COLLECTIONS OF TRAVELS THROUGH TURKEY into PERSIA, and the EASTINDIES. Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries. AS ALSO A Full RELATION of the Five Years WARS, between Aureng-Zebe and his Brothers in their Father's Life-time, about the Succession. And a Voyage made by the Great Mogul (Aureng-Zebe) with his Army from Dehli to Lahor, from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, by the Mogul's, called, The Paradise of the Indieses. TOGETHER With a Relation of the Kingdom of JAPAN and TUNKIN, and of their particular Manners and Trade. To which is added A New Description of the GRAND SEIGNIOR'S SERAGLIO, And also of all the Kingdoms that encompass the Euxine and Caspian Seas. BEING The Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER BERNIER, and other great Men: Adorned with many Copper Plates. The First Volume. LONDON, Printed for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard. M. DC. LXXXIV. THE DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR. Where he gives a brief Relation of his first Travels through the best parts of Europe as far as Constantinople. IF the effect of Education may be likened to a second Birth, I may truly say, that I came into the World with a desire to travel. The daily discourses which several Learned men had with my Father upon Geographical subjects, which my Father had the reputation of understanding very well, and to which, though ver● young, I was with much delight attentive, inspired 〈◊〉 betimes with a design to see some part of those Countries, which were represented to me in the Maps, from which I never could keep of my Eyes. By two and twenty years of Age, therefore I had seen the fairest Regions of Europe, France, England, the Low Countries, Germany, Switzerland, Poland, Hungary and Italy; and I speak indifferently well the Languages most necessary and most generally spoken. My first sally was into England, where at that time Reigned King James; from thence I passed into Flanders to see Antwerp, my Father's Native Country, and so into the Low Countries, where my inclination to travel became the stronger, by reason of the great Concourse of Strangers which I met at Amsterdam, that crowded thither from all parts oh the World. Having seen what was most considerable in the united Provinces, I passed into Germany, and when I came to Norimbergh, by the way of Frankfort and Auspurgh, the noise of the Armies that were marching into Bohemia to retake Prague, instilled into me a desire to go to the Wars, where I might learn something that might be useful to me in the series of my travels. I was not above a days journey from Norimbergh, when I met a Colonel of Horse, whose name was Hans Brener▪ the Son of Philip Brener, Governor of Vienna, who engaged me to follow him into Bohemia. Sometime after I bore the same Colonel company to Vienna, who presented me to the Governor of Raab, his Uncle, than Viceroy of Hungary also; who received me into his Family as one of his Pages. For it is a usual thing in Germany for Gentleman's Sons to serve in that quality till five and twenty years of age, and seldom to quit that service, till they have a Commission for a Cornet, or Ensign's place. Four years and a half I served the Viceroy, when the Prince of Mantua came to Vienna, to engage the perour in certain designs of his own without success. At that time the Count of Arc, whose Sister the Viceroy had Married, was chief Minister to the Prince of Mantua; and coming to visit the Viceroy at Javarin, I was appointed to attend him during his stay there. Upon his departure, he told the Viceroy, that the Prince of Mantua had no person about him that understood the Language, and that therefore he might be sure that the Prince would take it for a great kindness, to permit me to attend his person during his stay at the Emperors Court. This was a thing easily granted to the Count of Arc; who thereupon carried one along with him to Vienna, where having had the good fortune not to displease the Prince, he testified to me at his departure, that he should be glad to see me at Mantua, where he would not forget the services▪ I had done him. This presently infused into me a desire of seeing Italy, especially upon the opportunity that offered itself not long after. For Monsieur de Sabran, the King of France's Envoy to his Imperial Majesty, being to go for Venice, and desirous of one that understood the Germane Language to bear him company, I laid hold of the occasion; so that in eight days we got to Venice. While we stayed at Venice, I took a view to my great satisfaction, of that most Celebrated City, and in regard it is in many things like to Amsterdam, as in Situation, Greatness, Magnificence, Commerce, and Concourse of Strangers, my being there did but still reinforce my inclination to ●vel. From Venice I went to Mantua with Monsieur de Sabran, where the rinse being glad to see me again, gave me my choice of an Ensign, ●r of a place in the Company of the Ordonnance of the Duke his Father. accepted the latter as being glad to be under the Command of the tongued de Guiche, who was than Captain. At the Siege of Mantua I had ●ike to have been slain, but for the goodness of a Cuirafs which I had chosen out of the Prince's Magazine, being hit with two Bullets above and upon the left pap, which had entered, had not my Arms been excellent proof: So that after I was recovered of my Bruises, a longer stay it Mantua did not agreed with my desire to travel. Therefore some time after the Siege was raised, I took leave of the rinse, who gave me an honourable Pass, by virtue whereof five or six ●orse-men bore me company back to Venice. From Venice I went to Lauretta, from Lauretta to Rome, from Rome to Naples, from whence returning to Rome again, I stayed there ten or twelve days. After that I went to see Florence, Pisa, Ligorn, and Genoa, from whence I Embarked for Marseilles. From Marseilles I hasted to Paris, where I could not stay long; for being desirous to see Poland, I passed once more into Germany through Switzerland, after I had taken a survey of the principal Towns of the Cannon's. I went by the Rhine by Water, to visit Strasburgh and Brisack; then●e by Land crossing Suabia, I passed through ulme and Auspurgh to go to Munich. There I saw the Magnificent Palace of the Dukes of Bavaria, which William the fifth began, and which Maximilian his Son finished▪ in the heat of the Wars that troubled the Empire. From thence I went the second time to Norimbergh, and Prague, and leaving Bohemia I entered 〈◊〉 Silesia, and passed the Oder at Breslaw. From Breslaw I went to 〈◊〉 one of the greatest Cities of Europe, ●or 〈…〉 of three Cities, the ancient Seat of the King of Poland. From thence, keeping the Vistula upon the left hand, I went to Warsaw and saw there the Court of King Sigismond, which is a noble and splendid Habitation. From Warsaw I returned to Breslaw, taking the Road toward the Lower Silesia, designing to visit one of the principal Officers of the Emperor's Household, who was my particular acquaintance. But about two Leagues from Glogaw, meeting with Colonel Butler, a Scotch Gentleman, Colonel of one of the Emperor's Regiment of Horse, who afterwards killed Walesteyne in pursuance of the Orders he received, I gave over my first intended journey. His Wife was a great lover of the French, so that benig earnestly obliged by both together, I could not withstand the testimonies of their kindness. There I understood that the Emperor was going to Ratisbone with his Son Ferdinand the Third, to Crown him King of the Romans; so that I, who had seen the Coronations of the Kings of Hungary and Bohemia, being so desirous to see the third Solemnity also, took leave of my Colonel, and hasted to Ratisbone. At that time arrived to Ratisbone several Jewellers, one of which came to his end by an accident so tragical, that all the whole Court pitied his untimely fate. He was the only Son of one of the richest Merchants of Europe, that lived in Frankfort, whose Father had sent him with Jewels to cell at the Coronation. For fear of being Robbed he had conveyed them before into the hands of a Jew, in Ratisbone, his Correspondent, to be delivered to his Son at his coming. This young man arriving at Ratisbone, went to the Jew, who told him that he had received a small Casket of Jewels from his Father, which he might take away, when he pleased. At the same time the Jew invited the young man to drink, and carried him to a public House upon the Key of the City, where they continued till about an hour after day was shut in. At this time, both going out together, the Jew led the young man through a private Street where poor people passed by, and there having stabbed him five or six times in the Belly with a Dagger, left him wallowing in his Blood. A while after, one of the Emperor's Trumpets going that way in the dark, stumbled at the Legs of the unfortunate youth, who still breathed, and fell upon his Body. At first feeling his hands wet: he thought it had been some drunken fellow that had eased his stomach; but upon second thoughts imagining it might be some wounded person, he ran and called the Officers, who coming with Lanterns, beheld the tragic spectacle of a youngm man weltering in his own gore. Thereupon the Officers carrying the Body to the same publick-house, as being next at hand, his face was not sooner washed, but the Woman and Maid of the House knew him to be the same young man that had been there drinking with the Jew not long before. But as for the young man he presently expired, without being able to make the lest discovery. However the Jew was seized that evening, and being seized, confessed the Crime. The Imperial Laws ordain, that a Jew for killing a Christian should be hung upon a Gibbet by the Heels, and that two fierce Dogs should be hung by him in the same manner to the end, that the Dogs in their madness should tear out his Bowels. But the Jew made such presents to the Empress that the Sentence was changed, though the punishment was not much lesle rigorous. For his flesh was torn with read hot Pincers from several parts of his body, in several Streets of the City, and boiling Lead poured into the raw wounds; after which he was broken alive upon the wheel, at the public place of Execution. Being upon my departure from Ratisbone, I met with Father Joseph, Resident there for the King of France, who knowing me in Paris, proposed to me to go along with the Monsieur, the Abbot of Chapes, Brother of the Marshal de Aumont, and Monsieur St. Liebau, who were than intending for Constantinople, and so for Palestine. I liked the proposition well, and immediately put myself into the Society of those two Gentlemen, from whom I never separated till they departed for Syria from Constantinople. But before we left Germany, we resolved to see the Court of Savony, whither we got in a few days, By the way we passed through Freybergh, a small City, but well worth seeing, for the beauty of the Electors Tombs, and most splendid and magnificent both for Materials and Workmanship in all Europe. From thence we went and viewed the stately Castle of Augustburgh, seated upon a high Mountain, wherein among other things there is a great Hall, adorned from top to bottom with nothing but Horns fastened to the Wall; among the rest is the Head of a Hare with two Horns, sent the Elector by the King of Denmark for a great Rarity. In one of the Courts of the Palace stands a Tree so large in Body, and spreading out the Branches at so wide a distance, that they will cover three hundred sixty five Tables with their shade. And that which makes this Tree more wonderful is, that it is only▪ Birch, that rarely grows to that Immensity. Dresde is the Residence of the Elector, a little City, but a very neat one, and well fortified; with a Stone a Bridge over the Elbe, that parts the Old and New Town. The Palace is one of the largest and fairest in Germany. But it wants a Piazza before it, the Principal Gate standing just at the bottom of a narrow Lane. From Dresde we went to Prague, which was a third time that I saw that great and fair City, or rather three Cities together, only saparated by the Molda, that throws itself into the Elbe, some five or six Leagues below. Having traversed Bohemia, and touched upon the corner of Moravia, we entered Austria, and came to Vienna, resolving there to Embark with all speed, because the Winter came on. We stayed one day at Presburgh to see the great Church, and some Relics which they showed us, and from thence fell down to Altenburgh. Altenburgh is a City and Province belonging to the Count of Arach. It was the Child's part of one of the Queens of Hungary, who upon her deathbed bequeathed it to one of the Lords of her Court, upon condition that he and his Successors should always keep such a number of Peacocks; for defect whereof, the Territory should revert to the Crown. Thence we came to Signet, from whence I took a little Boat and hasted to Raab, where I did my Devoirs to the Viceroy, who was glad to see me, and gave noble entertainment to the Messieurs de Chapes, and de St. Liebau. Here we stayed eight or ten days for the Bassa of Budas Answer, whether he would give liberty to two French Gentlemen, to pass with their Train through his Garrison or not; which being returned such as we could desire, we Embarked at Comorra in a sort of Bigrantines well fitted for defence and convenience. From Vienna to Javarin we lay three days upon the water, by reason of the great turn and winding of the Danaw. Leaving Javarin we lay at Comorra; and from Commorra we rowed to Buda in two days. For the Road by Land is seldom travelled in regard that the Frontiers of both Empires are full of Thiefs and Boothalers. In fair weather you may go from Buda to Belgrade in lesle than eight days, but we were forced to stay longer upon the Water, in regard of the Cold weather. It is the custom in Hungary, that in all Roads little frequented by Strangers, not to take any Money of the Travellers; For the Burghers lodge and entertain them civilly, for which the Burgo Master at the years end repays them out of the public stock. But besides, that they are not troubled with many Passengers; Hungary, which is one of the best Countries in Europe, affords provision at so cheap a rate, that to Belgrade it costs us not above two Crowns a day for fourteen people. Buda stands upon the right hand of the Danaw, about half an hours travelling from the River. The Bassa being advised of our arrival, sent his Squire with led Horses, and several slaves in very good Liveries to conduct us to the Town. And though we stayed twelve days before we could speak with him, by reason of his being sick at that time, yet he allowed us a fair provision of Mutton, Pullet's, Rice, Butter, and Bread, and two Sequins a day for small expenses. He was a comely person, and of a handsome carriage and at our departure, he sent six Caleshes with two Spahi's to conduct us to Balgrade, with order to defray our expenses, which would by no means be accepted, Coming to Belgrade we found the Sangiai as rude, as we had found the Bassa civil before. For he made a ridiculous demand of two hundred Ducats a Head, and for fifteen days prolonged the contest. But at length I so terrified him, by threatening to sand our Complaints to the Ottoman Port, of his ill usage of two Gentlemen, Kinsmen to the Ambassador of France, that he was contented with fifty Ducats for all. Belgrade is situated upon a point of Land, where two great Rivers, the Danaw and the Sava meet; and is furnished with Wine, Bread, and all sorts of Provisions at a cheap rate. From Belgrade we took some saddle Horses, some Coaches for Adrianople, as every one liked best. We passed through Sophia, a large and well peopled City, the Metropolis of the Ancient Bulgarians, and the residence of the Bassa of Romeli. In it stands a fair Mosque, which hath been a Christian Church, built with so much Art, that three men may go up to the top of the Steeple, and not see one another. From Sophia we came to Philippoli, between which Town and Adrianople we met with two Troops of Tartars well mounted. When they saw us, they made a Lane for us to pass through them, with a design most certainly to have fallen upon us; since they could not hope to do any good upon us, but by surprise and number; for they were ill provided of Weapons, and we rarely well well Armed. Thereupon we alighted and Barricadoed up ourselves with our Chariots. In the mean time we sent our Saphis to the Commander of those Tartars, to tell them, we would not stir till they were gone, and that being Soldiers as they were, they could not hope for any booty from us. The Commander answered, that he had divided his men in that manner only to do us Honour; but since we desired they should be gone, they requested us but to sand them a little Tobacco. A boon which we readily granted them, and so we passed on. We came to Adrianople the three and twentieth day after we parted from Belgrade. Adrianople takes its name from the Emperor Adrian, being formerly called Orestes. It is pleasantly situated at the mouth of three Rivers that throw themselves into the Archipelago. The old Town is not very big, but the Turks daily enlarge the Suburbs, being a place which the Grand Signors very much delight in for the pleasures of Hunting and Hawking, especially, at the wild Duck and Heron. The fifth day after we departed from Adrianople, and the forty second after we departed from Vienna, we happily arrived at Constantinople, and crossing through the City over to Galata, went to the Ambassador's House. While we stayed there to winter, he made a small Voyage to the Dardanells, to the Ruins of Troy, where we beheld nothing but Stones, not worth the while of going so far to see. Another day we took three Barks and Sailed to Chalcedon, that lies upon the Sea. There is in it a very ancient Church; and they showed us the Room where the Council was held, with the same Chairs which were than made use of. Now it is only a Monestary, where two Bishops after they had showed us what they could, handsomely entertained us. Than we went to view Pompey's Pillar at the mouth of the Black Sea. Concerning the Channel of which Sea, I must make one Observation; that though there be no part of the Sea but has one Current, yet this has two quite contrary one to another. That part next to Europe carries the Vessel to the Black Sea; and that next Asia brings it back again to the Mediterranean. So that you have no more to do but to cross over from one Shore to the other. The Winter being over, the two French Gentlemen pursued their Voyage for Alexandretta. But for my part, I having another design in my head, stayed at Constantinople, in expectation of of a Caravan, which the people told me from Month to Month was coming. I was than ignorant, and did not understand that every year there were five or six Caravans that went from Bursa. Besides, that sometime eight or ten Merchants travelling together, might go safe to Ispahan. Which ignorence of mine made me stay longer than I intended. At length, after I had continued eleven Months in Constantinople, I departed with a fair and numerous Caravan for Ispahan, which was the first time I travelled into Asia. After that I made five others, wherein, I had time better to understand the Qualities of the Countries, and the Genius of the People. The three last times I went beyond Gauges, to the Island of Java; so that for the space of forty years, I have travelled above sixty thousand Leagues by Land; never returning but once into Europe by Sea. And thus in my six Voyages, and by travelling different Roads, I had the leisure and opportunity to see all Turkey, all Persia, and all India, particularly the famous Diamond Ours, where no European had been before me. Of these three great Empires therefore have I resolved to make an ample and exact Description: and I will begin with the several Roads which may be taken from Paris into Persia. Place the CUTS as they are Paged. PERSIAN Travels. THe Spear, Pag. 13. Erivan, p. 15: Money of Persia, p. 51. Bagdat, p 87. Comouches, p. 129. Persian Seals, p. 178, 179. Gomrom, p. 257. Candahar, p. 258. [9 Cuts.] INDIAN Travels. LArins, Money of the Great Mogul, of a King, and two Raja's Pag. 2, Pieces of Gold called Pagods, p. 5. Money of Beda, Pera, Achen. Siam, p. 7. China Money, p. 8. Japon Money, p. 9 Silver Ingots of Japon, and representing the 12 Signs, p. 10. Portugal's Muscovy, p. 13. Stones, Diamonds, p. 148. 