A TORY Plot: OR THE DISCOVERY OF A DESIGN Carried on by our late ADDRESSERS AND ABHORRERS, To Alter the Constitution of the Government, And to Betray the PROTESTANT RELIGION.  
By Philanax Misopappas.  
LONDON, Printed for N. L. to be sold by Richard Janeway, 1682.   

TO THE READER.  
I Am so hearty desirous of an Union amongst all that go under the Name of Protestants, against the Common Enemy the Papists, that I would never have singled out any of them under so black a Character as the Title gives them, if their designs had not been so palpable, and to unite with them were not to endeavour to alter the Constitution of the Government, and to give the Protestant Religion its fatal blow. I am far from laying this charge upon all the subscribers of our late Addresses: for as there are many of them such as no good subject would refuse to subscribe, if he did not think them needless: so I have that charity for many that were induced to subscribe even the most obnoxious, that they did it rather in complacence to the importunity of the Promoters, than to serve any bad design. But I cannot so acquit the Contrivers of them; as none that loves the English Laws and Liberties and the Protestant Religion, will (I believe) think there is any reason I should, when he has read the following Animadversions. Whether the Presenters were chosen out of the chief of these, or whether they were but made use of like the Cat's foot, (that the odium and it may be punishment might one day rest upon them) I cannot tell: But if one may make an estimate of the Promoters in general, by some of those that presented them, Esq Duppa will tell you they did not very well deserve that countenance and honour that was given them for their labour. For it was somewhat pleasant to observe our young Knights ranked in the Gazette (Nou. 10. last) with Runaway servants and strayed Horses, for not paying their Fees; and threatened, that course would speedily be taken for recovery thereof, according to His majesty's late Order and Directions thereupon.  
As to the Discourse itself, I must beg the Reader's patience while he peruses the former part of it, if he think I am too long in coming to the business: for it was necessary first to take a view of the just and orderly proceed of the late Parliaments, if one would expose the designs of our Addressers that have loaded them with so many Calumnies. It is an undoubted privilege of Parliament, that none should be questioned out of it for any thing spoken or transacted in it: And yet at how many Barrs have the whole House of Commons been of late arraigned and condemned? Common humanity teaches to speak well of the dead, though faulty: but to revile ones own flesh and blood when gone, though truly Loyal and faithful, is intolerable barbarity. But when his Majesty shall say to these dry bones, Live, and they shall stand upon their feet, they will be the fittest to declare their resentment of such profane trampling upon their Ashes.   

ERRATA.  
Pag. 10. l. 15. r. Addressers. p. 16. l. 21. r. unreasonable p. 23. l. 13. deal by.   

THat there has been a design carried on for many years of extirpating the (miscalled) pestilent heresy of Protestantism, and re-establishing the Roman Catholic Religion in these Kingdoms, none, after so evident and repeated proofs of it, can have the impudence to deny; and least of all should we expect it of them who have pretended that deference to the public judgement (or Conscience, as they term it) of the Nation, that they have delivered it as their opinion, that every private one ought to conform to it. For if the unanimous resolution of three or four Parliaments, and the sundry intimations and acknowledgements of several Proclamations are not in their opinion a sufficient declaration of the common or public judgement, nor that, a competent ground to settle their belief upon, I know not what can be supposed to be. For though perhaps when they talk of a public Conscience, they mean none but the Kings; yet if ever the King be infallible, I would the readiliest expect him to be so, when he has the concurrent advice and consent of the whole Nation. And I think it most reasonable to assert, That there is infinitely greater cause and security for conforming our belief to the opinion of the King, Lords and Commons in a matter of fact examined with the greatest care and scrutiny, than that our practice should exactly square to their Laws (be the matter of them never so controvertible) which yet these Gentlemen will affirm they ought to do.  
Supposing then that the aforesaid Resolves and Proclamations were not made nor issued without th' maturest deliberation, and fullest assurance of the truth of those Testimonies and Evidence that occasioned them; it cannot be reputed too great credulity to believe, that Popery was to be introduced by those means and methods that the discoverers of the Plot attested. Those are so well known, that I shall not need to enter upon particulars. As to Scotland and Ireland, in which the design was laid as well as in England, affairs have been so managed, that it is still as to us kept in a great measure secret. But as to England, a Nation always jealous of their Rights and Liberties, it was despaired that she would ever be wheedled to put on the Roman yoke; and therefore there was no hopes of bringi g that about but by force And now there wanted a plausible pretence to get up an Army. We were secure and quiet at home, and therefore no occasion for any standing Army to quell Insurrections, which was the occasion of getting one a foot in our neighbour Nation. We were at Amity with all Christendom, therefore no reason to stand upon our guard or arm for our defence. But the genius of the English being most adverse to the French, the making a show of a War with them, was hoped would be least opposed or suspected. And though a great many of the more sagacious could hardly believe that we sincerely intended to force the French to end that War that we had encouraged them to begin, and enabled them with Men, Horses and Ammunition (in abundance) to prosecute: yet so apprehensive were the greater number of the danger of the growing greatness of that Monarch, and so willing to believe what they so earnestly desired, that not only was the King Imposed upon by those that were about him, but the Parliament thereupon assembled, induced to comply with the design. Accordingly an Army of thirty thousand men or upwards is appointed to be raised, and a proportionable Tax Levied for their Pay: But still as the Forces increased, the more eager were our Plenipotentiaries at Ni●eguen for making up a Peace. Which at last was got patched up with so little advantage to the Confederates, whose quarrel we made a show to espouse, that they have lost more by the Peace than they had done by the War. And now one would have thought the new raised Army should have been presently Disbanded; but as we used to say, It is easier to raise the Devil than to lay him again, so this Army that was got together by one Sessions of Parliament, was hardly got dissolved by two. But for this also there wanted not a pretence; That it was necessary to continue in Arms till our Neighbours had disbanded, and the Articles of the Peace (as to restoring of Towns, etc.) fulfilled. But by this time the Vizard was pulled off the design, and every one saw it in its own complexion. For in the mean time had the most execrable Plot that ever was contrived in the World, been discovered; wherein having resolved on the Murder of His Majesty, assoon as that should be accomplished, and the D. of Y. should arrive at the Crown, this Army, into which many known Papists, but more, Popishly inclined, had already been thrust (and which might have been modelled at pleasure by the new Sovereign) was to have been employed in this most horrid villainy. Not that by this alone they could compass their ends, though there had not been a man in it but what was devoted to their Interest (of which I believe there were many) but this was one step towards the effecting the Tragedy of a Massacre. But besides this open Force, they had listed underhand a greater, of which Dr. Oats his Narrative acquaints you with the chief Officers. But above all, their reliance was upon the French, who was now got clear of the Confederates, and was at leisure to serve their ends and his own ambition. But by the good providence of God, none of those weapons that were form against His Majesty prospered, but he still remains alive the protector of our Religion, Lives and Liberties. Though if any of the Instruments they employed had dispatched him out of the way, they were not unprovided of a pretext to make the odium of it fall upon their greatest enemies. An intimation of which they gave us in procuring Mr. Claypoole to be sent to the Tower about that time, whose relation to Cromwell might make him to be presumed the greater Confident of his party. It was suggested he should say, That he and two hundred more had resolved to kill the King. It matters not how ridiculous such a Deposition seems at this time of day; but if the King had been cut off before the Papists were suspected or discovered to have such a design, there are enough who bear themselves high upon the name of Protestants, that would sooner have believed the fanatics to have committed the Fact, than the Papists, and would have been ready to have joined with the Papists to their utter extirpation. And these Nominal Protestants are the men whose designs I shall now apply myself to trace and discover.  
