AN ACCOUNT OF Monsieur de la SALLE's LAST Expedition and DISCOVERIES IN North AMERICA.  
Presented to the French King, And Published by the Chevalier Tonti, Governor of Fort St. Lovis, in the Province of the Islinois.  
Made English from the Paris Original.  
ALSO The ADVENTURES of the Sieur de MONTAUBAN, Captain of the French Buccaneers on the Coast of Guinea, in the Year 1695.  
LONDON, Printed for J. Tonson at the Judge's Head, and S. Buckly at the Dolphin in Fleetstreet, and R. Knaplock, at the Angel and Grown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1698.   

A NEW ACCOUNT OF THE Northern-America.  
TRUTH and Sincerity being the chief Qualities, which make a Book of this nature Valuable, the Author of this promises himself upon that account a favourable Reception from the Public: and therefore thinks it would be superfluous to make a longer Preface.  
Monsieur  de La Salle, a Native of Rouen in Normandy, the chief Undertaker of the Discoveries in the Northern America, which make the Subject-Matter of this Book, was a Man of extraordinary Parts, and undaunted Courage. He was the first that form the Design of Travelling from the Lake of Frontenac in Canada, to the Gulf of Mexico, through a vast unknown Country, in order to bring the Inhabitants to the Knowledge of the Christian Religion, and Extend the Dominions of the King of France. This Gentleman having duly weighed all the Difficulties that were like to cross so Noble a Design, came to Court to acquaint his Majesty with it, who was pleased not only to approve his Enterprise, but also to Encourage it, by the Liberal Assistance, and the Power he gave to M. La Salle, to dispose of his New Discoveries as he should think fit.  
I was then at the Court of France to solicit some Employment, having served his Majesty both by Sea and Land, and lost one Hand in Sicily by a Granado, and as M. La Salle was upon his departure, the Prince of Conti was pleased to recommend me to him, as fit to accompany him in his Undertaking, whereupon I was easily admitted, the Patronage of His Highness having been very useful to M. La Salle. Every thing being ready for our departure, we set sail from Rochel, July 14. 1678. to the number of 30 Men, amongst whom were Pilots, Carpenters, Smiths and other useful Artists, and arrived at Quebec upon the 15th of September following; we remained there some days, after which having taken our Leave of Count Frontenac Governor-General of Canada, we sailed up the River St. Laurence to Fort Frontenac, where we landed.  
That Fort lies within 120 Leagues from Quebec, about the 44th Degree of Latitude, on the Mouth of a Lake called likewise Frontenac or Ontario, which is near 300 Leagues about, and has a communication with four other Lakes, much of the same extent. All those Lakes are Navigable, and plentifully stored with Fish; The Mouth, or entrance of this Lake is defended by a Fort with four large Bastions, which might protect a great number of Vessels against the attempts of any Enemy. As M. Lafoy Salle had Erected this Fort, the King had given him the Propriety thereof, and of all the Lakes thereabouts with their dependencies. The Country about it is so Charming, that it is impossible to describe its Beauties: The vast Meadows are intermixed with Woods and Forests, full of all sorts of Fruit-Trees, and watered with fine Brooks and Rivers.  
It was in this place that we prepared ourselves for our great Voyage, and Glorious Undertaking, of which no body, I am sure, can give a better account than myself, not only because I accompanied the said M. Lafoy Salle, but also because the chief Care and Burden of that Perilous, tho' Glorious Enterprise, fell upon me by the untimely Death of that Gentleman. The Account which I offer now to the Public, is extracted out of the Journal I kept, wherein I set down things as they appeared to me: 'Tis true, I am sometimes obliged to take things upon Trust, because I could not be always with M. La Salle, but I am so fully convinced of the Probity and Honesty of those upon whose Evidence I have advanced any thing, that I may answer as well for their Observations as for my own. The Reader must not therefore expect here Noble and Pompous Descriptions, such as Authors use to adorn their Works with, but a natural simplicity, and a rigid fidelity. If my Style seems harsh and unpolite, I have no other Apology for it, but that I may have contracted some thing from the Commerce of the Savages of America, with whom I have so long conversed.  
Whosoever considers this Enterprise in itself, the difficulties it was attended with, and the advantages that Europe may reap from the discovery of those vast Countries, which are above eighteen hundred Leagues North and South, will I hope agree, that an exact account thereof is worthy of the Curiosity of the Reader.  

The Fertility of the Soil.  That large Country is now called by the name of Lovisiana, since the French took possession thereof in the Name of Lewis the Great. The Soil is, generally speaking, so fertile, that it produces Naturally without any Culture, those Fruits that Nature and Art together have much ado to bring forth in Europe: They have two Crops every Year without any great fatigue; the Vines bring extraordinary Grapes, without the Care of the Husbandmen; and the Fruit-Trees need no gardiner's to look after them; the Air is every where temperate; the Country is watered with Navigable Rivers, and delicious Brooks and Rivulets, and diversified with Forests and Meadows; it is stocked with all sorts of Beasts, as Bulls, Orignac's, Wolves, Lines, Wild Asses, Stags, Goats, Sheep, Foxes, Hares, Beavers, Otters, Dogs, and all sorts of Fowls, which afford a plentiful Game for the Inhabitants. They have discovered Mines of Lead and Iron, and 'tis not doubted but there are also Mines of Gold and Silver, if they would give themselves the trouble to look for them, but the Inhabitants of those Countries valuing things only as far as they are necessary for Life, are yet unacquainted with the Fanciful Value we put upon those Metals, and have not digged up the Earth to look for them.  

The Manners of the Inhabitants,  Those Inhabitants have nothing of Man but the Shape and the Name; they live without any Laws, Religion, Superiority, or Subordination, Independency and Liberty being their Summum Bonum, or the ultimate end they propose to themselves. Their Life is always wandering, having no settled Possessions; they take several Wives, if they please, whom they quit when they will, and leave them to others, just as they do their Habitations, for after having for some time cultivated a piece of Ground, they quit it without any occasion to Cultivate another, and the first comer takes possession thereof, so that they are perpetually changing their Habitations, and by this continual motion, every thing becomes in a manner common amongst them: they know no Superiority, and think the World is made only for them.  

Their Religion.  I said they have no Religion, tho' it seems they have an obscure Idea of God, because they live as if they thought there was none. They believe in general that there is a God, but who does not concern himself in what they do. Some Worship the Sun, and others fancy that the World is full of certain Spirits, who preside over their Actions, and they are so extravagant as to believe, that every thing in the World has a Spirit, and that they are Good or Hurtful according to the Caprice of that Spirit. 'Tis upon this Principle that are grounded all the foolish Superstitions of their Jugglers or Monitous, who are their Priests or Magicians.  
I don't believe that they have carried their Reflections so far, as to think on the Nature of their Souls; tho' 'tis true, they seem to believe their Immortality, and a kind of Metempsychosis, or Transmigration of Souls; but they have so many extravagant fancies upon this Subject, that it is in a manner impossible to discover their true Opinion. I may say in general, that they are so stupid in matters of Religion, that they are not convinced of their own Belief, nor of what others believe, and therefore Laugh at the Instructions of our Missionaries.  

Their Good quali●ies.  However, notwithstanding that brutish temper, they have as good a Sense as the rest of Mankind, to know their true Interests, and therefore are capable of Negotiations, Commerce, and Counsel. They know how to weigh and consider the Consequences of an Enterprise, and take Just Measures to compass it. When they meet together to consult about some great Design, they sit in a private place, in a profound Silence, smoking Tobacco, and every one speaks gravely in his turn. It is to be observed by the by, that they never make any Treaty, Convention or Agreement with any body, till they have first of all, mutually exchanged Presents. They give commonly Collars as the Symbol of Union; they have a particular Kettle for Peace, and another for War. They proclaim Peace with the Calumet, and War by great Outcries, or rather dreadful Howl.  

Their Science in War.  They know likewise how to Incamp, and Fortify their Camps with Intrenchments and Pallisadoes. They observe also some Order in their Attacks.  

Their Tillage.  This Soil produces indifferently all sorts of Corn and Plants, but as they have observed, that some among them are more proper for their Nourishment than others, they take care to Sow and Cultivate them, and therefore they have great Crops of Indian Corn, of which they make a sort of very delicious and nourishing Pap. They Cultivate also what they call Touquo, of which they make their Cassave, and Turnips, wherewith they make Cassamite. These are their own terms, which are not to be translated. 
Their Physic.  There are in their Country several sorts of Trees, from which an excellent Balsam drops, the use whereof the Savages know very well, as also of several Plants against Wounds, and the venomous bitings or stinging of Serpents and other Creatures.  

Their Astronomy.  Their Knowledge is not circumscribed within those narrow bounds, they carry it as far as Heaven, and have obtained a sufficient Knowledge of the Course of the Sun, Moon and Planets, and pretend thereby to foretell the changes of the Wether, Winds, Storms, and other things of this nature.  

Their Dexterity.  Besides those qualities already mentioned, they have a wonderful dexterity at several beautiful and useful Works: Some of them make extraordinary fine Mats for their Cover, and adorning their Cabins; others have found the way to Dress Leather to make Wastecoats and Shoes; but their greatest dexterity appears, in my opinion, in the structure of their Canoes which can never sink. They make them with the Barks of Elm, Walnut-trees or Elder-trees, about 10 or 12 Foot long, the side being a little turned inward as Gondolas. Instead of Oars they make use of two pieces of Wood, like two Baker's Peals, and term Swimming what we call Rowing. As their Canoes draw very little Water, because of their lightness, the Savages Swim with an extraordinary swiftness, even against the stream of Rivers, and undertake very long Voyages without fearing Rocks or Storms.  

Their Travels by Land.  Tho' there are neither Road nor Path in that Country, they Travel through these vast Forests and Wildernesses, with the help of certain Marks they make upon the Rind of Trees from place to place; and by these means, the Women and Children are able to find the Men when they go a Hunting, or upon any Expedition. They very seldom bring home what they kill, and it is the Office of their Wives to fetch it and dress it.  

Their Cabins.  I think fit to add, in this Place, a short Account of their Cabins, household-goods, and the like. Many of them are wand'ring in Woods, where they lie upon the Ground as Beasts; but such who live together, make Cabins, or Huts, with Branches of Trees driven into the ground, interlaced with others, and joined at the top as close as possible, and covered with Reeds, or large Leaves of Trees. The inside looks somewhat better, it is wellenough Matted, and most of them have a sort of curious Floor.  

Their Beds.  Their Bedsteads are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of Wool or Straw; but for their Covering, they use the finest sort of Skins, or else Mats finely wrought.  

Their Kitchen Utensils.  They have Cellars, or rather Holes, to preserve their Corn, their Wood, and other Provisions; but all their Kitchen Utensils consists in some few pieces of Earthenware, which they make with Clay, and harden it with the Dung of Bulls. They have no sorts of Mills, but instead thereof, use to grind their Corn between two Stones, with a great deal of trouble. They make use of a sort of sharp Stones instead of Knives; but this must be understood of such Savages, who never had any Commerce with Europeans.  

Their Arms.  They use Bows and Arrows with great dexterity, and the extremity of their Arrow is armed, instead of Iron, with a sharp Stone, or the Tooth of some Animal. They have besides heavy Clubs, or sharp Sticks, instead of Swords or Halberds. They use also wooden Corslets against Arrows, and make Bucklers with several skins stitched together.  

Their Apparel.  Most of them go stark Naked, and are so enured to Rain, and other Hardships, that their bodies are almost insensible; and the soles of their Feet so hard, as to resist the sharpness of Thorns and Stones. Their Women have still preserved a shadow of Modesty, for they wear commonly about their waste a large Girdle, from which hang two pieces of skin, which cover in some manner their Nakedness. I speak of those Savages who Inhabit a Temperate Climate, for those who live to the Northward of Quebec, and other cold Countries, cover themselves with skins of Bears, Stags, Ellends, and the like. I must observe also, that those who Inhabit toward Mexico, seem more civilised than others; for tho' their Climate is pretty Hot, they cover themselves with Mats finely wrought.  

The care of the Family divided between the Husband & the Wife.  The care of the Family lies equally upon the Husband and the Wife: The former goes a Fishing or Hunting for the Family; and the Wife Tills the ground, and gets in what she has sowed. It is likewise her Duty to fetch Fruit, Herbs, and other things in the Woods. When the Savage is come back from Hunting, he takes first of all his Pipe, and as he smokes, tells his Wife what he has done, and what he would have her to do, which she must obey without any reluctancy.  

Character of the Savages.  One may observe in Men a great Gravity and Authority, and in Women an extraordinary Complaisance for their Husbands, and as they follow their Natural Instinct in every thing they do, their Behaviour is always sincere and without any affectation; and one may truly say, That the conjugal Union between them, is the effect of a Natural Inclination, which is common to Men and to Brutes, and not founded upon a true Friendship.  

Of Women in particular.  The Savages being perpetually in Action, they are free from several Diseases that the Europeans are subject to, and 'tis observable, that these Women have not that natural Incommodity that ours are liable unto, and that, which is still more to be wondered at, they bring forth without any Pain, or at least without any ceremony as they go along, making no other Provision for it, than their own girdle, and some Skins to wrap up the Child into.  

The Breeding of their Children.  They have a very extraordinary way to bring up their Children, for though they have no Clouts or Swath-Bands, they have found a way to keep them very clean without any great Trouble. They provide themselves with a good quantity of Dust of rotten Wood, which is as soft as any Down whatsoever, and is very good to preserve them against Humidity. They lay their Children upon that Dust, and wrap them into some good Furs, and tie them pretty fast, and have nothing to do for dressing them, but to change that Dust, by means whereof they keep them always clean, till they are able to walk about.  

How they feed them.  They Feed them with Pap, made with Indian Corn, and give them a Bow as soon as they can walk; so that they use themselves to shoot, and follow their Parents into the Woods, learning thereby betimes the usual Places for Hunting; and having no manner of Education, they are only guided by their Natural Inclination and Sensuality, as Beasts.  
I should never make an End, should I undertake to give a particular Account of all the Customs of the Savages; but I think that what I have said is sufficient to convince the Reader, that their Intelligence extends only to what is Necessary for supporting their Natural Life; and that if they have any Law amongst them, it is to observe none at all. Born and bred up in Forests, Hunting is their greatest Pastime, to which I may add War, Quarrels, and Cruelty, which is such, that they must turn their Arms against harmless Beasts, when they want Pretences or Opportunities, to use them against Men.  

Mr. Lafoy Salle undertakes with 30 Men to Travel through those Nations.  It was through those Wild Nations that Mr. La Salle undertook to Travel, and discover a Way to the Gulf of Mexico; and whosoever will impartially consider that Enterprise, must agree, that this courageous Design can hardly be paralleled. But this will appear the better, if they consider what Preparations he made for that great Journey. He had only Thirty Men, as I have already said, without any other Provisions, but Powder and Shot, which were to supply him during his Voyage. We had first of all a Bark, and some Canoes, but we were soon deprived of that help, and forced to Travel by Land, and carry our Equipage, crossing large Rivers upon Rafts, or Trees, having no other Guide through those vast unknown Countries but a Compass, and the Genius of our Commander, who (according to the variation of the Needle, and the Knowledge he had in Astronomy) was able to guests at the Climate we were in, and what course we were to follow.  
These Difficulties, the Armies of Savages, which we were obliged to Fight to force our way, Hunger, Thirst, and other Wants and Perils, were however surmounted by our Courage and Constancy, so that we arrived at the Gulf of Mexico, and after several Misfortunes returned Home. But before I proceed any further, I think fit to give an Account of the Four Lakes I have already mentioned.  

The upper Lake, or superior Lake.  The First lies above the 47 Degree of Latitude, and is called Upper Lake, or of Frontenac, and may be 80 Leagues broad, and 300 in circuit. It has communication with the Lake Herie, or of Conti, by a Canal of above 20 Leagues long, interrupted by a Fall of 600 Foot high, known under the Name of Fall of Niagara. This Lake of Conti joins with another called The Lake of the Hurons, or of Orleans, by a Canal or stream which is very Rapid, and this last Lake has communication to the South with a Fourth, called, The Lake of the Islinois, or of the Dauphin: It joins also by the North-side with another Lake, larger than any of the rest, called, The Lake of Conde; but we did not see it.  

We Sail from Fort Frontenac.  Having Refreshed ourselves about a Fortnight at Fort Frontenac, we embarked on the 18th. of November, 1678. on Board a Vessel of 40 Tunns, to cross the first Lake I have mentioned, and this was the First Ship that ever Sailed upon this Fresh Water Sea. The Wind being very contrary, we spent a whole Month before we could arrive at a Village called St. Onnontovane, where Mr. La Salle sent some Canoes to fetch Indian Corn for our subsistence; and from thence we continued our Course towards Niagara, but the Stream being too rapid, and the Wind contrary, we were obliged to cast an Anchor about 9 Leagues from that Place, whither we went by Land. Niagara is a Village of the Iroquois, situated upon the Lake of Conti, near the wonderful Fall I have taken Notice of.  

An Account of the Iroquois.  This Nation, the most Warlike and Cruel of all the Americans, is possessed of a Tract of Land from Montreal, or rather from the place where the Two Rivers, which form that of St. Laurence, meet, to the further end of the Lake of Conti, which is about Two Hundred Leagues to the South. This Nation is very Ambitious to command their Neighbours; and when they hear of any other Nation which grows powerful, either by the Number of their fight Men, or by the extent of their Possessions, they march to subdue them, and they make sometimes Excursions three or four hundred Leagues. They are indefatigable, undaunted in the greatest danger; and of such a fierce Courage and Constancy, as to be proof against the most exquisite Torments, When taken by their Enemies, rather than betray the Designs of their Countrymen: They never ask, and seldom give Quarter. They drink the Blood of their Enemies, and add to their great Cruelty, all the Stratagems, Subtlety and precaution, that one might expect from Experienced Soldiers.  

They receive kindly the French.  This Nation, tho' Fierce and Cruel, as I have represented them, received us very kindly. We laid one Night in their Village, and went the next Day to view a proper place, above. Three Leagues higher, to Build a Fort, and having found an advantageous Situation, M. De la Salle laid the Foundation of it, and ordered his Men to Work upon it with all imaginable Diligence; but the Jroquois taking some Jealousy at it; it was thought fit to desist, to avoid giving Offence to so dangerous an Enemy; and therefore we contented ourselves to fortify our Magazine with strong Palisadoes.  
M. lafoy Salle had given orders for Building a new Ship or great Bark, and our Men worked about it with all the diligence that the Season of the Year could permit; but the cold was so excessive, that not only Rivers, but even those vast Lakes were frozen all over, insomuch that they looked like a Plain paved with fine polished Marble. We traded in the mean time with the Natives, and got a great number of Furs; but several things being wanting to continue our Voyage, this courageous Gentleman resolved to return by Land to Fort Frontenac, and come back again in the Spring with a new supply of Ammunition and Merchandise, to trade with the Nations he intended to visit. He sent likewise fifteen Men further into the Country, with orders to endeavour to find out the Illinois, and left his Fort of Niagara, and fifteen Men under my command. One of the Recollects contineud with us.  
The Winter being over, a Bark arrived from Fort Frontenac, with Ammunition and Merchandises, but it was staved to pieces against the Coast, by the fault of the Pilot, however most of the Effects were saved; and soon after, M. lafoy Salle arrived, who immediately renewed his Commerce with the Iroquois, and endeavoured to give them some Idea of the Power of the King, that they might have some respect for his Subjects. This new Ship being near finished, he sent me with five Men to view the Coast, and the Country to the North side of the Lake, above 120 Leagues from Niagara. We Embarked in our Canoes, and having rowed two days, or rather swom, to use the stile of the Savages, arrived to the strait of the Lake Heriè.  

Lake Heriè.  This strait or Canal, by which the Lake Heriè joins with that of the Hurons, is about Thirty Leagues long. I landed to the North side, and enquired for the Men M. lafoy Salle had sent before; but hearing they were gone higher, I advanced-into the Country in hopes to find them; and this gave me an opportunity to take an exact survey of that delicious Peninsula, which has almost the form of an Heart, by reason of the three Lakes already mentioned.  
Having made all the Observations I thought necessary both as to the Canal between the two Lakes, and the nature of the Soil, I returned to give an account thereof to M. lafoy Salle, who, before my arrival, was gone back to Fort Frontenac with a considerable quantity of Furs, from whence he returned to Niagara, on the Seventh of August, 1679, with a fresh supply of Ammunition and Provisions, and three Recollects. The Spring and most part of the Summer were thus spent in frequent go and come, which however are absolutely necessary in order to make a good and lasting Settlement.  
Our Bark being finished, and every thing ready for our departure, we sailed towards the middle of August, and having happily crossed the Lake Heriè, got into that of the Hurons, which, as it has been already said, is much larger than the other two. We met there with a dreadful Storm, as great as any that I ever heard of upon the Ocean, or any other Sea, but we had the good Fortune to find a good Road called Missilimachinac. It is an Isthmus, or neck of Land about Twenty Leagues broad, and 120 long, between the Lake of the Hurons and that of the Illinois, which is one of the finest situations in the World; and besides the prodigious fertility of the Soil, and all sorts of Game, the Inhabitants have an extraordinary plenty of Fish.  

Fall S. Mary.  M. lafoy Salle took an exact survey of that fine Country, and having marked out a Fort for our security, sent me, with some others, towards the North-East, to observe the Fall St. Marry, and endeavour to discover some of our Deserters. This Fall forms two Canals, and a pretty large Island, which being reunited, make a very Rapid River, by which the Lake of the Hurons has communication with another much larger than all the rest. I went ashore upon the Northern Coast of the Lake Huron, and advanced through a most delicious Country, as fas as the River Onta, which coming out of that great Lake, runs about a Hundred Leagues, and falls into the River St. Laurence. The charming Prospect of the Banks of that River, made the Fatigues I suffered very easy to me, though I had no other Provisions than what I could kill with my Gun. I spent Eight Days in my Journey, and from thence went into to the Southern Canal I have spoken of where I Landed. I discovered there a large Plain between the Lake of the Hurons and that of the Illinois, and a fine Settlement belonging to the Jesuits. I found there also our Deserters, who appeared, at first, very stubborn and disaffected, but were at last persuaded to return with me to Missilimachinac, where I understood that M. lafoy Salle had Sailed from thence towards the end of September, for the Bay of Puans, where he arrived the 8th of October, as I have been informed since.  

Bay of Puans.  This Bay of Puans is form by an overflowing of the Lake of the Illinois, occasioned by a great River, which falls into this Lake. This River called Onisconcing comes from another Lake about 100 Leagues distant; from which comes another River, which falls into the Mississipi; and therefore this Lake may be looked upon as a Communication between Canada and the Gulf of Mexico, as one may see by the Map.  
M. lafoy Salle being arrived in that Bay, took some new measures, and sent back his Bark, laden with Furs, to Niagara, and embarked again in Canoes with seventeen Men and a Recollect, to go to the further end of the Lake of the Illinois, where he arrived the first of November, 1679, and landed at the Mouth of the River of the Miamis.  

The Country of the Miamis.  This Country lies between the 35 and 40 degrees of Latitude; is bounded to the East by Virginia and Florida; and on the other side by the Iroquois and the Illinois. The Soil is very fertile, and produces all sorts of Corn and Fruit; it abounds also in Cattle and Fish. M. lafoy Salle visited the Inhabitants, and finding their Temper tractable, endeavoured to gain their Friendship by Presents. They exchanged some Merchandises, and M. lafoy Salle managed this Trade with so much prudence and dexterity, as to convince them, it would be a greater advantage for them to Trade with the French than with the English or the Iroquois.  
However, as he observed that this Nation was inconstant, and easily imposed upon, he thought fit to build a Fort for his Security, and to make there a kind of Magazine for the execution of his further Designs, which was accordingly done with all convenient speed, M. lafoy Salle having chosen an advantageous Situation at the Mouth of the River.  
The impatience I had to re-join M. lafoy Salle with the fifteen Men I had brought back to their Duty, obliged me to make all the haste possible, but the want of Provisions, and the contrary Winds obliged us to land within Thirty Leagues of our Fort, where we found Acorns and some Staggs, wherewith we refreshed ourselves. My Men were so harassed, that I could never persuade them to embark again the same day, which obliged me to embark alone with our Pilots, promising them to return speedily. The Wether being very stormy, we spent six days before we could reach the Fort Miamis, where I gave an Account to M. lafoy Salle of my Discoveries. He received me very kindly, but told me withal, that he had been better pleased to see me arrived with all his Men.  
These last words seemed to me a Command, and therefore after having refreshed myself, I went again into my Canoe, but I was hardly Fifteen Leagues off, that I was met by a violent Storm, in which our Canoe was overturned and then set to rights again, and at last driven upon the shore, from whence we went over Land to meet our Men at the place appointed. We arrived there the next Morning, and having spent the rest of the Day to get them together, embarked again, and came in less than one day to Fort Miamis.  
M. lafoy Salle was very glad to see his Men together, looking upon this Recruit as a necessary Supply to carry on his Designs, and yet these very Men disappointed them, and some time after put an end to his Discoveries, and to his Life, so that the Men alone, upon whom he grounded his hopes, were the only cause of all the Misfortunes that befell him, and of the Tragical end of his Life.  
M. lafoy Salle having in less than two Months put his Fort in a good posture of Defence, as well to protect his Barks, and Canoes, as to defend himself against the Natives on the Land side, and engaged the chief of the Nation into his Interests, resolved to advance as far as the Illinois, whose nearest Habitation was above 100 Leagues from our Fort.  

River of the Illinois.  The only way to go to them, was to Embark upon a River, which springing from a Hill within six Leagues of the Lake of the Illinois, becomes Navigable above Forty Leagues from our Fort, and falls into the Mississipi, after a course of 200 Leagues. We left our Fort and the Country of the Miamis in the beginning of December, leaving only ten Men to secure our Magazines; and having carried our Canoes and Equipage over Land, arrived four days after upon the River of the Illinois, where we Embarked to the number of Forty four Persons, without reckoning Three Recollects. We fell down the said River, by easy Journeys, the better to observe that Country, and supply ourselves with Provisions. The Banks of that River are as charming to the Eye, as useful for Life. The Meadows, Fruit-Trees, and Forests, affording every thing that is necessary for Men and Beasts, so that being amused by that agreeable variety, we spent six days from the Portage (that is the place where we Embarked) to the first Village of the Illinois, 
A Village of the Illinois  called Pontdalamia, consisting of above 500 Cabins, where we found no Inhabitants. We went ashore, and viewed their Cabins or Cottages, which are made with great pieces of Timber, interlaced with Branches, and covered with Bark. The inside is more neat, the Walls or sides, as well as the Floor, being finely matted. Every Cottage has two Apartments, wherein several Families might lodge, and under every one of them there is a Cave or Vault, wherein they preserve their Indian-Corn, of which we took a sufficient quantity, because we wanted Provisions.  
We continued our Voyage, and above Thirty Leagues lower fell into a Lake or Pond above seven Leagues in Circuit, where we caught excellent Fish; and following the stream, fell again into the Channel of the River, and found ourselves between two Bodies of Savages, who were Encamped on both sides the River. They had no sooner discovered us, but they run to their Arms, 
The Illinois put themselves in order of Battle.  and put themselves in order of Battle, after having sent their Wives and Children into the Woods. We put ourselves likewise in good posture, and brought our Canoes upon a Line, and advanced towards the Shore in that order. The Illinois observing our Countenance, and being naturally inclined to Peace, contented themselves to ask us, who we were? We answered by our Interpreter, that we were Subjects to the King of France, and come to make them know the Master of Heaven and Earth, and offer them the Protection of our great Monarch; adding, that if they would put themselves under his Protection, they should live happily, and free from the Insults of their Enemies. We told them besides, that though their Country was plentiful, they wanted Industry to enjoy the Advantages of it, and therefore offered them our own, provided they would have Commerce with us. The Illinois having heard our Answer and Proposals, received us not as Savages use to do, 
They accept our Proposals.  but as Men well-bred and civilised. They expressed as much as they could, their Veneration for our King; they presented us the Calumet, the Signal or Badge of Peace among all those Nations, as it has been already observed. They use the word of Singing or Dancing the Calumet. When they sing it, they drive a Pole into the Ground, and every one brings in that place what he hath taken from the Enemy, of which they make a kind of Trophy, and sing about it their Warlike Expeditions and glorious Feats. They call Dancing the Calumet, when they Dance about that Trophy after the Singing is over.  
We answered their Ceremonies and Compliments by all the demonstrations of Joy we could think on, and some Presents as tokens of our Friendship. We told them, that Necessity had forced us to take some Indian Corn out of their Village, 
They entertain us.  for which we gave them some Toys and Brandy. This Convinced them of our Sincerity, and sending for their Wives and Children, made preparations to entertain us with all the Solemnity and Magnificence they are capable of, with Beef and Stag, and all sorts of Venison and Fowls. We were very liberal on our side of our Brandy; so that the Feast lasted three whole days; during which, we made several Discharges of our Arms, at which they were frighted, but our good Words and kind Expressions confirmed them in the good Opinion they had of us. The familiar Titles of Brothers, Friends, and Comrades were not forgotten; and even some of us were Adopted into the chief Families amongst them; so that through the natural Inconstancy of the Americans, we discovered in the Illinois, a great Humanity, and a good disposition to Civil Society.  