2 Cuts more, p. 149. Balais Rubies, p. 150. Pearls, p. ●50. Musk Cat, p. 153. Faquirs Tree, p. 166. Faquir, p. 167. [14 Cuts.] These Computations are made, supposing a French Crown to be in value Sterling 54 pence, or 4 s. 6 d. the reputed Par, and that 12 Deniers make a Sous, 20 Sous a Liver; whereof 3 make an Escu. By which Computation 10 Sous is in value 9 d. and 10 Deniers 3 q. Persian Money. French. English. l. s. d. q. A Bassi 18 Sous, 6 Deniers 0 01 04 2 ⅗ 3 Abasses and 1 Chayet 1 Ecu 0 04 06 2 Mamoudi's 1 Abassi 0 01 04 0 ⅕ 2 Chayets 1 Mamoudi 0 00 08 0 ⅕ Casbeké Simple 5 Deniers, 1 Halfpenny 0 00 01 2 41/100 Double Casbeké 11 Deniers 0 00 03 0 81/100 Basti 1 2 Double Casbekés 0 00 06 1 74/100 Chayets 1 5 Double Casbekés 0 00 04 0 ⅕ 1 Or 5 Abassi's 0 06 11 1 1 Toman 46 Livers, 1 Denier, ⅕ Piastre 3 09 00 0 9/25 Indian Money. French. English. l. s. d. q. Larins' 5 1 Ecu French, within 8 Sous 0 03 10 3 ⅕ Demi-Larins 10 Half as much 0 01 11 1 ⅗ Roupy of Gold 21 Livers 1 11 06 Roupy of Gold 30 Sous 0 02 03 Pecha 6 Deniers 0 00 00 1 ⅘ Half Roupy 16 Sous 0 01 02 1 ⅗ Quarter of a Roupy 7 Sous, 6 Deniers 0 00 06 3 Pagods Demi-Pistol (in Gold a Pistol is 11 Livers) 0 08 03 Fano's 6 1 Ecu 0 04 06 Cheda Money 1. 2. 2 Sous 0 00 01 3 ⅕ Cheda 3. 4. 4 Deniers 0 00 00 1 ⅕ Achen Gold 16 Sous, 8 Deniers 0 01 03 Macassar Gold 23 Sous, 8 Deniers 0 01 09 1 ⅕ Camboya Silver 4 Sous 0 00 03 2 ⅖ Siam Gold 7 Livers, 1 Sous 0 10 06 3 ⅗ Siam Silver 32 Sous, 4 Deniers 0 02 05 0 ⅖ Asem Silver 23 Sous 0 01 08 2 ⅘ Tipoura Silver 22 Sous 0 01 07 3 ⅕ Arakan Money 21 Sous 0 01 06 3 ⅗ Pegu Silver 20 Sous, 6 Deniers 0 01 06 1 ⅘ Gold Fanos 15. 1 Real 0 04 04 Asem Fanos 22. 1 Ecu 0 04 06 China Goltschut 1350 Livers 101 05 00 China Silver pieces 59 Sous, 8 Deniers 0 04 05 2 ⅘ Japon Gold▪ Not 1. 87 Livers, 10 Sous 6 11 03 No. 2. 3. 29 Livers, 31 Sous, 4 Deniers 2 05 10 1 Japon Silver▪ pieces 30 Sous 0 02 03 Silver Ingots, Not 1. 24 Livers, 10 Sous 1 16 09 2. 8 Livers, 10 Sous, 7 Deniers 0 12 09 2 1/10 3. 4 Livers, 5 Sous, 5 Deniers 0 06 04 3 ½ 4. 3 Livers, 10 Sous, 11 Deniers 0 05 03 3 3/10 5. 3 Livers, 8 Sous, 8 Deniers 0 05 01 3 ⅕ 6. 1 Liver, 5 Sous, 1 Denier 0 01 10 2 3/10 7. 1 Liver, 9 Deniers 0 01 06 2 7/10 8. 16 Sous, 4 Deniers 0 01 02 2 ⅘ A Tell 4 Livers, 5 Sous 0 06 04 2 Moscovy Gold 20 Sous, 1 Denier, 1 Halfpenny 0 01 06 0 〈◊〉 Moscovy Silver 1 Sous 0 00 00 3 ⅕ THE CONTENTS OF THE Persian Travels. The First BOOK of Monsieur TAVERNER's Persian Travels. Of the several Roads from Paris to▪ spahan the chief City of Persia, through the Northern Provinces of Turkey. Chap. I. OF the Roads from France to the hither parts of Asia. and the places from whence they usually set out for Ispahan. Pag. 1 Chap. II. Of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, which the Author kept in his first Travels into Persia. 3 Chap. III. A Continuation of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, from the Borders of Persia to Erivan. 10 Chap. IV. A continuation of the same Road from Erivan to Tauris. 15 Chap. V A continuation of the Constantinopolitan Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Ardevi and Casbin. 24 Chap. VI The ordinary Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Zangan, Sultany, and other places. 26 Chap. VII. Of the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan, through Anatolia. 32 Chap. VIII. How the Author was robbed near Tocat, and of a certain sort of a rare and fine Wool, which he first brought into France. 40 Chap. IX. Of the Road from Kerman, to Ispahan; and the fortune of Nazar Mahomet-Ali Beg. 42 Chap. X. Of the Caravansera's, and Government of the Caravans. 45 Chap. XI. Of the breeding, nature, and several sorts of Camels. 49 Chap. XII. Of the Coins and Money of Persia. 50 The Second BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, containing the several Roads from Paris to Ispahan, the Capital City of Persia, through the Southern Provinces of Turkey, and through the Deserts. Chap. I THe second Voyage of the Author from Paris to Ispahan, and first of his Embarking at Marseilles for Alexandretta. 53 Chap. II. The Description of Aleppo▪ now the Capital City of Syria. 57 Chap. III. Of the several Roads in general from Aleppo to Ispahan, and particularly of the Road through the Great Desert. Pag. 60 Chap. iv Of the Road from Aleppo to Ispahan, through Mesopotamia and Assyria, which I travelled in my third Voyage to the Indieses. 66 Chap. V A Continuation of the Road from Nineveh to Ispahan, together with the Story of an Ambassador called Dominico de Santis. 72 Chap. VI Of the Road which the Author kept, when he travelled the fourth time into Asia, to go from Paris to Ormus. And first of his Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta. 78 Chap. VII. A Continuation of the Road which the Author kept in the fourth Voyage into Asia, and particularly of his passage upon the Tigris from Nineveh to Babylon. 82 Chap. VIII. A Continuation of the Road from Bagdat to Balsara, and of the Religion of the Christians of St. John. 87 Chap. IX. A Continuation of the Road from Balsara to Ormus. 94 Chap. X. Of the Author's first Voyage, and the Adventures of the four Frenchmen. 95 The Third BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, containing the Author's Sixth and Last Voyages, and the Roads through Turkey into Persia, through the Northern Provinces of Europe. With a Description of several Countries, lying upon the Black and Caspian Seas. Chap. I. OF the Author's sixth and last Voyage from his setting out of Paris, to his Landing at Smyrna. 99 Chap. II. A Continuation of the Author's sixth Voyage, as he travelled from Smyrna to Ispahan. 102 Chap. III. The Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Diarbequir and Van. 103 Chap. IV. Another Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Gezire and other places. 108 Chap. V The Road from Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert, and through Kengavea. 109 Chap. VI Another Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, by the Euxine or Black Sea; with some Remarks upon the principal Cities thereabouts. 113 Chap. VII. The Road from Warsow to Ispahan, over the Black Sea, and from Ispahan to Moscow; with the names and principal Cities and Islands of Turkey, according to the vulgar pronunciation, as they are called in the Language of the Turks. 115 Chap. VIII. Remakrs upon the Trade of the Island of Candy, and the principal Isles of the Archipelago; as also upon some of the Cities of Greece adjoining; with a particular Relation of the present condition of the Grand Signor's Galleys, belonging as well to the Isles as to the Continent. 118 Chap. IX. A Relation of the present state of Georgia. 123 Chap. X. A Relation of the present state of Mengrelia. 125 Chap. XI. Of Comania, Circassia, and of certain people which they call Kalmouches. 126 Chap. XII. Of the Ceremonies and Customs of the people of Comania and Circassia. 129 Chap. XIII. Of the lesser Tartars, called Nogays, bordering upon Comania. 132 The Fourth BOOK of the Travels of Monsieur Tavernier, being a Description of Persia. Chap. I. OF the extent of Persia, and its Division into Provinces. 141 Chap. II. O● the Flowers and Fruits of Persia, of Turquoises and Pearls. 144 Chap. III. Of the Beasts of Service, of the Fish and Fowl of Persia. 145 Chap. iv Of the manner of Building in Persia. 147 Chap. V A Description of Ispahan, the chief City of the Kingdom and Dominion of the King of Persia. 148 Chap. VI Of Zulpha, a City separated from Ispahan by the River Senderou. 155 Chap. VII. Of the Religion of the Persians'; of the great Feast of Hocen and Hussein, and the Camel Feast. 160 Chap. VIII. Of the Religion of the Gaurs, the Relics of the ancient Persians', Adorers of Fire. 163 Chap. IX. Of the Religion of the Armenians, and of their principal Ceremonies; and how the Armenians Consecrated and Administer the Sacrament. 169 Chap. X. Of the Ordination of their Priesthood; and their Austerities. 170 Chap. XI. Of their Baptism. 171. Chap. XII. Of the Marriage of the Armenians. 172 Chap. XIII. How the Armenians Bury their Dead. 173 Chap. XIV. Examples of the Constancy of the Armenians, in maintaining their Religion against the Persecutions of the Mahometans. 174 Chap. XV. Of the Author's Reception at the Court of Persia in his sixth and last Voyage, and what he did there during his stay at Ispahan. 177 Chap. XVI. Of the Honours and Presents which the Author. received from the King of Persia. 179 Chap. XVII. How the King was pleased to divertise himself in the Author's Company. 181 The Fifth BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, being a Politic and Historical Description of Persia, with the Roads from Ispahan to Ormus. Chap. I. OF the Genealogy of the Kings of Persia, of the last Ra●e. Chap. II. Of certain particular Actions which denote the Virtues and Vices of the Kings of Persia, from Sha-Abas the first, to Sha-Soliman the present King. And first of Sha-Abas the Great. 202 Chap. III. Of what felt out most memorable in the Reign of Sha-sefi the first; and particularly of the Death of Iman-Kouli Can, and his three Sons. Pag. 198 Chap. IV The Tragical and memorable Story of Ralph Sadler, Native of Zurich, in the Reign of Sha-Sefi, who had retained him in his Service. 207 Chap. V Of some particulars under the Reign of Shakstone Abas the second. 199 Chap. VI Of the misfortune of Mahomet-Beg, in the Reign of Sha-Abas the second. 212 Chap. VII. Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the King of Persia, in the Reigns of Sha-Sefi the first, and Sha-Abas the second. 217 Chap. VIII. Observations upon the Reign of Sha-Soliman the present King. 218 Chap. IX. Of the Government of Persia. 219 Chap. X. Of the first of the three Orders or States of Persia, which comprehends the King's Household, the Khans or Governors of Provinces, and the Soldiery. 221 Chap. XI. Of the second Order containing all those that belong to the Ecclesiastical Law, and their Courts of Justice; and in general of all the Gownsmen, such as are chief the Officers of the Chamber of Accounts. 226 Chap. XII. Of the third Estate of the Kingdom, comprehending the Tradesmen and Merchants; as also the Trades, Manufactures, and Commodities of Persia. 229 Chap. XIII. Of the Justice and Policy of the Persians'. 232 Chap. XIV. Of the Manners and Customs of the Persians'. 234 Chap. XV. Of the Diseases of Persia, and the manner of Curing them. 239 Chap. XVI. Of the Division of Time among the Persians'. 240 Chap. XVII. Of the Feasts and ordinary Diet of the Persians'. 241 Chap. XVIII. Of the Marriages of the Persians'. 243 Chap. XIX. Of the Death and Burial of the Persians'. 244 Chap. XX. The Author departs from Ispahan to Ormus, and describes the Road to Schiras. 245 Chap. XXI. Of the City of Schiras. 247 Chap. XXII. A Continuation of the Road from Ispahan to 〈◊〉 from Schiras to Bander-Abassi. 251 Chap. XXIII. Of the Island of Ormus, and of Bander-Abassi. 225 Chap. XXIV. Of the Roads by Land from Casbin to Ispahan, to the Frontiers of the Territories of the Great Mogul through Candahar. 257 THE CONTENTS OF THE Indian Travels. The Figures of the Pieces of Gold, Silver, and Copper; and of the sorts of Shells and Almonds, that pass for Money over all Asia. THe Money of Arabia. Pag. 1 The Money currant under the Dominions of the Great Mogul. 2 The Money of a King and two Raja's, all three Tributaries to the Great Mogul. 3 Pieces of Gold called Pagods, which are currant in the Territories of the King of Golconda, the King of Visapour, the Great Raja of Carnatica, the Raja of Velouche, and at the Diamond Ours. 4 The Money which the English and Hollanders Coin in the Indieses. 5 The Money of the King of Cheda and Pera. 6 The Money of Gold and Tin of the King of Achen, with the Money in Gold, Coined by the King of Macassar, and the Celebes. And the Silver and Copper Money of the King of Camboya. 7 The Money in Gold, Silver, and Copper, of the King of Siam, Ibid. The Gold and Silver Money of the King of Asem, Tipoura, Arakin, and Pegu. 8 Lumps or Pieces of Gold and Silver, which go for Money in the Kingdom of China, and the Kingdom of Tunquin. Ibid. The Gold and Silver Money of Japon. 9 The Portraiture of the Silver Ingots of Japon, which go for Money. Ibid. Money that represents the Figures of the twelve Signs; and which were Coined during the twenty four hours, that Jehan-Guir, King of the Indieses, permitted Queen Nourmahall, his Wife, to Reign in his stead. 10 The Gold, Silver, and Copper Money, which the Portugals Coin in the East-indieses. 12 The Gold and Silver Money of Muscovy. 13 The First BOOK of the INDIAN Travels. What Roads to take in Travelling from Ispahan to Agra, from Agra to Dehly and Gehanabat, where the Great Mogul resides at present: And how to Travel also to the Court of the King of Golconda, to the King of Visapour, and to many other places in the Indieses. Chap. I THe Road from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron, where is particularly described the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Surat. Pag. 15 Chap. II. Of the Customs, Money, Exchange, Weight, and Measures of the Indians. 17 Chap. III. Of their Carriages, and the manner of travelling in India. 27 Chap. IV. The Road from Surat to Agra, through Brampour and S●ronge. 30 Chap. V The Road from Surat to Agra, through Amadabat. 36 Chap. VI The Road from Ispahan to Agra, through Candahar. 43 Chap. VII. The continuance of the same Road from Dehly to Agra. 48 Chap. VIII. The Road from Agra to Patna and Daca, Cities in the Province of Bengala, and of the quarrel which the Author had with Cha-Est-Kan, the King's Uncle. 51 Chap. IX. The Road from Surat to Golconda. 60 Chap. X. Of the Kingdom of Golconda, and the Wars which it has maintained for some few years last passed. 63 Chap. XI. The Road from Golconda to Maslipatan, or Masalipatan. 69 Chap. XII. The Road from Surat to Goa, and from Goa to Golconda, through Visapour. 71 Chap. XIII. Observations upon the present State of the City of Goa. 74 Chap. XIV. What the Author did during his stay at Goa, the last time he went thither, in the year 1648. 78 Chap. XV. The Story of Father Ephraim, and how he was put into the Inquisition at Goa by a surprisal. 85 Chap. XVI. The Road from Goa to Maslipatan through Cochin, here described in the Story of the taking of that City by the Hollanders. 88 Chap. XVII. The passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan. 90 Chap. XVIII. The Road from Maslipatan to Gondicot, a City and Garrison in the Province of Carnatica; and of the deal which the Author had with Mirgimola, who commanded the King of Golconda's Army. With a discourse at large concerning Elep haunts. 91 Chap. XIX. The Road from Gondicot to Golconda. 100 Chap. XX. The Author's return from Surat to Ormus. 105 The Second BOOK of the INDIAN Travels. Containing an Historical and Political Description of the Empire of the Great Mogul. Chap. I A Relation to the last Wars of Indostan, which gives an insight into the present Estate of the Empire and Court of the Moguls. 106 Chap. II. Of the Sickness and supposed Death of Cha-Jehan King of India, and the Rebellion of the Princes his Sons. Pag. 108 Chap. III. Of the Imprisonment of Cha-Jehan, and how he was punished by Aurenge-Zebe his third Son, for the injustice he had done Prince Boulaki his Nephew, the Grand child of Jehan-Guir, to whom as to the Son of the Eldest Son, the Empire of the Mogul belonged. 111 Chap. iv Of the flight of Dara-Cha to the Kingdom of Scindi and Guzerat, of the second battle which he fought against Aurenge-Zebe, his being taken Prisoner, and Death. 114 Chap. V How Aurenge-Zebe caused himself to be declared King, and of the flight of Sultan-Sujah. 116 Chap. VI Of the Imprisonment of Sultan-Mahomed, Aurenge-Zebe's Eldest Son; and of Sultan Soliman Chekour, Eldest Son of Dara-Cha. 117 Chap. VII. Of the beginning of Aurenge-Zebe's Reign, and the Death of Cha-Jehan his Father. 120 Chap. VIII. Of the preparations against the Feast of the Great Mogul, when he is weighed solemnly every year. Of the Richness of his Thrones, and the magnificence of his Court. 122 Chap. IX. Some other observations upon the Court of the Great Mogul. 124 Chap. X. Of the Commodities which are brought, as well out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visasapour, and other Neighbouring Territories. 126 Chap. XI. Of Diamonds, and the Ours and Rivers where they are found; and first of the Author's Journey to the Ours of Raolconda. 134 Chap. XII. The Author's Journey to the other Ours; and how they found the Diamonds there. 