The Long Parliament who first made a considerable enquiry into the Popish Plot being dissolved, and the next that followed being by their sudden dissolution prevented from bringing those to their Trials that the former had committed; there sprang a jealousy in the hearts of many, that some about His Majesty, who influenced his Counsels, were either themselves concerned in the Plot, or had too great a kindness for those that were, seeing they thus obstructed the further discovery of it, and prevented the prosecution of the Conspirators. But lest this disappointment should prove fatal to His Majesty, and give the Papists and their Adherents too much scope and opportunity of still carrying on and perfecting their wicked designs, several worthy and Noble Peers out of their great affection to their Sovereign whom they apprehended in minutely danger, and zeal to the Protestant Religion and for the English Liberty, both which were bound up in His Majesty's Life, Petitioned His Majesty for the Sitting of the Third, which was chosen, but not as yet Assembled. Those that had advised the untimely dissolution of the former, and the prorogation of this, were alarmed hereupon, and possess His Majesty that such petitioning was tumultuous, and contrary to I know not what Law of King James, and advise him to prohibit it by Proclamation. At the same time their little Emissaries were ordered to discourage it every where, and among the rest Sir George Jefferies here in the City, who (as the Parliament in their Address against him word it) Well knowing that many of His Majesty's Loyal Protestant Subjects, and particularly those of His Majesty's great and famous City of London, out of Zeal for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, His Majesty's Royal Person and Government, and in hopes to bring the Popish Conspirator to speedy Justice, were about to Petition to His Majesty in an humble, dutiful and legal way, for the Sitting of this Parliament, the said Sir George Jefferies not regarding his duty to His Majesty, or the welfare of His People, did on purpose to serve his own private ends, and to create a misunderstanding between His Majesty and His good Subjects, though disguised with pretence of Service to high Majesty, maliciously declare such petitioning, sometimes to be Tumultuous, Seditious and Illegal, and at other times did presume publicly to insinuate and assert, as if His Majesty would deprive His Citizens of London of their Charters, and divers other Privileges, Immunities and Advantages, and also of His Royal Favour, in case they should so Petition, &c] But notwithstanding these discouragements, many Counties and Corporations did Petition the King to the purpose aforesaid; which thes Gentlemen not being able to prevent, they framed an Anti-petition, under the Notion of an Abhorrence, wherein they endeavoured as much as in them lay to induce his Majesty to conceive a sinister opinion of the honest and humble desires of his most loving and loyal Subjects. And their insinuation had that effect, that it was many Months ere the Parliament was permitted to Sit. In the mean time our Pulpits began to Echo with the Mischiefs of Separation, the danger the Church and State were in from fanatics; R. L' estrange struck up his Fiddle, and played us the Old Tune of Forty one; he industriously laboured to bring the Witnesses of the Popish Plot under suspicion of combination and perjury; Sir Robert Yeomans and Sir Robert Cann of Bristol, with Thompson a person fit for their Chaplain, avowedly declare, that there was no Popish Plot but a Presbyterian Plot; and it has been the common Cry of the whole Herd from that time to this, That His Majesty and the Church of England was and is in as great or greater danger from the Dissenters than from the Papists. But notwithstanding all the prejudice they endeavoured to create in His Majesty against his loving and faithful Subjects, he was so careful of his own and his people, safety, as to assemble this long desired Parliament in October 80. What opinion the House. of Commons had of our Abhorrers, as these Gentlemen have not yet forgotten, so they have given bystanders some diversion to observe how ever since they have resented their treatment. We shall only observe what thanks the Commons conned G. Earl of H. who was believed to have a principal hand in dissolving the last, and staving off the sitting of the present Parliament. In an Address against him to the King they thus express themselves: That being deeply sensible of the manifold dangers and mischiefs, which have been occasioned to this Kingdom by the dissolution of the last Parliament, and by the frequent Prorogation of this present Parliament, whereby the Papists have been greatly encouraged to carry on their Hellish and damnable Conspiracies against His Majesty's Royal Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion now established amongst us, and have had many opportunities to contrive false and malicious Plots against the Lives and Honours of several of His Loyal Protestant Subjects; and having just reason to believe that the said dissolution was promoted by the evil and pernicious Counsels of G. Earl of Hallifax; Do therefore most humbly pray his Majesty— That he would be graciously pleased to remove the said G. Earl of H. from his presence and counsels for ever. But notwithstanding this Address he still keeps his station. Sir Rob. Yeomans upon confessing the accusation against him and begging pardon of the House, is dismissed. But Sir Rob. Cann reviling his Accusers, and especially being a Parliament man, for him to be guilty of such an expression, was so great an aggravation, that being expelled the House, he is committed to the Tower. Thompson's punishment was prevented by the dissolution of the Parliament.  
And now the Parliament according to the direction of his Majesty, vigorously prosecute the Plot, try all the ways and methods whereby his Majesty's safety might be insured and Religion secured. As for themselves, they present an Address, declaring their resolution to preserve and support the King's Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad; for which the King thanked them hearty. As to the Plot, they appoint a Committee to inspect and to take an Abstract of the Journals of both Houses, as to matters relating to it; upon the Report whereof they resolve Nemine contradicente, That the D. of York 's being a Papist, and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown, hath given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present designs and Conspiracies against the King and Protestant Religion.] And, That in the defence of the King's Person and Government, and of the Protestant Religion, this House doth declare, That they will stand by his Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes; and that if his Majesty shall come by any violent Death (which God forbidden) they will revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists. Hereupon they bring in a Bill and pass it, for securing the Protestant Religion, by disabling James D. of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging; but with a Proviso, that it should extend to the person of the Duke of York only. But the Lords rejecting this Bill, and thereby the most probable Expedient the Commons could think of, for the security of his Majesty and the Protestant Religion being frustrated, they then in a Committee of the whole House make these two Resolves, First, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, That as long as the Papists have any hopes of the D. of York 's succeeding the King in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging, the King's Person, the Protestant Religion, and the Lives, Liberties, and Properties of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, are in apparent danger of being destroyed.] The Second, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, That the House be moved, nThat a Bill be brought in for an Association of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, for the safety of his Majesty's Person, the defence of the Protestant Religion, and the preservation of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects against all Invasions and Oppositions whatsoever; and for the preventing the Duke of York, or any Papist from succeeding to the Crown.] To both which Resolves the House agreed. As to this Bill of Association, we shall have occasion to speak to it afterwards: but as to the Bill of Exclusion, we must say something of it here, the rather, because our late Addresses and Abhorrers have taken occasion thence to revile this incomparably Loyal House of Commons with endeavours of subverting the Government. And I shall demonstrate both its Legality, its Equity, and its Expediency.  