Character of the Illinois.  They are naturally Caressing, Flatterers, and Complaisant, but on the other side Cunning, and dexterous at all Exercises. They are generally speaking well shaped, strong, and of a brown or tawny Complexion. Hunting is their great Delight, which makes them indocible. They love Women with excess, and Boys above Women, so that they become by that horrid Vice, very effeminate. 'Tis observable however, that notwithstanding that vicious Inclination, they have several Laws to punish that infamous Vice. For as soon as a Boy has prostituted himself, he is degraded in a manner of his Sex, being forbidden to wear the Apparel or Name of Man, and to make any Office or Function fit for Men, even nor so much as to be suffered to go a Hunting. They are therefore looked upon as Women, and confined to their Employments, of whom they are even more slighted and hated than by Men; insomuch that these Wretches become, by their Crime, the scorn and contempt of both Sexes. Thus without any help but natural Reason, they are sensible of their Crime, and have made these Laws as a Bridle to master their brutish sensuality, tho', as I have said before, they hate all manner of restraint; they marry several Wives, and to preserve Peace and Union in their Families, they marry commonly Sisters or near Relations. They are very Jealous, and punish the Infidelity of their Wives with a great severity. Hermaphrodite are very common amongst them, but whether it be an effect of the Climate or no, I do not pretend to determine. Women, and the prostituted Boys I have spoken of, work fine Mats for hanging their Cottages, while Men go a Hunting or till the Ground for sowing of Indian Corn. Their Country is situated along the River, which bears their Name, and are dispersed in several Villages. This contains about 1500 Souls, amongst whom we computed 500 fight Men.  
M. Lafoy Salle being sensible of the strength of this Nation, thought that nothing was to be neglected to keep them in amity with us; but at the same time that it was necessary to provide ourselves against their Inconstancy. 
A Fort built.  Therefore he ordered a Fort to be built upon a rising ground near the River, which was in a little time in a posture of defence. However he was in great pain for his Bark which he had sent back from the Bay of Puans to Niagara, of which he had no manner of News. This, together with the malice of some of our Men, made him so melancholy, that the Paleness of his Face betrayed the grief of his Heart; but as he was very Courageous, he concealed it as well as possible, contenting himself to manifest it by the Name of Crevecoeur (breaking Heart) which he gave to his Fort.  
We had however hitherto no great cause of Complaint; we had happily carried on our Discovery to 500 Leagues beyond Fort Frontenac, and made several Forts for the Communication and Security of our Settlements. Most of the Savages were entered into our Alliance, and the fiercest among them, had not so much as offered to stop our Progress, so that we found no Enemies but ourselves, and our own Divisions, which proved at last a fatal source of great Misfortunes and Miseries.  

Murmur of the French.  Most of our Men being discouraged by a long and tedious Voyage, the end whereof they could not see, and weary of a wand'ring Life in Forests and Deserts, where they had no other Company but Brutes, and Savages, without out any Guide, Carriage, and Provisions could not forbear murmuring against the Author of so tiresome and perilous an Enterprise. M. Lafoy Salle, whose penetration was extraordinary, discovered immediately their dissatisfaction, and tried all possible means to prevent the consequences thereof. The glory of the Enterprise, the exemple of the Spaniards, the hopes of a great Booty, and every thing else that may engage Men, we made use of to encourage them, and inspire them with better Sentiments; but these Exhortations, like Oil poured upon Fire, served only to increase their dissatisfaction. What said they? must we always be Slaves to his Caprichio's, and be continually bubbled by his Visions, and foolish Expectations? and must the Fatigues we have hitherto undergone be used as an Argument to oblige us to go through more Perils, to gratify the Ambition or Folly of a merciless Man, who upon fair pretences has transplanted us into this new World amongst Brutes. We are very far from our Country, without Provisions or any other help; but our case shall be ten times worse, if we follow the wand'ring Inclinations of a Man, who is resolved to go to the further end of the World. He has made himself Rich by our Perils, and to our own loss; what then have we to do, but to put a stop, by his Death, to our further Miseries, and take possession of what he has gained by our Fatigues? These were the Arguments these Villains used to encourage themselves to the horrid Crime they had resolved upon; but having, upon second thoughts, considered the consequences of their violent Designs, they thought it would be more safe to incite the Illinois against him, that he might perish by their Hands.  

The Artifices of the Malcontents.  To compass that villainous Design, they made a show of an extraordinary Friendship to the Savages, and let them know, that by reason of the good Entertainment they had received from them, they thought themselves obliged to acquaint them with the dangers they were threatened with. They told them that M. Lafoy Salle was in a strict Alliance with the Iroquois, their ancient and implacable Enemies; that he was advanced into their Country to discover their Situation and Strength; that the Fort he had built was to bridle them; and that the Voyage he pretended to make to Fort Frontenac, was in order to acquaint the Iroquois with their Condition, and conduct them into their Country, to destroy altogether their Nation, having agreed together to share the Booty amongst them; concluding, that having revealed to them the wicked Designs of their Commander, they left it to their own prudence, to take what measures they should think necessary for their Security.  
'Tis very easy to guests what impression such a Discovery wrought upon a Weak and Credulous People, who believed without any further Inquiry, whatever our Villains had told them. They broke off immediately their Society with us, and looked upon us, but chief upon our Chief, as their greatest Enemies, and resolved upon our Ruin. M. La Salle suspected the cause of their Mistrust, and was sensible of the danger he was exposed to, but did not know from whence it came. His great Courage was not however cast down, and trusting to his good Conscience, went boldly to the Chief of the Savages, and told them, That he observed such an alteration in their proceed with him, that he could not but be concerned at it; and therefore desired them to tell him the Motives of their Mistrust, and to consider whether they were well grounded, or only an Artifice of their common Enemies, who were jealous of the good Correspondence that was between them.  
The Illinois could not refuse that reasonable Demand, 
And how they were discovered.  and therefore told him, that his own Men had discovered his Designs against them, in conjunction with the Iroquois. M. Lafoy Salle, tho' surprised at the Perfidiousness and Treachery of his Men, made use of such convincing Arguments, to prove the Malice of his Accusers and his Innocence, together with the impossibility of his League with a Cruel Nation, who is bound by no Law nor Sense of Humanity; that the Illinois were persuaded of the sincerity of his Intentions, and of the Motive of his Enemies, and therefore we became Friends again.  

The arrival of Mausolea.  The Calm was hardly settled, but that it was disturbed by a more dangerous storm than the former, by the arrival of one Mausolea, a secret Emissary of the Iroquois, of the neighbouring Nation of the Mascontans, a Cunning Seditious and Eloquent Man. This pretended Ambassador arrived in the Camp of the Illinois during the Night, and having gained the chief of them, the Council was called, where Mausolea having displayed his Presents, acquainted the Assembly with the motives of his Embassy. He told them that it was not the Interest alone of his Nation and theirs, but rather of all the Americans, 
His Discourse.  which had occasioned his Deputation, seeing that they were informed that the French were come with a Design to subdue the whole Country of the Northern America to the Gulf of Mexico; that to succeed therein, we pretended not only to make use of our own Forces, but likewise of the Americans themselves; that in order thereunto, we had contracted a strict Alliance with the Iroquois their common Enemies: That the Fort we had erected on their River, was the beginning of our Tyranny, and a place of Refuge till the arrival of our Confederates: That if they expected any longer, and gave us time to join together, their Miseries should be past remedy, and therefore advised them to prevent us, and destroy us whilst it was in their power.  

The crafty Contrivance of the Illinois.  These Calumnies of Mausolea made a great impression on the credulous Illinois, and so much the more, because his Accusation agreed exactly with what our own Men had told them. But doubtless the Reader expects an Account of the Reason that put the Iroquois upon this Villainous trick; and if we remember what has been already said of the Character of that barbarous Nation, 'tis easy to discern, that they were afraid that the Illinois would grow too powerful by their Commerce with us, and be enabled by the use of Fire-arms, to make head against them, and therefore they made use of this Mausolea to Accuse us as he did, in order to incense the Illinois against our Nation, and prevent thereby our Settlement in the Country.  
M. Lafoy Salle, who relied upon the Faith of the late Reconciliation, knew nothing of this new Storm; and having no other Thoughts than to settle his Union with the Illinois, risen very early, and went directly to the Camp of the Illinois with his best Friend, where he was mightily surprised to see a general Uproar, and that no body would speak with him. The Conjuncture was very nice, and therefore M. lafoy Salle was in a great perplexity, and did not know what to do. Some were of Opinion to retire into the Fort till this new Treachery was discovered, but he would not hearken to this Advice, lest his Retreat should confirm the Accusation of his Enemies; and took a Resolution more worthy of himself, tho' more dangerous. He went up boldly to the Assembly of the Chief of the Nation, and expressed himself as well as he could in their own Language, and much to this effect.  
Friends,  

Mr. lafoy Salle's Speech to the Illinois.  I Cannot but wonder at your Inconstancy; we parted very good Friends last Night, and this Morning I find you almost in Arms against me; no body speaks to me, and every body threatens me: What new Crime have I committed? or rather by what new Impostor have you been incensed against me? I surrender myself, and therefore if ever I have acted against the Interest of your Nation, you may do what you please, I am at your mercy. The Savages considering his Speech, and his Countenance, were almost persuaded with his Innocence, and told him the Subject of the Embassy of Mausolea, who was at that time present, whereupon M. la Salle directed his Speech to him in this manner. You accuse me of an Alliance with a Barbarous and Treacherous Nation, but where are your Proofs? If you have any? speak out; but if you have none, do you think the Illinois will believe your malicious Contrivances.  
Mausolea had certainly no Proof, but endeavoured to make out his Accusation by some Circumstances; as his former Commerce with the Iroquois; the Fort he had built upon the River of the Illinois; and his return to Fort Frontenac, concluding that though these were no direct Proofs, yet they were substantial Indications of his Design. It was very easy for M. lafoy Salle to answer his Arguments, and to show that the Iroquois, being jealous of their good Correspondence, and sensible that their Union would enable them to make head against them; had hired this Emissary to create these Divisions. He advised them to consider every thing, and how the Iroquois had subdued, by their Artifices, the Miamis, the Quiaquons, and the Mascoutans, who sent this pretended Advice and therefore exhorted to weigh every thing, and inquire into the Embassy, for he suspected Mausolea was sent by the Iroquois, and not by his own Nation; assuring them, in the mean time, that he was come to protect them against the Iroquois and their other Enemies.  

The effect of his Discourse.  These Reasons being accompanied with the assuredness which a good Cause inspires, had all the expected effect; insomuch that Mausolea himself; out of Fear, or remorse of Conscience, confessed, that the Iroquois had spread those Reports among the Mascontans, on purpose to excite a general Insurrection against us, and owned that the safety of the Illinois, and of his own Nation, depended on their Union with us; whereupon the Illinois made us all the Protestations in the World, that they would never renounce our Alliance, nor give ear any more to the Suggestions of our common Enemies.  

M. lafoy Salle divides his Men.  This Peace and good Correspondence being thus happily restored, M. lafoy Salle turned all his Thoughts towards his Enterprise, and finding himself near the great River Mississipi, he resolved to divide his Men to carry on at once his Discoveries to the North and to the South, by means of that River, reserving for himself to fall down to the Sea, and to send some body else toward the source of the River. But as he was thus preparing himself, his Treacherous Men plotted to put a stop both to his Journey and to his Life, and to poison him and his best Friends at once. They pitched upon Christmas-day for acting this Villainy, and found means to put some Poison into the Pot, to cut off at one blow, all such as might have avenged the Death of their Captain, and likewise to remain the sole Masters of the Fort, and of all the Effects that were therein.  

M. lafoy Salle Poisoned by his Men.  The Dinner was hardly over, that M. lafoy Salle and his Friends found themselves very ill. They fell into Convulsions and other Symptoms, which discovered the true cause of them; whereupon they took a Dose of good Treacle, and by this quick remedy, prevented the effect of the Poison, insomuch that all recovered.  

They run away.  This was too plain to be denied, and too horrid to be forgiven, therefore the Rogues ran away to avoid the just punishment they deserved; and tho' M. lafoy Salle sent after them, it was not possible to overtake them, the thick Forests affording them a fair opportunity to make their escape. The desertion of these Villains weakened our Band, but we were soon recruited by several young Savages, who engaged themselves into our Service, and likewise by some French Men who were dispersed and wandering in the Woods, so that our number was in a little time considerably increased.  
Things being thus settled, M. lafoy Salle applied himself to the execution of his Project, 
Mr. Dacan appointed for the discovery to the North.  and appointed Mr. Dacan for the Discovery of the Country along the Mississipi, to the North-east, with four French Men, two Savages, and Father Lovis a Recollect, He gave 'em Arms, Ammunition, and some Merchandise to trade with the Nations. They Embarked on the 28th of February 1680, and fell down the River of the Illinois into the Mississipi, and from thence went up that great River for 450 Leagues together to the North, and came within seven Leagues of its Source, landing now and then on both sides to view the Country, and by what Nation it was Inhabited.  

The source of the Mississipi.  The Mississipi. springs out of a Fountain on the top of a Hill in the Country of the Issati, about the 50 degree of Latitude: It receives so many Rivulets, that it becomes Navigable for Boats within six Leagues from its Source. Thee; Country along its Banks is Inhabited by several Nations, as the Hanetons, Issati's Ova, Tintonha, and Nadovestians, who received Mr. Dacan with all the kindness imaginable. He traded with them, and increased his number with several Savages, who offered to accompany him. He let up likewise the King's Arms about two Leagues from the source of the River, upon a great Tree in sight of those Nations, as a Mark that they became Subjects to his Master. He made also several Settlements, and one, among the rest, among the Issati's where some French Men desired to remain.  

M. Dacan takes possession of that Country.  This Gentleman, charmed with the docility of these Nations, and engaged by the advantageous Trade that he met with there, advanced to the Lake of the Arsenipoits, which is about Thirty Leagues in Circuit. That Nation received our Men kindly, notwithstanding their natural fierceness, and they founded there an Habitation, and another among the Chongaskabees, or Nations of Strong Men, who are Neighbours of the Arsenipoits.  

M. lafoy Salle takes leave of the Illinois.  While Mr. Dacan was carrying on his Discoveries, M. lafoy Salle took his leave of the Illinois, to return to Fort Frontenac, in order to get a new supply of Men and Ammunition, and likewise to view in what condition were his Forts, Magazines and Settlements, and hasten the building of a new Ship, which he had ordered to be made. He set out the 8th of November, 1680, and Three days after arrived to the Village of the Illinois, where he resolved to build another Fort on a rising ground, in order to command the Miamis, Outagamis, Kikapous, Aisnous, and Mascoutans; and to serve likewise for a Place of Refuge to the French. This Design, tho' prudent and advantageous, was however attended with some fatal Consequences, as we shall see hereafter.  
Having taken all the observations that he thought necessary; 
A Treachery of two of his Men.  he continued his Journey, and met, about two Leagues from the Village of the Illinois, two of his Men, whom he had sent two Months before to Missilimachinac, to endeavour to get Intelligence of his new Ship. These Rogues pretended to have done their utmost, without having been able to Discover what was become of her, tho' they had burnt it themselves, after having sold the Effects that were on board to the Iroquois. M. lafoy Salle suspected presently that it was lost, but however, appeared as unconcerned as before, and sent me in a Letter a Draught of the Fort he had marked out, ordering me to work thereupon immediately.  
These Villains, who had already sold us to the Iroquois, made a great haste, in order to improve the absence of our Commander to their advantage, and delivered me the Letter of M. lafoy Salle, which being very pressing, I went immediately to the place I was commanded to, exhorting my Men to Peace and Union; and leaving the Fort under the Command of the most Faithful. The place M. lafoy Salle had pitched upon, was a Rock very high, the top of which was even and of a convenient space, so that it commanded the River, and the Country round about. 
Our Fort Plundered.  I had already drawn some Lines, and made other preparations to build it, when I heard that these Villains had seduced and perverted most of our men, insomuch that they had plundered our Fort, and carried away what was most valuable in it. I returned immediately, and found only seven or eight French Men in the Fort, who had been so honest as to detest the Villainy of their Comrades, but not able to prevent it. I confess my Heart was almost broke, when I considered the Condition we were in, without any help amongst Savages; but having found a good quantity of Ammunition, with Arms left in the Fort, I thought the Cause was not altogether Desperate, and encouraged my Men, by the hopes of a quick return of M. Lafoy Salle, and all other Arguments that I could think on, not forgetting the glory they had gained by their Fidelity, and the Reward they might expect, if they supported this Disgrace with Courage. I took an exact Account of the Damage we had sustained, and sent it to M. La Salle. I redoubled in the mean time my care and application to preserve our Correspondence with the Illinois, and by these means we put ourselves very near in as good a posture as before, the number of Men excepted.  
M. Lafoy Salle having received these dismal Tidings, made a great search after those Rogues, and pursued them so closely, that part of them surrendered themselves, and the rest were taken. He caused the most Seditious to be Hanged, and pardoned the rest. He sent the Messenger back to me, with a promise of a quick Supply, and Orders to tarry for him in the Fort. A whole Year however elapsed in this expectation, but our number being increased, by the arrival of some French Men, and the conjunction of some Savages, we would have wanted nothing at all, had not a sad and unforeseen Accident disappointed our Measures.  
Our loss was hardly repaired, when we fell into a greater danger; 
The Iroquois come to attack the Illinois.  for in the Month of September 1687, we discovered within a quarter of a League of the Camp of the Illinois, about 600 Iroquois armed with Bows, Swords, Halberds, and a great many of them with Fire-arms. This unexpected Army frighted the Illinois, and revived their suspicion of our Correspondence with their Enemies; and I must confess, I was in a great perplexity, knowing not what to do in so nice a juncture. However having determined myself, I did whatever I could to encourage the Illinois, and told them that I would go to the Camp of the Iroquois, and endeavour to bring them to Terms; assuring them, that if I could not succeed, I would share the danger they were in; but that they had no time to lose, and therefore advised them to send their Women and Children away, and put themselves in good posture of defence. This Proposal convinced them of the sincerity of our Intentions, and therefore they gave me an Interpreter, and one of their chief Men to accompany me, and be Witness of my Negotiation.  
The Army of the Iroquois divided into two Bodies, and commanded by Tagancourte, Chief of Tsonnontovans, and Agoustot Chief of the Desovatages, two experienced Generals. That of the Illinois was not 500 strong, and we were not upward of 25 French Men amongst them, divided in their Battalious, to encourage them by our Example, and keep them in the best order we could, I parted from our Army with my Interpreter, an Illinois, and two French Men, and advanced toward the Iroquois, whose Left Wing moved, at the same time, toward our Right, where our Men appeared very resolute, and prepared to make a vigorous Defence.  

A custom observed amongst the Savages.  As soon as I came near them, they shot at us, but by chance none was wounded, whereupon I sent back the Illinois, and the two Frenchmen, taking upon myself all the peril attending such a Deputation. As soon as I came at a convenient distance, I shown a Collar, it being the Custom amongst the Savages, to make all their Proposals with Collars, the same being the Symbol of Peace, Union, and Alliance. I advanced upon the public Faith of the Badge, but I was no sooner in the Camp, but I was seized by those Villains, one of whom took my Collar, whilst another designed to stab me with a Knife, but it pleased God, that the Knife slided along one of my Ribs, which saved my Life. The most Rational, or rather the least Brutish of? 'em, rescued me from their Hands, and after having stopped the Blood with a kind of Balsam, conducted me to the middle of their Camp, with my Interpreter; where they asked me the Subject of my coming.  

My Deputation to the Iroquois.  Tho' my strength was considerably abated by the loss of my Blood, my Courage was not cast down, neither was I daunted by their Number and Threats. I complained therefore, first. of their unjust Proceed, and violation of their Public Faith; and then of their coming, without any provocation, to attack a Nation, which was in Confederacy, and under the Protection of the King of France, my Master; therefore I entreated them to return home, if they had any respect for that Prince; and that they would look upon the Illinois as their Friends, since they were so united with us, that whatsoever conspired their Destruction, conspired our own. I told them besides, that they ought to consider the danger of their Enterprise; the Illinois being about six Hundred men, and the French above 200; and that my Mediation and Exhortation to Peace, were not the effects of any Fear we had for them; concluding, that I entreated them to make Peace with the Illinois in the Name of our King, and of Count Frontenack their Father; and that I should not complain of the loss of my Blood, if t was so happy as to succeed in my Negotiation.  
While I was thus arguing, the two Armies were skirmishing; 
The Success of it.  and some time after, an Iroquois came to give Advice to the General; that their Right Wing began to give ground, and that they had observed some French men among the Illinois, who had made a great fire upon them. This Advice came very unluckily for me; for the Savages were so incensed against me, that they presently talked of killing me. I was preparing myself to suffer every thing, but observing a young rash Iroquois standing behind me with a Razor in his Hand, and knowing the Custom of that Cruel Nation, which is to cut off their Enemy's Head, and then take off the Hair and Skin like a Cap, which is amongst them the greatest Trophy, I did not doubt hue this young Warrior had a great fancy to my Hair, which he touched now and then, and lest he should do it too soon, I told him, that he ought, at least, to expect the Orders of his Masters. Tagancourte would have me put to death, but Agoustot being a particular Friend of M. Lafoy Salle, opposed the other General, and by a kind of Miracle, Mercy perhaps, for the first time, prevailed with this Barbarous Nation; and it was resolved to send me back to the Illinois, and tell them they were disposed to a sincere Peace and Union, giving me a fine Collar of Porcelain, as a Token of their sincerity. They protested that they would for the future, live in Peace with the Illinois, and look upon them as Brethren, since they were Children of the Governor of Canada, which they did not know before.  
The consideration of the danger I had escaped, Cured me almost of my Wound, and gave me sufficient strength to return to our Camp. I met about half the Way, Father Gabriel de la Ribonde, and Father Zenoble Membrè, who almost dispaired of seeing me any more, and therefore could hardly express the joy they had for my happy return. We went together to the Illinois, to whom I delivered the Message of the Iroquois, but advised them withal not to trust too much to their Words and Presents; for I could not persuade myself, that so Cruel and Ambitious a Nation would return Home without any other Advantage, but that of having made Peace with the Illinois, whom they pretended to subdue; which was ra●●●● a dishonour, and therefore I looked upon all their Protestations as an Artifice to surprise their Enemies.  

The Resolution of the Illinois, upon my return, and their Desertion.  The Illinois were fully persuaded with what I told them, of the Infidelity of the Iroquois; and yet they resolved to return the Present by an Embassy. They called, in the mean time, a Council, to take the necessary measures for their Defence; but their young Warriors being satisfied with the Glory they had gained in the first: Attack, wherein they repulsed their Enemies, would not venture a second Fight, and most of them left their Camp. The others being thus weakened by their Desertion, ran away upon the approach of the Iroquois, who plundered their Camp.  
Being thus forsaken by our new Confederates, we retired into our Fort, but the Illinois being reinforced by fresh Men, appeared again two days after, upon a rising ground in good Order, and resolved to fight; whereupon the Iroquois thinking they were more numerous than at first, and having tried their Valour in the former Attack, desir'd me to interpose my mediation for a Peace, which I accepted; and they gave me one of their Chiefs as an Hostage. I went to the Illinois with Father Zenoble, 
Both Parties accept my mediation.  and told them the Proposals of the Iroquois; and that I had brought one of their Chiefs for Hostage. The Illinois were very well pleased with my Message, and assured me that they were sincerely disposed to make Peace with the. Iroquois; then they gave me a full Power to make it upon what Terms I should please, and promised to send immediately an Hostage for confirming what I should say. Both Parties being so well disposed, I took some refreshment, and returned to the Iroquois, whom I told that I was empowered to treat with them, and desired that we might immediately enter upon the Treaty.  

Imprudence of an Illinois.  They were pleased with it, and the Hostage of the Illinois being arrived at the same time, confirmed every thing that I had said, so that the Treaty would have been concluded in few Hours, had not the Imprudence of this Illinois broken all my measures. This inconsiderate Fellow began to praise the Valour of his own Nation, and their Generals; but owned, that being hardly 400 Men, they looked upon their Proposals of Peace as a favour, which they would acknowledge by some Presents of Beavers and Slaves. This foolish Confession undeceived the Iroquois, who having believed what I had told them of the number of the Illinois, were glad to make Peace, and in some fear of their Enemies. They began then to speak very big, and complained in very hard words, I had deluded them, and done them a great injury, saying that they would have got a considerable Booty, if they had not believed me.  
I must confess I was put to a plunge, but having recovered myself, I answered, That what I had said before, and what, the Illinois said then was true, for the Illinois were above 600 Men upon their Arrival, and at the first fight, but that a great number having deserted since that time, it may be that their Number was reduced to 400. That I had no other intention but to bring both Parties to a right understanding: That they were Masters of the Camp of their Enemies, and might impose upon them what Conditions they pleased, since they offered themselves to buy the Peace. They approved, or at least seemed to approve my Reasons, and sent back the Illinois, to acquaint the Chiefs of his Nation; that they desired to see them the next day in their Camp, to conclude the Treaty.  

The interest between the Iroroquois. and the Illinois.  They came accordingly the next Morning, with a great quantity of beaver's Skins, and several Slaves, which they presented to the Iroquois, who received them very kindly, and promised to restore them their Camp and Habitations, which they confirmed by some Presents of three Collars of Porcelain and Furs. The first Collar signifying that they begged Pardon of the Governor of Canada, for having attacked a Nation who was under his Protection; the second signifying the same civility to M. La Salle; and by the Third, the Iroquois swore an eternal Alliance with the Illinois. These Presents being mutually exchanged, both Parties retired.  

The Treachery of the Iroquois.  Whilst these two Nations were giving each other mutual Marks of a sincere reconciliation, I discovered that the Iroquois were secretly making Canoes, to follow the Illinois along the River, and exterminate them; and being asked by one of the Chiefs of the Illinois, what I thought of their Reconciliation? I told him very frankly, that the Promises and words of that treacherous Nation were not to be relied upon; that I did not doubt but that the Canoes which they were getting ready with so much secrecy, were designed against them; that therefore I advised them to retire into another Country with their Families, and fortify themselves in some advantageous Post, till the Iroquois were gone away. The Illinois approved of my Advice, and went back to his Nation, and I retired into our Fort.  

The Iroquois make Presents to the French.  The Iroquois having considered how they had used me, thought fit to give us some satisfaction, and therefore on the 10th of September, eight days after their arrival, they desired me and Father Zenoble to come to their Council, where being sat, they brought six Packs of Bever-skins, and told me, that their Nation offered us those Presents, and desired us to give the two first Packs, in their Name to Count Frontenac their Father, and assure him that they would trouble no more the Illinois, knowing they were his Children; that they gave me the third to serve me as a Plaster for my Wound; that the fourth was Oil to rub our Legs during our Voyage: By the fifth, they exhorted us to Worship the Sun; and by the last, they required us to march away the next day, and retire to our French Habitations.  

Their Answer.  I returned them our thanks, in the Name of our Nation, for the respects they had expressed for the Count de Frontenac, and Mr. lafoy Salle, and for their good Entertainment, and likewise for their Oil and Plaster, but I thought fit to ask them when they themselves designed to march away, and when they would restore that Camp to the Illinois, according to their Promise. This Question did not please them, and after a general grumbling, they told me, that since I was so curious, they would satisfy me, and that they would departed, after having devoured some of our Brethren, or else some of the Illinois. As soon as I understood this Answer, I thrusted back their Present with my Foot, and told them, that seeing they had such a Design, I would accept none, adding withal, that I would march away without their. Order or Leave, when I should think fit. The Chiefs of the Iroquois having heard my reply, stood up, and told us that we might retire. There was amongst them one Abenaguis, with whom I had been acquainted, who told me, that they were very much angry with me, and advised us to retire with all the haste we could to our Fort; which we did accordingly, and stood all the Night long upon our Guard, being resolved to defend ourselves to the utmost extremity.  
When we saw ourselves safe, Father Zenoble and I made several Reflections, on the Dissimulation and Infidelity of that Nation, and likewise on the dangers we had been exposed to in their Council; and I remember that that good Father blamed my proceed; and said, That in those nice occasions, we ought to be more pliant, in hopes to find a more favourable opportunity. I agreed with him in general, but insisted, that this Principle admitted of some exceptions, and that assuredness and vigour were more prevailing upon barbarous men, than a more prudent way. In the mean time we advised what was fit to be done in this juncture; 
The French quit the Fort.  and being unable to defend us against so many Enemies, we resolved to quit the Fort the next day. I Embarked the next Morning with two Recollects and five French men; the others who were in the Fort, having chosen to go and live among the Illinois rather than to return home.  
Having equally divided our Arms, Ammunition, and Goods, we Embarked the Eleventh of September 1687, very early, and about Five Leagues from the Fort, we went ashore to repair our Canoe, and dry some Furs, which the Water would have spoiled. As we were busy about it, Father Gabriel told me that he would take a walk along the Shore; 
Father Gabriel murdered by the Savages.  and I advised him to keep in our sight, be cause we were surrounded with Enemies; but the charming Prospect of that Country engaged him a little too far, so that seeing he did not return, we began to mistrust that he was fallen into the Hands of the Savages. Father Zenoble and I advanced into the Woods to look for him, but could not discover what was become of him, notwithstanding we fired our Arms, and made all the Night long a great Fire to give him notice of the place where we expected him. We understood since, that he was met by a Band of Savages called Quicapous, who murdered him, and sold, some time after, his Breviary to a Jesuit, from whom we learned these particulars. Thus died this Holy Man, in the seventieth Year of his Age, by the Hands of those very Men for the sake of whom he had left his Native Country, and suffered so many Fatigues.  
We waited for him till the next day about Noon, but having no hopes of his Return, we Embarked again, and after one months' Navigation, landed within two days Journey of the Lake of the Illinois, into which we carried over Land our Equipage. We embarked again on the 20th of October, and ten days after, were forced to land, by contrary Winds, within 20 Leagues of a great Village, called Potavalamia, where we found no other Provisions but Acorns.  
I was sick of an Ague, and my legs were so swollen, that we could not reach the Village I have spoken of till the 10th of November. We found no body in it, nor any Provisions, but having, by good chance, advanced into the Country, we met with a good quantity of Indian Corn, which enabled us to Embark again. The Winds were so cross, that we were obliged to come a, Shore few days, after, where having found some fresh footsteps, we, followed the Track, and came to another Village of the Pontovalamis, which was likewise abandoned, but however afforded us some Provisions, which were sufficient to maintain us till our arrival at the Buy of Puans, which; was towards the latter end of November.  
Having already described this Bay, I need not repeat it now, but I must add, that there is a Creek in it called the Creek of the Sturgeons, because of the prodigious quantity of that, sort of Fish that is catched in it. We refreshed ourselves in that place for several days with the Pontovalamis, who entertained us with scorched Bees and Stagg. We diverted also ourselves in Hunting of beaver's, which afforded us a great satisfaction.  
The Country about the Bay, being watered by an infinite number of Rivulets, lined with great Trees, and the Woods being full of Aspen-trees, the Branches and Leaves whereof are the dainty food of beaver's. Those Creatures are very numerous in those Parts.  