137 Chap. XIII. A Continuation of the Author's Travels to the Diamond Ours. 139 Chap. XIV. Of the diversity of Weights used at the Diamond Ours; of the pieces of Gold and Silver there currant; and the Rule which they observe to know the price of Diamonds. 140 Chap. XV. The Rule to know the just price and value of a Diamond of what weight soever, from three to a hundred, and upwards; a Secret known to very few people in Europe. 142 Chap. XVI. Of Coloured Stones, and the places where they are found. 137 Chap. XVII. Of Pearls, and the places where they fish for them. 145 Chap. XVIII. How the Pearls are bred in the Oysters, and how they fish for them, and at what time. 146 Chap. XIX. Observations upon the fairest and largest Diamonds and Rubies, which the Author has seen in Europe and Asia, represented according to the Figures in the Plates; as also upon those which the Author sold to the King, upon his last return from the Indieses; with the Figure of a large Topaz, and the fairest Pearls in the World. 148 Chap. XX. The forms of twenty Rubies which the Author sold to the King, upon his last return from the Indieses. The first part of the Plate shows the weight, extent, and thickness of every Stone. 149 Chap. XXI. Of the Coral, and yellow Amber, and the places where 'tis found. 151 Chap. XXII. Of Musk and Bezoar, and some other Medicinal Stones. 1●3 Chap. XXIII. Of the places where they found their Gold, both in Asia and America. 156 Chap. XXIV. The Relation of a notable piece of Treachery, whereby the Author was abused when he Embarked at Gomrom for Surat. 157 The Third BOOK of the INDIAN Travels. Chap. I. OF the particular Religion of the Mahometans in the East-indieses. Pag. 159 Chap. II. Of the Faquirs, or poor Mahometan Volunteers in the East-indieses. 160 Chap. III. Of the Religion of the Gentiles, or Idolatrous Indians. 161 Chap. iv Of the Kings and Idolatrous Princes of Asia. 163 Chap. V What the Idolaters believe touching a Divinity. 164 Chap. VI Of the Faquirs, or poor Volunteers among the Indians, and of their Penances. 165 Chap. VII. Of the Idolaters Belief touching the State of the Soul after Death. 197 Chap. VIII. Of the Custom among the Idolaters to Burn the Bodies of their Dead. 168 Chap. IX. How the Wives are Burnt in India, with the Bodies of their deceased Husbands. 169 Chap. X. Remarkable Stories of Women that have been Burnt after their Husband's decease. 171 Chap. XI. Of the most Celebrated Pagods of the Idolaters in India. 173 Chap. XII. A Continuation of the Description of the Principal Pagods of the Indian Idolaters. 177 Chap. XIII. Of the Pilgrimages of the Idolaters to their Pagod. 179 Chap. XIV. Of divers Customs of the Indian Idolater. Ibid. Chap. XV. Of the Kingdom of Boutan, whence comes the Musk, the Good Rhubarb, and some Furs. 182 Chap. XVI. Of the Kingdom of Eipra. 186 Chap.▪ XVII. Of the Kingdom of Asem. 187 Chap. XVIII. Of the Kingdom of Siam. 189 Chap. XIX. Of the Kingdom of Macassar, and the Ambassadors which the Hollanders sent into China. 191 Chap. XX. The Author pursues his Travels into the East, and Embarks at Mengrelia for Batavia. The danger he was in upon the Sea; and his arrival in the Island of Ceylan. 194 Chap. XXI. The Author's departure from Ceylan, and his arrival at Batavia. 195 Chap. XXII. The Author goes to visit the King of Bantam, and relates several Adventures upon that Occasion. 196 Chap. XXIII. The Author's return to Batavia. His Revisiting the King of Bantam. And a Relation of several extravagancies of certain Faquirs in their return from Mecca. 199 Chap. XXIV. Of the War of the Hollanders, with the Emperor of Java. 202 Chap. XXV. The Author Buries his Brother; and is again quarrelled withal by the General of his Council. 203 Chap. XXVI. The Author Embarks in a Dutch Vessel, to return into Europe. 204 Chap. XXVII. The Holland Fleet arrives at St. Helen's. The Description of the Island. 207 THE FIRST BOOK OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER'S Persian Travels, Containing the several ROADS From PARIS to ISPAHAN the Chief City of PERSIA. Through the Northern Provinces of TURKEY. CHAP. I Of the Roads from France to the hither parts of Asia, and the Places from whence they usually set out for Ispahan. A Man cannot travel in Asia, as they do in Europe; nor at the same Hours, nor with the same ease. There are no weekly Coaches or Wagons from Town to Town; besides, that the Soil of the Countries is of several natures. In Asia you shall meet with several Regions untilled and unpeopled, either through the badness of the Climate and Soil, or the sloth of the Inhabitants, who rather choose to live miserably, than to work. There are vast Deserts to cross, and very dangerous, both for want of Water, and the Robberies that the Arabs daily commit therein. There are no certain Stages, or Inns to entertain Travellers. The best Inns, especially in Turkey, are the Tents which you carry along with you, and your Hosts are your Servants, that get ready those Victuals which you have bought in good Towns. You set up your Tent in the open Field, or in any Town where there is no Inn: and a good shift too in temperate weather, when the Sun is not too hot, or that it does not rain. In the Carvansera's or Inns which are more frequent in Persia than in Turkey, there are persons that furnish you with Provisions, and the first come are best served. As for Turkey it is full of Thiefs, that keep in Troops together, and waylay the Merchants upon the Roads, and if they be not very well guarded will certainly rob them: nay many times murder them. A mischief prevented in Persia by the well ordered convenience which is provided for Travellers. To avoid these dangers and inconveniences, you are obliged to stay for the Caravans, that go for Persia or the Indieses, which never set out but at certain times, and from certain places. These Caravans set out from Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo. And it is from one of these Cities that a Traveller must set out, that intends for Persia, whether he keeps company with the Caravan, or will hazard himself alone with a Guide, as once I did. I will begin with Constantinople, from whence you may go either by Land or Sea: and either by Land or Sea there are two ways to go. The first of these by Land is that which I took with Monsieur Chapes and Monsieur St. Liebau, By the way take notice, that Vienna is the halfway near-upon between Paris and Constantinople. The second Road is lesle frequented, but is lesle inconvenient and lesle dangerous: for there are need of the Emperor's Passports, which he does not grant very freely: besides that here is no fear of the Pirates of Tunis or Argier, as when you embark from Marseilles or Ligorn. If you intent this way, you must go to Venice; from Venice to Ancona, from whence several Barks are bound every Week for Ragusa. From Ragusa you sail along by the Shore to Durazzo a Sea▪ Port of Albania; from whence you travel the rest of the way by Land. From Durazzo to Albanopolis, distant three days journey, from thence to Monestier, just as far; from Monestier you may either take the left hand through Sophia, and Philippopolis, or the right through Inguischer, three days journey from Monestier, and ten from Adrianople, from whence in five days you reach Constantinople through Seliurea. This last way is part by Sea and part by Land: but there are two other ways altogether by Land, above and below Italy, according to the distinction which Antiquity made of the two Seas that almost encompass it. You may embark at Venice, and sailing along the Gulf which is free from Pirates, you must double the Cape of Matapan, the most Southern Point of all Europe, to enter into the Archipelago. The other way is from Marseilles or Ligorn, from whence several Vessels are bound for the East. The safest way is to go along with the English or Holland Fleets, that usually arrive at Ligorn either in the Spring or in Autumn, and part just against the Morea, to the several parts whither they are bound. As the Wind serves, those Fleets sometimes make Sail between the Island of Elba and Italy, and by the Tower of Messina▪ sometimes below Sicily and Sardigna, within sight of Malta. Thus you must come within sight of Candy, whether you are bound for Constantinople, Smyrna, or Alexandretta, from whence it is but three days journey to Aleppo: from one of which three Cities, you must necessarily begin your journey, if you intent for Persia. Some take Egypt in their way, using through Alexandria, Cairo, and Damiata, whence several Vessels are bound for Joppa; or St. John's of Aera, which is not far of: from thence to Jerusalem or Damascus, and from thence to Bagdat or Babylon. If you will venture in a single Vessel not staying for the Fleets, you may hire a Vessel from Ligorn to Naples, from Naples to Messina, keeping along by the Shore, and lying a shore every night. I took this way, and went from Messina to Syracuse, where are to be seen the most remarkable footsteps of Antiquity. 'Tis like a City under ground, and near to it is a great Rock which has been made hollow, at the bottom whereof if a man whisper, they that are at the top may hear him. They call this Rock Dionysius the Tyrant's Ear: for being at the top, he easily understood what the People said of him below; and discovered the Counsels of the chief Men of Syracuse, whom he kept prisoners there. Syraecuse has nothing of that splendour which renowned it when it was the Mistress of all Sicily, and when Greece, jealous of her power, made War upon her. But the Soil is very plentiful, and the Galleys of Malta very often take in their Provisions there. Near the City is a fair Convent of Capuchin Friars, going out of which, you may walk for half an hour between two very high Rocks, where there are several little Cells with every one a Garden, where the Friars sometimes retire, and it is certainly one of the most pleasing Solitudes in the World. From Syracuse I went to Malta, where you must wait for some Ship that is bound for the East. CHAP. II. Of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, which the Author kept in his first Travels into Persia. IT is seldom that any Caravans go from Constantinople into Persia; but from Bursa they go every two Months: Bursa is the Capital City of Bythinia, not above three days journey from Constantinople, or a little more. These two Roads meet at Chabangi, where you may be from Bursa in two Days: and so I will only speak of the Roads from Constantinople to Ispahan. This Journey is to be undertaken either with the Caravan of Camels, or else ten or twelve Men in a Company, well mounted and well armed. From Constantinople you cross over to Scutari, upon the Coast of Asia. Setting out from Scutari, the first days journey is very pleasant, over Fields gaily painted with Flowers in their season. At first for some time together, one both sides the way, you see nothing but fair Sepulchers with their Pyramids, and you may easily discern the women's Monuments from the men's. For there is a Turban upon the Pyramid of the men's Sepulchre, but the Pyramids of the women's Monuments are trimmed with the Head-Attire which is worn by the Women of the Country. That Evening you must lie at Cartali, a Village of Bythinia, the next Day at Gebisa, anciently Lybissa, famous for the Tomb of Hannibal. In that place there are two good Inns, and two fair Fountains. The third day you come to Isnich, which is thought to be the ancient Nicaea; one part of the City is built upon the descent of a Hill, the other part upon a Plain that reaches to the Sea, and makes the Golf of Isnich. The Haven consists of two Moles made of Freestone, and three great Enclosures encompassed with Walls, which serve instead of so many Arsenals, wherein there are Store houses full of large Timber, for building Houses and Galleys. The Country round about being an excellent place for Hunting, and the Soil bearing rare Fruits, and rich in Wine, caused Sultan Amuratt to build a Seraglio in the highest part of the Town, from whence there is a prospect at the same time both over the Sea and the Country. The Jews inhabit the greatest part of the Town, dealing chief in Timber and Co●●. When the Wind ferves, you may go from Constantinople to Isnich in seven or eight Hours, there being no danger in the passage. The fourth Day you stay at Chabangi, a small Town built upon the side of a Lake called Chaban Gigul, where there are two Inns. From the beginning of the Lake for two Leagues together you travel partly over Mountains, partly by the Lake-side, where in some places the Horse will be up to the Belly. This Lake is not above ten Leagues in compass; but it yields great store of large Fish, insomuch that I have bought a Pike two Foot and a half long for three Sous. Many Emperors have had a design to make a Cutt out of this Lake into the Sea, for the more easy transporting to Constantinople the Timber which grows upon the Mountains near the Lake. And if the Grand Visier, who by a Miracle died in his Bed, and left his Son successor to his Employment, had lived some Years longer, he had no question added this to the rest of those famous Wotks that eternised his Memory. Departing from Chabangi, you come to lie at Night upon the Bank of a River called Zacarat, which runs Northward and falls into the Black Sea. It is a River plentiful in Fish, and you cross over it with a wooden Bridge. There is neither Town, nor Inn in that place; but a League from the River is a great Town called Ada, the chiefest part of the Inhabitants whereof are Armemians. Thither we sent for excellent good Wine, and other necessary refreshments. From that River to Cancoli, where you lie the next Night, and have your choice of four Inns; you travel all the day in the Marshes, over wooden Bridges and Causeys. Tuskebasar is the next place, a small Village with two Inns. From thence to Cargueslar, a great Town, with one Inn, built upon a River, where there is great store of Fish taken, which the Inhabitants call Bourma-balouky, that is to say, the Fish with the long Nose: It is speckled like a Trout; but of a better taste, and more esteemed. Polia or Polis, is a City seated at the foot of several Mountains, the Inhabitants whereof are for the most part Greeks. These Mountains are very high, and extend themselves along the Road for Two days journey. They are full of several sorts of Trees, which are straight and tall like Firr-Trees: and divided by so many Torrents, which it would be hard to pass over, where it not for the Bridges that the Grand Visier Kuprigli caused to be built. In regard the soil of these Mountains is very fat, there would be no drawing for the Horses after great Rains or the melting of the Snow, had not the same Visier caused all the Ways to be Paved and Pitched, even as far as Constantinople. A Work of great charge, in regard there is not a Flint in any part of the ●ountain, and for that the Stone is to fetched a great way of. There are abundance of Pigeons as big as Hens, and of an excellent taste, which not only pleased our Appetites, but afforded us very good Pastime to shoot them. Between the City and the Mountain, there is a Plain about two Leagues in length; near to which, there glides a River that waters it, and very much contributes to its fertility. It is an excellent Soil, and produces all things necessary for human Life. Upon each side of the way I counded above Twenty Churchyards▪ For it is the custom of the Turks to bury near the Highway, believing that the Travellers pray for the Souls of the deceased. Upon every Tomb, there is to be seen a Marble Pillar, half fixed in the Earth: of which Pillars there are so great a number, of various Colours, that it is from thence conjectured, that there were a very great number of Christian Churches in Polia, and the parts thereabouts. They assured me likewise, that there was a vast quantity of these Pillars in the Villages up and down in the Mountains which the Turks every day pull down and set up their Tombs. Bendourlour is a Village in the Mountains where there is one Inn. Gerradar is beyond the Mountains, where there are two Inns. Cargeslar has two Inns, and lies in a good Country. Caragaler is a Town where there are two Inns. Cosizar is a Village with one Inn. Tocia is a great City situated upon rising Hills, that join to very high Mountains. Upon the Winter West, there appears a fair Champain Country, watered by a Stream that falls into a River of a greater bigness, called Guselarmac. Upon the highest of the smaller Hills toward the East, there is a Fortess, where a Bassa resides; and in the Town is one of the fairest Inns upon the Road. The greatest part of the Inhabitants are Christian Greeks, who have the advantage to drink excellent Wine, with which the Country furnishes them in abundanee. Agisensalou stands upon a River, and there is an Inn and a fair Mosque in it. Ozeman is a little City seated at the foot of a Hill, upon which there stands a strong Castle, and below two very commodious Inns. The River Guselarmac, broad and deep, washes the Southside of the City, which you cross over one of the fairest Bridges that ever was seen. It consists of Fifteen Arches, all of Freestone, and is a work that shows the Grandeur of the Undertaker. Somewhat at a distance from the Bridge stands Six Corn-Mills all together, with little wooden Bridges to go from one to another. This River falls into the Euxin Sea, about eight days journey from Ozeman. Azilar is a great Town, where there are two Inns. Delekiras is a great Village, with one Inn. These Four days Journeys are very dangerous, by reason that the Ways are narrow, and commodious for Robbers. They are very numerous in this Country; and therefore understanding that we were waylaid, we sent and desired a Convoy of the Bassa, who lent us fifty Horsemen. Amasia is a great City, built upon an ascent in the hollow of a Mountain. It has no prospect, but only from the South over a fair Plain. The River that runs by it comes from Tocat, and throws itself into the Black-Sea, four days journey from Amasia. You cross it over a wooden Bridge, so narrow that not above three persons can go abreast. To bring fresh Water to the City, they have cut a League into Rocks as hard as Marble, which was a prodigious Labour. On the Westside, upon a high Mountain, stands a Fortress, where they can come by no other Water than what they preserve in Cisterns when it reins. In the middle of the Mountain is a fair Spring, and round about it are several Chambers cut out of the Rock, where the Dervichs