1. As to its Legality, I could never hear more than two things opposed, the one, that Kings holding their Crowns by right of Primogeniture, it is against the Law of Nature to put by the next Heir; the other, that it is against the Oath of Allegiance. The first is so silly an Allegation, that one would think no man that has heard of the several forms of Government in the World, or read the History of his own Nation, could have the confidence to insist upon it. In how many Kingdoms has force and violence and the longest Sword settled an absolute Monarchy? How oft has that yoke been shaked off, and the Government turned into a Free State? How many different models of both Monarchies and States are there at this day in the World? and yet none of them (that I know of) but are, and aught to be, owned by the Subjects for lawful Governments, and submitted unto for the Lord's sake. If Princes held by this right, how impossible were it for them to make out their Title ab origine, if questioned? Or shall we say, that all States live contrary to the Law of Nature, because they retain not this form of Government? What shall we say of God's giving the Kingdom of Israel to Saul of the Tribe of Benjamin the youngest of Jacob's sons, or to David the youngest of his Father's sons, and of the Tribe of Judah, while none of Reuben's Offspring ever sat upon the throne? Or if God may by prerogative dispense with this Law, how came David to put Adonijah by the throne, and seat Solomon in it? Here in England King William 2. was King William 1. his third son, and yet was advanced to the Crown, and his eldest Brother Rtobert shamm'd off with a Dukedom. King S ephen succeeded H. 1. though that King had a daughter, Maud the Empress, then living, and Stephen had also an elder Brother, named Theobald. King John was admitted to the Crown, though his elder Brother's son was living. It were endless to give Instances both out of sacred and profane History of the like nature. Away then with this extravagant fancy, and let the Sovereign Powers think their right sufficiently proved by the Law of the Land, by their present quiet possession, and the Allegiance of their Subjects. But now this Oath of Allegiance is pretended not only to oblige those that take it, to the present Sovereign, and to his lawful Successors after his decease, but even in his life-time. To this it is obvious to say, that it is a Solecism and Nonsense to affirm that any one is a man's Heir or Successor while himself lives; for the Successor only commences such at his Predecessor's death: And therefore he that intentionally swears Allegiance to the former in the life-time of the latter, is in plain terms a Traitor. For the plain intent and meaning of the Oath is no more than this, That seeing in Monarchies that are hereditary there is no Interregnum, but upon the death of the present Sovereign his Successor is immediately invested in his power, it is prudently provided by this Oath that the Subjects Allegiance shall not be suspended till the new Sovereign's Coronation, that thereby the mutual stipulation might be renewed: but as the Heir's entering upon the Gevernment does imply that he accepts it upon the same conditions as his Predecessor held it; so does this Oath as effectually bind the Subject before the Coronation as after. And hereby are very great hazards and inconveniences prevented: for Multa cadunt inter calicem supremaque labra; and the Coronation being usually performed with great pomp and ceremony, many accidents may happen, before all things can be prepared for the Solemnity, that may require the utmost service of the people, and therefore 'tis requisite they should in the mean time be under his command. But now all the question is, Whether such a particular man has so unalterable a right to be such a ones Heir, that no Crime can forfeit that right, no Power annul it? What the Crime in our present case is, we should better have known, if the hasty dissolution of so many Parliaments, and a Noli prosequi had not hindered. But that we may resolve this Query, let us make a Fiction of Case. Suppose the present King and his Ancestors for several Generations sincere and hearty professors of the Protestant Religion, swearing at their Coronation that they will defend and protect it, as the most considerable branch of the Law of the Land. And suppose him that expects to be Heir, perverted from this to the Popish Religion, notwithstanding the examples of his Ancestors and the Commands of his Martyred Father to the contrary. Suppose his principal Servant and greatest Confident bragging of the apparent likelihood of rooting out this pestilent Northern Heresy, and of the zeal of his Master in the Cause; declaring that his Master's and a Neighbouring Monarch's Interest (the most dangerous enemy to his Country) are inseparable. Suppose this Confident also actually engaged in contriving the Murder of the present Monarch, to hasten his Master's coming to the Crown. Supposing all this, we can hardly imagine a Crime to be blacker, or a person more obnoxious to a suspicion of designing the subversion of the established Religion, and in it of the Government, if ever he should be seated in the Throne. So that if any Crimes can be a sufficient cause of Exclusion, or if any person can be put by his pretensions to the Crown, these are the Crimes and this is the person that demerit it. And now let us consider whether a Parliament have not a power to inflict such a punishment on such offences. It is from the Laws enacted by Parliament, that such a Fact has such a punishment awarded to it. That Felonies are punished with Death, as well as Murder, (though it be otherwise in many Countries, and also by the Divine Law) That Words without any other Overt Act are as Treasonable, and render the Speakers liable to the same death and like forfeit of Estate, as actual Assassinating the King would do. The Parliament can make saying that which in the nature of the thing is not impossible to be true, to be Treason. The King alone, to those offences that by the Law deserve death, can appoint banishment or perpetual imprisonment, etc. if they respect himself only; but if the people be interested, then can He with the two Houses inflict what punishment they please. They can Attaint any man, or take off the Attainder, as they see good. They can legitimate a Bastard, or illegitimate one that is born in lawful Wedlock. Of both we have Instances in Q. Mary and Q. Elizabeth, for both of them in 28 H. 8. were declared illegitimate, whereas one of them must needs be legitimate; and in 35 H. 8. they were both of them rendered inheritable to the Crown, which must needs be as much as legitimate, though one of them must necessarily be illegitimate, the latter being born, while the former's Mother was living. (For if according to the determination of the Universities domestic and foreign, the Brother, by the Law of God, might not Marry the Relict of his Brother, then King Henry's Marriage with Queen Mary's Mother, that had been his elder Brother Prince Arthur's Wife, was unlawful and consequently null in itself ab initio, before the declaration of it in Parliament in Ann. 24. of his Reign; or if it was not unlawful nor null, then must his Marriage with Queen Elizabeth's Mother be certainly unlawful, and consequently Queen Elizabeth illegitimate.) They can Divorce a man from his Wife for other causes than Adultery, so that the Parties shall be at liberty to Marry others, Non obstante our Saviour's declaration as to the Jewish Oeconomy; yea, they can and have granted such a power to Doctor's Commons, that Impotency in the Man shall be a sufficient cause for divorce or a nullity; as we had an Instance about four years ago in one Rowley and Mrs Pitman his wife (And by the way, if impotency be a sufficient cause for dissolving the sacred tye of Marriage, because the main end of Marriage, the propagating mankind, is thereby frustrated: it may be equally reasonable to debar such an one the Espousal of the Government, as 'tis notorious before hand, is perverted to an utter incapacity of answering the ends of it.) And on the other side the Parliament can grant a divorce, if the Woman be incapable of generation: and so was Henry the eighth in the 32 year of his Reign divorced from his Queen the Lady Anne of Cleve, who survived to the fourth year of Queen Mary, but the King married again within little more than a month after this divorce. But to proceed. The two Houses can give away the whole Kingdom to the King, so as to make him sole possessor of all; and He and they can dispose of or alienate the Crown-lands, or any branch of the King's Revenue, as they please. They can banish any man, and make him in worse condition than an Alien; and on the other hand can naturalise any Foreigner. In a word, they have an unbounded absolute dominion over the Lives, Liberties and Estates of any subject in the Kingdom, and such is every one but the King himself. We have had Instances of Queens being beheaded: in relation to which we shall not need to inquire whether they were really guilty of the Crimes laid to their charge; 'tis sufficient to observe that supposing them guilty of the Crimes, they are not exempted from the punishment. And who is nearlier related to the King than she that is one with him? who nearer allied to the privileges of a Crown, than she that has had it set upon her head? And if such a one may be brought to the Scaffold, and die the deserved death of a Traitor, as it is unreasonbale for any other to expect to be excused, so could no man argue the high Court that condemned her to die, of Injustice, but rather admire their lenity and mercy, if they should mitigate the punishment, into a banishment from the Kingdom, from the Rights of a Queen and of a Consort. They that have power to inflict the greatest punishment, cannot be denied the privilege of assigning what commutation they please. And as they are the only competent Judges what offences are and aught to be esteemed Capital; so if they shall judge the Crime before them of an inferior nature, they may proportion the punishment at their discretion. As to our present case, we have not (as I intimated above) had the advantage to be fully informed of the Crime, and so cannot pass an estimate of its demerit: But if it amounted to so much as I have supposed, (or may be more) as it does in itself deserve, so have I shown that the Parliament have a power to punish it with, (at least) an Exclusion from the Government. And thus much for the Legality of the Fact.  
