasly handling thereof, 〈◊〉 after Christmas consecrate the same to your honourable acceptance, not as a thing worthy your desert and judgement, but as a thing that answereth my desire, and good meaning. The which I beseech your Lordship to accept as lovingly from me, as it is presented willingly by me unto you, with whom (as soon as by leisure I might, and as by learning I was able, and as a body born out of time, but yet thinking it better late than never) I deemed it my duty to congratulate your return with some such poor gift, as the relics of my spoiled library in the time of mine impoverishing, and infortunate trouble, would yield me ability to bestow.  
And thus most humbly commending me to your Honourable liking, committing you to the almighty's protection, dutifully take my leav●… this eighth of Januari 1578. at Longleate Yours   
FINIS.