made their abode. There are but two Inns, and those very bad ones, in Amasia. But the soil is good, and bears the best Wine and Fruits in all Anatolia. Ainabachar, is the name of an Inn, distant a quarter of a League from a great Town where they fetch their Provisions. Turcall is a great Town near to a Mountain, upon which there stands a Castle. The River that comes from Tocat washes the Houses, and we caught excellent Fish in it. In that place is another of the fairest Inns upon the Road. From Turcall you may travel in one day to Tocat, where the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan meets. Tocat is a good fair City built at the foot of a very high Mountain, spreading itself round about a great Rock that stands almost in the midst of the Town, upon the top whereof a high Castle commands the neighbouring parts, with a good Garrison in it. It is very ancient, and the remainder of three others that stood there in former times. The City is very well inhabited with Turks, who are the Lord Controllers, Armenians, Greeks, and Jews. The Streets are very narrow, but the Houses are indifferent well built; and and among several Mosques, there is one very magnificient, which seems to be newly reared. There was also a very fair Inn going up, which when I last travelled that way, was not quite finished. There is one thing more particular and more commodious at Tocat, which is not to be found in any Inns upon the Road, That round about all the Caravansera's in the Town, there are lodgingss which they let out to Merchants, that desire to be by themselves out of the noise and hurry of the Caravans, whiles they stay at Tocat. Besides that, in those private Lodgings you have your liberty to drink Wine, and provide for the rest of your Journey; which is not so easily done in the public Inns, where the Turks will have an eye upon the Merchants, to draw Money out of their pockets. The Christians have twelve Churches at Tocat, and there resides an Archbishop, that has under him seven Suffragans. There are also two Monasteries for Men, and two for Women; and for fourteen or fifteen Leagues round Tocat, the Country is all inhabited by Armenian Christians, but very few Greeks being intermixed among them. The greatest part of these Christians are Tradesmen, and for the most part Smiths. A fair River runs about half a quarter of a League from the City, which rises near to Erzerom, and is crossed at Tocat over a very beautiful stone Bridge. Upon the North side of the City, it waters a Plain three or four days Journey in extent, and two or three Leagues broad. It is very fertile, and replenished with fair Villages very well peopled. A man may live very cheap at Tocat: the Wine is most excellent, and all sort of rare Fruit very plentiful. It is the only place in all Asia where plenty of Saffron grows, which is the best Commodity you can carry to the Indieses, where a Pound, as the Years fall out, is worth thirteen or fourteen * Every Frank being 2 s. sterling. Franks, though the Wax that preserves it, be as much in weight as the Saffron. This City, with the Lands belonging to it, usually is the Dowager Sultanesses Jointure. There is only an Aga and a Cady, that command there in the behalf of the Grand Signior: for the Bassa, from whom they receive their Orders, lives at Sivas, which is the ancient Sebastia, and a very great City, some three days journey from Tocat. In short, Tocat is one of the most remarkable Thoroughfares in the East, where are continually lodged the Caravans from Persia, Diarbequer, Bagdat, Constantinople, Smyrna, Synopus, and other places; and here the Caravans turn of, as they are variously bound. They that are for Constantinople, take to the Winter West upon the right hand; they that are for Smyrna, incline to the Summer West, upon the left hand. When you set out either way out of Tocat, there is a Tollgatherer that counts all the Camels and Horses that pass by, and exacts for every Camel a quarter of a Rixdollar, and for every Horse half as much. As for the Horses or Camels that carry the Passengers or their Provisions, they pay nothing. This con●●●ual concourse of the Caravans trolls the Money about at Tocat, and makes it one of the most considerable Cities of Turkey. Setting out of Tocat to go to Erzerom, you discover a little Village so situated under a Hill, as if the Mountain lay atop of it; and between that Mountain and the River, the Road is very narrow where the Caravan is to pass. In this Road it was, that we met the Grand Visier returning from Hunting, with a Train of four hundred men: so soon as he perceived us, he filled of all his men to give us liberty to pass by. But among all the Company, there was not above four Franks upon which he particularly cast his Eye; which made him sand for the Caravan Bacchi to know who we were. The Caravan Bacchi, to avoid the ill Consequences of jealousy which the Visier might have of the Franks, at a time when the Grand Visier made War in Persia, told him we were Jews; at which the Visier, shaking his Head, replied only that we did not look like such, and happy it was for us that he took replied only that we did not look like such, and happy it was for us that he took no farther notice. For it was twenty to one, but that upon better consideration he might have sent after us to have stopped us. But when he came home to his Lodging he found a Capigi staying for him, with Orders from the Grand Signior to take of his Head, which were presently executed. For Amurath being troubled for the loss of his Army, had no way but to revenge himself upon the person that had the command of it. Notwithstanding that the Caravans rest at Tocat, yet they stay likewise two or three days at Charkliqueu, which is not above two Leagues distant from it; for Charkliqueu is a great Town in a lovely Country, between two fertile Hills, where there grows excellent Wine. It is for the most part inhabited by Christians, who are generally Tanners. The fine blue Goat leather Skins being dressed in Tocat, and the Parts thereabout. It is thought the Water contributes very much to their Art. For Tocat is as famous for the blue Goats▪ leather Skins, as Diarbequir and Bagdat are for the read, Moussul or the ancient Niniuch for the yellow, and Ourfa for the black. About two thousand Paces from this Town, in the midst of a Plain rises a vast Rock, upon the North-side whereof you ascend about nine or ten steps into a Chamber with a Bed, a Table, and a Cupboard in it, all hewn out of the Rock. Upon the West side you ascend other five or six steps that lead to a little Gallery, about five or six Foot long, and three broad, all hewn out of the Rock, though it be of an extroardinary hardness. The Christians affirm that St. Chrysostom made this Rock his retiring-place during his Exilement, and that he had no other Bed or Bolster than the Rock itself, in a place where they show you the print of a Man's Body. Hence it is, that the Caravans, consisting for the most part of Christian Merchants, stay at Charkliqueu, to pay their Devotions to this Rock, where the Bishop of the place, attended by some Priests, with every one a Taper in their Hands, goes and says Mass. But the main Reason is, because there grows excellent Wine in this place, which being cheaper by half here, than it is at Tocat, obliges the Armenians to stop here, to provide themselves for the rest of their Journey. Two Leagues from Charliqueu, you cross over very high Mountains, with Precipices on both sides. It is the custom of the Armenians, when they hear of the approach of a Caravan, to ride out two or three days journey to meet their Countrymen and carry them fresh Provisions. These of Charliqueu coming to meet our Caravan, three of the Armenians took a large Morning▪ draughts, which made them so Pot▪ valiant, that they would needs ride before to the Town alone by themselves; but by the way they were set upon by six Horse men that came from the North, where there are higher Mountains than those which we were to cross. Immediately the Thiefs darted their Half-Pikes at the Armenians, in so much that two of them fell down mortally wounded, and the other saved himself among the Rocks, but the Thiefs got their Horses and Goods, which were valued at ten thousand Crowns. The Caravan at the top of the Hill beheld the misfortune of those poor men which their own folly had brought upon them, but could not help them, by reason of the narrowness of the ways; besides, that the Thiefs knowing all the by-turning, were presently out of sight. And therefore it is a dangerous thing to leave the Body of the Caravans, either by staying too far behind, or running too fast before: and some have suffered for distancing themselves not above five hundred Paces from it. The Caravans do not not make their Journeys all alike; but come to their Stages sometimes sooner, sometimes later, according as they meet with Waters and Inns, or places fit to pitch their Tents in, to which places the Natives bring Provision and Provender from the Mountains. There are some places where there is a necessity to provide Straw and Barley for two or three days. If you travel in May▪ when the Grass is high, it costs nothing to seed the Horses and Camels For as soon as the Caravan is lodged, the Servants go and cut the Grass from of the Hillocks, where it is much better than upon the Plains. But while the Beasts feed only upon Grass they are much weaker, and cannot travel so far as at other times. From the Mountain where the Armenians were set upon, you come to Almous, a little Village upon a River, which you cross, over a Bridge of Wood Going out of Almous, you cross a large Plain, at the end whereof you lodge upon the Bank of a fair River, called Toufanlou-sou, which falls into the River of Tocat. Having passed this River, you ascend a high Mountain, which the People of the Country call Kara▪ behir▪ beguiendrens, or, the Mountain that stops the Grand Signors; for it is very rugged, and you must of necessity alight to ascend it. In that bad Way two Horses that carried each of them two Bales of English Cloth burst under their Burden, which proved excellent Food for several Tartars that were before us, and were pitched in the place where we intended to have lodged ourselves; so that we were forced to go a quarter of a League farther. These Tartars when they heard of our two dead Horses, made immediately to the Mountain fifteen or sixteen of them with all joy imaginable to devour it. They flayed the Horses, and when they came back (for I stayed to see them) they brought every one a great piece of Flesh between the Saddle and their Horses backs. For by that means the Flesh mortifies, and bakes as it were, through the motion and heat of the Horse, and so they eat it without any more ado. I saw one of them that took a piece of those Horse's Flesh, and after he had beaten it sound between two nasty Linen Clotheses, with a piece of Stick, set his Teeth in it, and devoured it with a very greedy appetite. Upon the top of the Mountain which I have mentioned, there is a Plain, and in the midst of the Plain a Fountain called Chesmé-beler, or, A Fountain of Crystal; near to which, on the Southside, there stands a Village. From the place where we lodged, we came to a little Town called Adras, the Inhabitants whereof are all Armenians. Aspidar is but two Leagues from Adras, and is but a Village. Isbeder is another Village in the Mountains, where the Caravan generally stays one or two days; as well to pay the Custom, which is the fourth part of a Rixdollar upon every Camel, and half as much for every Horse; as for the excellency and cheapness of the Wine, where every Man provides for himself. Twice we passed by and paid nothing, in regard that the Caravan was too strong for the Toll-gatherers; and were it not that they stay for the Wine, they might go directly forward without paying any thing. Leaving Isbeder, we came to another great Town in the Mountains; all the Houses are hewn out of the Rock upon which it is seated, as are also all the Staircases. From this Village, having passed a River, over a wooden Bridge, at the end▪ whereof there stands an Inn, you come to Zacapa, another Village, from whence through very narrow passages, where you are forced to unload the Camels, and carry your Goods upon men's shoulders for thirty Paces together, you come to encamp in a little Plain. It lies at the foot of a high Mountain, which they call Dikmebell, beyond which lies the Town Kourd Aga, after which you cross three Rivers; one fordable, the other over two Bridges, and than you come to a Village called Garmeru. From Garmeru you go to Seukmen, another Village; from Seukmen to Louri; from Louri to Chaouqueu, which are two very handsome Towns. I saw an Old man at Chaouqueu who was above a Hundred and Thirty Years old, who when Sultan Amurath besieged Bagdat, gave his whole Army as much Oats as served them one whole day. In recompense whereof, the Sultan exempted him and his Children from all Taxes and Tolls for their Lives. Leaving Chaouqueu, you come to a high craggy Mountain which is called Aaggidogii, or, The Bitter Mountain. The Ways being narrow, the Caravan is forced to travel single; and than it is that they count all the Horses, and all the Camels; every Horse and every Camel paying to the Caravan-Master a certain Duty, which amounts to a good Sum if the Caravan be numerous. One part of that Money is to pay seven or eight Armenians, that guard the Caravan all the way; another part defrays the Expenses upon the Road; and the remainder is the Captain of the Caravan's Profit. Having passed this Mountain, you come● to lodge in a Plain which they call Gioganderesi, and from thence to Erzerom you meet only with three Villages by the way, Achikala, Ginnis, and Higia, which are the Caravan's Stages. During these three last days▪ journeys, you keep all along the Banks of Euphrates for the most part, which is yet but narrow, taking its source Northward of Erzerom. 'Tis a wondered thing to see the vast quantities of large Asparagus that grow all along the River, with which you may load several Camels. A League on this side Erzerom the Caravan is constrained to stop; For the Officer of the Custom▪ House accompanied with the Bassa's Lieutenant, comes here and ties all the Bales and Chests with a cross Cord, upon which he puts a Seal, to the end that when the Merchants come to the Town, they may not be able to take out any Bags of Money, or any pieces of Stuff on purpose to hid them till they go away. The particular Business of the Bassa's Lieutenant in meeting the Caravan, is to see whether the Merchants be well provided with Wines. And if he desire any Bottles, whether it be than, or in the City, where they are not ashamed to visit every Merchant, there is no refusing them. For there grows no Wine at Erzerom, all that is drank there being a small Wine of Mingrelia, which is always green: which forces the Merchants to furnish themselves with Wine at Tocat, which they may do sufficiently to last them into Persia. The Officer of the Customhouse generally allows the Caravan three days to rest; during which time, he sends to the principal Merchants some Fruit and other small Refreshments, by which he is no loser. After the three days are over, he comes and opens all the Bales and Chests, and takes a particular account of all the Merchandizes. This Search and the changing of Beasts, causes the Caravan to stay generally twenty or five and twenty days at Erzerom. Erzerom is a frontier Town of Turkey toward Persia. It is situated at the end of a large Plain environed with Mountains, the Plain being beautified with many fair Villages. If you take in the Castle and the Suburbs, it may pass for a City, but the Houses are ill built of Wood, without any neatness or proportion. There are some Remains of Churches and of the ancient Buildings of the Armenians, by which you may conjecture that it never was very beautiful. The Fortress stands upon a high ground, with a double Wall, square Towers close one to another, and a pitiful Moat. The Bassa resides there but in a very ill House, all the Buildings about the Fortress being in a bad condition. In the same Enclosure there is a little rising Ground upon which they have raised a small Fort, wherein the Janisary-Aga lives, and where the Bassa has no Power. When the Grand Signior has a mind to the Head of this Bassa, or any other considerable Person in the Province, he sends a Capigi, with order to the Janisary to sand for the Person to the little Fort, where the Execution is presently done. One Example hereof I saw in my last Travels into Persia: For the Bassa of Erzerom not having sent Twelve thousand men so soon as the Grand Signior required them for his Wars in Candy, the same Capigi that brought the Sentence of his Death, had the same Order for the Execution of the Bassa of Kars; and meeting this Capigi upon the Road in a Village, upon his return for Constantinople, he would needs show me whether I would or not, the Heads of the two Bassa's, which he was carrying to the Grand Signior in a Bag. Between the first and second Gate of the Fortress are to be seen four and twenty Pieces of Cannon, most excellent Guns, but lying one upon another without Carriages. They lie at Erzerom to be ready upon all occasions when the Grand Signior makes war against the Persians'. There are in Erzerom several great Inns; this City, like Tocat, being one of the greatest Thoroughfares in Turkey. The Country about it bears Wine, but not very good, and in regard the People are strictly forbidden to drink Wine, the Merchants are forced to buy it very privately, for fear it should come to the knowledge of the Cadi. Though it be very cold at Erzerom, Barley grows there in forty days, and Wheat in sixty, which is very remarkable. The Customs paid there for the carrying out of the Gold and Silver, and upon all other Commodities, is very severe. Silk, that comes out of Persia, pays four and twenty Crowns for a Camel's Load, which is eight hundred Pounds. For in the mountainous Countries a Camel's Load is not more; but in the plain and even Countries they make 'em carry above ten hundred weight. A Load of Indian Calicuts pays a hundred Crowns; but the Loads of Linen are much heavier than those of Silk. As for other Commodities, they pay Six per cent according to their value. From this Stage the Caravan sets forward to a Fortress called Hassan Kala, where you must pay half a Piastre for every Camel's or Horse's Load going from Erzerom to Erivan, but returning you, pay