2. And as it is lawful, so is it an Act of the greatest Equity and justice in the world. For though it be very laudable and a duty for private men to forgive private injuries, and to do good for evil: yet offenders and offences against the Government, and the public weal, are of another nature and consideration. Thus if a man assault my person, wound my reputation, trespass on my ground, or the like, it will argue a Christian temper and conformable to the holy Laws and example of our Saviour, to pass it by without requiring satisfaction or reparation. But now if one Prince make an Inroad into another's Country, and make spoil therein, satisfaction ought to be demanded and exacted both by divine and humane Laws. Or if any man or number of men endeavour the murder of the King, the subversion of the Government, or the like: in these cases the old Law still takes place, An Eye for an Eye, and a tooth for a tooth. Nay, if the design be laid and resolved upon, though not to be put in execution till after some distance of time, 'tis just to treat the designers at the same rate as if they were actually engaged in the fact. Thus if one Prince has certain information by some of another Prince's Cabinet Council, that that other is preparing to Invade him: it is just and lawful by the Law of Nations that he should first enter with an Army into that other Prince's Territories, and by making the seat of War there, to hinder the devastation of his own. And thus the imagining the King's death, or entering into consultation how to compass it, is as capital an offence as actual perpetrating the villainy. In like manner if he that pretends to the succession, be a person, that is already engaged in a design to alter the Government, that by the accursed tye of his deluded Conscience, and the destructive principles of his Religion has given certain notice that he thinks himself obliged to extirpate the Religion established, and to persecute the resolved adherers to it to the death; what in the whole world is more equitable and moderately just, than that this person should be incapacitated from doing all this evil, by preventing his accession to the Throne, which he will thus defile with blood and profane with damnable Heresy?  
3. And as to its Exped ency or policy, every man certai lie must be convinced of that, that values his Religion, Life or Liberty. And here a man could not but smile (if the matter we are a speaking of, were not so serious) at the impertinence of some of L'Estrange's Clergy, and others, that can object that a Bill of Exclusion is against our Religion; 'tis obvious what Religion they mean: For Christ's it cannot be, who came not to divide inheritances, and modulate the Civil Constitutions of Kingdoms: Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, is a plain demonstration that he intended not to give Laws to Governments. And if these Gentlemen can think that any command or example in the Old Testament countenance their assertion, though I could never hear of any one, yet who knows not but that our Nation and all other Christian Kingdoms, have always thought themselves no further obliged by the Civil Constitutions of the Jews, than they have translated them into those of their respective Countries? But neither is it contrary to that Religion that these Blades are truly of, and hope one day to profess publicly: For though the Papists have made themselves merry with traducing that opinion of the Puritans, That Dominion is founded in Grace; yet it is notorious that they hold the same opinion themselves. Every one that is versed in their Writings (or has read those of our own) must needs observe it to be their constant doctrine, that no Heretical King (and such is every one with them, that is not a Roman Catholic) has any right to rule, but the Pope may depose him and give his Kingdom to whom he will. I mean not here to defend the Puritans opinion, especially in that sense to which it is wrested by some; but I say, the Argument is very strong and cogent ad hominem, That seeing in their own opinion a Protestant has not right to rule, because they believe him to be an Heretic; We may very well be permitted to prevent a Papist from ruling, who we are sure is the most damned Heretic in the World. And it is reasonable that men of our belief and constitution should as confidently acquiesce in an Act of Parliament, as a Papist should on the Bull of a Pope. Besides, there is something in this that may well be referred to the former head of Equity, seeing 

— Non Lex est justior ulla,  
Quam necis artifices ante perire sua.   

No juster Law, than that a man be tried  
By Laws which he'd have others to abide.    
For there is no reason in the world a man should take advantage of a principle, which he will not allow that others should likewise improve to their own benefit.  
It was an oracular saying of a bad man, It is expedient that one man die for the people: I will not blaspheme my Saviour with comparing the person now under consideration to Him, nor mean to cast an imputation upon the House of Common, for concurring with Caiaphas' advice (though being Highpriest that year he spoke as one inspired from Heaven) but taking the words abstractedly, without consideration of the Speaker or the Person spoken of, nothing can be imagined more honestly and reasonably politic; and if applied to the case in hand, nothing more expedient. For when matters are come to this pass, that either a Nation in general must be deprived of all that is dear to them, their Religion, their Liberties, and it may be their Lives, or that one man that will be the Author of all this mischief, must be put out of a capacity to effect it, though by excluding him from a Right which otherwise he were entitled to; it needs not much deliberation what course to take, seeing I have already proved that to resolve upon this latter is not contrary to Law, is most consonant to Equity, and above all, the most expedient. Which last consideration I shall pursue no further, being so excellently done already in The Character of a Popish Successor.  