An Accouns of beaver's.  The Beavers are, as every body knows, Amphibious, Creatures, who cannot live without Air, Water, and Land. They are near as big as Sheep, but not so tall, their legs being very short, but so nimble, that they come nothing short of Apes for dexterity. They have a Muzzle or Nose, and strong Teeth; their Body is covered with thick Hair, and pretty fine, but their Tail is made up of a kind of twisted Hair, Which forms a figure like that of a Triangle, and serves them as a Trowel to beat the soft Earth they make use of to build their Habitations.  
The Instinct or Industry of those Creatures is almost incredible, and therefore I am sensible that many will question the Truth of what I have to say about it, however, I may assure the Reader that I do not Romance in the least. When they have a mind to make a new Settlement or Habitation, and have found a proper place for it, which is commonly in the Channel of a: River, provided it be not too deep, or too broad, they look for a Tree on the Bank of the said River, leaning a little towards the Water. They meet together in a Circle, and because their number is always odd, it seems that they hold a Council, to know what is fit to be done. The first thing to be done, is to cut down the Tree they have pitched upon, but not horizontaly, but in such a manner that it may fall into the very place they have a mind to, that is cross the River, to stop, or at lead to abate the Rapidity of the stream. If the Branches hinder the body of the Tree to lie in die Water. they cut them likewise, and then make a perfect Dike or Bank with Mud and Gravel together, leaving now and then some places open for the Water, lest the River should overflow their Bank. If the Tree cannot reach the other Shore, they fell another Tree over against it to join that, and make a perfect Causey or Bridge. This Work being completed, they build their Habitations or Caves near that place, and employ nothing but mud in the following manner; they lay a Lay of it, and beat it very hard with their Tails, and then another, and so on successively, till it is about three Foot high; they Arch it and Polish it very handsomely, and divide it into three several Apartments, which have communication one with the other; one of them is to lie in, the second for their Provisions, and the third serves them for a necessary House. They make a Canal or subterranean Aqueduct from the River to one of their Apartments, in which they have a kind of Pond, wherein they hold their Tail, for otherwise they could not live. This Canal serves also for another use, for when they hear any noise, they make their escape through that place into the River. Every one is obliged to work, but if any one has his Tail excoriated or other wise hurt, he lays it flat upon his back, to show that he is unable to work.  

How they Hunt Beavers.  When the Savages go a Hunting, they follow the Rivers, and as soon as they discover any Causey, Bridge or Bank, they may be sure that the Beavers are not far off. They come as near as they can, but as soon as the Beavers see or hear them, they run through their Canal into the River; but as they must breathe from time to time, the Savages soon shoot them, if it be in Summer time; for in Winter they use another Art to catch them. They make holes in the Ice and having beat out the Beavers from their Habitations into the River, they must come to breath through those Holes, and then the Savages catch them alive by the Tail.  
Having refreshed ourselves above Ten Days in this place, and taken in Provisions, we Embarked again on the Seventeenth of December for Missilimachinac, but eight days after were foreed back by a contrary Wind. The Savages were gone away, but had left some Provisions, which we wanted very much; for the Ice and the malady of our Men obliged us to continue in that place, where we suffered very much. Finding ourselves in that extremity, I advanced into the Woods to endeavour to find some relief, and it pleased God that I met with two Savages, of the Nation of the Outnovas, who conducted me to a Village belonging to the Pontovalamis, where we met several Frenchmen settled in that place, by whom we were kindly received, as also by the Savages. Father Zenoble understanding that the Jesuits had a Settlement in the bottom of the Bay, thought it was more becoming his Character, to pass the Winter amongst them, than in company of the Savages, and went thither two days after our arrival; but we continued till the next Spring in that place, and lived very comfortably.  
We diverted burr selves at Hunting wild Bulls in the beginning of March, 
How they Hunt Bulls.  the Grass being already grown. Those Bulls are near twice as big as ours, the Hair looks like a fine Fleece, and is very long; their Horns are bend backwards, and extraordinary long; their Eyes are likewise larger and bigger than those of our European Bulls, which make them look terrible. They go always by Droves of three or four Hundred in each. When the Savages go a Hunting, they encompass a Drove of these Bulls, and one of them comes creeping as near as he can, and then stands up, making an Outcry, which frightens away the whole Drove; the Savages being in a Circle, they cannot escape without being shot; but as they become very fierce and dangerous when they are wounded, the Savages shoot them in the Thigh or the Shoulder, to prevent their coming upon them, and when they are down, they break their Heads with Clubs. As they are excellent Marksmen, they never miss, and twenty Men will sometimes kill Forty and Fifty Bulls.  
That which is wonderful in this, is the havoc, which the Shot sent by the Savages makes; for besides the exactness and swiftness of the Stroke, the force of it is very surprising, and so much the rather, because it is nothing else but a Stone, or a Bone, or sometimes a piece of very hard Wood, pointed and fastened to the end of an Arrow with some Fishes-glue, that causes this terrible effect. When the Savages go to War, they poison the Point, or extremity of their Dart, so that if that remains in the Body, Death follows of necessity; the only Remedy in this case, is to draw out the Arrow through the other side of the Wound; if it goes quite thorough, or if not, to make an aperture on the other side, and so to draw it through; after which they know by instinct, certain Herbs, the application of which both draws out the Venom, and Cures 'em.  
I stayed all the Month of March in this place: Father Zenoble came back to me at Spring, and we reembarking at the Creek we had left, came to Land at Missilimachinac in the beginning of April, with a design to stay there for M. de la Salle. From the 11th of September, 1681, when we took our leaves of the Illinois, to the 1st of April, Seven Months were slipped away; during which time, M. de la Salle, upon the Advice that I had given him by my Letter, was come down to the Illinois with a good Recruit, with intention to help us. The Iroquois having Advice of his Descent, and being afraid of being hemmed in between two Armies, were retired, and, the Illinois were again entered into their Possessions. However M. de la Salle found but some few, the rest being gone to winter in the Woods; he exhorted those that remained, to call their Countrymen, assuring them he would build a Fort that should shelter them from the Invasion of their Enemies; 
The Fort of Crevecoeur  he visited the Fort of Crevecoeur, which was strill in the same condition, and placed therein a small Garrison of Fifteen or Sixteen French, and a Commander, with Ammunition and Arms. After this, he went again up the River to the great Village, whither many Families of the Illinois were returned; he laboured hard upon the enclosure of his New Fort, and having understood by some Scouts, that I had taken my way towards Missilimachinac, he set forward again to join me, having left some Soldiers and Pioners at the intended Fort, to continue his Work and defend that Post.  
He came not to Missilimachinac till about the Fifteenth of August, in the Year 1682. There we took new measures to perfect the Discovery we had begun. We must needs think forthwith of making some new Provision for so long a Voyage. It was with this Design, that after Six Days rest, M. de la Salle set out in a Canoe for Frontenac, Father Zenoble and I going along with him; haying sailed happily the first day, we landed at a Village called Trejagou, belonging to the Iroquois. M. de la Salle Traficked there with some Skins, and having ordered me to stay for him there, with Father Zenoble, he went on board the Canoe Frontenac. There he found his Bark ready, and stored her with abundance of Ammunition and Provisions; he listed there some new Soldiers, and eight days after, lent me his Bark laden with fresh Men, good Merchandise, and such things as were most necessary. The Father and I went on board, and landed the first Day at Niagara, below the Fall of the River: There we were forced to put our Baggage and Merchandise upon Sledges, and so conduct them to the Lake Heriè, where we re-embarked in a Canoe to the number of Twenty Persons, as well Soldiers as Mariners, together with our best Merchandise. After Three days Sail, we landed at the side of the River of the Miamis, where having lodged ourselves in Huts, I had time to reassemble there some French and some Savages, Abenaguis, Loups, Quicapous, and others. There I augmented our Provisions by Hunting, and I bartered some of our Commodities for Indian Corn.  
There it was that M. de la Salle came to rejoin us towards the end of November; the day of his Arrival we, fell down the River of the Miamis in a Canoe, to the Mouth of another River named Chicacou; and we went up it again to a small Harbour, which is but a League from the great River of the Illinois. Having put on Shore in this place, we passed the Night with a very great Fire; for the Cold was so sharp, that the next day the Rivers were froze and unnavigable. We were obliged then to have recourse to the Sledge, to carry our Baggage to the Village of the Illinois, where we found things in the same state that M. de la Salle had left them; only the Village was better Peopled; which gave us opportunity to defer our Intrigues a little, and to renew our Provisions.  
The Rivers being still blocked up with Ice, we found ourselves obliged to begin again our Journey by Land; the Third day of January, 1683. we had pushed on our way to Thirty Leagues below. There the Wether grew mild, and the Ice melted, so that Navigation appearing commodious, we went on Board a Canoe, the Twenty Fourth of January, and fell down the River or the Illinois, to the River Mississipi, where we arrived the second of February.  

The River of the Illinois.  The River of the Illinois, reckoning from its first Carriage to its disemboguing into the River, is at least 160 Leagues Navigable. The adjacent parts are as pleasant as fruitful; one, sees there Animals of all sorts, Stags, Hinds, Lynx's, Wild Bulls, Goats, Sheep, Hares, and infinite more, but few Beavers. As to the Trees, they are nothing but Forests of High Trees, with great Walks, which seem drawn by a Line; besides Elms, Beech, Plane-trees, Cedars, Walnut and Chestnut-trees; one sees there whole Plains covered over with Pomgranate-trees, Orange-trees, and Lemmon-trees; and in one word, with all kind of Fruit-trees.  
In many places there are to be seen large Vines, whole tendrels being twisted about the Branches of huge Trees, bear Bunches of Grapes of an extraordinary bigness.  
Being Embarked upon the Mississipi, we followed the Course of this great River; six Leagues from the Mouth of the River Illinois, we met with that of the Ozages, 
Of the Ozages.  the Banks of which, and places thereabouts, are no less agreeable and Fertile; 'tis true, its Water carries so great a quantity of Mud along with it, as to change that of Mississipi, and make it all Muddy for more than Twenty Leagues. Its Brinks are bordered with great Walnut-trees; one sees there an infinite number of Footsteps made by the Beavers; and the Hunting for them there is very great and common. Going up towards its Source, its Banks are inhabited by Savages, who trade much in Skins; we passed one Night at the Mouth of this River.  
The next day, after we had sailed Ten Leagues, we came to the Village of the Tamaoas, where we met with no body at all, the Savages being retired into the Woods to Winter; we made there however some Marks to let 'em know that we had passed by. After that, continuing our Voyage, we arrived, after a Course of 3 Days, at the Mouth of the River of the Ouabachi, that comes from the East, 
The River of the Ouabachi.  and throws itself into the Mississipi, Eighty Leagues from that of the Illinois: It is by this River that the Iroquois come to make War upon the Nations of the South. In this place we lay in Huts one Night, and after a Course of Sixty League, following still out great River, we came to land at a Bank Inhabited by Savages, who are called Chicacha. Here it was that we lost a Frenchman of our Company, named Preudhomme. The search we made for him during Nine days, gave us an opportunity of discovering several Nations, and of Building a Fort in this place, to serve as a Rest and Habitation for the French in that fine Country.  

Hunter's well received of the Savages in Chicacha.  During this Interval, Two of our Hunters met with two of the Savages Chicacha, who offered to conduct 'em into their Village. Our Men, led by a Spirit of Curiosity, followed them; they were very well received, and after laden with Presents, and were entreated by the Principal among them, to procure that our Commander will honour them with a Visit. Our People being very well satisfied with their reception, made their report of it to M. de la Salle, who the next day went himself with Ten of his Company; he received there all the good treatment that could be expected from People the most civilised; and had no trouble to inspire 'em with Sentiments of submission and Obedience to the King. These Ravages also contented freely to the finishing of our Fort.  
This Nation is very numerous, and is able to furnish out Two Thousand Men; 
The Nation of the Chicacha.  they have all Faces flat like Plates, which is reckoned among them for a stroke of Beauty; it is for this Reason they take care to make the Visage of their Children flat with tablets of, Wood, which they apply to their Foreheads, and gird very, hard with Bands: All these Nations to the Sea Shore give themselves this Figure. Every thing is very plentiful with them; Corn, Fruits, Grapes, Olives, tame Hens, Indian Hens, Bustards, etc. M. de la Salle having received such good Refreshment there, and having made 'em, by way of acknowledgement, a Present of some Knives and Hatchets, he returned to his own People. At last, after Nine days expectation, Preudhomme, who had lost himself in the Woods, where he had lived upon nothing but Wild Fowl, found us again; 
Preudhom me lest in the Woods, rejoin the French.  M. de la Salle entrusted him with the care of finishing the Fort, which he called after his Name, and gave him the Command of it; after which he took his Course upon the same River towards the end of the Month of February.  
We were three Days without disembarking: 
An Alarm caused by a Drum.  The fourth after having made Fifty Leagues, we came to a Village of the Cappa: We had scarce set foot on Land, but we heard a Drum beat; forthwith fancying we saw the Enemy at our Heels, we threw ourselves into our Canoes, and went over to the other side; and so we immediately made a Redoubt to secure ourselves from any surprise.  
The Savages came to view us in a Canoe; 
The good treatment which the Savages Cappa gave the French.  we sent some of our Men to 'em, to present them with the Calumet; they accepted it freely, and at the same time offered themselves to conduct us to their Habitations, and promised us all manner of assistance. M. de la Salle was very ready to go thither; in the mean time one of the two Savages went before, to give notice of our arrival to those of his own Nation. Their Prince, accompanied with some of the chief of 'em, came forward to receive us. As soon as he saw M. de la Salle, he saluted him in a very grave and respectful manner; offered him any thing that depended upon him or his Nation, and taking him by the Hand, led him towards his Cottage. M. de la Salle walking along with him, testified to him how sensible he was of his Civilities, and let him understand his Design and Intentions, which tended to nothing else but the glory of the true God, and to make known to him the Power of the French King. Being arrived at the Village, we saw a very great multitude of People, in the midst of whom were some Archers drawn up in a Line. The Prince making a little halt, declared to all the Assembly, that we were sent by the King of France, to Discover North America, and to receive its People under his Protection. Then there followed a general Acclamation, by which the People seemed to testify their Joy: As soon as the Prince had assured M. de la Salle, of the perfect submission of all his People to the Orders of the King, he conducted him into his Cottage, and gave him, and those of his Company, all the good treatment possible. Besides this, he made him very considerable Presents, namely, abundance of Indian Corn, and other necessary Provisions, with which M. de la Salle was very well satisfied, as well as with all his other Civilities. This Nation was scarce any thing of Savage; 
The Manners and Customs of the Cappa.  they give Judgement according to their Laws and Customs; every one there enjoys his own Goods in particular.  