but half as much. Leaving this Fortress, you must go and lodge at a Bridge near to a Village which is called Coban-Cupri. Over this Bridge, which is the fairest in the whole Journey, you cross two Rivers which there meet, one is the Kars, and the other is a Stream that falls from a Mountain called Binguiel, both which disburden themselves into the Aras. The Caravan usually stays a day or two at this Bridge; because the Caravan divides itself at this place, some continuing on the High-road, others taking the Road of Kars, as well to avoid fording the Arras several times, as the paying a great Duty upon the great Road, where they exact four Piastres upon every Camel's Load, and two upon every Horseload, whereas at Kars you are dismissed for half so much. I went Kars Road twice; but it is longer, and more troublesome than the other. As soon as you leave the Bridge, for the first four days you travel over woody Mountains, and very desert Countries, where you meet but with one Village; but coming near Kars the Country is more pleasant, and well manured; bearing all sorts of Grain. Kars is in 78 Deg. 40 Min. of Longitude, and 42 Deg. 40 Min. of Latitude; in a very good Soil. The City is very large, but thinly peopled, though Provision be very plentiful and very cheap. But the Grand Signior always choosing that place to rendezvouz his Army, whenever he intended to recruit it, and to lodge his People there which he sent to build Villages; the King of Persia has ruin'd all the Country, as he did at Sulfa, and in many other Frontier places, for nine or ten days journey together. From Kars to Erivan the Caravan makes it nine days journey, and lies where it can found most convenience, there being no certain Stages. The first days journey ends at a Monastery and a Village, the one not lesle deserted than the other. The next day you come to the Ruins of a great City, called Anikagae, in the Armenian Language the City of Any, which was the name of an Armenian King that was the Founder of it. By the Wall, on the East-side, runs a rapîd stream that falls from the Mountains of Mingrelia, and empties itself into the River of Kars. This City was very strongly situated; being placed in a Mersh, where are to be seen the Remains of two Causeys that only lead to the Town. There are the Ruins of several Monasteries; among the rest two that are entire, supposed to be Royal Foundations. From thence to Erivan for two days jourhey, you meet with only two Villages; near the last of which you ride by the side of a Hill, whether when the Caravan passes by, the people bring Horses from several parts to be sold. The Great Road from the Bridge, where the Caravan parts, lies thus: Two Leagues from the Bridge, on the right hand toward the South, lies a great Mountain which the People of the Country call Mingol. In this Mountain there are abundance of Springs, and from one side of it falls Euphrates, from the other side the River of Kars, which empties itself into the Arras fourteen or fifteen Leagues on this side Erivan. The Arras, which the Ancients called Araxes, falls from other Mountains Eastward of Mingol, which after many wind through the Upper Armenia, where it receives many other Rivers that swell its Streams, it discharges itself into the Caspian Sea, two days journey from Shamaki, upon the Frontiers of the ancient Medes. The whole Country is intercut by the River's Arras and Kars, and several other Streams that fall into them, inhabited by very few, but what are Christians; those few Mahometans that live among them being so superstitious, that they will not drink the Water of any of those Rivers, nor wash in them▪ believing them impure and defiled by the use which the Christians make of them. They have their particular Wells and Cisterns by themselves, which they will not suffer a Christian to come near. Comasour is the first Village where you lodge after you leave the Bridge of Choban-Kupri, going to Erivan. Halicarcara is the next Stage to Comasour: this is a great Town also inhabited by Christians, but the Houses are built all underground like Caves. Coming thither the 7 th' of March 1655, the Snow was so deep that there was no travelling, so that we were forced to stay there eight days. But the Customer of Erzerom understanding in what a bad condition we were, came in person with five hundred Horse to make way for us, and sent for the Country people round about to clear away the Snow. But it was not so much out of kindness to us, as for his own Interest. For a new Officer being to succeed him upon the 22d o● March, and our Caravan being very numerous, he would have lost above an Hundred Thousand Crowns, had we not come to Erzerom before that day. Many of the Passengers were almost blinded by continually looking upon the Snow, the colour whereof very much dims the Sight: for preservation whereof the Travellers are want to wear black Cypress Hoods, made on purpose, over their faces. Others wear furred Bonnets fringed about with Goat's hair, which being long, falls over their Eyes, and does altogether as well as the Hood. The Caravan is usually twelve days upon the Road, from Erzerom to Erivan. Leaving Halicarcara, you ford the Arras three times, and cross it the next day again: for it winds exceedingly. A League and a half from the place where you ford it the fourth time, upon the top of a high Mountain stands a Fortress called Kaguisgan, which is the last place which the Turks possess on that side. The Customers that live there come to the Caravan to take their Toll, which is four Piastres for every Camel loaden, and two for every Horse loaden. In the year 1655 the Caravan lodging about a League from the Fortress of Kaguisgan, the Mountains adjoining being inhabited by Christian Armenians, there came to us a poor Bishop attended by fifteen or sixteen persons, among which there were certain Priests who brought us Bread, Fowl, and Fruit, desiring the Charity of the Merchants, who recompensed them to their satisfaction. About four or five Months after, this Bishop had one of his Eyes struck out by a Janisary. That wicked Fellow came to the Town where the Bishop lived, and lighting upon the Bishop, asked him for Money, which because the Bishop had none to give him, in a rage he stabbed him in the Eye with his Dagger. Complaint was made to the Aga, who 'tis thought would have punished the Offender, but he fled, and jest the Bishop without remedy of satisfaction. From the last place where we encamped near the Arras, we went and lodged the next day upon the same River, in the sight of a Village not above a quarter of a League. The Next day we crossed the River that runs from Kars, and parts Turkey from Persia. The next day we stopped upon the Banks of Aras, half a League from a little Town; and this is the last time you see this River which you are constrained to pass so often. Leaving Aras, we came to lodge in a plain, in sight of a Town which is not far distant. The next day the Caravan lies in the Field, and the next day it comes to a place where there are three Churches, whence it is but half a days journey from Erivan. CHAP. III. A Continuation of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, from the Borders of Persia to Erivan. THE first Place worthy observation, entering into Persia through Armenia, is that which they call the Three Churches, three Leagues from Erivan; which Three Churches, are three Monasteries distant one from the other. The biggest and the fairest is the Residence of the Patriarch of the Armenians. There is another to the South of that, about a Musket shot distant, and another a quarter of a League from it toward the East, which is a Nunnery for Virgins. The Armenians call this place Egm●asin, or the only Daughter, which is the Name of the chief Church. You may found in their Chronicles, That it began to be Built about three hundred Years after Christ, and that the Walls being raised to a good height, the Devil came in the Night and pulled down what they built up in the Day; which he did for several Years: but that one Night Christ himself appeared, and that from that time the Devil surceased to molest them any more; so that they finished the Church. It is dedicated to St. Gregory, whom the Armenians have in very great veneration. And there is a Table of Stone, whereupon, according to their Chronicles, Christ rested when he appeared to St. Gregory. They that go into the Church, kiss this Stone with a very solemn Devotion. The second is built in honour of a Princess that came with forty Virgins of Quality to visit St. Gregory. This Lady an Armenian King caused to be thrown into a Well full of Serpents? but she received no harm. For she li●'d▪ therein 14 Years by a great Miracle, and from that time to this, the Serpents that breed thereabouts never did any harm. That idolatrous King had a design to have enjoyed that Princess, who was very handsome, and all her Companions; but they overcame him by their Virtue: who thereupon, seeing he could not have his Will, put them all to Death. The Custom of all the Armenians, as well those that come out of Persia, as those that travel into Persia, is to perform their Devotions at these Three Churches; and the Caravan stops usually five or six days, during which time they Confess, and receive Absolution from the Patriarch. The Patriarch has under him forty seven Archbishops, and every Archbishop has under him four or five Suffragans, with whom he lives in a Convent, where there are several Monks under their Jurisdiction. So soon as they have said their Mass, which is generally done an Hour after Day, they all go to work, and to dig and delve for their living. The Revenue of the Patriarch is 600000 Crowns or thereabouts: for all the Armenian Christians that are above fifteen Years of age, aught to pay him yearly five Sous. However there are many that do not pay him, by reason of their poverty. Yet their defect is supplied by the rich, who sometimes pay him two or three Crowns a Head. But this Money does not stay in the Patriarch's Pocket: nay he is sometimes behindhand; for he is engaged to relieve the poor Armenians, who have not wherewithal to pay the Carriage, which is an Annual Tribute that they own to the Mahometan Princes, to whom they are subject: Otherwise necessity would force them to become Mahometans; and they, their Wives and Children would be liable to be sold, which the Grand Patriarch labours all he can to prevent. Every Archbishop sends him out of his Diocese what is necessary to be raised for that intent. So that the Patriarch does but only receive it with one Hand, and pay it with the other; making no profit to himself of a Revenue which he has out of 400000 Villages, which the Archbishop of St. Stephen's affirmed to me to be under his Jurisdiction. As I returned from Persia in the Year 1655, I came to the Three Churches about the end of February; the Caravan stayed there eleven Days, as well by reason of the great Snows that stopped up the Ways, as for that the Armenians resolved to keep their Carnival there, and after that to perform their Devotions. The next day I went to visit the Patriarch, who was sitting crosslegged upon a Mat. There were four Archbishops, and nine Bishops sitting about him in the same posture, among whom there was one that spoke very good Italian. I stayed with him three Hours; and while we were discoursing together, in came one of the Monks of the Covent, who had not spoken to any person whatsoever in Two and twenty Years, by reason of a Penance that was imposed upon him. Never did Man appear so meager and deformed; but the Patriarch sent for him, and by his Authority commanded him to break silence, which he did, by speaking at the same Instant. The Saturday before Shrove-Sunday the Patriarch invited all the Caravan, as well Masters as Servants, to hear Mass the next day, and than to dine at the Covent. Mass being concluded, the People were brought into a long Gallery, about 15 or 20 Foot broad, there being a Table on both sides, made of several Stones, and Benches next the Walls. At the upper end of the Gallery stands a Table four Foot square, over which is a vaulted Roof sustained with four Pillars, which serves for a Canopy: in the midst whereof is a Chair set for the Patriarch, who from thence has a full view of both sides the Gallery; with two other Chairs of each hand, for two Archbishops: the other Archbishops, Monks, and Guests sat at the long Tables. The Meat which they brought us was several sorts of Pilaw, and several Dishes of Fish, among the rest excellent Trout. The Pilaw was brought in forty wide Plates, so well filled and so large, that they were every one as much as a Man could carry. They were all set down upon the Ground before the Patriarch; who than Prayed and gave Thanks. Than six Bishops with Ladles took out the Meat out of the great Platters, and putting it into lesser, served both the Tables. Every one had also his earthen Pot of Wine, which was very good, and was filled again when it was empty. The Patriarch and the two Archbishops eat nothing but two Eggs, and a few raw Herbs; no more did the other Archbishops that sat at the Table. At the end of the Feast, a Bishop comes with a Paper and Pen and Ink in his Hand, and asks of every one what he pleases to Subscribe for the Benefit of the Church; than every one proposing, according to his Devotion, the Bishop writes down the Names of the Persons, and the Sum which they mention; which he comes and gathers the next day. There are some rich Merchants that will give two Tomans, but the meanest Servant will give an Or. The Bishop having done writing, the Table was cleared, and than they brought us Melons and other Fruits. In a short while after the Bells rung to Evening Service, and the People went to Church. After Evening Service the Patriarch sent for me to behold a Combat of Bufalo's, of which there are great store in that Country, some serving to Till their Ground, while the Female ones yield store of Milk, of which they make Butter and Cheese, and which they mingle with all sorts of other Milk: There are some of these female Beasts that will give two and twenty Pints of Milk a day. They brought us into a wide Enclosure, to behold the Sport, wherein there were eight Bufalo's. To provoke them one against another, they show them a Read Cloth, which puts them into such a Rage, that there were two that died with the stroke of their Horns upon the place, and there were none of the rest which were not very much lamed. The Sport being at an end, they bring a great quantity of Wood, which they pile together on purpose to set it on Fire. When the Wood was heaped in as big a Pile as they intended, one of the Archbishops presented a Taper of white Wax to all the Company, both Masters and Servants, who every one agreed with him what they should give the next day for their Tapers. The Tapers being lighted, the Patriarch with a Stick like a Bishop's Crosier, marched before, singing an Hymn, attended by all the Persons both Ecclesiastical and Secular, till they had in that manner walked three times about the Pile. When the Pile came to be lighted, there was great striving who should have the Honour. One of the Merchants offered a quantity of Oil, for Lamps for the Church; another outdid him, and a third proffered more than he; and the Honour of Lighting the Pile was given to him that offered most. Immediately upon that every one put out his Taper: For they esteem it a most precious business; believing that the lighting of one of those Tapers in a Storm, and throwing it into the Sea, is a present Charm against Shipwreck. For say they, The Virgin Mary, forty days after she was brought to Bed, went to Jerusalem with Joseph and her Son; and going into the Temple met old Simeon, who taking the Child in his Arms, began to sing the Song, Lord▪ now let thy Servant, etc. the Song being ended, all the People began to cry that Christ was born, and to publish it about the City. Now in regard it was Night, every one ran out with Torches in their Hands, and some made Fires before their Doors, where Christ was to pass along. This Festival among the Armenians is like that of Candlemas-day; and they call it in their Language, Ter en Areche? Where is the Lord? The Armenians, Masters and Servants, drank all Night to make an end of their Carnival: while the Patriarch was busy in dressing up the Church with its gayest Ornaments. ●a●er●●ers Persian travels Pag. 13 Ten Leagues from Erivan, toward the North, appears a great Lake, wherein there is an Island, upon which is built a very fair Covent. The Monks that live there, live so austere a Life, that they never eat Fish or Flesh above four times a Year: neither do they speak one to another, but upon those four Days. The rest of the Year they feed only upon Herbs, which they gather out of the Garden: for say they, it is not Fasting, to eat either Butter or Oil. The Bread which they eat is brought from the neighbouring Villages: and the Island is replenished with all sorts of excellent Fruits. On the one side of the Lake nearer to Erivan is a large Plain, wherein there are six Monasteries. One of which is entirely hewn out of the Rock, with the Pillars that sustain it, being seated in a very hard Rock. The Armenians call that Church Kickart in their Language, and the Turks in theirs Guicurghieche, that is, See and away. In this Church, according to the Traditions of the Armenians, is kept the Lance wherewith the Side of Christ was pierced; the Figure whereof I caused to be drawn upon the Place. The Armenians have this Lance in great Veneration, saying, that it was brought thither by St. Matthew. Five Leagues from Erivan, towards the Southeast, gins the Mountain Ararat; which will be always famous for being the restingplace of Noah's Ark. Half a Leaugue from that Mountain, where the Plain gins to grow levelly, stands a Church upon a little Hillock, close by which are several Pits like Wells. They report that it was into one of these Wells that Cerda, an Armenian King, caused St. Gregory to be thrown, because he would not Worship his false Gods. Between this Church and Erivan are to be seen the Ruins of the Ancient Artaxate, the Seat of the Kings of Armenia, which demonstrate that it has been a great City: besides, there appear the Ruins of a fair Palace. Erivan lies in 64 Degrees, 20 Minutes of Longitude; 41 Degrees, 15 Minutes of Latitude; in a most plentiful Country of all things necessary for Human Life, but especially abounding in good Wine. It is one of the best Provinces of all Persia, and yields the King