Having thus vindicated the passing of the Bill of Exclusion, I have in doing so detected the designs and interests those have espoused, that have on this account calumniated these Honourable and Loyal Senators with endeavours to subvert the Government established, with Republican designs, with the Nickname of Presbyterians, and all that's odious. His Majesty indeed has, the natural affection towards a Brother, his incomparable lenity of disposition, and his consciousness of having deserved so infinitely of those that seek his ruin, that he cannot easily believe there can be so monstrous ingratitude in nature; I say he has all these to Apologise for his not giving countenance to the Bill, and to keep Him in the good opinion of his Loyal Subjects: But for others that have none of these coloured Glasses to look through, they may indeed affirm, as they do, that white is black, but they lie against the truth and their own eyes, and prove nothing with all their confident clamour, but that they are well pleased at the King's danger, and triumph in the hopes of a Successor for their turn. This will be more plain by and by, when I come to examine the Addresses, which will also give us occasion to observe the perverse construction they give of the Act for repealing 35 Eliz.  
This Parliament indeed deserves the heaviest censure for striking down so strong a pillar of the Cause as the Lord Stafford, when one and thirty Lords had set to their shoulders to support it. Losers may have leave to speak, and we'll hear what they can say, when we have taken a turn to Oxford  
This Session continued almost three months, and brought forth but three living Acts, a fourth was stillborn and never saw the light. After a prorogation for a few days this Parliament was dissolved, and another called to assemble at Oxford; that seeing Pisgah had proved so unfortunate, it might be tried whether Peor would be more favourable. It was fit the people should be minded of his Majesty's Prerogative; and whatever private reasons the King might have for it, the subject had a satisfactory reason when they understood their Sovereign would have it so. Some insinuated to his Majesty that it was ominous; but He was not so superstitious as to apprehend any danger in going thither, tho' perhaps too apprehensive of it since his return back. There was a great concourse of people, many going thither in compliment to their Members, many merely out of curiosity, being invited with the Novelty; and some (perhaps) over sagacious, to defend the Assembly, if they should be assaulted by the Papists. The House of Commons declared to all the world (as the Speaker expressed it in his Speech at his presentment to the King) that they were not given to change; which was true as he meant it, seeing he had been Speaker too in the last Parliament; but was also prophetical, for they still pursued the same means for preservation of the Protestant Religion and the King's person. The Bill of Exclusion that past the House the last Parliament, is still esteemed the only thing that can do it. Sir L. J. condemns it of injustice, irreligion, perjury (which I think I have sufficiently vindicated it from:) but it was observed he had no body to second him, his objections were such downright Cant. Others of the Duke's friends finding the House absolutely of opinion that it was lawful, endeavour to stave it off by offering an Expedient that might as well answer the ends of that Bill, and not be subject to such incoveniencies. And that was, That the Duke should have the title of King, but the Regency or administration of the Kingly power, should be in the next Heir. A pretty wheedle! as if by granting the Name to the immediate Successor and thereby declaring that the right was in him, would not give him a fairer pretence and opportunity of usurping the Power likewise, than if he were excluded the title as well as administration. Besides, this Expedient is founded on this bottom, it must suppose him to be either an intolerable knave or a perfect fool, a desperate Villain or a Madman. His greatest enemies would acquit him of the latter imputation, and his friends from the former, so that the Person and the Power would soon be pieced together. Sir F. W. said, that seeing an Act of Parliament against common sense is void, and that it were a contradiction and nonsense to make a man King and not to suffer him to exercise Kingly power; if such an Act should pass, it would signify nothing, unless it were to show that the House of Commons were out-witted. It was clearly carried therefore that it was safer, nay that it was absolutely necessary, that the old Bill of Exclusion should be insisted on.  
But there was another business in this Parliament that made as great a controversy, and which occasioned the speedy dissolution of it. Edw. Fitz-Harris had hired Mr. Everard to draw up a treasonable libel in the name of the Nonconformists, (giving him instructions for it) which was to be printed and sent about by the Penny-post to the Protesting Lords, and the Leading men of the House of Commons, etc. who were to be taken up assoon as they had it, upon hopes that upon search it might be found about them. This sham-plot being discovered to authority, Fitz-Harris was seized on, and committed to Newgate; where inclining to confess the bottom of the design, he was transmitted to the Tower. Sir R. C. and Sir G. T. give information of his confession that he had made to them, to the House. Whereupon the House Resolve, That the same Edw. Fitz-Harris be impeached of High Treason, in the name of all the Commons of England, and that Mr. Secretary Jenkins do go up, and Impeach him at the Bar of the Lords House. But the Lords refused to proceed upon this Impeachment, and directed that he should be proceeded against at the Common Law. This the Commons Resolve to be a denial of Justice, a violation of the Constitution of Parliaments, an obstruction to the further discovery of the Plot, and of great danger to his Majesty's person and the Protestant Religion. And indeed (not to mention that the Bishops intermeddled in rejecting the Impeachment in which case being Capital they had no right to Vote) when the Upper House had made no scruple in the former Parliament of receiving the Impeachment against the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs (a Commoner) it was plain what considerations influenced them at this time to be of another opinion. However about twenty there were that protested against this rejection, and esteemed the Commons demand of Justice there, to be reasonable and just, and such as ought to have been granted. But a speedy dissolution soon reconciled this difference, and Westminster-Hall has since determined the controversy.  
And thus having given a short account of the businesses agitated and the manner of proceeding in these two Parliaments, we shall be able to make the truer estimate of the grounds upon which some have made so bold to traduce them.  
The Members were scarcely got home, but out comes a Declaration, charging them with unwarrantable and arbitrary proceed: but giving assurance, that his Majesty would call frequent Parliaments, that he would make the Laws the Rule of his Government, and that he would maintain the Religion established. Many begin to long for the performance of the first promise, that would not doubt of the two latter from so good and gracious a King, and so hearty a Protestant. But others by magnifying and inculcating the King's Prerogative of calling Parliaments when and where he please; seem willing to persuade Him, He may be dispensed with in the breach of it. Not that these are greater Friends to the Prerogative than the other, but they care less for Parliaments that alone can enable the King to uphold the Religion and the Government.  
Out of Compliment to this Declaration are Addresses presented from all hands; some indeed containing nothing but thanks for the gracious promises therein contained, such was that from Warwickshire, etc. the most, only a Declaration that they mean to keep their Oath of Allegiance in being true and faithful to the King, his Heirs and lawful Successors: And these truly were dignum patella operculum, That when his Majesty had promised nothing but what he had obliged himself to at his Coronation, by a more sacred tye; these to express their acknowledgement of the favour, barely say what they had formerly swore to. All this sort of Addressers might even as well have let the matter rested, and have concurred with the City of Lincoln in their opinion, who (in their Address) say, they thought there was no better way of expressing their Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty's most Sacred Person, and their grateful sense of His excellent Government, than a peaceable and quiet demeanour in their several Callings and Stations, an humble submission to acquiesce in his Majesty's good and wholesome Laws, relating to the Government both of Church and State, and a readiness, as oft as his Majesty in his Princely wisdom judges fit to call a Parliament, to choose such Members as they conceive to be perfectly devoted to his Majesty's Service, and the welfare of the Church and State, as now by Law established, without intermeddling with the Calling or Dissolving of them] though even these that thought thus, that they might follow the fashion, play the fool for company, as themselves render the reason of their Address. And it must certainly be from the impertinence of this sort, that the Inns of Court, those Fountains of Law and Loyalty, disdained to serve up any such Cram; and those two famous and Mother Cities, London and York, looked on and had the diversion to see their Children act like such.  