The Nation of the Akancéas.  Eight Leagues from hence are the Akancéas, whose Land is above sixty Leagues over: They are divided into several Villages, almost at equal distances. The Cappa gave us two Guides to carry us to the First, which they call Togengan; it stands upon the Bank of a River, and there we were very well received. Two Leagues from this Town, we fell down in a Canoe to that of Torimant; and six Leagues from this last, to another called Ozotoni. We were equally well received in every place; and as our arrival had already made a noise in all the Country, we found a very numerous Assembly of People in this place, which caused M. de la Salle to set up the Arms of the King, with a Shot of our Artillery. 
The Arms of the King set up at the noise of the Artillery.  The Noise and Fire of our Arms impressed such a respect upon all the Multitude, and threw 'em into such a Consternation, that the Prince, on the part of his Nation, 
The Climate of this Country.  swore to us an inviolable Alliance This Climate and that of the Cappa is the same; it is about the 34th Degree of Latitude. The Country throughout does generally abound in Grain, Fruits, and Wild Fowl of all sorts. The temperature of the Air is wonderful, there is never any Snow to be seen, and but very little Ice: Their Cottages are built of Cedar, 
The Religion of its Inhabitants  all matted within: They have no determined Worship; they Adore all sorts of Animals, or rather they Worship but one Divinity, which discovers its self in a certain Animal, such as it shall please their Jongleur, or Priest, to pitch upon; so that it will be sometimes an Ox, sometimes a Dog, or some other. When this visible God is dead, there is an universal Mourning; but which is presently changed into a great Joy, by the choice they make of a new Mortal Deity, which is always taken from amongst the Brutes.  
About Sixty Leagues below this Nation, 
Taercas,  are the Taencas, a People that give place to none in America, either for Force or Beauty of Climate. The Akanceas gave us Guides to conduct us thither, and going on Board a Canoe, we still followed the Course of the great River. 
Crocodiles in great numbers.  After our first days Voyage, we began to see some Crocodiles along the brink; They are in a very great number upon these Banks, and of a prodigious bigness, some being Twenty or Thirty Foot long. To see so monstrous an Animal, who would believe that it comes into the World but like a Chicken, being hatched of an Egg! only it is oserved, that it grows as long, as it lives. We took notice that they fled when we pursued 'em, and that when we fled they, pursued us; we dispersed them with our Fusees, and killed some of 'em. The day following being arrived over against the first Village of the Taencas, M. de. la Salle sent me to the Prince, to give him notice of his Arrival, and gave me two Guides of the Akancéas, and two Abenaguis to be my Interpreters.  
As this Village stands on the other side of a Lake, which is Eight Leagues in Circumference, and half a League over, we were forced to take a Canoe to cross it, which we performed in two Hours. As soon as we landed, I was surprised to see the Grandeur of the Village, and the Order of the Cottages; they are placed in divers rows, and in a straight Line, round about a large space, being all made of Earth, and coveted over with Mats of Cane: 
The Grandeur and Order of the fine Village of the Savages.  We presently took notice of two fairer than the rest, one was the Prince's Palace, the other the Temple; each of them was about forty Foot square, the Walls ten Foot high, and two Foot thick; the Roof, in the form of a Cupilo, was covered with a Mat of divers Colours: Before the Prince's Palace stood a Dozen Men Armed with Half-pikes. As soon as we came up, an Old Man addressed himself to me, and taking me by the Hand, led me into a great square Hall, the Floor and sides of which were covered with a very fine Mat; at the further end of the Hall, over against the Entrance, was a very handsome Bed, with Curtains of a fine Stuff, made and woven of the Bark of Mulberry-trees. 
The Prince of the Taencas.  We saw the Prince of this People upon this Bed, as upon his Throne, in the middle of four handsome Women, and encompassed with above Sixty Old Men, Armed with Bows and Arrows; they were all Clothed with very fine White Garments; that of the Prince was adorned with certain Tufts of Wool of different Colours; 
A Description of the Women of these Savages.  the rest were all plain. The Prince had upon his Head a Diadem of woven Rushes, very curiously wrought, and enriched with large Pearls, and raised with a Plume of various Feathers; all that were about him were bareheaded: The Women were dressed in  of the same Stuff; they had upon their Heads little Rush Hats, adorned with several Feathers, and had all Necklaces of Pearl, and fine Ear-Pendants of the same; they had Bracelets of woven Hair, and several other Jewels which set off their Attire: They were not quite Black, but Brown, their Visages something flat, their Eyes Black, sparkling, and pretty large; their Shape line and free; and they all appeared to me of a smiling and very pleasant Air.  
Being surprised, or rather charmed, with the Beauties of this Savage Court, I addressed my Speech to the venerable Prince, 
A Discourse addressed to the Prince of these Savages.  and spoke to him in the Name of M. de la Salle. That having the Honour to be sent by the King of France, the most potent of all the Kings upon Earth, to make a Discovery of all the Nations of America, and to invite them to live under the Government of so great a Prince; we came to offer them our Friendship and Protection; to which the upper Countries had all freely submitted: That if we did pretend to settle ourselves in the Country, it was not so much to bring them under a rigorous Yoke, as to maintain for them, by the power of our Arms, what was already in their Possession; and to impart to them our rarest Arts and our Wealth: Not so much to spoil them of their Treasures, as to teach them a more advantageous way of using them. Not to Usurp their Territories, but put them in a way to Cultivate and Improve them, and to instruct them in our Commerce. In short, not to become their Lords and Matters, but to Establish a Brotherly Friendship with them.  
The Prince all this while harkened with great Attention, (and one of our Abenaguis having given him to understand what I said) embraced me, and with a smiling Countenance, told me, That after the Account I had given him of our great Monarch, he could not but conceive the greatest Respect and Veneration for him; that he should the next day see M. de la Salle, and that he would give him more particular assurances of it. Whereupon I presented him in M. de la Salle's Name, with a Sword inlaid with Gold and Silver, some Cases of Razors, Scissors, and Knives, and some Bottles of Aqua vitae. I cannot express the Joy and satisfaction he received these small Presents with. But I took notice at the same time, that one of his Wives, who had a pair of the Scissors in her Hand, admired very much the neatness of the Work, and would now and then give me a Smile, which I fancied might be a modest way of ask me for a pair too. I took an opportunity to draw near to her, and pulling out of my Pocket a small steel Case of Filligreen-work, wherein was a pair of Scissors, and a little Tortoise-shell Knife, and pretending to admire the whiteness and fineness of her Garment, I slipped the Case into her Hand, and she received it, squeezing my Hand pretty hard. Which gave me reason to think, that these Women have not Hearts altogether so Savage, but that they might easily be tamed by us, and taught the Politer Arts of Conversation. Another of the Company, who was not less pretty, and neatly accoutred, drawing nearer to us, gave me to understand by the Thorns she shown me, which she made use of to fasten her Train, that some Pins would be very acceptable to her. I gave her a paper of 'em, together with a Case of Needles and a Silver Thimble. These little Trinkets she received with a wonderful joy; and then I gave as much to the two others. She who was the finest and the most agreeable of 'em, having taken notice that I admired a Collar of large Pearl that she had about her Neck, took it off, and made an Offer of it to me, with abundance of civility. I refused it a good while, but reflecting upon the plenty of Pearls that is among them, and that the fishing for 'em was in the Seas thereabouts, I made no further difficulty, and after a few more offers, I accepted of it. But, in return, I gave her ten Yards of Blue Ribbon, which she valued, at least, at as high a rate.  
The Night now drawing on, I was going to take my leave of the Prince, but he very earnestly desired me to stay till the next day, and gave the charge of me to an Officer, to let me want for nothing. I did not want much Courtship, and the desire I had to see a little of their Manners and Behaviour, made me readily enough accept of the kind offer. I was conducted into an Apartment furnished much after the rate of that the Prince was in. There they brought me a Collation of Wildfowl, and Fruit, and some Liquors, of which I tasted. All that while there was an Old Gentleman with me, who was very good Company, and especially because he resolved me all the Questions I put to him. As for what concerns their Politics, he informed me, that they were entirely governed by their Prince's Absolute Will. That they obeyed him as their Sovereign; that they owned his Children his lawful Successors; that when he died, they sacrificed his first or Chief Wife, the first Steward and twenty Men of his Nation, to be his Retinue and wait upon him in the other World. That during his Life, no Man drunk in his Cup, nor eat out of his Dish, or walked as he was passing by; that care was always taken, not only to clean the Way for him, but also to strew it with sweet Herbs and Flowers. I observed in that little time I was in his Presence, that when he spoke to any body, they made a loud kind of humming before they answered him; and I'begged this Old Gentleman to tell me the Reason of it: He told me that this was looked upon as a token of admiration and respect. As to their Religion, he told me that they Worship the Sun; that they had their Temples, their Altars, and their Priests. That in that Temple, there was a Fire which burned perpetually, as the proper Emblem of the Sun. That at the Decrease of the Moon, they carried a great Dish of their greatest Dainties to the Door of the Temple, as an Oblatory Sacrifice; which the Priests offered to their God, and then they carried it home, and feasted themselves with it.  
As to their Customs, every Spring they go in a Body to some retired place, and there turn up a large space of Land, which they do with the Drums beating all the while. After this, they take care to call it the Desert, or the Field of the Spirit. And thither they go in good earnest, when they are in their Enthusiastic Fits, and there wait for Inspiration from their pretended Deity. In the mean while, as they do this every Year, it proves of no small advantage to them, for by this means they turn up all their Land insensibly, and it becomes abundantly more fruitful. In Autumn they gather their Indian Corn, and they keep it in great Baskets till the New Moon in the next Month of June: Then the Families get together, and every one invites his Friends and Neighbours, to come and eat Cakes, and some Meat they get likewise; and thus they spend the Day in Feasting.  
This is all I could learn that Day of their Religion, their Government and Customs. The next Day I had the Curiosity of seeing their Temple, and the Old Gentleman had me thither. The Structure of it was exactly the same with that of the Prince's House. As to the outside, it is encompassed with a great high Wall, the space betwixt that and the Temple forming a kind of Court, where People may walk. On the top of the Wall are several Pikes to be seen, upon which are stuck the Heads of their own most notorious Criminals, or of their Enemies. On the top of the Frontispiece, there is a great Knob raised, all covered round with Hair, and above that, an heap of Scalps in form of a Trophy.  
The inside of the Temple is only a Nave, painted on all sides, at top with all sorts of Figures; in the midst of it is an Hearth instead of an Altar, upon which there is continually three great Billets burning, standing up on end; and two Priests dressed in White Vestments, are ever looking after it, to make up the Fire and supply it. It is round this that all the People come to say their Prayers, with strange kind of Hum. The Prayers are three times a Day; at Sun rise, at Noon, and at Sun set. They made me take notice of a sort of Closet cut out of the Wall, the inside of which was very fine: I could see only the Roof of it, on the top of which there hung a couple of spread Eagles, which looked towards the Sun. I wanted to go into it; but they told me that it was the Tabernacle of their God, and that it was permitted to none but their High Priest to go into it. And I was told that this was the Repository of their Wealth and Treasures; as Pearls, Gold and Silver, precious Stones, and some Goods that came out of Europe, which they had from their Neighbours.  
After I had seen all these Curiosities, I took my leave of all those that were with me, and went back with my two Interpreters, to M. de la Salle; to whom I gave a faithful Account of the good Entertainment I had received from the Prince of the Tacucas; of his Magnificence, and especially of his good Inclinations to acknowledge the King's Authority. Some time after we saw him coming towards us, in a very magnificent Barge, with Drums beating, and the Women that attended him playing on several Instruments: Some of them were in his own Barge, some in others that went along by the side of it. M. de la Salle received him in a respectful manner, and yet with that gravity as best became him, considering the Character he bore. He thanked him for the honour he did him, and told him he did not receive it but in the Name of the Prince his Master; and that as he did not doubt but he was willing to acknowledge his Power, so he might safely assure him of his Royal Friendship and Protection. The Prince of the Tacuca's made Answer, That what he had heard of the Grandeur of the King, and of the Valour of his Subjects, would not permit him to hesitate, in paying him in Person the Homage which he was persuaded was due to him whom he represented; and that tho' he was a Sovereign, he cheerfully submitted to our great King's Power; and that he should be glad to merit our Alliance and Protection by his Services. After these mutual Protestations of Friendship, they made each other their Presents. M. de la Salle presented him with two pieces of Ribbon, and some Trinkets for his Wives. The Prince gave him six of his richest Robes, a Collar of Pearl, a Piroque or Barge filled with Ammunition and Provision; after which, there was brought a Dozen of Bottles of Aqua vitae, prepared with Sugar and Almonds, and Apricock Kernels. Then the King's Health was drunk, with a discharge of all our Guns, after that of the Prince of the Tacuca's in like manner; after which he went again into his Piroque, and went away very well satisfied.  
We continued all that Day on that Shore, where we took the Altitude, and found ourselves at the 25th Degree of Latitude, the next day being the 22d of March 1693, we went and lay ten Leagues off  
M. de la Salle perceiving a Piroque, that made up towards us, to see what we were, gave me orders to chase it; which I did; but as I was just going to lay hold of her, above a Hundred Men strait appeared on the Shore, with their Bows ready to shoot us. M. de la Salle, with loud calling after me, made me stop; and being come back to his Company again, we went all and stood over against them with our Muskets ready presented. This posture of ours frighted them, and made them lay down their Arms; and I was immediately ordered to go and carry them the Calumet. Being come up to them, I offered them the Collar of Peace; they accepted it very civilly; they embraced me, and gave me to understand, that they would be Friends with us. M. de la Salle seeing in what an obliging manner they had received me, came to join us on the same Shore; and as soon as those Savages perceived him to be our Chief, they paid him all kind, of Honours and Respect. He told them that he did not require any thing from them, but a cheerful Acknowledgement and Submission to our great King's Orders; to which he added, for their encouragement, the Example of the other greater Nations, and made use of the Arguments he before used on like occasions. They answered him, that they had their Prince, and that they could determine nothing without his Orders, and offered either to bring him to us, or to conduct, us to his Dwelling. M. de la Salle, who was always glad of an Opportunity of seeing the Situation, Manners, and Faculty of those Nations, chose the latter. Their Village was four great Leagues off from the Shore. We were no sooner come into it, but the Prince came to receive us; he had us into his Cottage, where he treated us very handsomely, it was the Prince of the Nation of the Naches. This People is divided into two Provinces; this was the least of the two. Their Territories are seldom above Twenty Leagues compass, and their greatest Revenues is the Pearl Fishery which they have in the Sea about them.  
There is a great many Divers of that Nation, who dive to the bottom of the Water, and fetch up these precious Shells from the lowermost part of the Rocks. On a fair day you may see the Shells on the Rocks open themselves to receive the Dew of Heaven. Which Dew breeds the first Seeds of the Pearl within the Shells, which appear like little white Grain that sticks fast to the Shell. These small soft Grains do in time become hard and white, as we see they are. It is observed that the Pearls which are fetched from the bottom of the Sea, are fairer than those which are found on the Rocks, because the Sun tarnishes these, and the Thunder is destructive to their Seeds.  
This little Prince presented M. de la Salle with some Dozen of 'em, of a considerable bigness; and in return, we gave him a Hatchet, a Kettle, and some Knives. They gave us besides these, some Provisions; and having stayed there the whole Day, we went away the next very well satisfied with each other. They gave us a couple of Guides, to show us the way into the other Nation of the same Name, which is Ten Leagues farther in the Country. In the mean time M. de la Salle sent two of our Men to carry some fresh Provisions to those that waited for us by the Water side, together with Orders to fall Ten Leagues lower down the River, and to stay for him there.  
Thus we went under the Conduct of our Guides, and came that Night to the great Village of Naches. This Nation is able to set out Three Thousand Men in any time of War. Their Land is very well Cultivated, and bears Indian Corn, all sorts of Fruit-Trees, Olive-trees, and Vines. There are vast Meadows to be seen there; vast Forests and all sorts of Cattle; Fishing and Hunting being all their Employment and their Wealth.  
The Prince received us with a great deal of Joy; made us a great many Presents both of Pearl and Provisions, and treated us very generously. The next day we planted there the King's Arms, giving a Volley of Shot; after which we took our leaves of the Prince, who assured us of his entire Submission; and we went to meet our Men with new Provisions.  
Being got aboard our Canoes, we went forward, and about Eight Leagues off, we came to the Village Coroas, where the Prince received us as the rest had done, and paid Homage.  
The next day being the 27th of March, 1683. we planted our Huts at the Mouth of a great River, which comes from the West, and is called La Sablonniere; Ten Leagues from hence, as we continued our Course, we found the River divide itself into three Channels; I took the Right-hand-stream, M. de la Forest took the left, and M. de la Salle the middle way; we followed each our Course for about Ten Leagues, and in a little time after, we sound ourselves rejoined by the uniting of the Three Streams again into one. We were hardly got together again, and gone forward Five or Six Leagues, but we espied some Fishermen by the Waterside, who were Quinipissa's. As soon as they saw us come near, they alarmed all the test of their Men, and strait the Drum fell a beating, and the Shore was in an instant lined with Savages, all armed with Bows and Arrows; we were willing to send Four French Men to treat with 'em, but they were severely sent back by a shoal of arrows; after which, four of our Savages offered to go to see what they could do, but they were used in like manner; in so much that M. de la Salle, not willing to run any further risk here, he bid us leave them in quiet, and trouble ourselves no further with them.  
Twelve Leagues from the Quinipissa's, we fell to the Right, on the Village called Tangibao; we found it pillaged, sacked, and a great Heap of dead Bodies one upon another. This sight struck a mighty honour in us, and concluding that it was not good staying there, we went on; and about Ten Leagues further, we begun to find the Water brackish; the Shore seemed somewhat more extended, and all strewed with Shells of different shape and figure, some like drinking Cups, some like Snails ending in a spiral point, and all of a most agreeable variety of Colours. We kept on still, and alter an Hours failing, we put ourselves into a Canoe, and kept along the Coast, the better to take our Observation of the Shore, and so came back to land at the River's Mouth.  
This was on the Seventh of April, 1683. The first thing we then took care to do, was to return our humble thanks to Almighty God, for our good Success, and for that he had carried us in safety to the end of our Voyage, after more than Eight Hundred Leagues, sailing and rowing with so small a handful of Men, and so little Ammunition; and that through so many barbarous Nations, which we had not only discovered, but in some measure made subject to us. We Sung the Te Deam; after which, taking our Canoes, and our Equipage upon Sledges, we went and planted our Huts a little above the Shore, to be out of the reach of the Sea, which wholly overflows it, after six Hours Ebb, during which it's left quite dry.  
Having pitched here our New Camp, we sastned a Cross to the top of a large Tree, and set up the Arms of France: After which we raised three or four Huts more, and Entrenched ourselves there. Then M. de la Salle took the Altitude, to know where the Mouth of the Mississipi was. The Spaniards, who had attempted to find it out, tho' in vain, had already given it the Name of Del Rio Ascondido. According to M. de la Salle's Calculation, it is between the Twenty second and Twenty third Degree of Latitude; that it throws itself into the Gulf of Mexico, with a large Channel which is Twenty Leagues wide, and very deep and Navigable.  
M. de la Salle would be a little acquainted with its Shores, before he would leave them. It is certain that they are not fit to be inhabited, by reason of the frequent Inundations by the Spring-Tides, and the Barrenness of the Shore; there is nothing but Canes and Reeds, and Woods overthrown. But about a League and a half within the Country, it is the most pleasant in the World, fine large Meadows, fair Woods full of Mulberry-trees, Nut-trees, and Chestnut-trees. The Fields are covered with all sorts of Fruit-Trees, as Orange, Lemmon, Pomegranate, and the sides of the Hills with Vines, and the Fields bear Indian Corn twice a Year. We saw in all their ponds and Rivers vast quantities of Waterfowl, Geese, Ducks, and Teal, Moorhens, etc. and in the Woods and Fields, Partridges, Pheasants, Quails, and other kind of Fowl; of four Footed Creatures all sorts, especially one large sort of Oxen, which they call Cibola's; these are much larger than any hath been mentioned, and are raised like a Camel from the Chine to the middle of the Back; they feed among the Canes, and go together sometimes no less in number than Fifteen Hundred. They Hunt them them after a particular manner. When they are in the midst of these Canes, where there is no coming at them, the Savages get round about them, and set fire to 'em in several places, especially when the Wind is something high, which makes at first a mighty smoke, which turns all of a sudden into a Flame, and this strikes so great a terror into the Herd, that they all disperse themselves, and the Savages, who lie in wait upon Trees, shoot some with Arrows, some with Bullets, and make an incredible Slaughter among them. By good Fortune, the Savages Tangibao, Quinipissas', and Naches, had been a Hunting when we were there (for they always join when they Hunt them) and they left us three fine large ones, which we seized, and having dressed them, they feasted us all for three Days, and we had some left the day we went away from thence.  
M. de la Salle, having a mind to go and give an Account of his Discoveries to Count Frontenac, and to confirm the Nations he had gone through in the good esteem of us, resolved to go up the same River back again to the IIlinois, and thence for the Lakes, in order to get to Quebeck, and from thence set Sail for France, and give the Court a true account of his Success.  
The Eleventh of April of the same Year 1683, we got in a Canoe on the said River; we were about Sixty of us. As this River divides itself into three Channels, about Fifty Leagues from the Sea, we came the first day to the place where they met together, and in Six days after that, to the Point where it divides itself: There our Victuals failing, it was highly necessary to look about us. The first Relief we met with, were some Crocodiles; we killed two of 'em in a little while, that were pretty large: The flesh of them is good, white, firm, and very well tasted. It is as firm as Tunny, and near in taste to Salmon, and we feasted on it for some days. The Stream of our River began now to grow stronger against us, so that we were forced to get on Shore, and use our Sledges, as far as Quinipissa's. As this People had given us a scurvy welcome as we came down, we were forced to consult how we should do to make them a little more tractable, wherefore we sent two Abenaguis, and two Loups towards them. They met with four Women only, which they brought to us that Night. This Prize pleased us very well, hoping that by their means, we should best compass our Designs. We used those Women with all the Civility and Prudence imaginable; and being come near to their Village, the next morning we sent one of them home with some small Presents, to show that we did not come in an Hostile manner, only wanted their Friendship, and what was chief necessary, some Recruits of our Provisions. She shown them all the little Gewgaws we had given her, and related to them what good Entertainment she had received from us, and what Designs we came upon. Immediately they sent four of the Chief of their Nation to us, who brought along with them some Provisions, and invited us to come and be merry with them. We than restored the Three Women into their Hands, and we came nearer to them, but still standing upon our Guard. When we were come into their Village, they presented us some of their Fruits, and some Waterfowl pretty well dressed. After this Refreshment, we retired about a Hundred Paces from them, and lodged in our Huts that Night, between the Village and the River. By break of Day these treacherous Rogues surrounded, and attacked us: But they missed of their aim; for we had set Sentinels, all that Night, and with their first Approach, we were prepared to receive them. We killed five or six the very first blow, upon which the rest fled; and we pursued them a little way, and having killed three or four more, we thought that was enough, and we took their Scalps with us to serve for a Trophy.  
From thence we went forward to the Naches; we had hid some Indian Corn there, as we went down, and we found it again in very good condition. The Prince came straightway to receive us; M. de la Salle, after the first Compliments passed, presented him with the Scalps of the Quinipissa's we had brought with us, who were his greatest Enemies. Which made it the more grateful, and served to show him that we were not Men to be fooled with.  
The first thing he did, was to give order for something to be fetched to refresh us; which we freely accepted of. All this while we observed that we saw no Women in the Village, which made us suspect some Roguery. Notwithstanding we kept eating and drinking, and never seemed to take any notice of any thing, but we kept our Arms all the while. A little while after we spied a great number of Men in Arms drawing towards us, and we in an instant put ourselves in a posture of defence. But the Prince bid us fear nothing, and assured us that we never needed to entertain any suspicion of them; he went up to 'em and commanded them to halt. After which, he told us, that it was a Party of his Men who had been against the Iroquois, but that they for their own part were resolved ever to maintain a firm Friendship with us. His words he confirmed by some Presents that followed, as also some Provisions, which we hearty and thankfully received, leaving them, by way of return, some of our Canoes, which indeed were but cumbersome to us; and that we came off safe and sound, but we attributed our safety to our care and watchfulness.  
After this, we continued our Course toward the Tacuca's, and the Akancéa's, who received us very handsomely at our Landing.  
Thus, passing through so many different Nations, we made trial of the faithfulness of some, and the treachery of others; and by a due mixture of mildness and severity, and a constant care, we did not only frustrate their Designs, and avoid their Ambush, but we brought them to Terms, and made them submit to us.  
On the Twelfth of May, 1683, we left the Akancéa's, and pushed forward to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; after which we went on along the Shore, quite up to the Fort Preudhomme, where M. de la Salle fell dangerously ill. Father Gabriel stayed with him, with a good many of his Men; and I was commanded to go with Twenty of his Men to Missilamachinac, to look after his Affairs. I left him there the Fifteenth of May.  
I went the first Day to lie at Ouabaches; where I was made very welcome.  
Twenty Leagues further, I met with some Iroquois. These Savages, who are the most barbarous of all others, are sneakingly submissive when their Party is the weakest, but most unmerciful when they have an advantage. There was but Five of them that met us; and they told us we should not go far  we should meet a Company of above Four Hundred Men well Armed. This Advice made us take care to stand upon our Guard, for truly it is not very safe to fall into the Hands of these Barbarous People when they march in a Body. We had not gone a quarter of a League, but we spied a little Army, which we took at first to be Iroquois, but they were Tavaroa's who had joined themselves with some Illinois. They seeing our Fire-Arms, took us for Iroquois, and were going to surround us, with a Design to burn us, for that is the usual way of dealing with those barbarous Fellows, whensoeever they get any of them; so great is the abhorrence which all Nations have against them. But the Illinois having discovered who we were, they unbent their Bows, and gave us part of their Provisions. We pursued our Road to the River Chicacou, and after Twenty Days Journey, we at length arrived at Missilimachinac, in the beginning of July; where we stayed for M. de la Salle, who came and joined us in September the same Year. He stayed there but three Days, to give some necessary Orders. He gave me the command of Fort St. Lovis, with orders to see it finished, and a full power to dispose of the Lands adjacent, and left all his Men under me, except six French Men he took with him to Quebeck. We went away the same Day, he for Canada, I for the Illinois.  
I went directly to Miamis, at the head of Forty Men, French and Savages. I came to it on the 6th of January, 1684, and visited the Fort, which was in a very good condition. There I left Ten of my Men well Armed, and pursuing my Journey, I got, by the end of the Month, to Fort St. Lovis. I set Men at work about it immediately, and in less than two months' time I completed it. Presently after this, I invited all the Neighbouring Nations to come to it.  
There needed no great pains or Art to get them thither. The beauty of the Country, the fruitfulness of the Land, the conveniency of a fine Navigable River; the nearness of about a Hundred different Nations, and of those little Lakes, or rather little Seas, which make it a fit Seat of Commerce for all North America; and reach from the River St. Laurent to the Gulf of Mexico. In short, the advantageous Situation of this Fort, which was designed as a Bulwark for all the Nations that should come to settle there, against Nations, was a sufficient Invitation and Inducement to them to come and dwell there. So that in a little time, there was above Five Hundred Huts made up, and in less than two Months, there was a wonderful great concourse of People of all Nations. By this it is easy to be seen, with how little difficulty the Savages might be tamed, and polished, by planting here and there some Colonies of Europeans. For how few soever they be, they are, as it were a oiment of Concord and civil Society amongst the most barbarous Nations.  
In the mean while M. de la Salle being arrived at Quebec, had the dissatisfaction not to meet with M. lafoy Comte de Frontenac; for he had been re-manded to France by an Order from Court, and was gone thither. After his Arrival, he did not fail to acquaint all the City with the Discoveries he had made, and with the News of so many Nations yielding themselves subject to the King's Power. The Te Deum was sung, as an acknowledgement of this happy Addition of glory and Honour to the Crown. The earnest desire which M. de la Salle had, to go to give the King and his Ministers an Account of the success of his Travels, made him hasten his Departure. He went from Canada in the beginning of October, 1684. But before he set Sail, he sent the Chevalier de Bogia to me, as a Person that had been highly recommended to him. He came to me to St. Louis' Fort. I received him as well as I could, and gave him the best Entertainment that my Condition would permit me.  
On the Twentieth of March, in the same Year; having received Advice, that the Iroquois, being jealous of our new Establishment, were coming against us with considerable Forces; I sent an Express to M. de la Durontai, Governor of the Fort Missilimachinac, for some assistance. In the mean while I raised new Fortifications, and by means of good Ditches, Rampires, and other Works, I put the Village into a good posture of Defence. They came on the 28th of March, and lay before us, to the number of Five Hundred; we beat them back bravely in their very first Attacks; at last, after Six Weeks, we raised the Siege, and forced them to retire with the loss of Fourscore of theirs, and not of one of ours. They took a few Slaves in the Neighbourhood, that they might have something to Brag of, and might not be thought to come back empty; but as they were just a going to flay their Scalps, the poor Wretches were happily so cunning as to get away, and came to us in our Fort.  
About the 15th of April, M. de la Durontai, and Father de Loy a Jesuit, with Sixty French came to assist me, but it was needless then. In the mean, while M. de la Bar was come to Quebeck, to succeed the Count de Frontenac. This Change was a dreadful blow to New France in general, which looked upon Count de Frontenac as their Patron. But it proved no less severe, in respect to my own particular. For no sooner was this new Governor come over, who was a Friend and Relation of the Chevalier de Bogia, but he gave him the command of St. Louis' Fort; the rise and perfection of which were all owing to me. He directed his Orders to M. de la Durontai, to deliver to me; who informed me with the new governor's Order, to give up my Command of the place, and to invest the Chevalier therewith. I could do no other but obey the Orders. I left some considerable Effects in the Fort, whereof I made an Inventory, which the Chevalier was so kind as to set his Hand to; and I left the place the same day, taking with me what was of most moment and use. I first took the Road of Montreal, and thence went to Quebeck, where I arrived in the beginning of July. I could do no less than go and wait on the Governor, and give him a faithful Account of the Condition and Importance of the place, which I had left by his Order, and of the state of the Country in general. He he heard me very courteously, and very civilly offered me any other Post I should desire in America. I thanked him for his kind Offers, and told him, I was not willing to take any Employment until M. de la Salle came back; and so we parted.  
As soon as I arrived, I did not fail to write to M. de la Salle, and give him an Account how I was served, and how I thought myself wronged, by being thus put out of the Command he had given me. Adding, that I really thought there might be some Danger of the People's sitting uneasy under a new Governor, and forsaking their new Habitations, or committing some Disorder. I writ besides to M. de la Forest, a Friend of mine, to support my Interests with our common Protector. These Letters had all the good effect I could wish or hope for. I received an Answer to my Business by M. de la Forest himself, who came back to Quebeck in the latter end of July 1684. I had the satisfaction to learn from him what a gracious reception M. de la Salle had met with at Court, and what considerable Forces the King had granted him to settle the Colonies in the New-found-lands; and withal that he was embarked for the Gulf of Mexico; but what completed my joy was, that I triumphed over mine Enemies, by my restitution to St. Louis' Fort, in the Quality of Governor, and Captain; for which this Gentleman brought me the Letters which M. de la Salle had obtained from the King in my favour.  
I equipped myself straightway with Arms and all Materials necessary, as well for the Fortification of the place, as for the raising of my Company. And after we had spent some days together at Quebeck M. de la Forest and I, went away together the First of Novebmer, he for Frontenac, of which place he was going Governor, and I for the Illinois.  
The Ice putting a stop to our Voyage on the River of St. Laurence, we were forced to stay and Winter at Montreal, until the next Spring, in 1685.  
In the beginning of April, we got up the River again as far as the Fort Frontenac, where I took my leave of M. lafoy Forest. I went in a Canoes on the first Lake to Magara, where after I had shot the fall of the River, I got to Missilimachinac, and then to Miamis, and being come to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, I went to Fort St. Lovis, about June 15 in the same Year.  
The Chevalier de Bogia, immediately entertained me with all possible marks of Joy, Friendship, and Respect; and I endeavoured to make a suitable return to his Kindness; but at last, after having informed him of M. de la Salle's Embarking, and of all other News then stirring; I found myself obliged to show him the Letters Patents, to be Commander in Chief, and Governor of Fort St. Lovis, with which the King thought sit to honour me. He received this Order with a great deal of submission, and put me again in possession of the place, with all the Effects with which I had entrusted him, assuring me, at the same time, that nevertheless he should still be ready to do me service upon all occasions, and always to perform the Office of a faithful Friend. We spent the rest of the day together in amicable Conversation, and the next Morning he departed a third time for the Town of Quebeck.  
In the mean while the Miamis and the Illinois, neighbouring Nations and our Allies, being at variance about, certain trivial pretensions; I endeavoured to reconcile them; having, received from both Parties Hostages and Pledges of their Fidelity. In the beginning of August, being much disturbed that I had heard no News of M. de la Salle, I passed over to Missilimachinac, to make some Enquiry after him. There I was informed that the Marquis d'Enonville succeeded M. de la Bar, 
M. D' Enonville nominated in the place of M. de la Bar.  in quality of Governor of New France; and I had also the Honour to receive a Letter from him; in which he was pleased to express his desire of entering into a Conference with me, about the Design he had to make War with the Iroquois; at the same time he gave me to understand, that M. de la Salle, having been for a long time at Sea, had, without doubt, already entered the Gulf with four tied Ships, given him by the King, and that apparently he must needs have arrived at the Mouth of the River Mississipi, or in some other Port.  
This Letter served only to increase the Earnest desire I had to meet him, insomuch that I immediately took care to provide what Supplies I could for him; fitted out Twenty Canadians, and returning to the Illinois, with my new Recruits; I arrived within a Month, at St. Louis' Fort: Where, after having given necessary Orders, I left the Command of the Place to the Sieur de Bellefontaine; and set forward with Forty Men for the Gulf of Mexico. Thus we passed down our River into the great one of Mississipi, followed its Course to the Sea, and spent about two Months in performing this Voyage.  
Upon our Arrival on the Sea shore, not meeting with what I sought for, nor any Person who could give me any Information about the matter, I sent out two Boats, viz. one to the Easty and the other to the South-west, to endeavour to make some Discovery: They rowed up and down about Twenty Leagues from one side to another, along the Coast, and having descried nothing, were obliged to stand in for some Port for want of Fresh Water, and returned to join our Fleet, after a Course of two days; without being able to get any notice of what I expected. All that I received from them by way of Consolation, was only a Porpoise, and some very sine Shells of Mother of Pearl, which they took on a Rock.  
Therefore perceiving that it would be to no purpose to wait there any longer, I advised with the most prudent Men of our Company, about the Course we ought to steer at our return. I was inclined to follow the Coast as far as Menada, hoping by that means, continually to discover some new Country, or to take some good Prize: But the most part were of the contrary Opinion; affirming it was safer to keep a known Road, rather than to take one that was not so, and which otherwise could not but be of very difficult passage; as well by reason of the High Lands along the Coasts, as for the great number of Rivers that unload themselves into the Sea; so that we were obliged to take a Resolution to return the same way that we came.  
Before our Departure, having observed, that the Tree on which M. de la Salle had caused a Cross, with the King's Arms to be set up, was ready to be thrown down by the boistrousness of the Winds and Waves, we got up a little higher, where having Erected a large Pillar, we fixed a Cross upon it, and underneath the Arms of France. We lodged that Night in the same place, but the next Morning being Easter Monday, A. D. 1685. we set forward on our Journey, travelling by Land along the Banks of the River Mississipi.  
On the Sixth day, being arrived in the Country of the Qinipissa's; 
The Quinipissa 's reconciled with the French.  their Commander in Chief came to meet us, and having offered us the Calumet, begged pardon for their ill usage of us, during our last Voyage; entreating us that we would vouchsafe to admit 'em into the number of our Allies. However we answered their submissive Addresses very magisterially, and having refreshed ourselves a little among 'em, we pursued our Journey. Four Leagues above, we discovered in the Country a certain Nation, 
Ouma's a Savage People.  that had escaped from us at our first Descent, I mean that of the Oumas, who are the most valiant of all the Savages; altho' it be true indeed, that as soon as they saw us and our Arms, they were struck with a kind of Astonishment, accompanied with a panic Fear, that quite curbed their fierceness, and obliged them to promise an entire Obedience to our Injunctions: They offered us some new Refreshments, and to serve us to the utmost of their power. 
A strange Beast.  In those Territories we observed an extraordinary rare Animal, that partakes of the nature of a Wolf and a Lion; as having the Head and size of a large Wolf, but the Tail and Claws of a Lion: He devours all sorts of Beasts, yet never sets upon Men: He sometimes carries his Prey on his Back, eats part of it, and hides the rest under the Leaves of Trees; but the other Animals have so great an Antipathy against this Beast, which is called Michibichi, that they never touch what he leaves.  

Akanceas a Nation.  After the Oumas we met with the Akanceas. Indeed all these Countries are so pleasant, and so extremely enriched with the Productions of Nature, that we could not sufficiently admire 'em: The Trees in the Woods, which are of an extraordinary height, seemed to be artificially planted in Rows: The Soil brings forth good Grain, with great variety of Fruit-Trees, and the Fields are every where stored with all sorts of Game, both for Hawk and Hound; but there is also abundance of huge wild Cats, which devour every thing that they can find. Our French Men charmed with the Beauty of this Climate, desired leave of me to settle there; and forasmuch as our Intention was to civilize the Savages, and to render 'em sociable by our Conversation, I readily consented to their Request. Whereupon I made the Draught of a House for myself among the Akanceas, and left Ten French Men of my Retinue with Four Savages, to carry on the Building of it; granting 'em a Licence to lodge there themselves, and to cultivate as much Land as they could grub up, and clear of Trees: Insomuch, that this small Colony was in Process of Time so extremely increased and improved, that it serves as a Place of Rendez-vous to the French, who travel into these Parts.  
From thence I continued my Course along the River of the Islinois, and after Three Days Journey arrived at St. Lewis' Fort, on the Festival of St. John, being less tired with the Fatigues of my Travels, than perplexed about the Uncertainty of M. De La Salle's Destiny. Forasmuch as I had not as yet paid my Respects to our new Governor; after having passed some Days in refreshing myself, I left the Islinois in the end of the Month of June, and arrived at Montreal, July 15. Then I went forthwith to salute the Gevernour, 
War declared against the Iroquois.  and received Orders from him to cause the War against the Iroquois to be declared amongst our Allies, and to summon 'em to appear at St. Lewis' Fort, to carry on such an Expedition.  
Having received this Commission, I soon took leave of Monsieur D' Enonville, and arrived in the Country of the Islinois, Septemb. 4. from whence I speedily dispatched divers Couriers from all Parts, to give notice to the Neighbouring Nations of our Design, and to exhort 'em to appear betimes at the place of Rendez-vous. Whereupon all the People met together in the end of the Month of March, A. D. 1686. as well Islinois, as Chianous and Niamis. The whole Multitude consisted of about 400 Men; to whom I joined 60 French Men of my Company, leaving 40 in the Fort under the Command of M. De Bellefontaine. This small Army encamped within a quarter of a League of the Village; where having caused the whole Body to stand to their Arms, I declared to 'em the King's Pleasure, and the governor's Order; exhorting 'em to signalise their Valour, and to exert their utmost Force, to repress the Insolence of the Iroquois, our common Enemies.  
This Speech was followed with the general Acclamations of all the People; whereupon I immediately put myself at the Head of 'em, and began to march to the Canal that joins the two Lakes of the Suurons and the Islinois. In that Place stands a Fort that bears the Name of St. Joseph, 
St. Joseph's Fort.  and which serves to defend those small Seas. Monsieur De la Durontay was the Commander of it, to whom I sent one of our Frenchmen to give him notice of our Arrival. Upon which Information he immediately commanded his Lieutenant to meet me with 30 Men, and the next day he himself led up the like number. Then we encamped on the Banks of that Straight, and Provisions were brought to us thither from all Parts. Two Days after M. de la Foret, Governor of the Fort of Frontenac, and M. de Lude, Commander of that of the Miamis, each at the Head of his Company marched to join our Army. All the Forces being thus assembled, we held a Council of War, to consult what Measures ought to be taken, and it was determined, to divide the Army into two Bodies, one of which should be commanded by the Sieurs de la Durontay, and de Lude, to secure the Avenues of Missilimachinac, and to defend the Coasts of the Lake Herie, as far as Niagara; where we designed to erect a Fort, which was already begun to be built, to curb the Iroquois, who always made some Opposition on that side: And that M. de la Foret and myself should be Commanders of the other Body, to invade the Enemy's Country.  
The management of Affairs being thus disposed of, M. de la Durontay marched along the Coasts of Missilimachinac, and met with a considerable Party of the Enemies, composed of above 500 Men, as well English as Iroquois, (here it may be observed by the way, that those two Nations maintain a strict mutual Amity, 
The English and Iroquois are united to make War with the French.  when engaged together against the French) and attacked 'em so vigorously, that above half of 'em were killed on the spot; some Prisoners were taken; and the rest were put to flight.  
On our side, at the distance of 20 Leagues from Niagara, we found Means to meet with a numerous Party of English, Iroquois, and Ouabaches, who under the Conduct of Major Gregory, were conveying a great quantity of Brandy, Provisions, Ammunition, and Merchandizes, to the Inhabitants of the Iroquois. We fell upon 'em; and after having killed the greatest part of the Iroquois, and of the other Savages, we seized on their Baggages and Merchandizes, took a great number of Slaves, and carried away above 25 English Men Prisoners. After this small Victory we continued our March to Niagara, where we completed the Building of the Fort in sight of the Iroquois, and even at the very Foot of their Habitations.  
The prosperous Success of our Arms in the beginning obliged us to send a Messenger to the Governor, to give him an Account of every thing that had passed, and M. de la Foret, who was very desirous to accept of this Commission, set forward with all possible speed. M. D'Enonville received the Information with a great deal of Satisfaction; caused it to be communicated to the whole Continent of Canada; and sent us fresh Supplies of Hurons, Plononteaus and Ouatoua's; who came to meet us at the Rise of the Cataract, with a Bark very well manned.  
Thus being reenforced with these new Recruits, I marched further into the Territories of the Enemies; but we entertained in our Camp a certain Iroquois, who feigning to be disgusted at the Proceed of his own Nation, seemed to be extremely well affected to ours; nevertheless this treacherous Renegado took an Opportunity to abandon us to return w the Enemy's Army, and gave 'em notice of our March, as also of the Marks of burr Savages, so as they might be certainly discovered. Thus as we were continually advancing forward, we arrived on the other side of a Morass, at the distance of Three Leagues from the Camp of the Iroquois; where some of 'em lay in Ambush, expecting our Approach, and killed Seven of our Men, among whom was my Sub-Lieutenant: However we soon rallied, repulsed 'em vigorously, and after having cut off above Thirty of their Party, pursued 'em to the Woods; but not being able to come up with 'em, and not judging it safe to advance any further, lest we should fall into another Ambuscade, we contented ourselves to plunder their Villages, where we put to the Edge of the Sword every one whom we met in our way.  
We encamped for some Days in that Place, and the Army under the Command of M. de Lude and M. de la Durontay came to join ours. The next day after their Arrival we did not stay a moment,  we took a Resolution to force the Enemy's Camp; who being informed of burr Design, by their Spies, did not think fit to wait for our Approach, but decamped with great Precipitation. We found in their Camp some Remainders of Indian Corn, and other Provisions, which we made use of to our Advantage, and we spent the Night in their Tents, or rather Huts; the Season being already very far advanced. The next Morning we sent back all our Allies to their several Territories, with Orders to meet together again upon the first Summons; while the Sieurs de la Lude and de la Durontay repaired to their Respective Stations.  
As I was marching to mine, I met with certain Hurons, who gave me to understand, that I was ready to be surrounded with the whole Army of the Iroquois. There was no longer any Means to have recourse to M. de Lude, and de la Durontay, who were already embarked in Canoes on the Lakes; insomuch, that I was obliged to cause my small Band of Men to halt, and instantly to dispatch a Courier to Niagara to demand speedy Succours of the Commander of the new Fort. It happened accidentally, that M. de la Valromè, the Governor of it, supposing us to be engaged with the Iroquois, was leading up Fifty Fusileers to our Relief, and in the mean while the Messenger whom I sent, having met with him, informed him of our present Distress, which caused him to hasten his March: His Arrival inspired us with new Courage, so that the Enemies appearing, we set our small Army in Battle-array; yet when we had advanced towards 'em within Musket-shot, they had not the Courage to stay for our coming up, but suddenly turned their Backs upon us: Whereupon we pursued 'em for some time, till about 100 of them perished on the spot, and the rest found Means to escape into the Woods. Then I immediately caused a Retreat to be founded; and having convoyed M. de Valromè on part of his way, I judged it expedient to take up our Winter-Quarters at Missilimachinac, and to reside there till the next Campaign, in case the War should continue.  