a very large Revenue, as well by reason of the goodness of the Soil, as for being the great Thoroughfare of the Caravans. The yearly Revenue of the Governor only, otherwise called the Can of Erivan, amounts to above 20000 Tomans, which make 840000 Liures. This City lying upon the Frontiers of both Empires, has been taken and retaken by the Turks and Persians', several times. By which means the old City being ruin'd, they have built a new one, 800 Paces on this side, upon a Rock, at the foot whereof, upon the Westside runs a rapid Stream: it is called by the Name of Sangui-Cija, and in many places it is deep and full of Rocks. You cross it, over a fair Bridge of three Arches, in which are built little Chambers, where the Can retires in the heat of the day. It is full of Fish▪ especially Trout, which nevertheless are dear enough. This River comes from a Lake called Gigaguni; about 25 Leagues from Erivan, toward the North, and falls into the Arras, that runs not above three Leagues of to the South. Though this City be fortified to the West by the River, yet it is never the stronger, by reason of the Hills on the other side which command it: and in regard it is built upon a rock, the Moats of the Fort are not above three or four Foot deep. In some places the City is secured with a double Wall with several Towers; but the Walls being only of Earth, as are most of the Houses, the Rain does more mischief, than the Cannon would do. That part of Erivan to the North-West, is a kind of Suburb, but far better inhabited than the City: for there live all the Merchants and Artificers, together with the Christian Armenians, who have four Churches there, with a Monastery. And of late years they have built also a very fair Inn in the same Quarter. In the City there only lives the Can, with the Military Officers and Soldiers; the Khan's Lodgings lying upon the River. The Governor is a Person of great Power, and has always sufficient Forces about him to guard the Frontiers. The Summer being very hot at Erivan, he lies in Tents upon the Mountains during the Heat. When a Caravan arrives, he is forced to give the King advice thereof: and if any Ambassador come thither, he is bound to maintain him at his own expense, and to 'cause him to be conducted to the Territories of the next Governor, who is obliged to do the same. So that Ambassadors are not bound to be at any Expenees in the Territories of the King of Persia. Four Leagues from the City are high Mountains, where the Natives that inhabit the hot and Sun▪ burnt Countries toward Chaldea, come Twenty Thousand together, to seek out good Pasturage for their cattle▪ and about the end of Autumn return again into their own Country. I cannot compare this Mountanious Tract, whether for its Valleys▪ and Rivers, or for the nature of the Soil, to any Part that I have seen, better than to that proportion of Switzerland, which is called the Country of Vanx: and there is a Tradition among the Natives, That certain people that inhabited between the Alps and Mount Jura, and which composed a Squadron of Alexander's Army, having served him in his Conquests, seated themselves in this part of Armenia, which they found so like their own Country. From Tocat to Tauris the Inhabitants are for the most part Christians. Which large Tract of Ground being that which the Ancients called the Province of Armenia, 'tis no wonder to meet with fifty Armenians for one Mahometan. There are many ancient Armenian Families in Erivan, which is their native Country; but they are well used by the Governors, who being far distant from the Court, do what they please. This City not being far remote from the Province from whence the Silks come, is the place where all the Buyers and Sellers resort. But neither in Erivan, nor in any other part of Persia are the Merchants put to open their Bales at the Custom-Houses, as in Turkey. They only pay certain Duties toward securing the Highways; which Duties they call Raderies, and those tha● gather them Raders. The Khans or Governors of Provinces in Persia are civil to Strangers, especially to those that they like, or that show them any thing of Curiosity. The first time that I went into Persia I took a young Watchmaker with me, and coming to Erivan, I carried him to the Can who was than Governor. It was at a time when Watches were very rare in Persia; and the Can, understanding what▪ Trade the Young Man was of, told us he was the first Watchmaker that ever had been in Persia: Thereupon he brought the young man a Watch to mend, and that he might have the pleasure of seeing him work, he lodged us in a Chamber next his own, and made us drink with him every day; for he was a true Toper, and compelled us to drink with him from four in the Afternoon till near Midnight, in a place which he had made on purpose, in his Garden, to take of his Glasses. This was he, that having delivered Erivan to Sultan Amurat, went along with him to Constantinople, and became his Favourite for teaching him to Drink. Amurat left a Garrison of 22000 Men in the City; but Sha-Shefi the Persian King begird it presently with a strong Army; and planting him securely under one of the Hills that command the City, he battered it incessantly with eight Pieces of Cannon: the fourth day he made a Breach, and though he had the repute of a Coward, he was the first at the Assault, and took the City: and because they would not yield at his Summons, he put all the Garrison to the Sword. For which Amurat, was quit with Sha-Shefi afterwards, though not in so noble a way; for entering a Victor into Bagdat, he put all the Persians' to the Sword, after he had given them his word to the contrary, and promised to spare their lives. The Platform of Erivan and the Suburbs. A. The Town and Fort. B. The Suburbs, inhabited by the Armenian Christians. C. The Church. D. The Covent. E. The River of Sangui-cija. F. The Stone Bridge. G The Highway for the Caravans. H. The Fort which Sha-Sefi built to batter the City. I. The River that falls from the Mountain. K. The Highway to T uris. L. The way to ●efl●● the chief City of Georgia; and the way to the Mountain where th● 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 twice a Summer to drink. M. The Market places, for 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. CHAP. IU. A Continuation of the same Road from Erivan to Tauris. IT usually takes up ten days journey for the Caravan to go between Erivan and Tauris; and Naksivan is almost in the midway between both. The first days journey you travel through large Plains sowed with Rice, and watered with several Rivulets. The next day you contive to Travel through Plains of the same nature, in sight of the Mountain Ararat, which is full of Monasteries, leaving it upon the South. The Armenians call this Mountain Mesesoufar, The Mountain of the Ark; because the Ark of Noah rested upon it. It is as it were unfastened from the other Mountains of Armenia, and from the halfway to the top, it is continually covered with Snow. It is higher than any of the neighbouring Mountains; and in my first Travels I saw it for five days Journey together. So soon as the Armenians discover it, they kiss the Earth, and lifting up their eyes to Heaven, say their Prayers. Yet you are to take notice, that the Mountain is hid in Clouds for two or three Months together: In the plains that you cross in this second days journey, to the Southward a League and a half from the Highway, is to be seen a work of great Art; being the Ruins of a Magnificent Castle, where the Kings of Armenia were want to reside in the time of their Hunting Divertisements; more especially when they continued their sports at the Mallard and Heron. The next day we lodged near to a Village where there was good Water, which constrained the Caravan to stay there; there being none to be met with for ten Leagues farther. The next day you must Travel one by one through the Pass of a Mountain, and cross a large River named Arpason, which falls into Aras. It is fordable when it is low, but when the Snow melts and swells the stream, you must go a League out of your way to the Southward to cross it, over a Bridge of Stone. From thence you go to lodge near a Village called Kalifakiend, where you are forced to fetch you Water a good way of. The first days journey is through a Plain, at the end whereof you meet with an Inn, called Karabagler, standing upon a Rivulet; which was finished in 1664. The Head of this Rivulet springs three or four Leagues higher toward the North; and half a League below Kara-Bagler, the Water congeals and petrifies; and of those Stones is the Inn built. The Stone is very slight; and when they have need of it, they make Trenches all along the Stream, and fill them with the same Water, which in eight or ten months' turns into Stone. The Water is very sweet, and has no bad taste; yet the Countrymen thereabouts will neither drink it, no water their Grounds with it. The Armenians say, that Sem the Son of Noah caused the Rock to be hollowed, out of which this River issues; which four or five Leagues from its Head, and two from the Inn, falls into Aras. From this Inn to Naksivan is but a small Journey. Naksivan, according to the Opinion of the Armenians, is the most ancient City of the World▪ built about three Leagues from the Mountain upon which the Ark of Noah rested: from whence it also takes its Name; for Nak in the Armenian Tongue signifies a Ship, and Sivan, resting or reposing. 'Twas a great City, now wholly ruin'd by the Army of Sultan Amurath. There are the Remains of several rare Mosques, which the Turks have destroyed; for the Turks and Persians' destroy one another's Mosques as fast as they fall into one another's possession. This City is very ancient, and the Armenians report, that it was in this place where Noah went to live, when he went out of the Ark. They say further, that he was Buried here; and that his Wife has a Tomb at Marante upon the Road to Tauris. There runs a little River by Naksivan, the Water whereof is very good; the Spring whereof is not far distant from the Head of the River of Karabagler. The Armenians drove a great Trade in Silk formerly in this Town, which is now very much abated: however, there is a Can which has the Command there. All the Country between Erivan and Tauris was wholly destroyed by Sha-Abas King of Persia, and the first of that Name; to the end that the Armies of the Turks, not meeting with any subsistence, might perish of themselves. To this purpose, he sent all the Inhabitants of Zulfa and the Parts adjoining into Persia, Old and Young, Fathers, Mothers, and Children, with which he planted new Colonies in several parts of his Kingdom. He sent above 27000 Families of Armenians into Guilan, whence the Silks come; and where the harshness of the Climate killed abundance of those poor people, that were accustomed to a milder Air. The most considerable were sent to Ispahan, where the King put them upon the Trade of Silk, and lent them Commodities, for which they paid upon the return of their Markets, which suddenly set the Armenians upon their Feet again. These are they that Built the City of Zulfa, which is only separated from Ispahan by the River of Senderou, calling it New Zulfa, to distinguish it from the old City, which was the Habitation of their Ancestors. A third part of the people were dispersed into other Villages between Ispahan and Sciras. But the old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: so that now you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in all those fair Plains, which their Fathers were sent to manure. Among the Ruins of Naksivan appear the Ruins of a great Mosque, which was one of the most stately Buildings in the World: which some say was built in memory of N●ah's Buryingplace. As you departed out of the City, near to the River that runs by it, appears a Tower, which is an excellent piece of Architecture: It is composed of four Duomo's joined together, which support a kind of a Pyramid, that seems to be framed of twelve little Towers; but toward the middle it changes its figure, and lessening like a Spire, ends in a Point. The Building is all of Brick, but as well the outside as the inside is overspread with a kind of Varnish of Parget, wrought into Flowers, like Embossed work. 'Tis thought to have been an Edifice, set up by Temurleng when he had Conquered Persia. Between Naksivan and Zulfa, on each side, as well to the North as to the South, there are ten Covents of Christian Armenians, distant about two or three Leagues one from the other. They acknowledge the Pope, and are governed by certain Religious Dominicans of their own Nation. And to keep up their Religion, they sand from time to time to Rome certain Children born in the Country, to learn the Latin and Italian Tongues, and other necessary Sciences. It is thought there are in this Quarter above six thousand Souls that absolutely follow the Doctrine of the Church of Rome; only that they sing the Office and the Mass in the Armenian Tongue, that all the People may hear and understand them. The Archbishop, being chosen, is sent to Rome to be confirmed. He resides at a great Town, which is one of the most lovely places in all Asia; the Wine and Fruits that grow there are very delicate, besides the abundance of all other things necessary for Human Life. Every Covent stands near a great Village: the chiefest where I have been twice, is Aba●ener, the second Abraghonnex, the third Kerna, the fourth Soletak, the fifth Kouchkachen, the sixth Giaouk, the seventh Chiabonnez, the eighth Araghouche, the ninth Kauzuk, the tenth Kisouk, which lies upon the Frontiers of Curdistan or Assyria: Here it is, that the Armenians believe St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew to have been Martyred, of which they pretend to show some Relics at this day, Many Mahometans came thither out of Devotion, especially such as are troubled with Fevers. There are two or three of those Convents, where they civilly entertain such Christians as come out of Europe; though the Monks there are very poor. They also live very austere lives, feeding upon nothing but Herbs. That which makes them so poor, is the often change of Tyrannical Governors, whom they are obliged to present with large Gifts But in regard they cannot give much, those Governors have no kindness for them; for which reason, being instigated by those other Armenians who are able to oblige them, they use them so severely, that they are often forced to complain to the King; which I have many times seen done at Ispahan. A League and a half from the chief of these Covents there is a high Mountain, separated from all the rest, which rises like a Sugar loaf, as doth the Pike of a Tenariff. At the foot of this Mountain are certain Springs, that have the virtue to heal those that are bit by Serpents; in so much that Serpents carried to that place will dye immediately. When the Caravan is ready to set out from Naksivan for Zulpha, which is not above a days journey from thence, the principal Armenians usually go out of the way to the Covent of St. Stephen, which lies to the South. Now the Road from Naksivan to St. Stephen's lies first to a great Village called Ecclisia, where live the richest Armenians, that drive a great Trade in Silk, and have built them a very fair Church. Two Leagues from Ecclesia you must cross the River Aras in a Ferry-Boat, being as it were fqueezed between two Mountains in that place: Once I went over upon the Ice. About two Musket shot from thence, you must cross over a Bridge, another River that sals into the Aras. From the foot of the Bridge you begin to ascend a little Hill, at the top whereof you meet with a great Village, called Shambé, all the Inhabitants whereof, as well Men as Women, grow Mad at 18 years of age; but it is such a madness that it is not mischievous. Some believe it to be the Punishment of Heaven, for that their Forefathers in these Mountains persecuted St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew. From hence to Stephen's it is not above a League, but the Way is very troublesome. St. Stephen's is a Convent built not above 30 years ago. It stands upon the Mountains, in a barren place, and of difficult access. But the reason why the Armenians chose that place before any other, is because that St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew retired thither in the time of their Persecution. They add, that St. Matthew did a Miracle in that place; for that there being no Water there before, he only struck his stick upon the Ground, and presently there arose a Spring. This Spring is about half a quarter of a League from the Convent, under a Vault with a good Door to it, to keep the Water from being wasted. The Armenians go to visit this Spring in great Devotion, having laid the Water into the Covent with Pipes. They also say, that in this place they found several Relics which St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew jest there, to which they add a great many others; among the rest a Cross, made of the Basin wherein Christ washed his Disciples Feet: In the middle of the Cross is a white Stone, which as they report, if you lay upon a Sick person, will turn black if the person be likely to dye; and recover its former whiteness after the death of the party. A law Bone of St. Stephen the Martyr. The Scull of St. Matthew. A Bone of the Neck, and a Bone of the Finger of St John Baptist. A Hand of St. Gregory, who was the Disciple of Dionysius the Areopagite. A little Box, wherein they keep a great number of pieces of Bones, which they believe to be the Relics of the Seventy Two Disciples. The Church is built in the form of a Cross, as are all the Churches of the Armenians; in the middle whereof rise● a fa r Duomo, round about which stand the twelve Apostles. Both the Church and Covent are of Free stone, and though the whole Edifice be not very big, there has been abundance of Gold and Silver wasted upon the Walls: Many Armenian Families have been very much endamaged thereby; for the Women were so devout, that unknown to their Husbands they sold their Jewels, and their very clothes to defray the Expenses of Building. The first time that I was at St. Stephen's, in the company of some Armenians, two Bishops, attended by several other Monks, came out to meet us, and led us into a great Hall, where we were very well treated. For it is the custom of the Armenians, a little before Meals to present their Guests a large Cup of Aquavitae, with Sweetmeats of all sorts, besides Citron and Orange-peels