But if we have any reason to question the discretion of these Addressers, we have much more cause to suspect the honesty of the following. This kind are continually a bawling out Whore to others, that they may have a Monopoly of the Trade themselves. You arraign, you asperse the Government, you reflect on Authority, is their general accusation; whilst they do the same things avowedly in the face of the Sun. Thus Ripon account it a matter of the highest joy and satisfaction, that they are delivered from the unwarrantable proceed of the House of Commons. If they have indeed proceeded unwarrantably, let his Majesty and They fairly dispute it in God's name at their next Meeting: but what have these Scoundrels, a Parson's Son and a company of Spur-makers, to do with it? The one might learn from his Father to keep to his Text, and the others from the Bootmaker to look to their Lasts, without calumniating an essential part of the Government. Yet the term unwarrantable is somewhat modest though; now enter jingling Will with his Myrmidons, complaining, that the House of Commons made use of an Arbitrary and Illegal power, to the great prejudice of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects, contrary to the known Laws of this Kingdom, and to the discouragement of the Members of that House, and all other Loyal Students and Practisers of the Laws A little discouragement will serve their turn, God knows! and if they want a better pretence for their Idleness, they are welcome to this, let them take what course they please; I'll warrant 'em neither Greys Inn nor Westminster-Hall will lament the loss or much want their company. However we must acknowledge them good Proficients for their standing; for they know more Laws of the Kingdom, than the oldest man of their House. They had done well to have particularised the Laws and the Offences; however because the whole Gang are acted by the same Spirit, we may inform ourselves at least of the latter from Chesterfield, who return Loyal thanks for his Majesty's Dissolving the Parliament, and thereby preserving them from the late growing Usurpation, of Arbitrary Government, by imprisoning his Majesty's Subjects, etc. Manet alta ment repostum Judicium Paridis, etc. This usurping Parliament lodged five Friends in the Tower for nothing else but designing to murder the King and to alter the Government in Church and State; Another honest Protestant, for saying there was no Popish, but a Presbyterian Plot. O Crimes unpardonable! A third sort were committed to the Sergeants Ward for betraying the liberty of the Subject, and contributing to the design of subverting the ancient legal Constitution of this Kingdom and introducing Arbitrary Power. O Usurpation! O Arbitrariness! But what shall we think of them that insinuate their belief of the King's being in more danger of the Parliament, than of either Papists or Presbyterians? Enter Weobley and Richmond. Weobley: We shall still acknowledge God's goodness in blessing us with a Prince who so prudently foresaw the ruin of Yourself and us, which must have been expected from such unparallelled Mischiefs which were threatened, if they had not been timely prevented (by Dissolving the Parliament.) Richmond, We Your most dutiful, etc. present to Your Sacred Majesty, from our Hearts, a more thankful acknowledgement for your most gracious late Declaration, than we can in any words express: whereby you have assured unto us, the preservation of our Religion, Liberties and Properties, that were all lately like to have been swallowed up in monstrous confusions, if the special Spirit of God had not inspired Your Heart to prevent it. Here not to mention the imputation of Enthusiasm cast upon His Majesty, which such a Master of Reason would be ashamed to pretend to, what is the scope of both these Addresses but to work His Majesty into an apprehension of Treasonable and Rebellious Designs against His Person and the Government carried on by Two Parliaments, than which none ever expressed a greater care and providence for the preservation of both? This is the only saving Card that the men of this Interest have to play, to make the King jealous and fearful of his Parliaments, and consequently to breed a diffidence in them of Him, that the foundations of the Government being rendered thus unsteady, they may upon a favourable juncture overturn it, and erect their own new Model. And to accomplish this design, 'tis not only the method of these whiffling Boroughs already mentioned and of others I might recite, (as Weymouth, Thetford, etc.) but of deeper heads: The University of Cambridge itself reflecting on these Parliaments, speaks of them in these terms: That factious and malicious men have not proceeded to plunder and sequestration, to violate our Chapels, rifle our Libraries and empty our Colleges as once they did, next to the overruling providence of God, is only due to the Royal care and prudence of Your sacred Majesty, who gave so seasonable a check to their arbitrary and insolent undertaking.] What could be spoken more malicious, or what, if his Majesty could be induced to believe it true, could possibly tempt him more to resolve never to put himself into the danger of the like Assembly? And that we need not question their desire and design os cashiering Parliaments, they take upon themselves a power of repealing an Act of Parliament; for they make bold to affirm, That no Religion, no LAW, no fault or forfeiture can alter the Succession: whereas the Statute of 13 Eliz. has made it Treason to affirm that the LAWS and Statutes made in Parliament do not bind the Right of the Crown, and the descent, limitation, inheritance and governance thereof. It were needless to recite the like assertions in other Addresses, for these are enough to convince any man of the design, that is not engaged in it; and those that are, will never be convinced but by a Parliament which in due time may persuade them to recant. And to make his Majesty more favourable to their purpose, and lest his Wants and necessities should be stronger Arguments to Him for assembling a Parliament (the only Legal means of supplying them) than their Insinuations for staving him from it, they first accuse the late Sessions for unreasonably obstructing his Majesty's demands of supplies of money (so Northumberland) and then to put Him into a readier method of furnishing himself, the County Palatine of Durham in their late Anti-Associations, as they call it, thus express themselves: [And that we may not only verbally express our Loyalty, we do as in Duty and Allegiance bond give this Assurance, That our Lives and Fortunes sha' l be ready, and that we will CONTRIBUTE MONEY to our uttermost Abilities, when ever your Majesty's occasions shall require.] No mention at all of a Parliament, but both by the words and the whole scope and drift of this Address, it is plain, they mean a voluntary Contribution, whenever His Majesty shall signify that his occasions require it. Thus by these few passages we see how industriously they are engaged in carrying on the leading half of the Popish Plot, viz. Arbitrary Government; we shall next inquire what assistance they afford the following half, to wit, the extirpating the Protestant Religion and introducing of Popery. And I doubt not but to make it appear, they are thorough paced in this also.  