The Iroquois forced to submit.  The Scene of Affairs began now to be changed; for the Iroquois resigned to us their Habitations that were near Niagara; made a Present of their best Skins to the Governor; and engaged that for the future they should not disturb the Tranquillity of the Nations that were under our Protection, and who were our Allies. A Treaty of Peace being thus concluded, I set forward in my Journey to the Country of the Islinois in the Month of April, 1687. and should have been very well satisfied with the Success of the Campaign, if I had not been continually troubled, by reason of M. De la Salle's long Absence, not knowing what might have befallen him: For he for out from America, A. D. 1683. and we did so in 1687. so that Four Years were almost past, without having any other News of him, than that of his reembarking or his Departure from Rochel for the Gulf of Mexico, but without getting the least Information concerning his Return Indeed I knew not what to think. Did he not perish (said I to myself) by Shipwreck, or rather did he not land on some Coast, inhabited by Barbarians, who perhaps might have dispatched him out of the way? Thus being perplexed with such distracting Thoughts, I could take no Rest, nerther could I Steer any certain Course, but suffering myself to be conducted by my Attendants, rather than leading 'em myself, I arrived as St. Lemis' Fort in the end of the Month of May.  
As soon as I entered my House, I was extremely surprised, there to meet with M. , M. De La Sall's sown Brother, and indeed, I did not discern in his Countenance that free and sprightly Air, which usually appears at the first Meeting of two Friends, after a long Interval of Separation: However, the first Transports of my Joy, not permitting me to make long Reflections, I incontinently embraced him, and at the same time enquired of him about his Brother's Welfare. Upon this Address, he appeared to be altogether put to a stand; so that a sad Look up to Heaven, a deep Sigh, and a certain Effort, which he seemed to make within himself, were taken by me as so many ill Omens; I earnestly entreated him to conceal nothing from me, and after he had recovered himself a little, he told me very positively, That M. de la Salle his Brother was in perfect Health; but that the ill Success of his Navigation had so far pulled down his Spirits, that he had scarce Courage to continue his Course; that in returning by small Voyages, he took delight in trading with the different Nations, whom he met with; and that having charged him to go before, to give me notice of his Arrival, he determined still to reside among the Naches and Akanceas for some time, to purchase certain Merchandizes of both those Nations.  
The Assurance, with which he spoke to me, joined with a Show of downright Integrity, which was natural to him, besides the Deference due to a Person of his Character; for he was a Priest, would not suffer me in the least to call in Question the veracity of his Relation, and served a little to encourage me against my sad Presages. Therefore I entreated him to give me an Account of his Voyage, and to let me know when they re-embarked, and at what time they landed. Since than I gave him a great deal of Scope, to deliver his Mind ingenuously, and without Constraint, he began to relate the particular Circumstances with so much the more Freedom.  
He told me at first, That the whole Court of France, being charmed with the great Discoveries made by M. de la Salle, the King made no scruple at all to grant him the Supplies he desired; not to mention the Titles of Honour, that procured him greater Authority in his new Plantations: That they set out from France, July 24. A. D. 1684. with four Vessels, very well provided of all things necessary, and above 200 Men, as well Soldiers as Artificers of all sorts of Trades, and that nevertheless by a Complication of Misfortunes, their whole Fleet was reduced to a few Boats, and that great number of Persons, to Seven or Eight French Men, who served as a Convoy to his Brother during his Return.  
Forasmuch as these Remarkable Crosses afforded Matter of Wonder, I could not choose but be very desirous to be informed of all the Particulars of their Adventures: Whereupon M.  resuming his former Narrative from the beginning of their Navigation, told me, That after a Calm which continued for some Days, in the Latitude of St. Domingo, they were suddenly surprised with a violent Storm; insomuch, that one of their Ships, laden with Merchandizes, to the value of above Thirty Thousand Livres, was hurried away with a furious Blast of Wind, and afterwards taken by certain Spanish 
† Piroques.  Rovers: That the rest of the Fleet cast Anchor before the same Island, where they were soon refitted, and supplied with fresh Provisions, which with the Merchandizes there bought, served for the Cargo of these Vessels, but that the greatest part of the Mariners, by living somewhat too licentiously, contracted very dangerous Diseases.  
That they cruised about from thence towards the Islands of Caimant, and took in fresh Water on that of Cuba; where, having found many Tuns of Canary, good Brandy, Sugar, and Indian Corn left unguarded, they seized on the whole Cargo, and got such Reprisals as were sufficient to make 'em amends for the loss of every thing that the Spaniards had taken from them before: That afterwards being supplied with all manner of Provisions, they set Sail again; and that having always had a favourable Gale of Wind, they would have entered the Gulf of Mexico; but that perceiving the Currents to be very rapid, and the Shelves to be numerous, they were obliged to stand off from the Shoar, which hindered M. de la Salle from lighting on the exact degree of Latitude, for the Mouth of the River Mississipi; insomuch, that to avoid the exposing of the Men to greater Dangers, he ordered 'em to land at the Bay of Spiritu Santo, 50 Leagues below the River they sought for: But two Days after, hoping to discover it, they got on Board their Ships again, and always taking care to steer into the Main, to shun the Rocks and Shelves, they at last arrived a great deal higher in a Bay, afterwards known by the name of St. Lewis. This Bay is of a very convenient Depth for a Harbour; but 'tis dangerous landing there, as well by reason of the Shelves of Sand that encompass it; as for the Rocks with which 'tis beset on all sides.  
Indeed the missing of the Entrance of the River (continued he) would have been no great Detriment to us; for after having once arrived so near its Mouth, it would have been difficult to descry it, at least by Land; afterwards to convey our Ships thither; to form a kind of Harbour, to prevent Mistakes for the future; and even to build a regular Port; but ill Luck would have it, that after M. de Beaujeu, who commanded one of the three Vessels, was come on Board our Ship; the two others were lost, as well by the ill Management of the Pilot, as by the Carelessness of the Mariners; for the first ran upon a shelf of Sand in the Mouth of the Bay, from whence it was impossible to get her off, notwithstanding our utmost Endeavours; altho' indeed we were so fortunate as to save the Men, and the best of our Effects. The other Ship was dashed in pieces against a Rock, even in the very Harbour, with the loss of the most part of the Mariners; but we had luckily unloaded it of all our Provisions and Merchandizes: Besides, that the greatest part of our Company and Goods were set ashore by M. de Beaujeu, who after having been a Witness of our Misfortunes, set Sail to return for France.  
M.  having thus related the Disasters that befell their Fleet, proceeded to give the following Narration of the other Adventures and Occurrences that happened during their Voyage. To reckon (said he) from July 24. A. D. 1684. the Day of our Departure from Rochel, to Feb. 18. in the next Year 1685. when we disimbarked at St. Lewis' Bay, about Seven Months were passed; at what time my Brother having gathered together the Fragments of our Vessels, and after having discovered the advantageous Situation of the Country at the Mouth of a very fine River, 
The River of Cows.  called the River of Cows, in the midst of many others that fall into the same Bay, with a great number of populous Nations, and the delightful Prospects caused by the enameled Verdure of the Lands, the Abundance of Fruit, and the numerous Herds of Cattle, was soon induced to cause a fine Seat to be built for himself in those Parts; having at first made the Draught of a Fort, and delineated the Compass of it; giving Orders at the same time for putting his Design in Execution: And indeed, the necessity of building some Apartments for Lodging, and the conveniency of procuring Timber and Mortar contributed so far to the carrying on of the Work, that it was entirely completed within the space of Two Months.  
In the mean while, M. de la Salle growing more impatient than ever to recover the River of Mississipi, made Incursions on all sides to descry it. Forasmuch as that whole. Country is divided by a great number of Rivers that empty themselves at divers Intervals into the Bay; he sometimes travelled by Land, and sometimes in a Canoe, accompanied with Ten or Twelve French Men, armed with good Fusees: At every one of those Distances he met with several Habitations of the Savages, and every where abundance of all sorts of necessary Provisions, even so much as tame Fowl.  
At last after Fifteen Days search he met with a spacious River, and followed the Course of it for Seven or Eight Leagues to the Place, where it rolls into the Sea, and perceived it to be really that which he had so long sought for, and the Mouth of which he was not able to discover: Therefore he took an Observation of its Latitude again, that he might not miss it, in case he should have occasion to pass through the Gulf at any other time. Thus being well satisfied with this Discovery, and yet more delighted with the Fruitfulness of the adjacent Territories, he returned to his new Colony, but as an addition to his former Misfortunes, he soon found that some of his Men died, quite worn our with those linger Diseases, which they had contracted at St. Domingo, and that above Forty of them were assassinated by the Savages. He was extremely afflicted at so great a los●; but having fortified himself against immoderate Grief, he summoned those that were left (the number of whom did not amount to 100) encouraged 'em, and exhorted 'em to take care that by the Means of their Labour, mutual Concord, Industry and good Correspondence with the Barbarians, they might make Advantage of the Riches that Nature afforded 'em, in great Abundance.  
Since the newly discovered Countries appeared to M. de la Salle, to be so many conquered Provinces; and in regard that all the Losses he might sustain seemed to him to be of no account, in comparison of one Nation, that was voluntarily subdued; he endeavoured to comfort himself with the Hopes of better Success in the Undertaking of some other Voyages, and thus having taken a new Resolution, he determined to discover those vast Territories which are situated between the River Mississipi, and the Gulf of Mexico, to the Southeast. On the 22d. Day of April, 1685. he set out from St. Lewis' Bay for this new Voyage, taking along with him only Twenty Persons, among whom were our two Nephews,  and De Moranget, a Father of the Order of Recolet and myself. Our whole Equipage consisted only in two Canoes, and as many Sledges to carry our Provisions and Merchandizes.  
On the first Day we passed above 20 Rivers, the Territories lying round about which, appeared to us to be as it were an enchanted Country, and conversed with a very obliging sort of People, who denied us nothing. 'Tis also remarkable that in those Parts among the horned Beasts, in the Meadows we saw a great number of Horses: but so wild, that one cannot come near 'em.  
On the second Day, we began to get our living by hunting; we killed a Roebuck, and lay that Night, in the open Fields, in the middle of a small Retrenchment: Ever since that time we made an Agreement to use the like Precaution in every Place, where we should have occasion to take up our Lodging.  

The Meeting of four Booted Horsemen.  On the third Day, about Noon, we met with Four Booted Horsemen, who accosted us in a very respectful manner, ask us who we were, and where we were going? We declared to 'em, that we were French Men, and we were only Travelling through those Countries, with a Design to discover the several Nations of America, and to offer 'em the Protection of the King of the French, one of the greatest Monarches in the Universe: And that if they were willing to submit to his Power, they should soon be sensible of the Effects of his Favour, by the means of his numerous Fleet: They on the other side immediately entreated us to accept of a Lodging in their Cottages, and to accompany 'em to their Village: We readily consented to their Request, and were very kindly entertained by them.  

Quoaquis a Nation of the Savages.  This was the Nation of the Quoaquisor Mahis: The Men are of a very swarthy Complexion, neither are the Women more fair; they have very fine black Hair; their Eyes being also black, their Face and Nose flat, and their Teeth very white: Otherwise, their Carriage is free and unaffected. The Men in those Parts are clothed with Corslets of double Leather, which are Arrow-proof; wearing from the Waste to the Knees a kind of Pantaloon Breeches, made of the Skin of a Bear, Stag, or Wolf, and their Head is covered with a sort of Turban of the same Skins: They have also Boots or Buskins of the Skins of an Ox, Elk or Horse, very artificially dressed. For the Horse-Furniture, besides their Corslets, Buskins and Bucklers, covered with the hardest Skins; they have Saddles made of many pieces of Leather, fitted and glued one upon another; as also Wooden Stirrups; Bridles like ours, and Bits made of the Teeth of a Bear or Wolf. 
Their Women.  As for their Women, they wear instead of a Bonnet a Contexture of Rushes or Reeds, of divers Colours; their Hair being sometimes braided, and sometimes tied in Knots: Their Body is covered with a Vest of very fine Wool, reaching half way down their Thighs: They are shod almost after the same manner as the Men, and wear Buskins on their Legs.  
We only lodged with 'em one Night, but always stood upon our Guard, watching by Turns from time to time. The next day, the chief Commander came to meet us with certain Presents, as Indian Corn, and to assure us, etc. That they should be always very willing to keep an amicable Correspondence with us, and to live under the Laws of that Prince, whom we acknowledged: On the other side we made 'em a Present of some Knives, with Glasses, and other Toys, for their Wives; after which we took Leave of 'em, and continued our Journey.  
About Two Leagues from thence we found ourselves on the Banks of a very fine River, which we called Riber from one of our Retinue, 
Riber River, why so called.  so named, who was drowned therein. There were numerous Herds of Cibolas, feeding along the sides of this River, of which we instantly killed three, and caused 'em to be 
* Boucanez.  salted, to serve for our Provision. At the distance of a League from the same River we got up another, that is more rapid, and on which we imposed the name of Hyena's, 
The River Hyena's.  that of a certain Germane of our Company, who continued Three Days lost thereabouts, having ventured to go too far into the Woods, by reason of the great Delight he took in hunting.  

Biscatonges, a Nation of the Savages, surnamed Weepers.  Thus in pursuing our Journey, sometimes in the Plains, and sometimes across the Torrents and Rivers which we passed in our Canoes, we arrived in the midst of a very extraordinary Nation, called the Biscatonges, to whom we gave the Name of Weepers, in regard that upon the first Approach of Strangers, all these People, as well Men as Women, usually fall a weeping bitterly: The reason of their Practice is very particular; for these poor People imagining that their Relations or Friends deceased are gone a Journey, and continually expecting their return; the remembrance of 'em is revived upon the Arrival of new Passengers; but forasmuch as they do not find in their Persons those whose Loss they lament, it serves only to increase their Grief. That which is yet more remarkable, and perhaps even very reasonable in that Custom, is, that they weep much more at the Birth of their Children, than at their Death; because the latter is esteemed only by 'em as it were a Journey or Voyage, from whence they may return after the Expiration of a certain time; but they look upon their Nativity, as an Inlet into an Ocean of Dangers and Misfortunes. Let the case be how it will, this first Torrent of Tears being once over, nothing was to be seen among the whole Multitude of these People, but a serene Aspect, and an engaging Air, full of Kindness and Respect: They conducted us into their Huts that were neatly matted, where they offered us some powdered Beef and Venison, with some Sagavite, 
Sagavite, a sort of Bread.  their ordinary Bread; which they make with a certain Root, called Toquo, being a kind of Bramble. After having washed, dried, and beaten it to Powder, they make it up into a Paste; which being baked, is of a very good taste, but of an Astringent Quality. We added to their Treat a little of our Brandy, and gave 'em a Couple of Bottles full of that Liquor: Whereupon they made us a Present of divers Skins, well dressed, which served to make us good Shoes. These People worship no other Deity but the Sun, and that is the peculiar God of almost all those Nations: Upon which occasion we told 'em, That our Prince was the Sun of other Kings; that his Lustre was spread abroad throughout the whole Continent of Europe, and even in divers Parts of America: That if they would submit to his Authority, they should ere long be sensible of some of the Effects of his Grandeur and Generosity. Whereupon they readily submitted, and took an Oath to maintain a mutual Friendship with us for ever.  
Having spent two Days among that weeping Nation, we set forward again in our Journey. On the first Day we travelled Ten large Leagues, almost continually in the Woods, and afterwards we arrived within sight of a great Village, in the entrance of which we espy a huge Roebuck, which a Chaovanous of our Retinue, aimed at, and killed with one Fusee-shot. The Report of the Gun, 
A Fusee let off, strikes a Terror into the Minds of the Savages.  and the Flame that accompanied it appeared so dreadful to those Inhabitants, that at the very sight of our Company and Arms, they were all extremely terrified, and betook themselves to flight. The chief Commander, and three of his Sons, having showed more Resolution, brought 'em out of their Panic Fear; so that they advanced towards us, to offer us some Refreshment; and the use of some of their Huts for our Lodging, during the Night. But my Brother not judging it convenient to trust 'em, we took up our Quarters a little further off, according to our usual Custom. It was well for us that we were so cautious; for the next Morning, at break of day, we discerned a great number of that Rabble, lying in Ambush among the Reeds, and armed with Bows and Arrows. M. De la Salle immediately caused 'em to be rudely attacked, and obliged 'em to call for Quarter. But they were released for a certain quantity of Indian Corn, which the Son of their Commander brought to us, and we immediately took a resolution to decamp.  
At the distance of six Leagues from thence we came to another Village, consisting of above 300 Huts, inhabited by the Chinonoas', 
The Chinonoas' know how to distinguish the French from the Spaniards.  who received us very favourably. All these Countries are situated almost on the Eastern Coast of the Sea of Mexico; so that the Spainards' frequently make Inroads into them, and abuse the Natives after a most outrageous manner: Insomuch that these Savages knew how to distinguish us from them, by the Air of our Countenance, our Language and Deportment; and the Antipathy they had against all those of that Nation, served only to increase their Friendship and Kindness towards us.  
We soon gave 'em to understand, that there was no manner of Correspondence between the Spaniards and us, and that they were our declared Enemies: Whereupon having offered us every thing that was in their Possession, they entreated us to unite with them, in order to maintain a vigorous War against the Spanish Nation: We replied, That we were not at present in a condition to do it, but that we would speedily return, with greater numbers to assist 'em, insomuch, that having spent the Night very peaceably among those People, we departed the next day, laden with a great deal of Indian Corn, and very fine Skins.  
We had scarce marched League on the Road, when a certain Person of our Company found himself stung by a Viper, 
A Man stung by a Viper.  and suddenly made a hideous Outcry: Within less space than half a quarter of an Hour, his Body swelled prodigiously, and became all over livid. We immediately made large Incisions on the part affected, bathing it with Brandy and Salt of Vipers, and gave him some Orvietan; so that after Two Days he was perfectly cured.  

The Passage over a rapid River.  Then we continued our Journey, and after Two Days march we arrived on the Banks of a very rapid River: It was requisite to pass it, and we were then destitute of Canoes; for those we made use of before were so leaky, that they took in Water on all sides, and we were forced to leave 'em, as being no longer serviceable to us. Therefore we could find no other Expedient, but to make a 
* Caie●  little Boat of Canes, and many Twigs of Trees, twisted one within another, and covered with our best Skins. My Brother and our two Nephews first went on board with two Savages to steer it, whilst I stayed with the rest of our Company on the side of the River. They were scarce got into the middle of the Current, when the Swiftness of the Stream hurried 'em away in a moment, and took 'em out of our sight: But by singular good Luck the Boat was stopped about half a large League from thence, by a great Tree that floated on the Water, being half plucked up by the Roots; so that grappling the Branches, by the means of certain Poles, they at last made a shift to get over to the other side, otherwise the extreme Swiftness of the River would undoubtedly have carried 'em into the Sea.  
In the mean while, we were very solicitous to know what was become of 'em; we incessantly followed the Course of our Bank, looking forward as far as possibly we could, and crying out with all our force to endeavour to recall, or to discover 'em. We spent a whole Day and a Night in this Anxiety, and the next Day we began the same Toil again, till at last they answered us, and we descried 'em on the other side. 'Twas absolutely necessary to join 'em, and to that end we were forced to expose ourselves to the same Danger. Therefore we set about the making of a new Boat, (for the first was unjointed, and no longer capable of holding any thing) and having provided strong Poles, we all passed over at several times, with as much safety as could be wished for. Our whole Company being thus re▪ united, we pursued our Course under the Conduct of my Brother, who had no other Compass to steer by than his Genius. In the mean while one of our Hunters straggling to follow the Game, we lost him a whole Day. But the next Morning, we saw him again laden with two Roe-Bucks: He had also killed another at the same time, and left it at the Distance of half a quarter of a League: Therefore, after having given us the two, he went back, attended with an Abenaguis, to fetch the other, and having brought it, we feasted ourselves with part of his Venison, and kept the rest for our Provision.  

A Savage on Horseback demands who we are.  Having passed from thence into the most delightful and most populous Countries of all the others, after a March of Six of Seven Leagues, we saw making up towards us a certain Savage on Horseback, with his Wife behind him, attended with four Slaves, who were well mounted. This Man accosting us, enquired who we were, and what we sought for in that Country? My Brother gave him to understand, as well by his own Mouth, as by that of the Savages of his Retinue, that we were French Men, and that our Design was only to offer to all the People of their Continent, as far as the Gulf of Mexico our Alliance, and the Protection of the King of France. Whereupon the same Savage immediately alighted, presented his Horse to my Brother, and even constrained him by his earnest Entreaties to accept of it, and to go to the Place of their Habitation; assuring him, that he should be very welcome, and that his Proposals should be favourably heard. My Brother, after having returned him many Thanks for his Kindness, told him, that before he proceeded so far, he would very willingly be informed of the Opinion of his whole Nation, by an Envoy, sent to them to that purpose. The Savage received this Answer very favourably, and by a Surplusage of Civility left his Wife and one of his Slaves for Hostages: My Brother on the other side gave him his Nephew  and two Chaovanous. The Savage mounted on a Horse that belonged to one of his Slaves, and my Nephew  on that which was given my Brother. The next Day our Envoy returned with our two Chaovanous, both mounted on fine Horses, laden with all sorts of Provisions, and made a Report no less agreeable than surprising, of the kind Entertainment he had received from those People, who are called Cenis. 
Cenis, a Nation of the Savages.  The place of their Habitation is extended 20 Leagues in compass, and divided into many Hamlets, situated near one another. Their Cottages are 40 or 50 Foot high, being made of thick Branches of Trees, which meeting together in a point at the top, form a kind of arched Roof; the inside of 'em is well matted, and always kept very neat, even to Admiration.  
M. de La Salle being informed of their good Intentions, did not fail to convey himself thither the next Day, and saw the principal Elders of the Nation, who were all adorned with Plumes of Feathers, and clothed with their richest Skins, coming to meet him, and the distance of 200 Paces from the Village. My Brother received 'em at the Head of his Company, and the first Salute being given with Reciprocal Compliments, he was conducted to the Village by the Commander in chief  a very fine Body of young Men, drawn up in Arms, and through a very great concourse of People: Afterwards he and his Company were led into a Quarter, which seemed to constitute a separated Hamlet, and were there nobly entertained. The Commander was convinced of the Magnificence of our Prince, by the Character he received of him from M. de la Salle, acknowledged him as his Sovereign, and made my Brother a Present of six good Horses, and of his finest Skins; who on the other side presented the said Commander with divers Hatchets, Scissors, Knives, and Razors, which he accepted with a great deal of Complacency and Satisfaction. At that time the Ambassadors of a certain Nation called the Choumans, resided there, 
Ambassadors of the Choumans.  and the occasion of their Embassy was to propose the making of a League with 'em, to carry on a War against the Spaniards, their Enemies, and Tyrannical Persecutors: They gave us a Visit, and solicited us to enter into the same League; insomuch, that we promised to assist 'em, after we had made an end of our Voyage; and they took an Oath, as the others had done, to maintain an inviolable Friendship with our Nation.  
The Nassonis have their Habitations at the distance of a Days Journey from the Cenis, 
Nassonis, a Nation of the Savages.  and we thought fit also to pass into their Territories, were we received the like Entertainment, meeting with the same Acknowledgements, and the same Protestations of Amity. And indeed, all these Nations have an equal Antipathy against the Spaniards. The Pastures in those Parts afford Fodder to numerous Herds of Oxen and Horses, and in all the Enclosures belonging to their private Families are to be seen many fat Capons, Hens, Pullet's, and large Indian Pigeons. We could discern among them, as well as among the Cenis, some Tincture of the Christian Religion. For some of 'em made the Sign of the Cross, and others expressed to us by certain Marks the manner of celebrating the Mass; insomuch, that we clearly perceived it to be the Effect of some Spanish Missions: But 'tis not to be doubted, the Increase would be much greater; if these first Seeds of Religion were sowed among 'em by Persons, to whom they have less Aversion. And indeed our Father Recolet, by the means of some Images, Crosses and Agnus Dei's, which he distributed up and down, easily made 'em comprehend and believe every thing that he taught 'em; so great is the Docility of the People of that Country.  
Notwithstanding the great satisfaction we had among those Savages, 
Sad Disasters.  yet we met with two sad Disasters; one of which was the Desertion of Four of our French Men, and the other was my Brother's Sickness. As for the four Deserters, it is not known whether they were excited by the Pleasantness of those Countries, to endeavour to settle themselves among some of the Neighbouring Nations; or whether being enticed by the alluring Baits of the Savagesses, they returned to the Cenis; or whether they retired to the Nassonis. However, 'tis certain, that as soon as they had Horses in their Possession, they did not any longer imagine themselves to be among the Savages; so that we were not able to retain 'em, neither could we have any Tidings of 'em ever since that end.  
As for my Brother's Indisposition, it was undoubtedly the Effect of Grief occasioned by the Desertion of some of his Attendants. He fell sick, August 24. in the same Year 1685. After three Months travelling, and within 200 Leagues of St. Lewis' Bay. His Sickness was followed almost at the same time with that of De Moranget, our Nephew. However, during that Affliction, we had the good Luck to find among the Savages all the Help that could have been procured in Europe, except Physicians: For we had every thing that we could wish for, particularly Veal, Mutton, Pullet's, Pigeons and Ringdoves; besides, all sorts of wholesome Herbs, as well for Pottage, as for Ptisans, Decoctions, and other Remedies necessary for sick Persons. Our two Surgeons were also present, and were very serviceable to us upon this occasion; nay, the very Savages themselves, as well Men as Women, gave us Meat, Fowl, and other sorts of Venison; insomuch, that at last (thanks be to the Divine Providence) by the Means of our diligent Care, both our Patients recovered their Health, after a Month's Indisposition.  
As soon they had regained their Strength, my Brother being of Opinion that he ought to improve his last Discoveries; and not being able to go any farther, without entering the Territories of the Spaniards, from whence according to all probability, we should never have come back; took a Resolution to return to his new Colony. Therefore we set forward again in our Journey in the end of the Month of September, 1685. But we had this Advantage, that we were now in a capacity to return on Horseback, whereas we came on Foot; That which was most surprising in our new Furniture is that our Horses without being shod, had so hard a Hoof, that they could go any where; and had so tender a Mouth, that they gave way to the Curb, as if they had been trained up to it: Every one of our Company was reasonably well mounted, and our supernumerary Horses served either for Change, or instead of Packhorses, to carry our Provision, Canoes, and other Equipage; which was no small Consolation to us.  
However, since the most useful things sometimes prove the most fatal, it happened either accidentally, or for want of Skill, that one of our Horses occasioned the Loss of a Savage belonging to our Retinue. For on the Banks of the River La Malign, 
A Crocodile drags a Man into the Water, and devours him.  on which my Brother run the hazard of being lost, a Horse prancing at the sight of a huge Crocodile, threw his Rider into the Water. He had scarce fallen, when that ravenous Beast dragged him away, and devoured him in our sight. We were extremely troubled at this sad Spectacle; but in such Voyages 'tis difficult to avoid the sad Accidents, to which those who undertake 'em are sometimes liable. Therefore the safest way for a Traveller is to prepare for such Disasters, by quieting his Conscience, and by putting himself under the Protection of Almighty God, who is our Guide, and constant Preserve.  
Forasmuch as no Remedy could be found for this Misfortune, we continued our Journey; and after Three months' march, we arrived at St. Lewis' Bay in the beginning of the Month of January, 1686. As soon as we came near our Colony, we perceived that all the Fields thereabouts were cleared of Trees, and well cultivated. We there met with a great number of Women, and Cottages, filled with new Families, each Family having its peculiar Store of Provisions, with a Garden, and other Apartments. In a word, every thing seemed to promise a happy Improvement, and a numerous Increase. My Brother was received there as the Father of this little Commonwealth, and we took great Delight in observing these beginnings of the Incorporation of our French Men with the Savages, and the good Use that every one made of the Advantages of this new Plantation.  
In regard that my Brother's Presence in that Country, was necessary, as well for the completing of the Fort, as for the modelling of this new State, we sojourned there about Three Months longer; after the expiration of which time, he determined to return to France to get new Supplies at that Court, and to procure some Recruits of Tradesmen, Artificers and Labourers, as well in favour of this last Colony, as for all the others that are planted in divers parts of Northern America. After having taken leave of every one, he set out, accompanied with 20 French Men for Canada, and travelled by Land to the Country of the Islinois, in the end of the Month of March, A. D. 1686.  
Although this Road was the most troublesome, yet it served not only to discover the Course of the Rivers, 
Many Rivers.  of which we only saw the Mouths, in passing down the Mississipi; but also to give us a nearer View of all the People, who inhabit along the Banks; so that we might take frequent Opportunities to contract new Alliances with 'em. At first we crossed the River of Ducks, so called, by reason of the numerous Flocks of wild Ducks, with which it is covered. Afterwards we passed La Sablonniere, or the River of Sand, with only has for its Bed a vast Sandy Country; then the Robec, the Banks of which are inhabited by certain People, who all speak in the Throat, 
Quanoatinos'; a Nation of the Savages.  and at last the Malignant River, in the Territories lying about with are the Quanoatinos', a People as formidable to the Iroquois, upon account of their Valour, as for their Cruelty. For besides that they fight furiously, without giving Quarter, they made a Law among themselves to cause as many to be burnt as they can take Prisoners. As we continually went forward, we met with the Tarahas the Cappas, and the Palaquessons all declared Enemies of the Spaniards.  