candied, in seven or eight Porcelan-dishes, laid in a great China Basin. This is a little Prelude to excite the Appetite; for the Armenians, both men and Women, will empty great Cups of Aquavitae. After Dinner they go to Church, where they sing certain Hymns: when you return, there are a sufficient number of Mattresses or Quilts to lie upon; for they use no other sort of Beds over all Asia: only at Night you spread a Carpet upon a Quilt, and shut the Door. We saw not the Archbishop all that Evening, only at Church. About Midnight all the Bells rang, and every body risen to go to Church. I belieye it was more than usual, because it was Shrovetide; for both the Office and the Missa were both concluded by break of day. Between eight and nine in the Morning the Cloth was laid; before which time we saw abundance of the Neighbouring Country people, who brought Wine, Fruits, and other Provisions, and presented all to the Archbishop. While we were at Breakfast news came that a certain Bishop was dead, in his return to the Three Churches; whither he was sent by the Patriarch to gather certain Duties due from the Villages. Immediately the Archbishop rising from the Table with all his Assistants, and having made a Prayer for the Dead, sent a Bishop and six Monks to fetch the Corpse; who returning a little after Midnight, the Body was presently laid in the Church upon a Carpet spread upon the Ground, with the Face turned toward the Altar. In the mean time, a great number of Wax-candles were lighted, and all the rest of the Night two monks watched by turns to Pray for the Dead. Early in the Morning the Archbishops, the Bishops, and all in Religious Orders, said the Office for the Dead, which lasted half an Hour; and at the end of the Mas● they brought the Corpse to the Altar, so that they made the Feet of the Corpse to touch it. Having so done, they took of the Linen Cloth that covered his Head, at which time the Archbishop anointed him in six places with the Holy Oil, saying certain Prayers every time. Than they covered him again, and said other Prayers which lasted half an Hour. These Ceremonies performed, they carried the Corpse out of the Church with Crosses and Banners, and every one a Taper in his Hand. As the Corpse passed by, one of the Bishops put a Paper in his right hand, containing these words, I came from the Father, and I return to the Father. Being brought to the Grave, upon a little Mountain near the Covent, and set down, they said other Prayers which lasted a quarter of an hour. In the mean time a Bishop going down into the Grave, took away all the Stones and made the place smooth, after▪ which the Corpse was let down wrapped in a large Linen Sheet. Than the Bishop, according to their custom, raised his Head a little higher than his Body, turning his face to the East. Which being done, the Archbishop and Assistants took every one a handful of Earth, which the Archbishop blest, and giving it to the Bishop, he strewed it over the Body. Than the Bishop coming out again, the Grave was filled up. From St. Stephen's there is a descent for a League together to Aras, by the side whereof you are to keep along till you come to Zulpha, where you come into the high Road again. There is another way quite over the Mountain, which is the nearer way by a League, but 'tis very troublesome and toilsome, and therefore the lesle frequented. But to return to the High Road from Naksivan; half a League from Naksivan you meet with a River which falls into Aras, which is to be crossed over a Stone-Bridge of 12 Arches, though there be but little Water, unless it be when the Snow melts, or the Rains fall. In a Meacow, next the Bridge, where we lodged one time that I travelled that way, there is a Spring of luke warm Water, which will loosen the Bells of them that drink it. At this Bridge it is that the Tollgatherer comes and takes his Duties, when the Caravan stays not at Naksivan. You must pay ten Abasses for every Camel's Loading, or nine Livers, which is for the securing the Highways. These Duties are demanded in many places of Persia without searching the Packs. The Governors also in their Provinces are made to answer for every Robbery committed: which makes it so safe travelling in Persia, that you need not keep with the Caravan, unless you will yourself. From this Bridge to Zulfa is but one days journey; which Town being altogether ruin'd, shows the reason wherefore the Caravan lodges upon the Bank of the River five hundred Paces on this side. Zulfa, the ancient Habitation of the Armenians which Sha-Abas carried into Persia, is a Town squeezed between two Mountains, through which the Arras runs, leaving but little Land on either side. It carries no Boats till about two Leagues below, (for upward it will hardly bear a piece of Timber) and in regard the Country grows low and extends itself into Plains, there is no fear of Rocks, the course of the Stream being very quiet. There was a fair Stone-Bridge, which Sha-Abas caused to be broken down, when he wholly destroyed the Town, that it might be no harbour for the Turks. Neither by the Ruins, nor by its Situation, doth it appear to have been a City of any ancient Beauty; the Stones were clapped unskilfully together without Mortar, so that the Houses were more like Caves than Houses. The North-West side was most inhabited, there being nothing on the other side worth taking notice of. The Lands about Zulfa being very fertile, there are certain Armenian Families returned, who live very quietly. Cogia Nazar, one of the chief Armenians that went out of Zulfa, growing rich by Trade, and being in great reputation with Sha-Abbas, and Sha-Sefi his Successor, who made him Kelonter, or Chief Judge of the Armenian Nation, built two great Inns, for the Honour of his Country, in Zulfa, upon each side of the River one. He spent above an hundred thousand Crowns, but dying left two remarkable Pieces of Work unfinished. Half a League on this side Zulfa, before you cross a Torrent that falls into Aras, you may take your choice of two ways to go to Tauris. The one upon the right hand, leading to the South East, which is the ordinary Road; the other upon the left hand, toward the North East, which we took eight or ten in company together on horseback, the last time I went to Ispahan. We left the Caravan, that takes the great Road, and never goes the other way, because it is full of Rocks and Stones that spoil the hoofs of the Camels. However I was willing to see a new Country, which I shall describe before I come to the great Road. From the Torrent where we left the Caravan, we went forward, and lay at a Village not above a League and a half of. The next day, after we had kept along by the Banks of the Arras for five or six Hours, we came to Astabat, which lies a League from the River, where we stayed above two Days to divert ourselves. This is but a little City, but a very neat one; where there are four Inns, and every House has its Fountain. The great plenty of Water makes the City very fruitful in all things; more especially in good Wine. This is the only Country in the World that produces the Ronas, for which there is a vast utterance all over Persia and India. The Ronas is a Root that grows in the Earth like Liquorice, and is not much bigger. The use of it is to dye Read, and this is that Read which gives that beautiful tincture to all the Calicuts that come out of the Mogul's Country. Though the Roots which are pulled out of the Earth are very long, yet they cut them into pieces not above as long as a Man's Hand, for the better accommodation of Carriage. It is a wondered thing to behold at Ormus whole Caravans laden with this Ronas, which they Ship of from thence to the Indieses. The Root is full of Juice, and yields a very high Tincture; for I remember that an Indian Vessel that was laden with it, being cast away in the Road of Ormus, where the Bags of Ron●s floated, the Sea looked of a read colour for several days. Departing from Astabat, it behoved us to provide ourselves with Straw and Barley for our Horses, understanding that we should meet with none all that days journey. From thence we travelled upon a descent for an hour together to the River Aras, which we crossed in a Boat; and all the rest of the day we travelled through Mountains, over Torrents and Stones. That Evening we lay upon the Bank of a small Stream. The day following, after we had travelled through a spacious Valley for two or three hours, we ascended a high Mountain, at the top whereof we met with two or three pitiful Houses, where we stopped that day. The next, which was the fifth after, we left the Caravan, we travelled upon a descent for two or three hours, till we came to a great Village neatly situated, where there grows excellent Fruit. There we reposed for an hour or two; and from thence we came to a great Stone-Bridg on a River where there is no Water but when the Rains fall. It falls into the Lake Roumi, but the Water of the River is so sour and ill tasted, especially when it is low, that it is not to be drunk. About a quarter of a League from the Bridge are three long Stones set in the Ground like Pillars: the Natives say that they were placed there for a Monument, in the same place where Darius the Son of Hystaspes was elected King by the cunning of the Gentleman of his Horse: from whence to Tauris is but half a League. The Mountains of the Medes which we crossed in this Road, and those which run along toward the ancient Parthians, are the most fertile in all Persia. They bear Corn and Fruit in abundance; for upon the high Mountains there are fair Plains sowed with Wheat, which are extraordinary fertile. The Springs which rise there, and Rains which fall give a fresher beauty and a higher taste to what grows there, more than in any other part of Persia that wants Water; and the products of those Fields are of a higher price. Now for the great Road. The Caravan having crossed the Stream where we left it, lodges the next Night upon the Banks of Aras, over which it ferries the next Morning. It does not go through Zulfa, though it be so near it; because that on the other side of the City, there are three Leagues of Way very bad and unfrequented. For which reason you must leave Zulfa on the right hand, which is not much out of the way. After two hours travel you go by a Bridge which is called Sugiac; after which you come upon Heaths encompassed with high Rocks. All this days journey you meet with no Water, but only one little Fountain, and the Water is so bad that the Beasts will hardly drink it. The day following you travel through an even Country, but very barren: where you meet with nothing but a forlorn Inn; though it be a place where Cost has been bestowed, and built all of Freestone, that was fetched a great way of. The next Stage is Marante, famous for the Buryingplace of Noah's Wife. The Town is not very big; resembling rather a Thicket than a City: but the situation is very pleasant, in the middle of a fertile Plain adorned with several well peopled Villages. This Plain does not extend above a League round about Marante, the Country beyond it being all barren. However it is not altogether unprofitable: for being a continual Heath, it affords feeding for the Camels, which are there bred for the Caravans. Which is the reason that there are so many Camel-Masters at Sugiac and Marante, who furnish great part of the Road. At Marante you must pay thirteen Abasses, or four Crowns for every Camel's Load, for the security of the Road. Leaving Marante, you lodge the next night a League from Sophiana in a bushy Plain, where the Water is worth nothing; after you have travelled a mixed Country, barren enough, where you meet with but one Inn in a Valley: but it is a very fair one. Sophiana is an indifferent large City, which you cannot see till you come within it, by reason of the great number of Trees planted in the Streets and round about it, which makes it look rather like a Forest than a City. The next day, which is usually the tenth days journey from Erivan, the Caravan, having crossed fair, large and fertile Plains, arrives at Tauris. Those Plains are watered with several Streams that fall from the Median Mountains; but the Water is not all of the same goodness, for there is some which cannot be drunk. In the midway between Sophiana and Tauris, lies a Hill, from whence you have a prospect over those Plains, upon which the Army of Sultan Amurath Encamped, when he besieged Tauris. The news coming to Sha-Sefi King of Persia, that he had burnt it, and was marching further into the Country with a hundred thousand Men, Let him come, said he, without any disturbance, I know how to make the Turks pay for their Invasion without any great trouble. They were than not above fifteen days march from Ispahan, when Sha-Sefi, turned the course of all the Streams both before and hehind, which only run from certain Springs, and are brought in Cutts or Channels into the Inland-parts of Persia, where there are no Rivers: By which means the whole Army of the Turks perished for want of Water in those vast unwatered Countries where they had engaged themselves too far. Tauris lies in 83 Degrees, 30 Minutes of Longitude; and 40 Degrees, 15 Minutes of Latitude, in an open place where there is not a Tree to be seen; and environed with Mountains on every side, but only upon the West. The furthered Mountain is not above a League from the City; but there is one which almost touches it, being only separated from it by the River. 'Tis a good Country, and fruitful in Corn; there is good Pasturage, and great store of Pulse. Some think that Tauris was the ancient Ecba●ane, the Metropolis of the Empire of the Medes. It is at this day a great City and well peopled, as being the Mart for Turkey, Muscovy, the Indieses, and Persia, There are an infinite number of Merchants, and vast quantities of all sorts▪ of Merchandise: particularly of Silk, which is brought out of the Province of Guilan, and other places. There is also a great Trade for Horses, which are handsome and cheap. Wine, Aquavitae, and indeed all sorts of Provisions are cheap enough; and Money trolls about in that place more than in any other part of Asia. Many Armenian Families have got great Estates there by Trade, and understand it better than the Persians'. A little River, the Water whereof is very good, runs through the middle of Tauris; it's called Scheinkaïe, over which there are three Bridges to cross from one part of the City to the other. The most part of the Buildings in Tauris are of Bricks baked in the Sun; the Houses not being above one or two Stories high at most. The tops of the Houses are terraced; the Roofs within are vaulted, and plastered with Earth mixed with chopped Straw, which they whiten afterwards with Lime. In the year 1638 the City was almost ruin'd by Sultan Amurath; but it is almost all rebuilt again. There are in it Bazars, or Market-houses, which are well built, and many Inns very commodious, two Srories high. The fairest is that of Mirza-Sadé Governor of the Province, who caused it to be built with a Market-house adjoining, to which he has added a Mosque and a College, with good Revenues. The great Trade of Tauris renders it renowned over all Asia: for it has a continual Trafsick with Turks, Arabians, Georgians, Mengrelians, Persians', Indians, Muscovites, and Tartars. The Bazars or Market-houses, which are covered, are always full of Goods: for there are some which are peculiar to the Handicraft-Trades; the most part whereof are Smiths, such as make Saws, Axes, Files, and Steels to strike Fire, with Tobacco-stoppers belonging to them. Some there are that make Padlocks: for the Eastern People fasten their Doors only with wooden Bolts. There are also Turner's, that furnish the neighbouring Parts with Spinning-Wheels and Cradles: and some Goldsmiths, that make trifles of Silver. But there is abundance of Silk-weavers that are Artists, and work very neatly; and indeed there are more of those than of any other Trade. Here it is that they dress the greatest part of the Chagrin-skins that are vended so plentifully all over Persia; for there are none unless it be the Countrypeople, but wear Boots or Shoes of Chagrin-leather. This Leather is made either of the Hides of Horses, Asses, or Mules▪ and only of the hinder part of the Hide: but the Asses Hid has the best grain. There are to be seen at Tauris, Ruins of the stately Edifices round about the great Piazza, and the neighbouring parts: they have also let run to ruin four or five Mosques of a prodigious height and bigness. The most magnificent and the biggest stands as you go out of the Town, in the Road to Ispahan. The Persians' will not come near it, but look upon it as defiled, and a Mosque of Heretics, in regard it was built by the Sunnis, or the followers of Omar. 