In the Parliament that began Octob. 21. 1680. there were two Bills that had each two Readins, and were Committed upon the debate of the House; the one, for Uniting of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects; the other, for exempting his majesty's Protestant Subjects dissenting from the Church of England, from the Penalties of certain Laws: whether they would have passed or no is uncertain, however they were quashed by the Prorogation of the Parliament. But there was a third Bill which passed both Houses, entitled, An Act for the Repeal of a Statute made in the thirty fifth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. As the late Long Parliament repealed the Statute de Haeretico comburendo, for fear, if Popery should once again get the upper hand, it would be executed upon Protestants as it was in Queen mary days; so this present Parliament, foreseeing that this Act of Queen Elizabeth, that was made against the Prownists and Barrowists of those days (as appears in the Journals of Parliament of that Queen lately published by Mr. Starkey) was likely to be perverted to the ruin of the Estates, Liberties and (it might be) Lives of Protestants in the days of a Popish Successor; and thinking it prudent to provide even against the present dangers from the Common Enemy the Papists, by bearing a gentler hand over the dissenting Protestants, (on whom this Act was in part executed) and thereby uniting them more firmly in Interest and Affection with the Church of England; I say, upon these considerations this present Parl. thought fit to repeal that Act of 35 Eliz. But at the end of the Sessions, when this Bill should have been presented (with the others that were expedited) unto his Majesty for his approbation and passing it into an Act, there was no fight or tidings of it. By whose default it was thus smothered, there has been no opportunity since to find out. However some of our late Addressers throw the odium of it upon his Majesty, telling him, That he was unwilling to pass his Royal Assent to any Act which may repeal that of 35 Eliz. (Vide Kent's Address.) How these Gentlemen come to understand the King's mind in this case, I know not: Sure I am, it is very unlikely but his Majesty would have passed this Bill recommended with the concurrent advice and consent of both Lords and Commons, if it had been tendered to Him, seeing he has always professed so great a regard to tender Consciences, and himself from his own motion granted them an Indulgence against this and several other Acts of Parliament, which every one may remember how difficultly he was prevailed with by the Parliament to retract, saying he was resolved to stand by it But these men would have it believed that He's now otherwise inclined; and besides, if their Insinuations of his Majesty's command to stifle it were true, it were palpable that He had shaken the very Constitution of Parliaments, according to which all Bills that have past both Houses, aught to be presented to his Majesty. But not truly Loyal Subject will believe so gracious a King capable of being perverted to so great an Invasion of the Rights or breach of the Rules of Parliament, let such ill-designing flatterers suggest what they please. But where ever the fault of this miscarriage lay, our Addressers were hearty glad of it, and Petition the King that he will put this Act of 35 Eliz. in execution, for the safety of the Church, his Majesty's Sacred Person and Government. (So Ripon, Sussex, etc.) They accuse the Two Houses as enemies to our Church and Religion, which they endeavoured to undermine and ruin when they went about to Repeal this Act, which is a chief Bulwark of both. (So Holland in Lincolnshire.) Now one would think, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, better knew what would maintain our Religion than these men: but the truth is, our Religion is not the same with the Parliament and them, and so no marvel if what will maintain the one's, would ruin the other's. They call their Religion that which is established by Law, and this they will defend with their Lives and Fortunes: In this protestation the rankest Papist in England will join with them, believing Magna Charta to be the firmest Law, and Popery to stand as unshaken thereupon as an House founded upon a Rock, for all the blasts and billows of (supposed) Heretical Kings and Parliaments, all whose Acts and Ordinances against Holy Church, a Papist reckons to be in themselves void. And considering all the circumstances, even a charitable man may be pretty confident that this expression [Religion established by Law] is commonly used in this sense, when he observes that a Gentleman presumed to be no very zealous Protestant, in a late Print is represented as promising to stand by it, and to endeavour to preserve it. (But this by the way.) Hence it is that our Addressers account it matter of highest Joy and Satisfaction to understand the King's resolution to maintain the Succession of the Crown in its due and legal course of Descent. Oh how it tickles their fancies, to have hopes of a Popish Successor! So Ely cannot but REJOICE to find His Majesty expressly professing himself in his own Royal Judgement so nearly concerned in Honour, Justice and Conscience to preserve the rightful Succession of the Crown in its Legal descent. Thus Northumberland do with the greatest TRANSPORT of JOY and THANKFULNESS return His Majesty their most humble and express acknowledgement for opposing with such incomparable resolution the Arbitrary and unnatural proceed against the undoubted right of his Succession in the person of his Royal Brother, the greatest Example of Trust, Duty and Obedience to his sacred Majesty. They would almost persuade one, this Royal Brother absented himself from the King's Chapel in obedience to his Majesty's Command: or else they will give the Dissenters leave to style themselves his Majesty's most dutiful and obedient Subjects, in imitating so great an Example.— But to the Point. I said above, that the prejudices of natural affection, etc. that the King is biased by, may permit him to stand fair in the opinion of hearty Protestants, notwithstanding his opposing the Bill of Exclusion; and this entailing a Popish Successor, might be matter of their patience and submission: but to be so transported with Joy hereupon, as our Addressers express themselves to be, is a plain token they never intent to be burnt for Heretics when such a one comes to the Crown, but will (with Derbyshire, etc.) most hearty, to the utmost expense both of their Lives and Fortunes, assist, support, maintain and defend such a Successor, with the Regalia's and Prerogatives of his Crown, and the Religion and Government both of Church and State as established by Law. I believe these Gentlemen are not so devested of Flesh and Blood, nor have so perfectly learned of the Apostle to rejoice in tribulation, but that Fire and Faggot would drive them into sadder apprehensions, if they knew not of a Trick to escape them. But this is the ground of their Triumph, that in such an one's Reign they shall be able to take a fuller revenge on the Schismatical Dogs, than the present mild Laws and more indulgent Prince will permit them. Who sees not how their finger's itch to be at it, that observes their illegal and inhuman treatment of honest and peaceable Protestants at Bristol, etc. even whilst Laws to punish them for such barbarities, are in force? to what Cruelties then will not their Fury carry them, when it shall be encouraged and spurred on by Law, and the Commands of a Jesuited King?  
What shall I say of their preferring Popery before Presbytery; of their accounting Calvin a worse man than Ignatius Loyola, and his Doctrines more (or at least as) pernicious? What construction can a man put upon their incredulousness of a Popish Plot, that has been so sufficiently attested to be real; while they profess their firm belief of a Presbyterian Plot, that has twice at least been detected by the King and Council to be forged and Fictitious (in the cases of Dangerfield and Fitz-Harris) and was never yet believed by any Jury? What rejoicings at the acquittal of Wakeman, Gascoigne, etc. and what applause of the fairness of their Trials! but when a Protestant comes to be acquitted, where is the man amongst them that (shall I say) is glad, nay, that does not (with Durham in their Anti-Association) complain of packed Juries, and (with the Middle-Templers) of Juries perverting the Laws, and usurping to themselves an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Dominion? Which of them exclaims not presently like Norfolk against partial Grand Juries, such as can violate their Oaths, to procure impunity for Treason, and think it merit to affront and oppose the Government? Into what Tory's Heart ever did it enter, or which of their Tongues ever made the motion, to Abhor the most damnable Conspiracy of the Papists, to Murder the King, Massacre his Subjects, and subvert the Protestant Religion? but when a Sham-Association, and yet that only to prevent a Popish Successour's coming to the Crown, is obtruded upon the World; then, nothing but Death and the Cobbler, Treason! Rebellion! Can such men think any man so blind as not to see how they stand affected? 'Twere needless to observe how generally they have got by heart Thompson's two Letters to prove Sir Ed. Godfrey Murdered himself, and of what weight those absurd and contradictory suggestions seem to them; what impressions the dying Jesus 'tis Speeches have made upon their Consciences, and how charitably scrupulous they are grown: whilst they question not but College died with a Lie in his mouth. What Clergyman that has taken L'estrange for his Guide (and those are more than a good many) that will confess the Pope to be Antichrist, or the Church of Rome to be Idolatrous; let Usher, Mede, Moor, Stillingfleet, etc. demonstrate it never so plainly? They must needs acknowledge, they'll tell you, that there are many corruptions in the Church of Rome, BUT, what Constitution is without them? They will profess their desires of an Accommodation, though they certainly know, that if such a thing ever be. Protestantism must be swallowed up in Popery; for the Church of Rome, as such, cannot recede from one tittle of their present Confession, unless they would let go the very foundation of it, their pretence to Infallibility. In a word, show me the Tory, Clergy or Lay, that will not call the Parliament a Faction, esteem the D. a Saint, affirm the Scarecrow of Schism (upon the Punctilios of Ceremonies) to be a greater evil than any at this Day tolerated in the Church of Rome, and the five Points agreed upon at the Synod of Dort, more destructive doctrine than any of the Conventicle at Trent.  