The Fruitfulness of overy Country.  I shall not here give a large Description of the particular Rarities of all those Countries and Nations; but I shall content myself only to declare, that altho' the said Countries are very fine, generally speaking; yet in every one of 'em, its peculiar Nature and Beauty may be more especially observed. For some abound in Indian Corn, of which Frumenty is made; others in Tonquo, and others in Cassave, of which the Natives make a kind of Bread.  
An innumerable Multitude of Cibola's is to be seen amongst those People who live nearest to the Sea-Coast. There are also vast numbers of Beavers amongst the Ouadiches, the Akanceas, the Iroquois, and in many other Quarters of America: And Bears are very frequent in the Northern Parts. As for Horses, they are only found among the Nations who are Neighbours to the Spaniards, but one may almost every where see Orignas; Staggs, Elks, Wolves, Ounces, large Rams, Wethers, and Sheep, that have a much finer Wool than ours.  
In traversing all these Plains we discovered a prodigious Number of Savages, who all entertained us with a great deal of Courtesy, and with an entire Submission to the Laws of our Monarch. Whilst we were travelling between the Palaquessons, and the Novadiches, our Provisions failed, and we were obliged to have recourse to hunting; so that three or four of our Men, most expert in that Exercise, usually lest their Companions to repair to the Woods, where they did not continue long, without bringing us good store of Venison. The advantageous and most delightful Situation of the Territories that lie between two Nations, 
A pleasant Country situated between two Nations.  who are well affected to ours, is much to be admired, the whole Country being extremely fertile in Indian Corn, and all kinds of Fruits, affording also great variety of Game, and the Pastures abounding in  of all sorts, but more especially in Horses. All these great Advantages induced my Brother to endeavour to plant a Colony in those Parts. In order to carry on this Design, he judged it expedient that I should be sent before to the Islinois, as well to inform you of his Arrival, as for some other Reasons, of which I shall hereafter give you an Account. He gave me for my Retinue Father Anastasius, , my Nephew, M. de la Marne, four other French Men, and two Slaves to serve me as Interpreters, with two Canoes, two Packhorses, and necessary Provisions. We parted May 15. A. D. 1686. and travelled by Land, as well for the Conveniency of our Horses, as for the frequent Supplies we might get from the Savages, who show as much zeal for the promoting of our Interest, as they are the professed Enemies of the Iroquois and Spaniards.  

Novadiches, a Nation of the Savages.  On the first Day we took up our Quarters among the Novadiches, who received us with extended Arms, and invited us to join with 'em, in maintaining a War against the Spaniards: They assured us, That there was a great deal of Gold and Silver amongst 'em; that they would willingly leave us all their Wealth, and that they would only reserve to themselves the Women and Children, to make Slaves of 'em: However, notwithstanding the little Respect we had for the Spaniards, we must needs have an Aversion to that Proposal; for we could not give our Consent, that the Christians should become Slaves to the Savages. Therefore to colour our Denial, we replied, That our number was not sufficient to be capable of assisting 'em in that War, but that we would go in quest of Captain Tonti, to whom we would not fail to represent the same Conditions they offered us, and that without doubt he would accept of 'em. This Answer gave Satisfaction to the Savages, who supplied us with abundance of Provisions, and caused us to lodge in their best Cottages.  

Divers other People.  The next day, we pursued our Journey to the Cenis and Nassonis. The latter gave us Guides to conduct us to the Country of Nabari, and these last in like manner took care to provide other Guides to convey us to the Naausi. We were equally well received by all those People, and we every where found the same Dispositions to make an Alliance with us, and to live under the Protection of our Prince. The Lands thereabouts are fruitful, and the Climate very proper for the planting of Vineyards; 
The fruitfulness of those Countries.  for Vines often spring up there spontaneously; so that one may see clusters of Grapes growing amongst the Elms, and flourishing under the shadow of their Leaves. One cannot travel three Leagues without meeting with some River or Brook. There are also Herds of Beavers: All the People are generally addicted to the Adoration of the Sun, and have no other  than a certain Contexture of Rushes, or of very sine Mats, which are set out with Paintings of several Colours, representing the Sun, Birds, Flowers, etc. For matter of Arms, they are altogether unknown to 'em, except the Bow and Arrow; insomuch, that the discharge of a Fusee or Pistol would appear to them, as it were a Clap of Thunder, preceded by its Lightning.  

Cadodaches, their Reception of the French.  Afterwards we passed from the Territories of the Naausi to those of the Cadodaches, where we were entertained after a very generous manner, so that our Reception might well he styled a splendid Triumph. For the principal Elders of the Nation came forth to meet us, and conducted us through two Ranks of their armed Youth into very neat Cottages. The rest of our Entertainment was as pleasant and diverting, as the manner of managing it was Savage and Fantastical; at first, certain tawny Women, but well shaped, and half naked, were very officious in washing our Feet in Wooden Troughs, and then we were served with different Messes, very well dressed: For besides boiled Meat, Broth and Venison, the ordinary Mess among those People; they presented us with a large Dish of Roasted Turkeys, Geese, Ducks, and Ringdoves, not to forget another Dish of broiled Pigeons. But we were disturbed in the midst of our Jollity, by a very sad Accident, which happened to M. de la Marne, one of our Company: Forasmuch as the Heat of the Wether was excessive, occasioned as well by the Climate, 
M. de la Marne washing himself in a River it drowned.  as the Season of the Year; that unfortunate Gentleman had a mind to wash himself in a River that runs through the Village. To which purpose, having chosen a shady place for greater Convenience, he threw himself into the Water, and unhappily fell into an Abyss, where he was swallowed up in a Trice; some time after, perceiving that he did not return, we were desirous to go to the Place, where he retired; but he was not to be found, and we began to suspect that perhaps he might be devoured by some Crocodile: However, the Inhabitants having seen the Place, where he threw himself in, no longer doubted that he was lost in that Gulf. And indeed, after having made a search at the very instant, he was taken up dead, and quite disfigured.  
I cannot sufficiently express how much we were transported with Grief at the sight of so sad a Spectacle. The Wife of the chief Governor came herself to bury him; and after having performed the Funeral Obsequies, decently Interring his Body, we set up a Cross over his Tomb: In the mean while, the Savages, who were Witnesses of our Ceremonies, joined their Tears with ours, and endeavoured to comfort us, by doing us all the good Offices that lay in their Power.  

Other Savage People.  The next day we met with the Narchoas and the Ouadiches on the Banks of the same River, and about five Leagues lower we had a sight of the Cabinvio's and Mentons'. These People not knowing what our Arms were, took us for the Masters of Thunder, and were much afraid of us at the same time. The Beavers are very numerous in their Country, and more especially in the Territory of the Ozotheons, where they are so common, that the Inhabitants are obliged to burn their Skins. These People provided Guides to conduct us to the Akanceas, 
Akanceas.  on whose Jurisdiction they depend. There we began to know ourselves; for we saw a Cross erected, on the middle of which the King's Arms were fixed, and some few Paces farther we met with a fine House, built after the French Fashion, and inhibited by a certain Person, named Coustute, who received us very kindly, and gave us to understand, that that Seat, with all its Dependencies, was under your Jurisdiction. After having rested there two Days, we went to the Villages of the Torimen, Dogingas and Cappus, to get up to the River Mississipi. These last People accommodated us with a 
* A sort of Boat.  Piroque for two Horses that we gave 'em in Exchange.  
Thus being wearied with out Travels by Land, I determined to passon the Mississipi again, to the River of the Islinois, and Father Anastusius was very glad that he had an Opportunity to go on board the same Canoe with me. M. , my Nephew, took five other French Men to accompany him, and contenting himself with one Savage, left me another, to serve for an Interpreter and Rower. Having met at our Place of Rendez vous, in the Country of the Miamis, we parted; so that he travelled lover the Plains, and I embarked on the River Mississipi, August 15. A. D. 1686.  
It were needless to give a particular Account of all the Nations that we met, and therefore I shall only make mention of those whom we did not discover in our Descent. 
Chicacha's.  The Chicachas were the first that we found at the Distance of 30 Leagues from the Akanceas: They are a very docil, industrious, valiant and warlike People, and sufficiently numerous to raise an Army of 2000 Men upon all occasions. We continued our Course from thence to the Ouabaches, within ten Leagues of their River, and saw that of the Massourites and Ozages, which is no less rapid and deep than the Mississipi. We passed on it during two Days, as well with a Design to discover the Nations inhabiting on its Banks, as to get some fresh Provisions, and in our Passage we descried the Villages of the Panivacha's, Peras, Panalogas, Matotantes, and Ozages, all gallant, numerous, and good-natured People, who among the several Messes and varieties of Fruits, with which they treated us, caused us to eat some Grapes of an admirable taste.  
On the third Day, after having rowed on that River, we endeavoured to recover the Mississipi; on which, being embarked in a Canoe, we steered our Course on it for some Days, even as far as the River of the Islinois; and after Thirty Days Navigation we arrived at the Foot of Crevecoeur Fort, from whence we returned to that of St. Lewis. Indeed we were then so unfortunate, as unto to meet with you there, (which was no small trouble to us); but at present we have the Consolation to see you in good Health.  
M.  having thus concluded his Relation, we renewed our Embraces, but I continued for some time speechless, without being able to make any Application to him; for, to say the Truth, I did not well know myself, nor in what condition I was at that time. On the one side, the loss of our Fleet, and of the greatest part of the French Mariners, was a very great Mortification to me; and on the other side, the Assurance that was given me of M. de la Salle's Welfare, and of the Success of so many sine Discoveries, obliged me to turn my Sorrow into Joy. I was also extremely furprized at the strangeness of his Adventures; but at the same time, the Absence of a Person, for whom I had so particular a Respect, and whose Return I had so long expected with the utmost Impatience; besides, the Regret upon reflecting, that I was not an Eye witness, and a Companion of his Travels, pierced my Heart with so sensible a Grief, that I was not by any means able to surmount it. Neither could I any longer contain myself, or forbear easing my Mind a little, by uttering these mournful Expostulations. Alas! (said I to M. ) how could it so fall out, that M. de la Salle, my Patron, and my only Support, should spend Two Years in returning to America, and that during that whole Term, I should not be only deprived of the Pleasure of seeing him, but also should not find Means to hear any▪ Tidings of him? Or how is it possible that I should not be permitted to embrace him? I must freely declare to you, that notwithstanding the Joy which your Presence affords me, I find myself seized in beholding you, with a more Intense Grief, since the more I look upon you, I am so much the more troubled that I have not a sight of him. Heavens! (continued I) has M. de la Salle resided in America Two Years, and cannot I as yet lay hold of some Opportunity to meet him, or to speak with him? Alas! 'tis not my Fault; for as soon as I could judge, that he had touched at any of the Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, I made a descent on those Countries; I searched about all the Capes and Shores of that Sea, as well on the side of Malcolina, as on that of Mexico; I visited all the People, who inhabit those Coasts, viz. The ●ichenos, Ozembogus, Tangibaos, Ostonoos, Mansoleas, and Mousa's, and enquired of them after M. de la Salle, but none could give me any manner of Account concerning him▪ Hence than you may take some estimate of my excessive Trouble and Sorrow.  
How was it possible (replied M.  for you to meet us? You went to seek for us at the Mouth of the River Mississipi, and or the adjacent Coasts; whereas we only landed 25 Leagues above it: You followed the Course of that River, both in your Descent, and at your Return; but we always kept at a distance from thence, steering to the Southeast, and along the Gulf of Mexico. By what means could you expect to meet with us, in following so contrary Courses? At least (said I to him) he ought to have sent some Messenger, to give me notice of his Return. 'Tis true indeed, (said he) and he would certainly have done it, if it had lain in his Power: But who of those new Comers could find out the Roads that lay cross the Territories of so many Barbarians or would be willing to make such an Attempt at so great a distance? Or could he spare me, or either of his two Nephews for that purpose? Besides, the Hopes he had of seeing you ere long in Person, made him continually defer to inform you of his Arrival. It must be confessed (said I then) there is no Remedy for what is past▪ that which revives my Spirits is, to hear that he is in good Health, and whereabouts he is: It will not be long (by the help of God) are we shall go again to find him out. In the mean while (continued I) I call to mind, that you have somewhat else more particular to communicate to me from him, and therefore I would entreat you to declare it to me, that I may make due Preparation, even as soon as it's possible for my intended Voyage.  
Take it thus (replied M.  my Brother being impatient to procure the necessary Supplies, for the Establishment and Maintenance of his new Colony, and to cause two Ports and two Havens to be built, viz. One on St. Lewis' Bay, and the other at the Mouth of the River Mississipi, the bottom and sides of which he has very accurately observed, deputed me for this Employment, only with a Design that I should incontinently return to France, as well to inform the Court of his last Settlement, and of his great Discoveries, as to prepare their Minds, and to induce 'em to grant what is requisite upon so emergent an occasion. For that very Reason he also sent me to Quebec, and gave me a particular Charge to wait upon you, in order to borrow some Money, upon the Receipt of which I will give you an Acquittance, and my Brother will place it to Account.  
After this Discourse he presented me with a Letter, which was well sealed with M. de la Salle's Seal. As for the Writing, I did not examine it; and besides, the Characters used by those two Gentlemen, who wrote almost the same Hand, are so like, that 'twould be difficult to find out the difference. However, I read that Letter with extreme Delight; in which, the same Request was contained, with Protestations of an entire Trust, and of a most sincere Friendship. The Joy with which I was transported, to hear Tidings of so intimate a Friend; the Candour of the Person who delivered the Letter to me; and the Devotion I had made of every thing that I possessed, to the disposal of a Person, to whom I thought myself infinitely indebted; did not suffer me to take the matter into Consideration. I immediately asked M.  how much Money he desired? Whereupon he told me, that he believed his Brother had mentioned the Sum of 7000 Livers. 'Tis true indeed (said I) but if you have occasion for more, you need only demand it of me, since all that I have is at your Service. He thanked me hearty, and told me, that in case he should stand in need of somewhat more, he might procure it in France. Therefore I paid him the Sum of Money agreed upon, at that very Instant, and he insisted to give me his Receipt, according to the Order, which (as he said) he had from his Brother. I readily consented, and forasmuch as he protested to me, that he determined to set out on his Journey the next day, I gave some Refreshment to his Attendants, and recruited his Provisions. We spent the Remainder of the Day as pleasantly as we could, and very early the next Morning he took leave of me, departing with a Franciscan Recolet, and a Slave, with a design to pass into the Country of the Miamis.  
I was also preparing to pass on the River the next day, and every thing was disposed for my Departure. Having spent the rest of the Day, with much uneasiness, the next Morning I was potting my small Cargo on board, when about Nine a Clock I espied coming towards me the Sieur Construe, my Lieutenant, in the Country of the Akanceas, where both the Caveliers, viz. the Uncle and the Nephew refreshed themselves for some time: Indeed at first I was very glad to see him, but in a moment after he threw me into a terrible Consternation: I immediately erquired of him, where he left M. de La Salle? M. de La Salle, (said he) do not you know that he is dead? 
The Death of M. de La Salle.  How! (cried I) is M. de La Salle dead? 'Tis too true (replied he) he is certainly dead; for he was assassinated by his own Party, in the Territories situated between the Palaquessons and the Novadiches. hay! what d'ye say? (said I) is it possible? Why! M.  his own Brother but now took Leave of me, and was so far from telling me any thing of this matter, that he gave me a Letter under his Hand, and did not seem to show the least mark of Grief or Concern. Sir (said he) I had the Information from his own Mouth; his Tears, and those of his Nephew were too evident a proof of the Truth of what they asserted; and I an very sorry that I should be the first that 〈◊〉 to bring you so bad News. I was extremely surprised at this Answer, and quite over whelmed with Grief, insomuch, that for a while I was not able to speak nor weep; neither did I know how to dispose of myself: However, some Moment's after I risen up, and spoke to this Effect; M. de La Salle my only Protector, is dead (as you say) and murdered too by his Attendants! O Heavens! can this be? But may I know who are those Miscreants that durst imbrue their Hands in the Blood of so excellent a Patron? They are two Ruffians (replied M. Cousture) named Dan and Lancelot. 
The Authors of his Death.  Ah! wicked Wretches (said I) by what Motive, or rather, by what Demon were they excited to commit so execrable a Fact? Then I entreated him to tell me all that he knew concerning that Matter. Alas! Sir, (said he) not to trespass too long on your Patience, I shall proceed to give you an Account of every particular Circumstance of his Death, as it was related to me.  
M. de La Salle being recovered of a very dangerous Disease, repaired to his last Colony at Fort St. Lewis, and departed from thence, March 26. A. D. 1686. with a Design to visit his old Plantations, accompanied with about 30 Persons; among whom were his Brother, his two Nephews, the two Lantelots' Brothers, Dan, a Savage, named Choonanou; two English Freebooters; and one Hyena's, a Germane by Nation.  
On the first Day of their March, M. de La Salle perceiving that the younger Lancelot, being still weak after his Recovery from a violent Fit of Sickness, was not able to follow the rest of the Company, determined to send him back to the Bay; neither could he be prevailed upon by any means to alter his Mind, notwithstanding the earnest Entreaties made by his Brother, that they might not be parted; insomuch, that young Lancelot was at last obliged to return to the place appointed. These Proceed which appeared to be Arbitrary, and Imperious, were hard to be digested by a Man of Courage. In the mean while it unfortunately happened, that this young Man was met on the Road by certain Savages, who cut his Throat, 
The younger Lancelot killed by the Savages.  and the News was brought the same Day to his elder Brother, who could not restrain the Excess of his Grief. He immediately laid the Blame on M. de La Salle, and from that very moment, being transported with Rage and Passion, he swore his Destruction. After having given himself up for some time to Complaints and Lamentations, he suddenly stifled his Indignation, designing to ●et it break forth again with greater Vehemency upon some favourable Opportunity. Therefore he followed the rest of he Company; but after Two months' march, their Provisions failing, between the Territories of the Palaquessons and the Noadiches; Dan and Lantelot made an Agreement to go a hunting in the Woods, and solicited the Sieur de Moranget, to accompany 'em. The unfortunate Gentleman, without mistrusting any thing, condescended by way of Complaisance, to grant their Request. But the two Ruffians, who being excited as well by Envy, upon Account of his singular Merits, as by the implacable Hatred that they bore his Uncle, had long ago formed a Design upon his Life; having now insensibly drawn him aside, reeked their Malice upon him, to which purpose they gave him a blow on the Head with a Hatchet, of which he died two Hours after, 
De Moranget knocked on the Head with a Hatchet.  like a good Christian, hearty forgiving his Enemies; of whose Revenge this was the first Effort.  
The Day being ended, and M. de La Salle not seeing his Nephew return, nor his Companions, spent the Night in a strange Perplexity: The next day he went himself to the Place, where he judged that they might have been, and was soon followed by Father Anastasius, his Brother and his Lackey, neither was much time spent, ere he sound the Person whom he sought for. For being arrived in a Meadow, situated on the side of the River Mississipi, he espied Lantelot's Footman thro' the Grass, which was very high, and instantly asked him what was become of De Moranget his Nephew? The Villain impudently answered that he might go look him on the Bank; and indeed the Body of that unfortunate young Gentleman lay extended there, and two Praetors were fluttering over it, to get their Prey. In the mean while those two perfidious Wretches lay hid in the Grass, with their Fusees ready cocked; and as M. de la Salle was drawing near the Footman, to chastise him, he was shot in the Head with three Balls, which Lantelot had discharged against him; whereupon he fell to the Ground with his Face all over bloody. Father Anastusius and his Brother having heard the Report of the Gun, immediately ran to him, and found him dying, but not as yet altogether destitute of Sense and Knowledge. Neither did their Grief hinder 'em from assisting him at his last Gasp, at least with respect to the Salvation of his Soul: For he had Time and Strength sufficient to make his Confession, and to offer up himself to God, as it were a solemn Sacrifice. This was the last Effect of their Rage, and the Tragical end of our Illustrious Hero, and of your good Friend.  
These last Words struck me to the very Heart, 
M. de la Salle 's Death much lamented  insomuch, that I had no Strength left to complain: I continued dumb and unmoveable for some time; but at last the violence of my Grief, causing me to come out of my Consternation by the means of a sudden Flood of Tears: ' O Heavens! (said I) shall I never see M. de la Salle again? Alas! what Hope, what Help is there now left me? What will become of all those blooming Families, of which he was the common Father, the main Support, and the only Consolation? What a desperate Condition are they in? How many brave Undertake are now spoiled, and how many Persons are ruined by the Loss of one single Man? Alas! is it possible that a Person so venerable for his Virtue; and so useful to France, upon Account of his great Discoveries; or that a Man so universally respected, and beloved even by the most barbarous People, should be massacred by his own Followers? Is there any Punishment severe enough for these Murderers; I say, for those wretched C●●itifs? But where shall we find 'em? Oh! that I could discover 'em, and bring 'em to condign Punishment. Their Business is already done (than said Conture) those Villains are already punished, if their Death may be thought sufficient to expiate their Gild. After what manner (said I) did the Earth open to swallow 'em up; or did Heaven strike 'em dead with Thunder? No, Sir, (replied he) their Comerades did 'em Justice. These profligate Wretches, after they had perpetrated that horrid Fact, determined in like manner to destroy all the rest, that they might not leave any Witnesses of their Crime; but the two English Men seigning to espouse their Interest, and to justify their wicked Action, obtained a Pardon for the Brother, and the Nephew that survived their Kinsman, with Leave to bury the two dead Bodies.  
Whilst these two afflicted Relations, and the good Monk were employed in performing their last Devoirs to the Deceased, those perfidious Villains ran to seize on the rest of M. de La Salle's Effects; the whole Cargo consisting in Ten Horses, some pieces of Linnen-Cloth and Merchandizes, to the value of about 2000 Crowns. As soon as they had taken Possession of all the Goods, the rest of the Company was obliged to make a Virtue of Necessity, and to join with 'em. The Brother and the Nephew, who had redeemed their Life by silence, and by a voluntary Resignation of every thing, were likewise forced to follow the Torrent. Afterwards they arrived at the Village of the Novadiches, among whom dwelled certain French Men, who had deserted M. de La Salle in his Life-time. These People perceiving the Arrival of this new Company, very well armed, and moderately accoutred, were no less overjoyed to see 'em, than the French were, entertained 'em very honourably; and at the first Salute invited 'em to be their Companions in their Expedition against the Quoanantino's. It being requisite to suit themselves to the Time; and to comply with the present Exigency of Affairs, they all entered into that Association, except the two Caveliers, and the Father Recolet.  
In the mean while Lantelot and Dan, who set up for Commanders in chief of the Company, took up their Lodging apart; absolutely disposed of all the Effects of M. de La Salle, at their Pleasure; diverted themselves at his Cost; and made good Cheer. But the departure of the Savages was daily expected. The English Man and the Germane, that had no share in the Spoils of the Deceased, and who nevertheless stood in great need of necessary Accoutrements, went well armed to meet their pretended commanders in their Tent, and entreated 'em to take Care that they might be supplied with some Linen for their new Expedition. Lantelot treated 'em rudely; the English Man reiterated his Demands; and the former made him a second Denial, with much more Refractoriness than before. 
Lantelot and Dan assassinated by an English Man and a Germane  Whereupon the English Man upbraiding him, said, Thou art a vile Traitor; thou hast killed thy Master and mine; and at that very Instant, drawing a Pistol from his Girdle, he shot three Balls into his Reins, and laid him sprawling on the Ground. Dan immediately ran to his Fusee, but the Germane soon stopped his Career, broke his Head, and killed him outright. Some of the Company hearing the Noise, ran towards 'em forthwith, and Father Anastasius found one stone-dead, and the other dying: He confessed Lantelot, who was M. de La Salle's Murderer, and had scarce given him Absolution, when a certain French Man burnt his Hair with a Pistol-Shot, without Ball; insomuch, that the Fire instantly taking hold of his Shirt, which was very greasy, the miserable Wretch expired amidst the Elames. Thus thove wicked Murderers perished according to their Deserts, whose Crime was of too deep a Dye, to remain long unpunished, and 'tis not to be doubted that those who shall read this Narrative, will conceive a just Indignation against the like bloody Assassins'.  
Afterwards the English Man and the Germane made themselves Masters of their Spoils, and offered 'em all to the discretion of the two M. Caveliers, who only took as much as was necessary for their Journey; and having left 'em the rest, came to me in the Country of the Akanceas. They were the Uncle and the Nephew, accompanied with M. de la Marne, and M. Joustel, and a Chaovanou savage, and I had all that I have related from their own Mouth: I was also an Eye witness of their Lamentations and Tears; they rested Two Days in your House, and on the third following they set out for the Islinois. Thus, Sir, I have given you a particular Account of what you desired, according to the best of my Knowledge.  
I only conversed (said I then) with the Uncle and the Father Recolet, but as for the Nephew, M. Joustel and the Chaovanou, I had no sight of 'em. As for M. de la Marne, I remember that M.  told me, that he was drowned; nevertheless, I cannot recover myself from my Surprise, when I reflect on the Constancy and Tranquillity of Mind, with which he related to me the particular Circumstances of his whole Voyage, and all his Adventures. 'Tis a common Saying, that deep Sorrow is dumb, and I dare not call in question the Sincerity of his; but I am certain, that he has made no Scruple to cross the Proverb. He had some occasion to use Dissimulation (replied Cousture) He was willing somewhat to allay his Grief, by the telling of long Stories; and besides, he had some By-ends, and some particular Reasons for such a Deportment at that time.  
I very well comprehend your meaning (said I) he was desirous to borrow Money of me, and he was afraid, lest I should refuse to lend him any, if he informed me of his Brother's Death. But alas! I was too much indebted to his Name and Family, to deny him any thing. Would to God I had nothing left in the World, and had not lost my honoured Protector, my dear Patron, and my most faithful Friend! But alas! all our Lamentations are to no purpose; and since we cannot repair so great a Loss, let us at least arm ourselves with Patience; let us also endeavour to bring to Perfection what he has so happily begun.  
At that very instant I encouraged myself in my Resolution to make another Voyage, with a Design not only to carry Relief to those poor French Men, who were abandoned on the Seashore, but also to undertake some new Enterprise, that might afford me some Consolation for the Loss I had sustained. To that purpose I made Preparations for a new Descent to the Seas, and to visit all those Nations that were lately discovered by M. de La Salle, and mentioned to me by his Brother.  
In the mean while I received a Letter from the Marquis D'Enonville, our Governor; the Purport of which was to inform me, That we were engaged in a War against the Spaniards, 
War with the Spaniards.  and by which he gave me free Liberty to make what Attempts I could upon 'em. This Letter, in Conjunction with what M.  had told me concerning those Nations, who were ready to make War with 'em, animated me so much the more to hasten my Journey. Therefore I set out Decemb. 3. A. D. 1687. accompanied with five French Men, four Chaovanous, and some other Savages, and left my Cousin De Liette, Commander of Fort St. Lewis. My first Journey ended in the Village of the Islinois, and I found 'em lately come back from an Expedition against divers Neighbouring People, from whom they carried away 130 Prisoners.  
From thence I passed to the Cappa's, who gave me very good Entertainment, and some time after the Togingas and Torimen received me with the like Demonstration of Friendship and Respect. Then the Course of my Journey brought me to the Ossotoves, where I built an House for the Convenience of Traffic. There I spent five or six Days, during which, I made new Purchases, and increased my Store of Provisions. I departed from my House in the Month of February, 1688. and after some Days travelling I got up again to the great Village of Taensas. As we were pursuing that Journey, one of my Chaovanous being attacked by three Chachoumas, killed one of them, and himself received a slight Wound on the Pap, with the glancing of an Arrow. But a far greater Disaster befell us during that Journey. For two French Men of my Company straggling in the Woods to hunt, were assaulted by a Party of Naches, and unfortunately killed. We were so much the more sensible of this Indignity, in regard that 'twas impossible for us to revenge it, not being able to come up with those Savages.  