I will not descend to the Speeches or actions of particular persons; for as that would be tedious, so I should think myself injurious, to charge upon the whole Gang the Extravagancies of a few. But the affirmations, opinions and demeanour that I have enumerated and described, are so common to all of them that I have conversed with, and are so truly and properly characteristical, that none can call me unjust, or say that I have misrepresented them. Upon the whole matter therefore, I appeal to the judgement of any unprejudiced man, whether the persons I have been speaking of, be not designing enemies of the Power, Privileges and Freedom of English Parliaments; and whether from their transport of joy at the likelihood of a Popish Successor, etc. they be not apparently Wellwishers unto Popery.  
It remains that we speak a word or two of the Bill of Association. We observed above that when the Bill of Exclusion was rejected by the Lords, there was another agreed by the Commons to be brought in, (Dec. 15. 80.) for the Associating of all his Majesty's Protestant subjects, for the safety of his Majesty's person, the defence of the Protestant Religion, etc. and for the preventing the Duke of York or any Papist, from succeeding to the Crown. And about five days after, in an Address to his Majesty, they humbly petition him, That when a Bill should be tendered to his Majesty in a Parliamentary way, to disable the Duke of York from inheriting the Crown, his Majesty would give his Royal Assent thereto; And as necessary to fortify and defend the same, that his Majesty will likewise be graciously pleased to Assent to an Act whereby his Majesty's Protestant subjects may be enabled to ASSOCIATE themselves for the defence of his majesty's person, the Protestant Religion, and the security of His Kingdoms. Let any man judge whether these were not as calm, orderly and warrantable steps towards an Association, as any could be devised. And indeed our Abhorrers, for all their Clamours against Associations, have not the face to say any thing against these proceed: Only they cry, they will enter into none without his Majesty's consent; as if the Parliament had told the King, they would enter into one whether He would or not. But they think they have got a better pretence for decrying and abhorring them, than these motions towards one in the Parliament, and that is, the model of one said to be found in the E. of Shaftsbury's Closet. Now though I doubt not but in convenient time it will be made out, as clear as a Negative can be, that that paper was not found there: yet for discourses sake we will suppose that it was. And then I say, that if there were any thing contained in it that were of itself Treasonable; I know not how it would have affected my Lord Shaftsbury, unless it had appeared either to have been of my Lord's hand-writing, or that he had tendered it to be subscribed by any one, or at least it had been proved that my Lord knew of its being there. None of which has been, nor I am confident can be made out by any one. And if my Lord, at whose door they lay it, be no more concerned in it; there is no colour of reason in the world to charge I know not what others for consenting to it. So that we have a great cry, and a little wool. The Mystery of Abhorrence therefore lies here: As the former Addresses were calculated against the Bill of Exclusion; so the late Abhorrences, against the Bill of Association that was to back it. And as both these Bills aimed at nothing else but the safety and defence of his Majesty's person and the Protestant Religion, and the security of these Kingdoms, by means which the House of Commons in their great Wisdoms thought lawful and necessary for those ends: So our Addressers and Abhorrers seem to aim at the clean contrary; For if the Papists do see the way made plain for a Popish Successor (as these Gentlemen endeavour to make it) his Majesty's most sacred person is in continual danger of being assassinated by the desperate Instruments of the Popish Faction; which if once effected (which the good God forbidden!) what then will become of the Protestant Religion and the welfare of these Kingdoms, I tremble to contemplate.  
But I would have all Papists to know, that we are not yet scared out of our wits with the noise of Abhorrences, nor would I have them over-confident of carrying the day, for all the interest they have made. When Queen Elizabeth with her Protestant Subjects were in like danger from the Q. of Scots and her Traitorous Faction (27 Eliz.) as his present Majesty with the like subjects now are from a Parallel, we find very great numbers of the best quality spontaneously entering into an Association, (putting thereto their hands and Seals) wherein, If her Majesty should come to an untimely death, they did not only bind themselves never to allow, accept or favour any such pretended Successor, BY whom or FOR whom any such detestable Act should be Attempted or Committed, as unworthy of all Government in any Christian Realm or Civil State: But did also further protest— to persecute such person and persons to death with their joint and particular Forces, and to act the utmost revenge upon them, that by any means they or any of them could devise or do, or cause to be devised and done for their utter overthrow and extirpation.] And if the Queen of Scots and her Faction should (only) attempt any Act, counsel or consent to any thing that should tend to the harm of her Majesty's Royal person, they would with their joint and particular Forces, withstand, offend and pursue, as well by force of Arms as by all other means of revenge, all such persons, of what state soever and their Abettors, and never desist from all manner of pursuit against them, to the utter extermination of them, their Councillors and Abettors.] Now it does not at all appear, that the Queen's pleasure was consulted in this affair, but that the Associators did it purely of their own heads: for in those days there was that mutual confidence betwixt Prince and people, that Loyal subjects never feared the incurring the charge of Treason for contriving and using all possible means for the preservation of their Sovereign: but contrarily, when this Association was turned into an Act of Parliament soon after (entitled, An Act for provision to be made for the surety of the Queen's Majesties most Royal person, etc.) these Associators are therein styled, Her Majesty's good and faithful Subjects, and are acknowledged to have done it, in the name of God and with the testimonies of good consciences. But I urge not this, as if any Association were to be entered into against the Sovereign's mind; for it is one thing to do a thing without his Pleasure first known, and another to do it against the signification of it: However the Association proposed in Parliament, that occasioned this discourse, was so far from being carried on against the King's mind, that we see they petitioned Him for his assent to it, before they had made any progress in it; which as I do not know that he has granted, so neither that he has denied.  
To be short: As I will not take up Arms without the King's Commission, nor enter into any Association, to commence in his life-time, against his consent: So I do protest (as I doubt not, many thousands will do with me) that if his Majesty shall come by any untimely and violent death, or shall be forced to a Resignation (which is a Political death) He, BY whom or FOR whom such untimely death shall be procured, or such Resignation extorted, Shall not Reign over me. For I cannot think any man that has one drop of Royal blood in his Veins, so much incapacitated for the Crown as such a Traitor.  
FINIS.