A quarrel between the Taensa's and the Nachitoches about Salt.  Upon our Arrival among the Taensas, the principal Elders of that Nation informed me of the Contest they had with the Nachitoches, about Salt, of which, the latter would not suffer 'em to have any share, and entreated me to be Mediator for the making up of their Differences. I readily accepted of the Office; so that Thirty Taensas having joined our Company, we arrived after Eight Days march, at the Village of the Nachitoches. This Nation constitutes only one State with two others, viz. the Ouasita's and the Capichis. The chief Commanders of these three sorts of People being met together, they caused me to sit down in the middle of 'em; but the Thirty Taensa's, before they took their place, desired Leave to go to the Temple, to implore the Assistance of their God, for the obtaining a firm Peace. (Here 'tis observable by the way, that the Sun is the Deity which is most commonly adored among all those People.) Therefore these Taensa's were actually conducted to the Temple; and after having said their Prayers, were brought back to the Assembly, where they called their God to witness the Sincerity of their Intentions, as to the matter of Peace; made their Presents to the three several Nations; and nominated me for Guarantee of their Treaty. Whereupon I promoted their Interest as far as it lay in my Power, making the best of their Claim, and at last brought Matters to a good Accommodation; insomuch, that the Nachitoches promised to supply 'em with Salt, in exchange for their Skins and Grains. Upon the breaking up of the Convention, they took a reciprocal Oath to maintain Peace and an Amicable Correspondence one with another, and danced the Calumet, according to the usual Custom of the Americans. Afterwards I took my leave of both those Nations.  
The Nachitoches provided Five Guides to conduct me to the Village of the Yataches, and to go thither; I was obliged to pass on the River Onoroyste, about 30 Leagues. During our Course we found fifteen Cottages of the Naches, and took up our Lodging amongst 'em that Night, continually standing upon our Guard. The next day, having met with Twelve of 'em apart, we did not spare 'em, but revenged the Death of our French Men, whom they had barbarously assassinated. After having travelled for some Days, we arrived in the Territories of the Yataches, who are united to two other Nations, that make three Villages together, viz. the Yataches, the Onodo's, and the Choyo's. As soon as they had notice of our Arrival, they came three Leagues to meet us, and brought us good Provisions for our Refreshment. Afterwards we went out of the Champion Country to their Village, and the chief Elders entertained us at several Feasts. Then I made 'em some Presents, and desired that I might have Guides to conduct me to the Quodadiquio's. They made a great deal of difficulty to grant me any, by reason that three Days ago they massacred three of their Ambassadors; nevertheless, by the means of Entreaties and Protestations to defend 'em, they were at last prevailed upon to furnish us with five.  
When we drew near the three Villages, we discerned the Tracts of Horses and Men on the Road, and indeed in the Morning divers Horsemen appeared, and offered to convey us thither. I was attended with 20 Fusileers, well armed, and so in a Condition to keep those Savages in awe. I had no sooner entered the Village, but a certain Woman, who held the first Rank in that Country, 
A remarkable Adventure.  made an Address to me, and importuned me to revenge her Husband's Death, who was killed by the Yataches. A little while after another Woman came to me, to make the same Complaint, and they apparently were the Wives of those Ambassadors, whom the Yataches had assassinated not long before. All the People seemed to be concerned at their Death; and forasmuch as they were very solicitous about that Affair, I made a Promise both to the Widows, and to the People, to take Vengeance for the Murder of their Husbands and Ambassadors. Then they conducted me to their Temple, washed my Face with Water, before they permitted me to enter; and after having prayed to God for the space of one quarter of an Hour, they led me back into the Cottage of one of those Women, where I was magnificently entertained. There I was informed, that the Seven French Men, who were separated from , after the Death of M. de la Salle, were still living among the Novadiches. I was extremely delighted with this piece of News, and hoped to put an end to my Evils, if I could once find means to meet 'em again. Therefore having passed the rest of the Day among the Quadodiquis, I entreated 'em to furnish me with Guides, and assured 'em, That at my Return I would either oblige the Yataches to give 'em Satisfaction, or I would require Blood for Blood at their Hands.  

People united together.  The Quodadiquio's are united to two other Nations, viz. the Napgitoche's and the Nassonis, whose Territories are situated on the red River. These three Nations speak the same Language, yet their Assemblies are not convened by Villages, but by Habitations, very remote one from another. Their Countries are very fine, affording abundance of Game, and variety of Fish; but there are very few Oxen. These People maintain cruel Wars against their Neighbours; insomuch, that their Villages are not very populous. They all have very sine Horses, which they call Cavallio's. The Men and Women have their Faces pricked, and even all the other Parts of their Bodies: And indeed the Fantastical Humours of Men is altogether unaccountable, since that which in looked upon as Deformity in one Country, passes for Beauty in another. Their River is called the Red, because it actually throws up abundance of Sand, 
The Red River.  which renders it as red as Blood.  
I set out from thence April 6. A. D. 1690. with two Slaves, who were my Guides, for the Country of the Novadiches. As we were travelling on the Road, we met with certain Savages of that Nation a hunting, who assured us, that they had left our French Men at home, which was very joyful News to me, but at the same time I had the Misfortune to lose a young French Man of my Retinue: He found means to return three Days after, but without his Snap-sack, where I had put the best part of my Provisions, which created me a great deal of trouble. However, not thinking fit to take any notice of his Neglect, we took up our Quarters that Night within half a League of the Village of the Novadiches, where the principal Elders came forth to meet us. I instantly enquired of 'em after our French Men, and they answered, that they were in good Health; but forasmuch as they were not to be seen, I could promise myself no Good by it. The next day, being arrived at their Village, and none of 'em appearing, my Suspicion was still increased. The chief Governors of the Nation did not fail to offer me the Calumet; but I refused to accept of any thing at their Hands, till they had produced the French Men. When they perceived that I persisted in my Resolution, they confessed that our French Men having accompanied 'em in the War against the Spaniards, were surrounded by the Horse; that three of 'em were killed; and that the other four retiring to the Quoanantino's, they never heard any Tidings of 'em since that time. I replied, That certainly they themselves had murdered 'em; they denied it stiffly, and forasmuch as I incessantly accused 'em, their Wives fell a weeping, and made me understand by their Tears, that the Information concerning their Death was too true.  
The Novadiches used their utmost Efforts to clear themselves, and offered me the Calumet a second time; I told 'em that I would not accept of it, till I were thoroughly convinced of their Innocence as to that Point, and that nevertheless if I could be serviceable to 'em in any thing, they should find my Fidelity inviolable. The chief Commander answered my kind Expressions, with a Present of Ten sine Horses, well harnessed, and I gave him seven Hatchets, with a Set of Glasses.  
We left their Country May 29. and advanced within a Days Journey of the Palaquessons, where we were informed that the last Colony established by M. de la Salle, on the Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, not having been able to maintain itself in a perfect Union, was quite dispersed; that some were intermixed with the Savages, and that others found Means to get to the French Plantations in other Places. Therefore not judging it expedient to seek for 'em where they were no longer to be found, I took a Resolution to return the same way I came. In the mean while I endeavoured to pass to the Village of Coroas, but a prodigious Inundation happening, by reason of the extraordinary Rains, which continued for Three Days successively, we were involved in the greatest Straight imaginable: For the Water every where risen up to the middle Leg at least; insomuch, that we were forced to sleep, and to make Fires on thick Trees, and we thought ourselves happy, in being then provided with Cassave, Beef and Venison: We continued three or four Days in this forlorn Condition, but as good Luck would have it, we discovered a small Island, which the Waters had not as yet overflowed, and we retired thither for a Day and a Night: Our Horses were somewhat recruited there, and the Ground being suddenly dried by the excessive Heat of the Season, and of the Climate, we got up in a Days Journey to the Village of Coroas. 
Coroas, a Savage People.  I cannot sufficiently express the noble Entertainment we met with among those People, who employed several Persons every day in fishing and hunting, on purpose to treat us, and supplied us with abundance of Pullet's, Geese, Pigeons and Turkeys. But that which redoubled my Joy is, that two of those French Men, whom I sought for among the Novadiches, were luckily found here; and that I had so favourable an Opportunity to reunite 'em to my Company.  
I took my leave of the Coroas, July 20th. and arrived on the 31th. in the Territories of the Akanceas, where I was seized with a Fever, which obliged me to stay there till August 15. After I had a little recovered my Strength, I set forward again in my Journey to the Country of the Islinois, and arrived there in the Month of September. Thus the Treaty of Peace concluded between the Taensa's and the Nachitoches; the pleasure of being most kindly entertained by all the Savage People; and the Satisfaction of bringing back two French Men, whom I had given over for lost; were the Fruits of my last Voyage.  
By this Relation one may take an estimate of the Riches and Beauty of all those Countries, inhabited by so many People, that are all in a manner already brought under Subjection, and who have a perfect Idea of the Grandeur of our Monarch. It cannot be conceived how much that Continent abounds, as well in all sorts of Grain and Fruit, as in variety of . 'Tis surrounded on all sides with great Seas, the Shores of which are very deep, and seem to present us with natural Ports; insomuch, that three or four Havens on the Gulf of Mexico would undoubtedly secure for us the Possession of those Territories. The French are generally so well beloved, that to make themselves Masters of 'em, they have nothing to do but to settle there incontinently, and to plant their Colonies. What is wanting, may be transported thither by our Vessels; as in like manner, what is wanting in our Country, may be brought us from thence. For from those Parts we have our principal Stores of Skins; we might also get Silks, Timber for Ships, and divers other Commodities. If there be a scarcity of Corn and Wine, 'tis less occasioned by the defect of the Soil, than for want of the Improvement of Husbandry. Lastly, to procure all the Treasures of Nature, 'tis only requisite to bestow some Pains in seeking for 'em, and to improve 'em when found. Such is the State of Affairs in that Country: God grant that a happy and lasting Peace may soon put us in Possession, and secure us in the Enjoyment of these Advantages.  
FINIS.   

A RELATION OF A VOYAGE Made by the Sieur de Montauban, Captain of the French Privateers, ON THE Coasts of Guinea, In the Year 1695.  
WITH A Description of the Kingdom of Cape de Lopez; and an Account of the Manners, Customs and Religion of the Natives of that Country.  
London: Printed in the Year 1698.   

A LETTER to Monsieur  
SIR,  
I Have at last received the Relation of the Voyage, made by Capt. Montauband, commonly called Montauban, and I have sent it you printed. You will admire without all Doubt, as well as I, how by the means of his singular Prudence and Courage, he extricated himself from those weighty Pressures, under which any other Person in his Circumstances, would have unavoidably perished: You may also call to Mind in reading the beginning of this Narrative, that you had a sight of some of his Seamen at Bourdeaux, A. D. 1694. from whence he set out the next Year to undertake the Voyage, of which he here gives us a particular Account.  
He gave chase to divers Ships that he met during his Course, and engaged at Cape Verd, with a Frigate of 34 Pieces of Ordnance. At St. John's Cape he came up with an English Vessel of 20 Guns, and took her after a small Engagement. Afterwards he took a Caper of Brandenburg, and steered his Course to Angola. At last he discovered the English Guard-Ship, armed with 54 Pieces of Cannon near the Coast, and fought her during five or six Hours, till they both came to boarding with great Fury. But when he was just ready to master her, the English Captain set fire to his whole store of Powder, and both the Ships were blown up into the Air, with a most dreadful Noise and Havoc.  
You may have the satisfaction to take a view of so terrible a Shipwreck in this Narrative, as it were on the Sea shore, and to observe how Capt. Montauban makes his Escape with Fifteen or Sixteen of his Men. He suffered Hunger above Three Days, and at last arrived at Cape de Lopez, where he went to visit the King of the Country: He has given us a Description of the Court and Kingdom of that Prince; treating at the same time of his Religion, and forming a Project for the establishing of the Roman-Catholick in those Parts. He stood Godfather to the King's Grandson, by his Son Prince Thomas, and embarked in a Portuguese Vessel, to return to Europe. An English Man of his Acquaintance took him on board his Ship, and conveyed him to Barbadoes, where he was confined in a Chamber by the Order of M. Russel, Governor of the English Island. Afterwards he was set at Liberty, and transported to Martinica, where he was present at the Death of M. de Blenac, General of the French Islands. From thence he passed over into France, and continued very doubtful thither he should try his Fortune again by Sea or not.  
All these Particulars (Sir) are related in so plain and natural a Style, that you may clearly discern the Integrity and Generosity of the Author. Indeed it must be acknowledged that Sailors and other Persons, taken up with the Management of Maritime Affairs, eaten nothing near so polite, as those that have Employments on the Land, by reason that they do not keep so much Company, and have not an opportunity of conversing so frequently with the more refined Wits of the Age; but to make amends for this Defect, they are generally a great deal more sincere. Therefore you need not fear, lest a Sea-Captain should impose on your Credulity: Besides, I have often heard him making a Narration of the same Voyage, yet never could perceive him to vary in the least Circumstance; insomuch, that the Candour and free Air, with which he was wont to relate the bravest Actions that were performed in the Engagements, would soon persuade his Hearers to believe, that what he said was certainly true. Neither did he write this Narrative through Ostentation, since he himself sufficiently declares in the beginning of it, that he did it only to give an Account of his Expeditions to a Minister of State. Lastly, if you still doubt of the Fight, in which the Sieur de Montauban suffered Shipwreck, you cannot but remember that you have read it in the Gazettes of the Month of September or October, of the present Year.  
I am, SIR, Your most Humble, and most Obedient Servant, B***   

A RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF THE Sieur de Montauban, Captain of the French Privateers, on the Coasts of Guinea, A. D. 1695.  
AFTER having been so often made sensible of the Malignant Influences of the Planet that governs at Sea; and having, by the means of a cross Fortune, lost all the Goods which I had gathered together, with so great Care and Pains, I should take no Delight in calling to Mind the Misfortunes that put an end to my last Expedition; were it not that the Desire of being still more serviceable to the Public, and to Private Persons, as also to testify to his Majesty the fervent Zeal I had for his Service, did not oblige me to set Pen to Paper, to give some Account of my Observations to M. Phelipeaux, in which he may discern with what Earnestness I penetrated into the most remote Colonies of the Enemies, to destroy 'em, and to ruin their Commerce.  
I was not willing to enlarge this Relation with an Account of all the Voyages I made, and of all the particular Adventures that befell me on the Coasts of the New Spain, Carthagena, Mexico, Florida, New-York, New-England, Newfoundland, the Canary Islands, and Cape Verd, where I cruised up and down above Twenty Years, having begun to follow the practice of Navigation at the Age of Sixteen. I might also add the Expedition of the Year 1691. in which, being Commander of the Ship, called The Machine, I ravaged the Coasts of Guinea, entered the great River of Serrelion, seized on the Fort of the English, in which there were 80 pieces of Cannon, and caused 'em to be blown up, that they might not be refitted: But I will confine myself to the Narrative of my last Voyage, because 'tis the latest, and that which is still fresh in Memory, as having been made known buplickly by the Report that was spread abroad in France and elsewhere, about the firing of my Ship, and the blowing me up into the Air, after so prodigious a manner.  
In the Year 1684. after having ravaged the Coast of Carack I got the Wind to Santa Cruz, and was informed there, that a Convoy of Ships was to set out from the Islands of Barbadoes and Nevi● for England. Whereupon I was obliged to go to the Latitude of Bermudas, with a Design to seize on that small Fleet, and in hopes of getting a good Prize. I was no sooner arrived, but they appeared steering directly towards me, without any manner of Fear; but I attacked the Convoy, called the Wolf, with two other Merchant-Ships, laden with Sugar; the rest having found means to escape, during the Fight. As I was carrying off this Prize, I met with another English Vessel of Sixteen Guns, that came from Spain, and was likewise sailing for England: She surrendered after a slight Engagement, and I conveyed her to Rachel, where the Court of Admiralty adjudged her to me as lawful Prize. After having sold her, I brought my three other Ships to Bourdeaux, where I arrived in the Month of September, A. D. 1694. These were in like manner allowed to be good Prize, and I immediately sought for Merchants to dispose of 'em.  
In the mean while my Freebooters, who had not seen France for a long time, being now arrived in a great City, in which Voluptuousness and Luxury are predominant, were desirous to make themselves some amends for the Fatigues they had endured, during so long an Absence from their Native Country: Insomuch, that they riotously wasted vast Sums of Money, and gave way to all Actions of Extravagance. The Merchants and Victuallers made no scruple to trust 'em, or to supply 'em with whatever they desired, upon the Reputation of their Wealth, and the Report that was given out in the City, with reference to the great Prizes in which they had a Share. Thus they passed all the Nights in variety of Divertisements, and the Days in running about the Streets in Masquerade, causing themselves to be carried in Chairs, with lighted Torches at Noonday: This Excess of Debauchery destroyed some of 'em, and four others deserted me; so that perceiving that I lost my Men, notwithstanding all my Precaution, and all the Prohibitions that I could make, I determined to retire from the City as soon as 'twas possible, to preserve the rest of my Company.  
At first I filled up again the Vacancy of those that were lost, by an equal number of young Men of Bourdeaux, who in a short time were as capable of playing their Parts as the oldest. And indeed, I always take a particular Care to instruct my Men in the best manner of firing a Piece, and the frequent Exercise, with which I usually train 'em up, within a little while, renders 'em as expert in shooting right at a Mark, and in handling their Arms, as the most ancient Freebooters of the Sea, and the most skilful Hunters on Land.  
After having victualled my Ship, which carried about 34 Pieces of Ordnance, I set out from Bourdeaux in the Month of February, A. D. 1695. with a Design to cruise on the Coasts of Guinea, in Africa. To that purpose I passed to the Islands Azores, which lie in the 37th. Degree of Latitude, and roved up and down during Eight Days, without discovering any thing. From thence I steered to the Canary Islands, situated in the 25th. Degree, and descried the Pike of Teneriff at a very great distance, which is reputed to be the highest Mountain in the World. 'Tis reported that those Islands took their Name from Dogs, called Canes in Latin, great Numbers of which were found there by the Portuguese. I sailed round about 'em for Fourteen Days, to wait for certain Dutch Vessels, which (as I was informed) were to come that way; and indeed, they actually appeared, but entered the Port before I could come up with 'em; which Disappointment obliged me to steer my Course for Cape Blanc, and the Islands of Cape Verd, which lie between the 14. and the 18. Degree of Southern Latitude. Upon my Arrival, I met with two English Ships riding at Anchor in the Road of the Island of May. I sent out my Shallop to discover 'em; and forasmuch as she brought me word, that they were Privateers or Interlopers, of 30 Guns apiece, I took a Resolution to take 'em by boarding; and therefore tacked about, to make up to 'em: But whilst I was running a Course on one of the Points of the Island, those Vessels did not stay till I had tacked about again; but suspecting my Design, they speedily set sail, leaving their Cables, Anchors and Shallops on the Road.  
I pursued 'em all that day; but the Night approaching, I lost the sight of 'em, and returned to the Road, from whence they set out, to hoist up the Cables and Anchors, and to sink the Shallops, to which they were fastened. Afterwards I steered my Course to the Island of St. Vincent, to pay my Ship, and to take in fresh Water and Wood This Island is one of those of Cape Verd, or Green-Head, where I stayed Eight Days, and at the end of that Term, having received Information from a Portuguese Bark, that there were two English Privateers of 20 or 30 Guns at the Island of Fuogo, one of which was refitting, by reason of an Engagement she had with another Privateer, I immediately weighed Anchor, and made that Island, which is not very far distant from those of St. Vincent, hoping to meet with the Enemies there; but upon my Arrival I was informed by the Portugueses, that they had left the said Island de Fuogo, five Days before, in the Night, without giving any notice of their Course. Whereupon I steered mine to the Coasts of Guinea, and touched first at the Cape of three Points, where I met with the Guard-Ship which was a Dutch Frigate of 34 Pieces of Ordnance, and was cruising on the Main. She did not fail to descry me, and forthwith sailed directly towards me, to make a Discovery: Forasmuch as I also had a sight of her, and wished for an Opportunity to fight her, I caused a Dutch Flag to be set up, to avoid disheartening her, and to give her Liberty to draw near within my Canonshot. When I perceived her to be near enough, I put out the French Colours, and made a Signal co her to strike Sail● but she incontinently let fly a Broadside at me with a great deal of Courage and received mine in like manner. Thus we continued battering one another, from Morning, till Four a Clock in the Afternoon: Neither was I able to get the Wether gage, nor to come to a close Engagement, to make use of my B●●anier Fusees to good purpose, in which consists the principal Force of our Privateers, nor to hinder her, by the means of the Advantage of the Wind, which she still kept over me, from casting Anchor under the Fort of the Cape of the three Points; where there were also two there Dutch Men of War, one of which carried 14 Guns, and the other 18.  
I was apt to believe at first, that those three Ships would join together in quest of me; so that I tacked round about during a whole Day, to wait for 'em, and cast Anchor within a League of the Road, hoping that at last the Shame of seeing themselves insulted over, after such a manner, would excite 'em to endeavour to revenge the Affront. But all these Efforts were in vain, and apparently the Guard-Ship was too much disabled to stand in need of a second Engagement. A small Portuguese Vessel that passed by soon after, gave me to understand, that those Ships were the same, that had obliged the Sieur● Roy, Commander of the King's Pinks, called the Deep, to abandon the Coast, which was afterwards confirmed by the Sieur Roy himself, at the Prince's Island, where we happened to meet.  
Thus having perceived, that the Enemies refused to sight, and judging that in would be disadvantageous to me to attack 'em under the Cannon of the Fort; I took a Resolution to go to Cape de Lopez, and to the Islands of the Prince, and of St. Thomas. By the way, I went to discover St. John's Cape, which is on the Continent of Guinee, as well as that of this three Points, and I luckily met with an English Ship of 20 Guns, laden with 350 Negroes, Elephants Teeth, and Wax. It cost me no great trouble to take her, and the Captain told me that he came from Ardra, where he took on board 550 Negroes, some of whom he caused to be put to Death, for revolting against the Ship's Crew, and others made their Escape to Land in his Shallop, which they had taken away. Ardra is one of the principal Towns of Guinee, situated on the Seashore, being the usual Place of Residence of a Prince, who governs a large Tract of Land in that Country.  
From thence I passed to the Prince's Island, in the sight of which I took a small Caper of Brandenburg, armed with Eight Pieces of Cannon, and 70 Men: She was wont to cruise in that Latitude, and to seize on small Barks that passed by that way, without any Distinction of Nation or Colours. Afterwards I entered the Harbour, to cause my Ship, which was very soul, to be cleansed, and to dispatch the English Prize, I had taken just before: I sent her to St. Domingo, in America, to be condemned there, under the Command of the Sieur de Nave, with a sufficient number of Men, whom I took out of my own Ship. But I was informed some time after, that she was retaken by certain English Men of War, who were before the lesser Goeree.  
In the mean while, not to suffer my Mariners to lead an idle kind of Life, I gave Orders to the Officers to cause my Ship to be careened, and with the Brandenburg Caper I had taken, and 90 Men, whom I put on board's her, we steered our Course, during a Month and half, cruising up and down the Coasts of Guinee, or round about the Islands of the Prince, and of St. Omer, without meeting any Enemy. Afterwards I returned to the Road of the former of those Islands, where I caused my Ship to be victualled with all possible speed; and having made every thing ready, I weighed Anchor, and stood in directly for St. Thomas' Island, with a Design to sell or to truck away the Caper I had taken. And indeed, I bartered her for Provisions, not having a sufficient Store to serve us whilst we cruised along the Coasts of Angola, where I determined to pass five or six Months, to avoid a Privateer which the English were building in those Parts of Guinee: They actually fitted out three Men of War and a Fireship, to seek for me in the Road of St. Thomas, where they judged that I was to continue for some time. At my departure from that Island I descried a Ship riding at Anchor, and making towards her, I gave her Chafe for a long time, but I could not by any means hinder her from getting , and falling in with the Island of St. Omer. I mifsed in not taking her 150 Pounds of Gold Dust, which that Dutch Interloper had traded for on the Coast.  
Afterwards I steered to the Coasts of Angola, which are situated above 250 Leagues beyond the Equinoctial Line. I arrived there September 22. and got Information at the distance of three Leagues from the Port of Gabin●la, that there were two English Vessels, laden with Negroes. Forasmuch as I lay under the Wind of that Port, I kept off from the Shoar, hoping that the next day the South-west Wind, that usually blows from the Main, would convey me directly into the Port. That Morning, very early, I descried a Ship with English Colours making up towards me, yet I did not at first take her to be a Man of War, but discovered some time after, that she carried 54 Pieces of Ordnance. I used all the Precaution imaginable not to fright her away, and set up Dutch Colours to make up to her with greater Facility: The English Ship on the other side did almost the same thing, and by the Canonshot, which she boldly discharged from time to time, endeavoured to draw near us. Having perceived her Design, I feigned to wait for her coming up steering very slowly, to induce her to believe that my Ship was over loaded, or that our Course was hindered for want of Sails, or a sufficient Compliment of Men. We passed after this manner from Break of Day, till Ten a Clock in the Morning: She incessantly maintained her Flag with Canonshot without Balls; but perceiving at last that I did not do the like to make good mine, and that we were already come within Gun-shot one of another, she let off a Cannon load with Ball, which obliged me to put out French Colours, and to answer her Salute. At the sight of that Flag, the English Man of War, without endeavouring to get the Wind of us, let fly two Broadside, which I received without so Men killed: I stopped that being come a little nearer, I might render her uncapable of making an Escape; using my utmost Efforts to get close within Fusee-shot, determining to embolden her to come on Board, since I was not in a condition to board her, because we were to the Leeward. At last, having approached by little and little, and seeing her within the reach of my Fusileers, who lay hid under Deck, I caused 'em to get up, and they made so continual a Fire, that they soon abated that of the Enemies.  
In the mean while, forasmuch as their Company consisted of above Three Hundred Men, and they were also sensible that their Design could not be accomplished by the discharging of their Cannon, a Resolution was taken to board us, which they did with hideous Outcries, and Threats, to give us no Quarter, unless we surrendered: But their Grappling-Irons not being able to lay hold on the Stern of my Ship, theirs ran in such a manner, that she dashed her Poop against my Boltsprit, and broke it in pieces.  
Than my Men taking the Advantage of the Hurry and Disorder, lost none of their aim, and fired so furiously for an Hour and half, that the Enemy being no longer able to resist; and having lost many of their Mariners, began to despond, and retired underneath the Decks. I also perceived almost at that very instant that they made me a sign with their Hats to give 'em Quarter. Whereupon I caused my Men to desist from firing, and commanded the English to embark in their Shallops, in order to surrender themselves on board my Ship. At the same time I appointed some of my Attendants to leap into that of the Enemies, to seize on it, and to prevent all manner of Surprise. I was already overjoyed at the taking of so considerable a Prize; and so much the rather, in regard that after having mastered that Vessel, which was the Guard-Ship of Angola, and the largest that the English had in those Seas; I should be in a condition to ge● better Prizes, and to attack any Man of War whatever: My Men were no less joyful than myself; some of whom were going from on Board, and others were employed in veering the Cable, with a great deal of satisfaction, when on a sudden Fire, having taken the Powder in the Gun-room, by the means of a Match, which the Captain had left there, hoping to escape with his two Shallops; the Ships being grappled together, were both blown up into the Air, and made the most dreadful Noise that ever was heard. 'Tis impossible to make a lively Representation of that sad Spectacle; for since the Spectators were themselves the Actors in so bloody a Tragedy, they knew not whether they saw it or not, and were not able to judge, but of what they themselves had felt: Therefore leaving it to the Reader to imagine the Horror that might arise from the sight of two Ships that are blown up into the Air with Gunpowder, above the height of 200 
† Toises.  Fathoms, forming as it were an huge Mountain of Fire, Water, Fragments of the Ships, Cords, pieces of Ordnance and Men, with a deadly Havoc; during which, amidst the noise of the Guns that were let off in the Air, and of the roaring Waves that swelled upon all sides; one might also hear the horrible crashing of the shattered Masts and Tables, of the torn Sails and Cords; of the Men crying out, and of the broken Bones, leaving all that I say to the Imagination of the Reader, I shall only declare here what befell myself, and by what good Fortune I escaped.  
When the Fire took, I stood on the Deck of my Ship in the Forecastle, where I was giving Orders, and was blown up with some part of the Deck so violently, that (as I take it) the extreme Height, to which I was hurried, hindered me from being involved among the Fragments of the Ships, where I must inevitably have been crushed in a thousand pieces: I fell back into the Sea, quite stunned, and continued for a long while under Water without being able to recover myself; till at last struggling in the Water, as a Man, who is afraid of being drowned, I got above it, and caught hold of a piece of Mast that say near me. Then I cried out to some of my Men whom I saw swimming round about me, and exhorted 'em to be of good Courage, hoping that we might save ourselves if we could find some of our Shallops. But that which troubled me more than my own Misfortune, was the sight of two half Bodies, in which there was still some Remainder of Life, floating on the Water, and leaving the Place where they sunk stained with their Blood; as also to see round about me an infinite number of Limbs and Members torn from Bodies, and the greatest part of 'em spitted on the Sprinters of Wood In the mean while, one of my Men having espied an entire Shallop amidst the Wreck, that swum on the Water, told me that 'twas requisite to endeavour to stop a Hole therein, and to take out a small Boat, which was enclosed within it. Whereupon about Fifteen or Sixteen of us, who had escaped, made up to the Shallop, every one on his piece of Wood, and took so great Care to clear our Boat, that at last our Attempt proved successful. Thus we all got into it, and not long after saved our Master-Gunner, who had one of his Legs shot off in the Fight. We took up three or four Ours, or pieces of Planks, that served us for the same use. Then we sought for somewhat to make a Sail, and a small Mast; and after having furnished ourselves in the best manner we possibly could, we entirely relied upon the Divine Providence, which alone was able to secure our Life and Safety.  
As soon us I had ceased from Work, I found myself all over besmeared with Blood that run our of a Wound I received in my Head, and which was apparently occasioned by my being blown up. There fore Lint was made for me with my Handkerchief, and a Band with a piece of my Shirt, having first washed the Wound with Urine. The same thing was done for others of our Company, who were wounded, whilst our Shallop sailed without any sight of Land, neither did we know whither we were steering; but that which added to our Affliction was, that we had no Provisions, and had already passed three Days without either eating or drinking; insomuch, that one of our Men, quite worn out with Hunger and Thirst, drank so great a quantity of salt Water, that he burst. The greatest part of our Company vomited continually, whether they received any Injury from the Water they swallowed upon their falling into the Sea, as if befell me, or from that which they were nocessitated to drink. As for myself, I was a long time indisposed, so that my Body swelled extremely, and a great number of small Pimples broke forth throughout my Body: But I am apt to believe, the cure of my Dropsy, and the Health that I have in some measure recovered, and which is by degrees more and more restored, to be chief owing to a Quartan-Ague, that seized on me a little while after that Misfortune. I do not reckon up the other Inconveniences that were occasioned by so desperate a Blow, it being impossible that they should not befall any Person under my Circumstances. The Fire of the Powder burned all my Hair, my whole Face, and all over one side of my Body, and I became sensible of that Accident, which commonly happens among the Cannoneers, who serve at Sea; that is to say, I voided Blood through the Nose, Ears and Mouth. I know not whether the Blast of the Gunpowder produces that Effect, by excessively dilating the Vessels that contain the Blood in our Body, so that the ends of the Branches let it out, or whether the great Noise and Commotion that it causes in those Organs, opliges the Veins to open: But let the case be how it will, 'tis of no great moment, since this is not a proper Place to hold a Consultation of Physicians, as long as we are ready to be starved with Hunger; nor to inquire what became of all the English Men, when we had much ado to save ourselves.  
We continued our Course by rowing up the Current, because we knew it came from the Port of Cabinda; but forasmuch as the Wind was contrary, we could never reach it; and we were forced to content ourselves only to make Cape Corsa if it were possible, which is distan. Twelve Leagues from that of Cathersna, where we were not able to land, by reason of a Bar, which renders the Coast inaccessible. That was our Design, but Hunger hindered us from putting it in Execution, and 'twas requisite to overcome the Obstacles that Nature laid in our way, by getting  notwithstanding the Barnes which we did at last, with a great deal of Difficulty, hoping to meet with some Negro, who might supply us with Victuals. Therefore one of our Company being detach ' to seek for somewhat to appease our Hunger, had the good Luck to find in a Pond that the Sea had formed hard by, good store of Oysters sticking to certain Branches, and immediately ran to give us notice of this Discovery. Whereupon we all got up the Channel, to that Pond; and being arrived there, eat Oysters with a very good Appetite; opening 'em with Knives we had in our Pockets, which we lent one to another very charitably. After having spent two Day there, I divided my Men into three small Bands, and sent 'em to seek for Provisions and Habitations farther up the Land, with Orders to return to the Shallop in the Evening. I also went forth with the rest, but we did not meet with an Habitation, nor any Footsteps of Men. We only saw many Herds of Buffies, of the bigness of an Ox, which fled from us as we drew near 'em. Thus the whole Day being spent, without finding any thing, we all came back to the Shallop to feed upon Oysters, and took a Resolution to departed from that Place the next day, to go to Cape Corsa, to the Leeward of which is situated a large Port, where the Vessels that come from Cruising, take in fresh Water and Wood The Negroes who inhabit the Country as soon as they are informed of the Arrival of any Vessels, by the discharging of their Cannon, instantly repair to the Shoar, bringing Provisions to be exchanged for Brandy, Knives, Hatchets, and other Toys. They are obliged to take up their Habitation far from the Sea, by reason that all those Coasts are surrounded with Marshy Grounds. We were no sooner arrived at that Cape, but we heard a great noise made by the Negroes, who came to self Wood to the Ships that lay at Anchor in the Port, and I made enquiry among 'em, endeavouring to find out some of my Acquaintance: For since they had very frequently supplied me with necessary Refreshments, Wood and other Commodities in my other Voyages; I hoped to meet with some Persons that had Knowledge of me; but although I knew many of 'em, nevertheless 'twas almost impossible to persuade 'em, that I was Captain Montauban, in regard that I was so much disfigured; and they all took me for an Impostor that designed to impose on their Credulity. However, I took the Liberty to tell 'em in their Language, which I understood a little, that I was ready to starve with Hunger, and that I entreated 'em to give me somewhat to eat: But I could not prevail by any means whatever, and 'twas absolutely requisite for me to beg the favour of 'em to conduct me to Prince Thomas, who is the Son of the King of that Country, hoping that he would call to mind the good Offices I had formerly done him.  
At last I found means to introduce my whole Company into the Presence of that Prince. We passed at first thro' the Habitations of those Negroes, and began by little and little, to make some Impressions on their Mind; insomuch, that they gave us some Banna's, which are a kind of Figs, longer than one's Hand. The next day we arrived at Prince Thomas' Seat, but I was in so sorry an Equipage, that I could not make him take any Cognizance of me, by all the signs I gave him, either in the Moorish Language, or in that of the Portugueses, which he speaks very fluently. Forasmuch as in bathing with him one day, he had seen a Scar occasioned by a Musquet-shot I had received in my Thigh; he told me that 'twas requisite at that very Instant to know whether I really were Capt. Montauban; and if I were not the Person, he would take Care that I should lose my Head. Whereupon he asked me whether I had not such a Scar; so that after having showed it to him, he immediately embraced me, and told me that he was very much concerned to see me in so deplorable a Condition. At first he caused wholesome Victuals to be distributed to all my Retinue, and caused 'em to be lodged in separate Apartments, giving particular Orders to the Negroes, with whom they were quartered, to take all possible Care of 'em. As for myself, he retained me in his Court, and caused me continually to eat at his own Table. When I was a little refreshed, he acquainted me with his Intention to conduct me to his Father, whose usual Place of Residence was five or six Leagues distant from thence; that is to say, ten or twelve from the Seashore. Whereupon I gave him to understand, that I was very sensible of the Honour he did me, with extreme Satisfaction, and humbly entreated him at the same time to give me leave to take my Freebooters along with me, and to bestow on us some Pieces of Stuff to put us in an Equipage fit to appear before so great a Monarch: He condescended to grant every thing that I desired, so that three Days after, we set out altogether in a large Canoe, and passed up the River of Cape de Lopez, by reason that the Country is so full of Fens and Marshes, that one cannot travel through it by Land.  
Upon our Arrival at the King's Court, in a Village, consisting of three Hundred Cottages, covered with Palm-Tree-Leaves, where the King keeps his Wives and Relations, with some other Negro Families, that have obtained the greatest Share of his Favour; a Lodging was provided for me in Prince Thomas' Apartments, and all my Attendants were disposed of in others. We found the Inhabitants making great Lamentation and Mourning, because the chief Priest of their Religion, whom they called Papa, died that very Day; and in regard that the Funeral Pomp was to commence, which is usually continued for Seven Days, for Priests of his Quality. Indeed he was in great Veneration and Esteem among those People, who looked upon him as a Holy Man. Forasmuch as during the whole time of that doleful Solemnity, the King was in Mourning, and admitted none to public Audience, Prince Thomas advised me to wait patiently, and not to stir out of my Lodging, unless it were to visit his Majesty, because it was the Custom of his Nation.  
However, I could not forbear going to take a view of the Funeral Procession, yet could discern nothing but a great Concourse of People round about the Corpse of the Deceased Person. In the mean while, I was well entertained by the Order of Prince Thomas, who was gone to see his Father. Indeed there was no want of Banana's, Elephants Flesh, and River-Fish; but we had neither Bread nor Wine, nor any kind of Sauce, as it may be easily imagined. My Men were treated in like manner in their Apartments, during the whole time of our Abode in that Place.  
At the end of Eight Days Prince Thomas came to us, and introduced as into the Presence of the King his Father; he is a portly Negro, of a tall Stature, well shaped, and aged about Fifty Years; who, to do me greater Honour, upon his Son's Recommendation, went out of his House, on purpose to receive me, and advanced some Paces forward to meet me. He leaned on four or five Women, who supported him on all sides, showing a certain Grandeur, after a very confused and odd manner. He was surrounded with a great number of Negroes, armed with Lances and Fusees, which they discharged from time to time with very little Order: Many Trumpeters and Drummers marched before him, and at the Head of that Company were carried divers Standards, of the Colour of those of Holland. He had no other  than a piece of Cotton-Cloth, with white and blue Stripes, with which some Parts were only covered by several Folds made round about his Body.  
He was pleased to make me sensible of his Amity and Respect for me, by many Demonstrations; and having stretched out his Hand, told me, that 'twas the first time he gave it to any Man. When we were arrived at his House, he sat down at the Door, and caused me to be placed on one side, and his Son on the other. Then he asked me several Questions about the Grandeur and Power of the King my Master; and after I had acquainted him, that he alone at present carried on a War against the English and Hollanders, (of whom his Majesty had some knowledge, as having often seen 'em at Cape de Lopez) and that he likewise maintained it against the Germans and Spaniards, more potent Nations than the former, he told me that he was well satisfied with my Narrative, and that he had a mind to drink a Health to the King of France. Whereupon some Palm-Wine was immediately brought to him, which was not very disagreeable to the Palate, and his Female Attendants ferved him with it in a large Crystal-Glass. As soon as he began to take the Glass, the Negroes and Negresses, who attended in great numbers, held up his right Arm, and continually kept it steady in the same posture, till he had made an end of drinking. Afterwards a great noise was made with the Trumpets and Drums, and a Volley of Musket, or rather Fusee-shot.  
Then Prince Thomas asked me what was the Name of the King of Frande; and after I had made Answer that he was called Lewis the Great, he told me he was desirous that I should stand Godfather to a Child he had, aged only seven or eight Months, and that I should name him Lewis the Great; whereupon I could not forbear smiling a little. He promised me likewise that at the first Voyage I should make to his Country he would deliver him into my Hands, to be conveyed to France, and presented to the King, for whose Service he designed him; being well pleased that his Son should be educated after the manner of that Nation, and in the Court of so great a Monarch. I also engaged on the other side, that the very first time I should come back to Guinee, I would not fail to put him in mind of his Promise, to the end that at my Return to France I might set before the King the greatest Present that could possibly be made; namely, the Son of Prince Thomas. Pray assure him (said that Prince) that I am one of his particular Frineds, and that if he stand in need, of my Service I will pass over into France, with all the Lances and Fusees belonging to the King my Father; that is to say, with all the Forces of the Kingdom. Then the King resuming his Discourse gave me to understand, that he also would take a Progress thither in Person, if it were requisite, and immediately all the Negroes and Negresses made so hideous an Outcry, that I was extremely surprised: That Cry no sooner ceased, but the Fusileers discharged a Volley of all their Fire-arms, the Trumpets sounding, and Drums beating; and the Lance-men fell a running from one side to another backward and forward, with great Shouts; so that I could not choose but be somewhat frighted: And indeed, I did not know the meaning of that Uproar, neither was I able to recover myself, till I perceived that the King drank a Health to the King of France a second time, with the some Ceremonies as before; that; Prince Thomas pledged his Father, and that 'twas ordered that we should all drink at the same time. Which being done accordingly, the King caused two Loaves of Wax to be brought to him, made me a Present of 'em, desiring me to accept of 'em as a Mark of his Friendship, and afterwards entered his House.  
This Audience being thus concluded, Prince Thomas conducted me through all the Quarters of the Village, where he went to visit his Friends, and on the following Days we passed to divers other Villages, situated farther up the Country at the distance of five or six Leagues one from another. These People, the greatest part of whom never travelled to the Seashore, and consequently never had a sight of white Men, ran from all parts to see us, and brought us greater quantities of Fruit, and of Flesh, of Buffles and Elephants, than we could eat. The Elephants of that Country are not altogether like those of the East-Indies; being but of one kind, as also are those of Cofala, near Zanguebar, on the Eastern Coasts of Ethiopia. The Negroes eat 'em with a great deal of Delight, and esteem their Flesh beyond any other: They make their most sumptuous Feasts with 'em, and those who were desirous to do us most Honour, presented 'em to us instead of Buffles; on which, nevertheless I set a greater Value.  
Forasmuch as they were not able to comprehend the difference of Colour between our Complexion and theirs, they stroked our Faces with their Hands, to see whether the white Colour would pass away; nay, divers of our Company had their Hands scraped with Knives, sometimes even till they were hurt, yet we durst not complain of that rough usage: However, Prince Thomas perceiving it, commanded his Attendants not to suffer 'em thus to rub and scratch our Fingers, and spoke aloud to the People that ran after us, telling 'em that all Foreigners were white, and that if the Negroes travelled into other Countries, they would appear as strange to those Natives, as we did among them in Guinee. Nay, he often smiled to see the Multitude continually running after us, as if we had been some unknown Animals; and I know not whether he were displeaed to see us thus pestered by the Importunity of the Negroes, or whether he might not take some Delight in observing the Sottishness of those People: And indeed, I had sometimes an opportunity to take notice of all their extravagant Fopperies.  
At last, after three Days Journey, accompanied with variety of Divertisements, the Prince conveyed me through another Road to take leave of his Father. The King caressed me in a most obliging manner, according to the Custom of his Nation, and made me promise to visit him the first time I returned to Guinee. Afterwards we embarked in his Canoe, and arrived the next day at Prince Thomas' Village, where he continued the noble Entertainments, with which he was wont to treat us. Then he told me that he was desirous that I should perform the Office of a Godfather to his Son, and I complied so much the more willingly, in regard that I had an Opportunity of contributing somewhat to the making of a Christian, and the sanctifying of a Soul.  
But forasmuch as I doubted whether the Priest of the Village knew how to baptise, or remembered the Words that ought to be pronounced in the Administration of that Sacrament, I entreated the Prince to provide some of those Priests who were in the Portuguese Vessels, and he accordingly sent for one to Cape de Lopez, who arrived two Days after. The Christian Religion was first introduced into that Country by the Portugueses, altho' it be true indeed, that they do not maintain it therein as much as it is requisite: But the Obstacles that hinder the Propagation of it, proceed without doubt from the difficulty of inhabiting an almost wild and barren Country, where the Air and Provisions are not natural to Foreigners: Therefore in order to its firm Establishment in those Parts, 'twould be expedient for the Europeans to have settled Habitations, or to build Towns there, to instruct the Negroes in the Articles of Faith, and Mysteries of the Gospel, and to send Missions thither from time to time; which might be done with great Facility, by reason that those People are extremely docil, and very capable of imbibing good Principles, and of embracing any Doctrine that one would go about to teach 'em, since they have lived for a long time without any manner of Belief, or any Idea of another Religion. These Negroes being thus converted to Christianity, some of 'em might be ordained Priests, who might be furnished with Rituals, and other Books relating to the Ceremonies of the Church, and a Catechism for the regulating of their Faith, till they were capable of reading the New Testament. It would also be requisite to establish a Bishop in that Town, who should take care to send Priests into the several Habitations of the Negroes throughout the Country, and to cause Oratories to be built in the most populous Places.  
Thus the Christian Religion might be propagated in Guinee, and would be less liable to be extirpated by the Wars that the Natives make with foreign People. A Reformation might also be effectually carried on among the Christians, who reside in the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, and a mutual Correspondence might be maintained between the Priests of that Nation, and those of Guinee, to the end that they might assist one another in the Preservation of Religion throughout all the Coasts of Africa. Indeed Christianity was planted almost after the same manner among the Gentiles, who had a much greater Aversion to our Faith, than the Negroes of Guinee have at present. The Priests, who are to be found thereabouts, are not for the most part real Priests; not having been ordained by any Bishop, and having only substituted themselves in the room of those who died in their Country: Neither have they retained any thing that savours never so little of Christianity, altho' they perform may Ceremonies, and have some Appearance of the Administration of the Sacraments.  
But to return to our private Christening; upon the Arrival of the Portuguese Priest, Prince Thomas' Son was actually Baptised, and named Lewis the Great, according to his Father's Intention: A certain Negress of his Relations stood Godmother, and I myself was Godfather. I was told that that Lady bore the name of Antonia, which she received from the Wife of a Portuguese Captain, who held her at the Baptismal Font. Two or three Days after the Celebration of this Solemnity, which was performed with all the Magnificence that could be expected among the Negroes; some of prince Thomas' Guards, who were posted, at Cape de Lopez, to give notice of the Arrival of the Ships, came to acquaint him with that of an English Vessel. Whereupon I entreated him to give me leave to embark therein, to return to my native Country, in order to my perfect Recovery from that illness, under which I still laboured. But he was not willing that I should put myself into the Hands of my Enemies; and desired me to have a little Patience, till the Arrival of some Portuguese, with whom he would readily permit me to go. However, he went to Cape de Lopez, to truck away Elephants Teeth, Wax, and Negroes, for Iron, Arms and Brandy, and returned after ten or twelve Days, when he told me, that a Portugese Vessel lay at Anchor at Cape de Lopez; that 'twas requisite to cause myself to be conveyed in Canoes, to embark there; that he had recommended me to the Captain; and that I should want nothing that was necessary for me during my Voyage to Europe.  
Then I took care to get all my Men together, except two, whom I did not think fit to wait for, because they had taken a Progress into the Country for five or six Days, and I knew not where to find 'em. Therefore we embarked in the Canoes of that Prince, after having solemnly taken my leave of him; and being arrived at Cape de Lopez; I perceived that the Portugese Commander was an old Acquaintance of mine, with whom I had contracted Friendship at the Island of St. Thomas. Whereupon I took Ship with him, and three Days after, we cast Anchor before the same Island; the Governor of which showed me a world of kindness, and did the like to all my Men, during a whole Month that we were obliged to stay in that Port. At the expiration of that time, an English Ship arrived, which had been steering her Course on the Golden Coasts. I soon got into the Acquaintance of the Captain, and at last we became so intimate Friends, that I thought myself bound in Honour to accept of the kind Offers he made me, He entreated me to embark with him, and assured me, that at Barbadoes, to which place he was bound, I should meet with all the Supplies, necessary for the recovering of my Health; because there were certain able Jewish Physicians, who were his particular Friends. Therefore I went on board his Ship, with all my Men, notwithstanding all the Reasons alleged by the Governor of the Island, to induce me to suspect the English Captain, who was without doubt one of the most courteous and upright Men of his Nation: He was so kind as to resign his  to me, and to afford me all the Delights and Divertisements that can be imagined, to mitigate the Pains I endured from time to time.  
Ten Days after our Departure from St. Thomas, having lost the Rudder of our Ship, we were obliged to set up a Mast in its place, which was put through the Portholes of the Gun-room, and we were forced to steer with it, during the whole time of our Voyage, which continued three Months. When we stood in for Barbadoes, our Provisions began to fail, and there only remained what was sufficient for three Days, insomuch, that the Captain being much offended at his being overcharged with my Men, ordered three quarters of their Allowance to be retrenched; and as soon as we arrived in the Port, went to salute M. Russel, who was Governor of the Island. He gave him a particular Account of the Engagement I had with the Guard-Ship of Angola, and was very much blamed for bringing me to Barbadoes. Afterwards, returning to his Ship, he related to me every thing that was discoursed between him and the Governor, who forbidden him under pain of Death, to suffer me to land: However, he did not acquaint me with the Prohibition, but contented himself only to advise me not to go ashore, to avoid giving any cause of Suspicion to M. Russell, which Order I promised punctually to observe, not being solicitous to take any further Cognizance of a Place, which was well known to me a long time ago, and being unwilling to give the least Offence to my Captain.  
The next day, many Jews, who were turned out of Martinica, came to visit me upon the Report of my Arrival; and perceiving me to be very much indisposed and weakened, they sent to me divers Physicians of their Nation, who told me that I could not be cured, unless I were brought , proffering at the same time to solicit the Governor on my behalf, to give leave, that I might be conveyed into a House on the Port. Whereupon I drew up a Petition to M. Russel, in which I entreated him to grant me such a Licence, promising that I would not stir out of the Chamber that should be appointed for my Lodging, only to re-embark, and to cause myself to be transported to Martinica. However, the Physicians themselves were obliged to be my Bail, and I was at last conducted to the House of one M. Jacob Lewes, where great Care was taken of me during the whole time of my Abode in that Place.  
Three Days after I was carried thither, the Major-General came to see me by the Governor's Order; very generously promised me his Protection, and offered his Service, especially to procure me any thing that might be necessary for the Restauration of my Health: Yet I was visited from time to time by the same Major, and every day by a Captain of the Garrison; who came not so much to inquire after the State of my Health, as to observe, whether I should ere long be in a condition to be transported out of the Island. M. Russel himself came in like manner ten or twelve Days after my Arrival, to know whether it were true that I was really so ill as it was reported: He also gave me a second Visit seven or eight Days after, in the Evening, and caused me to be removed from the Jew's House where I lodged, to that of an English Merchant: He told me at the same time, that I should be better accommodated there than I had been at M. Jacob Lewis'; but the real Intention was, that I should be better guarded, and that I might not have an Opportunity of discoursing with so many People. The next day he came again to see me, and asked me how I liked my new Quarters. I hearty thanked him for the good Offices he had done me, and to the end that he might not have cause to suspect my Men, I entreated him to give Orders, that they should be confined in the Citadel, to prevent them from straggling about the Island, and from making their Escape.  
Then M. Russel told me, that he intended to do so; but that I ought to understand that they were Prisoners of War, as well as myself. I replied, That I was not ignorant of it; and that I thought myself happy in falling into his Hands; but that the English Captain, who brought me to Barbadoes, had passed his Word that I should not be retained nor any of my Company: That upon his Protestations of inviolable Fidelity, and the Offers of Service he made me, I ventured to embark, relying on the marks of Friendship, which he had already shown: Then I added, that my Request to him was only to grant me my Liberty, and that of my Men, promising that I would ever be mindful of the Favour, either, in restoring the Prisoners whom I might carry off from the Islands, if I should take up Arms again, or in paying him what Ransom he should think fit to reqire.  
No, Sir, (said M. Russell) I will neither have your Ransom, nor your Prisoners; for you are so gallant a Man, that your Misfortune and Illness cannot but be pitied, and therefore on the contrary, I would entreat you to accept of Forty Pistoles, of which I make you a Present, to supply you with Necessaries. He gave 'em me in a Purse, which without doubt he brought for that very purpose, and at his Departure acquainted me that he was going to give Orders, that my Men should be got together again. The next day he sent me two of 'em, who told me, that they did not know what was become of the rest, and that they had Orders from the Governor to stay with me: I had the Liberty to send 'em abroad, to procure any thing that I stood in need of, and at last finding myself somewhat strengthened by the means of the extraordinary Care that my Landlord took of me, I acquainted the Officer, who visited me every day, that I would beg leave of the Governor to embark in the first Vessel that should set out from Martinica.  
Three Days after there arrived a Bark, which the Count de Blenac, General of the French Islands, sent for the exchanging of Prisoners. M. Russel gave me notice of its Arrival, and that I should prepare for my embarking therein. Then I had the Liberty to go to his House to thank him for all the Kindnesses he had shown me. He told me that he was sorry he was obliged by the Law of Arms not to allow me more Freedom than I had, and that he entreated me to afford a favourable Entertainment to the English Men who should fall into my Hands. Afterwards I went on board the French Bark, which was commanded by the Sieur Courpon, formerly an Inhabitant of St. Christopher's; but I could not regain any of my Freebooters, except those two, who were sent to me by M. Russel, as I have already hinted.  
We disimbarked at the Royal Fort of Martinica, and I repaired with my two Men to the Town, to give a Visit to M. de Blenac, who was seized with the last Fit of Sickness, of which he died. I gave him a particular Account of all my Adventures, and I perceived him to be much surprised to hear a Relation of so great Disasters. Forasmuch as he was desirous that I should lodge in his House all the time that I stayed at Martinica, he made me every day repeat the particular Circumstances of my Engagement with the English Ship; and at last having found an Opportunity of conveying me to France, he sent to inquire after the Captain of a Vessel that was bound for that Kingdom, and recommended me to his Care. He determined likewise to give me Recommendatory Letters for M. Phelipeanx, to procure me, some Employment; but the day before my departure, he fell into so great weakness, that he was no longer in a condition to write, and died that very Evening, June 10. Indeed I had all the reason in the World to be very much concerned at his Death; for M. De Blenac, who was a Person of singular Qualities, took delight in being serviceable to all Mankind; and more especially had a tender Compassion for those that were in a distressed Condition, or lay under the Pressures of ill Fortune, as my Case was at that time: He always endeavoured to be beforehand with 'em, relieving 'em in their Necessities, as soon as they came to his Knowledge, and made a voluntary Proffer of the Favours he was ready to bestow, even before they could well be sued for. In a word, he was a Man of an Heroic Courage, and a skilful Navigator, well versed in Maritime Affairs; knowing all the Coasts and Latitudes of the Continent of America, and highly esteemed by the King for his Integrity, Jestice and Prudence, and for all the signal Services he had done the State, in matters relating to Trade, and the discovery of the Islands.  
The next day after his Death, I went on Board the Virgin, a Vessel of Bourdeaux, which was also built there, and after a few Days Passage; at last I arrived safe in the Port of that City, with many different and contrary Sentiments. I know not whether I shall bid adieu to the Sea for ever, having been so much disheartened by my last Misfortune; or whether I shall embark once again to revenge the Indignities put upon me by the English; or whether I shall undertake another Voyage, to get a small Estate; or whether I shall stay at home in Tranquillity, contenting myself with the peaceable Enjoyment of what my Relations have left me. However, 'tis certain, that Maritime Voyages are apt to create in Men almost the same Passions as Gaming: For as the losing Gamester, notwithstanding the ill Luck he has so often had before, does not believe that he shall always be unfortunate, but is still egged on by I know not what Impulse to venture farther; so we Mariners, whatever Disasters may have befallen us at Sea, are continually buoy up with the hopes of meeting with a fair opportunity to indemnify ourselves for all our Losses. Upon the whole, I am apt to believe, that into whose Hands soever my Narrative may happen to fall, they will find it very difficult to give me Advise as to the Matter in Debate, and even to take it themselves.  
FINIS.