'Tis a vast Structure fairly built, the Front whereof is fifty Paces broad, with an ascent of eight Steps. It is lined without with Brickwork varnished with different Colours; and adorned within with very fair Painting A l'antique, and abundance of Cifers and Arabian Letters in Gold and Azure. Upon two sides of the Forefront are reared two Minarets or Towers very high, but not very wide, yet with Stairs to go up to the top. They are lined with varnished Brickwork, which is the usual Ornament of the Persian Buildings: and at the top stand two Cupola's, formed like the Turbans which the Persians' wear. The Gate of the Mosque is not above four Foot wide, cut out of a great transparent white Stone, four and twenty Foot high, and twelve broad. Entering at the Door of the Mosque, you come into a spacious Duomo, thirty six Paces in Diameter, raised upon twelve Pillars within, and supported by sixteen without, which Pillars are very high, and six Foot square. Below there is a Balustrade or Rails that run round about the Building, with Doors to go from one side to the other: and the Foot of every Pillar, which is of white Marble, is hollowed into little Niches equal with the Floor, where the People put their Shoes, when they go farther to their Devotions. The inside of the Walls is varnished in Squares of several Colours, with Flowers, Cifers, and Arabian Letters intermixed, and wrought in Embossed work, so well painted, so well gilded that it seems to be but one piece of Work, cut out with a pair of Scissors. From this Duomo you pass to another lesser, but more beautiful in its kind. The lower pa●t is of transparent white Stone, of the same nature with that in the Front, cut in great Panes like a Door that never opens. This Duomo has no Pillars, but eight Foot high, it is all of white Marble, where are to be seen Stones of a prodigious length and breadth: The inside of the Vault is a violet Enamel, painted with all sorts of Flowers in Flat-work, but the outside of both the Duomo's is covered with varnished Brickwork, and Flowers embossed A la Moresque. Upon the first the Flowers are black upon green; upon the second, white Stars upon black: which diversity of Colours is very pleasing to the Eye. Near the Door out of which you enter into the lesser Duomo, on the left hand, stands a Chair of Walnut-tree curiously-carved, and fastened to the Wall; it stands upon a Platform raised six steps high, without any Canopy. On the right hand stands another Chair of the same Wood, and an exquisite piece of Workmanship; with a kind of State over it of the same Wood, fastened to the Wall. There is a little Rail about it; and the Platform is four steps high. On the Southside of the Mosque there are two white transparent Stones, which when the Sun shines upon them look read: And sometimes after the Sun is set, you may read at those Stones by the reflection of the Sunbeams. Just against the Mosque on the other side is another Front, which is the only Remain of a ruin'd Building. It was the abode of the Sheck Iman, or the Chief Priest. There had been large Baths which belonged to it, but they are all destroyed; some others there were of lesle note, which are not looked aster. In the great Piazza of Tauris and in the parts adjoining, stands a fair Mosque, a College, and a Castle, which fall to decay; these Buildings being forsaken; by reason they were made use of by the Sounni's, which were followers of Omar. Near the same Church is a ruin'd Church of the Armenians, whither they say St. Helena sent the true Cross. There is another Mosque, which was formerly a Church dedicated to St. John Baptist, where they say one of his Hands was preserved a long time. The Capuchins have a very convenient House at Tauris; for Mirza-Ibrahim Governor of the Province, whose credit is equal to the Can of Tauris, which is the chiefest Command in Persia, favours him very much with his protection. This Governor has made himself very considerable at Court▪ and very much respected by the King for his indefatigable pains, and his extraordinary agility in augmenting the King's Revenue: having found out such ways for that purpose, as never entered into the thoughts of any that preceded him in the the same Employment. He is very curious to learn all the Noble Sciences, which is a quality very rare among the Persians': He also takes great delight in the Mathematics and Philosophy, discoursing often with Gabriel de Chinon, Governor of the Capuchins Covent in Tauris. But the great desire which Mirza-Ibrahim had, to have his two Sons taught by the said Gabriel, was the chief motive that made him so savourable to that Covent. He bought the Friars a place to build their House, and liberally furnished them for the Expense of the Work. When the Sun sets and rises, there are a certain Company of People, who are obliged to make a hideous noise with Drums and Trumpets in the Meidan, or great Piazza of the City. They stand upon one side of the Piazza in a Gallery somewhat raised, which is a Custom observed in all the Cities under the Persian Government. As you go out of Tauris upon the North-side, there is a Mountain close by, there being only the River between it. The name of it is Einali-Zeinali, and formerly there stood upon the top of it a fair Hermitage of the Armenians, which the Mahometans have converted into a Mosque. At the bottom of the Mountain stands a Fortress and a Mosque, which they let go to ruin, because they were built by the Ottomans. A little farther upon the brink of the Precipice stands a Monastery, near to which are two Caves, where are certain Sepulchers and Marble Pillars lying along up●n the Ground. There are also in the Mosque certain Tombs of the ancient Kings of the Medes, the Remains whereof show that the Work was very Excellent. Upon the Road from Tauris to Ispahan, about half a League from the utmost Gardens, between several knaps of the Mountain which you leave upon the right hand, upon the top of the highest of all, where there never was any Water, and where it is impossible to bring any, appears a Bridge Fifty paces long, the Arches whereof are very fair ones, but it falls to decay. It was a Mollah that built it, out of what design no person new: nor can you come to Tauris upon that side, but you mu●t see that Bridge, because there is no other way, there being nothing but Water and Precipices on either hand. Afterwards he confessed that he built it out of mere Vanity, knowing that Sha-Abbas the first of that name, was to come to Tauris. The King indeed came some time after, and seeing an unprofitable Bridge upon the top of a Mountain, he demanded who built it, and what was his design. To whom the Mollah returned this answer, Sir, said he, I built that Bridge, that when your Majesty ●●me to Tauris, you might inform yourself from the mouth of him that built it. By which it appeared that the Mollah had no other ambition than to oblige the King to speak to him. A League from Tauris to the West, in the middle of a field, stands a great Brick Tower, called Kanhazun. It is about fifty Paces in Diameter, and though it be half ruin'd, yet it is very high. It se●ms to have been the Dungeon of some Castle, there being very high Walls round about it; which though they be but of Earth, nevertheless appear to be very ancient. It is not certainly known who built this Tower, but the Arabian Letters upon the Gate afford us some reason to conclude that it was a Mahometan structure. In the year 1651 there happened a terrible Earthquake in Tauris and the parts thereabouts, by which many houses were overturned, and this Tower than cleaving from the top to the bottom, a good part of it fell down, and filled up the hollow withinside. Besides the little River that runs by Tauris, there is another bigger to be crossed about half a League from the ●ity, over which there is a very fair Stone-Bridge: Near to it stands a Sepulchre, covered with a little Duomo, where the Persians' say that the Sister of Iman Riza lies interred; and they have it in great veneration. The River that runs under the Bridge comes from the Mountains of the North, and falls into the Lake Roumi, thirteen or fourteen Leagues from Tauris. They call it Aggisou, or Bitter▪ water; for the Water is very bad, and without any Fish. The Lake which is fifteen Leagues in compass, has the same quality, the Water being blackish: the Fish that hap into it out of other Rivers that fall into it, presently become blind, and in a short while are found dead by the Shoar. This Lake takes its name from a Province and a little City, which are both called Roumi, being not above Eleven Leagues from Tauris. In the middle of the Lake, upon the way that leads to a little City called Tokoriam, there is a little Hill that rises insensibly, the ascent whereof is very smooth, and out of it there rise many little Springs. The farther they run from the Head, the wider grow the Streams. And the Earth which they water is of two distinct qualities; the first Earth that is digged serves to make Lime: the next to that is a hollow spongy Stone, th● is good for nothing: but under that again is a white transparent Stone, which you may see through as through Glass, which being smooth and polished serves to adorn the Houses. This stone is only a congelation of the Waters of these Streams; for sometimes you shall meet with creeping Animals congealed within. The Governor of the Province sent one piece to Sha-Abbas, as a great present, wherein there was a Lizard congealed of a Foot long. He that presented▪ it to the Governor had Twenty Tomans, or three hundred Crowns; afterwards I offered a thousand for the same Piece. In some parts of the Province of Mazandran, where the Enxin Sea stretches farthest into the Persian Territories, these congealed Stones are to be found, but not so frequently as near the lake Roumi; and you shall many times found pieces of Wood and Worms congealed in the Stones. I brought away a Camels loading of these Stones; and left them at Marseilles; till I could found what use to put them to. CHAP. V A Continuation of the Constantinopolitan Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Ardevil and Casbin. FRom Tauris to Ispahan the Caravan makes it generally twenty-four days journey. The first day you cross over dry Mountains, and four Leagues from Tauris you meet with one of the fairest Inns in Persia. This Inn Sha-Sefi caused to be built; it is very convenient, and large enough to lodge a hundred persons with their Horses. Over all Persia, especially from Tauris to Ispahan, and from thence to Ormus, you meet every day with Inns at an equal distance. The next day you descend a Mountain, in very rugged and narrow way. At the foot of this Mountain there are two ways for the Merchants to choose that will go to Ispahan. They that will go the ordinary road and the direct way through Kom and Kachan, leave a Lake upon the left hand that parts the two Roads; and they that will go through Ardevil and Casbin, two other good Cities, leave the Lake upon the right hand, and coast along by the side of the Mountain. From Tauris to Ardevil it is not above a dozen Leagues; and having passed the Lake, the Country is very good: Which is the Road I intent to describe first. Ardevil being at so small a distance from Tauris, lies almost in the same Degrees and Minutes of Longitude and Latitude. This City is famous, as well for being the first Market of Silks that come from Guilan, from which it is not far of; as also for the Sepulchre of Sha-Sefi, the first of that name, King of Persia. The avenues to it are very pleasant, being as it were Alleys of great Trees, which are called Tchinar, planted in a straight line, at a due distance▪ It is of a moderate bigness, and seated in a lovely opening of the Mountains. The next to the Cities, which is called Sevalan, is the highest in all Media. The Houses of Ardevil are built of Earth, as are most of the Houses in the City of Persia: but the Streets are very uneven, dirty, and narrow. There is but one which is handsome, at the end whereof is built the Armenian Church. A little River runs through the middle of the City, which descending from the neighbouring Mountains runs from East to West. It is by Industry brought into many Cuts to water the Gardens, and in many places there are very fair Trees planted, which are very delightful to the Sight. The Meydan or Market-place is a very great one; more long than round; where stands a very fine Inn, upon one side, which the Can caused to be built. There are several others in several parts of the City, which have the Prospect over several lovely Gardens, especially that which belongs to the King; to which you go through a long and stately Walk of four rows of Trees, at the end whereof stands a large Gate that gives you entrance. Though the Country about Ardevils be proper to bear Vines, yet there are none thereabouts; nor is there any Wine made till about four or five Leagues from the City. The Armenians that devil in the City are very well stored with it; though there be no place in all Persia, where there is so much Caution to be used, either as to the Importing it, or the Drinking it; both which must be done very privately: Which proceeds from the Mahometan Superstition; the Persians' having so peculiar a veneration for that place, that they believe it a sin to suffer Wine to be publicly drank therein. The people come in Pilgrimage from all parts of Persia to the Sepulchre of Sha-Sefi; which together with the vast Trade of Silk, makes Ardevil one of the most considerable Cities of all Persia. There are several other Buildings added to the Mosque wherein he lies interred; the Entry whereof faces, the Meydan, to which it is joined upon the Southside with a large Portal. The Gate is chained with Chains fastened a cross with great Rings; which if any Criminal Offender can but touch, and enter into the first Court, he is safe; for no person can apprehended him. This is a large Court, yet more in length than breadth, without the Wall whereof that looks upon the Marketplace, several Shops are built for Merchants and Tradesmen. Out of this Court you pass into another which is lesle, and paved with broad Stones, with a Rivulet running through the middle. The Entry into it is through a Door, fortified with Iron Chains like the former▪ and is made at a corner of the great Court upon the left hand. It brings you presently under a Portico▪ where there are fair Balconies raised after the fashion of the Country▪ Those Balconies are full of several People; either Pilgrims, or persons whose Crimes constrain them thither for Sanctuary. In that place you must leave your Stick and your Sword, before you go any farther; and give something besides to a Moullah, who is always attending there with Books. In that second Court through which the Rivulet glides, on the one side are Baths, on the other Granaries for Rice and Corn; and upon the left hand, at the end of the same Court, there is a little Door which brings you to a place where the Royal Alms are distributed to the Poor, Morning and Evening; being just against the King's Kitchin. This Gate is covered with Plates of Silver; and in the Kitchen there are about thirty Ovens contrived in the Wall, with as many great Caldrons to dress Pilaw and other Food, as well for the Poor as for the Officers of the Mosque. While these Alms are distributing, the Master-Cook, who commands all the rest, sets upon a Chair covered with Plates of Silver, and sees that every thing be done in order. He sees to the measuring out the Rice every day for the Kettles, and causes the Victuals to be divided in his own sight: For there is an excellent Oeconomy in the King's House. At the end of the Portico beyond the first Court there are two Gates, one beyond another, both covered with Plates of Silver, between those two Gates on the right hand appears a little Mosque, where are the Tombs of several Persian Princes of the Blood Royal. You must have a great care not to tread upon the Thresholds of the Gates; for it is a Crime not to be expiated without a severe Punishment. From hence through a little I'll, you come into the Body of the Church, richly hung with Tapestry, and set about with high Desks, where lie a great many Books, wherein the Mullahs, or Doctors of the Law read continually, having Stipends to Officiate in the Mosque. At the end of the Body of the Mosque, is a little Octagonal Monument, like the Choir of a Church, in the midst whereof stands the Monument of Sha-Sefi. It is only of Wood, but curiously carved and inlaid. It exceeds not the height of a Man of an ordinary stature▪ and seems like a great Chest, having four Apples of Gold set up at each corner. It is covered with a Crimson Satin purfled with Gold; and all the other Tombs that are by it, are covered with Silks as rich. As well in the Choir as in the Body of the Church, there are abundance of Lamps, some of Gold, some of Silver; but the biggest of all is of Silver; gilded and vermilioned, and neatly engraved. There are also six great Branches of a curious sort of Wood, covered with Silver, with great Wax Candles in them, which are never lighted but at their great Festivals. From the Duomo where stands the Tomb of Sha-Sefi, you go under a little Vault, which encloses another Monument of another King of Persia, whose Name I could not learn. It looks like another great Chest, curiously wrought, and covered with Satin. The Roof of the Mosque is adorned within with a Painting of Gold and Azure, a la Moresque; on the outside, with a fair Varnish of several Colours, like the stately Mosque at Tauris. In the adjacent Parts round about Ardeüil are several Monuments worth a Man's sight, being very ancient; and some which are ruin'd, show by what remains the care which they took to enrich them with curious Workmanship. A quarter of a League from the City stands a Mosque, in which are the Tombs of the Father and Mother of Sha-Sefi. It is a fair Structure, with Gardens and Courts, in one of which there is a very clear Fountain where they keep Fish. Ardeüil is not only famous, as I have said already, for the Royal Sepulchers which are in it, and for the Pilgrimages which have been made to it from all parts of Persia; but the numerous Caravans of Silk, which sometimes consist of eight or nine hundred Camels, add very much to its Grandeur. For being near to Guilan and Shamaqui, from whence those vast quantities of Silk come; and for that the Road from both those places, to Constantinople and Smyrna, lies through this City, there is a continual confluence of Merchants, and all sorts of Merchandizes are here to be had as well as at Tauris. From Ardeüil to Casbin you travel through a good Country; for every three of four Leagues you meet with little Rivers that fall from the Northern Mountains, and water the Earth. The Caravan is usually five days between Ardeüil and Arion, between Arion and Taron two, between Taron and Casbin two more. Half a League on this side Taron you must cross a great River over a stone Bridge, and half a League beyond you come to Kalkal. Arion is a little City, Taron and Kalkal are two great Towns; and there are but these three places in all Persia where there grow any Olives, or that they make any Oil. Leaving Kalkal, you travel over a Plain ●or three hours, at the end whereof is a Way which you you cannot get over in lesle than four hours. The way is so bad that the Horses and Mules can hardly get up; but for the Camels, they must take the lower Road, which is also very tedious, and full of Stones, which the Torrents tumble down, and it is three or four Leagues about. When you are up, the Country is levelly, and you have not above three Leagues to Casbin. Casbin lies in 87 Degrees and 30 Minutes of Longitude, and 36 Degrees and 15 Minutes of Latitude. It is a great City, the Houses whereof are low and ill built; except seven or eight, which are next to the King's Gardens. It has no Walls, and indeed the best half of the City is in Gardens. There are three Inns, with Market-places round about; one of the three being large and commodious. It is inhabited altogether by Mahometans; or if there be any Christians, they are very few. The Soil about Casbin produces Pistaches. The Tree that bears that is never bigger than a Walnut-tree of ten or twelve years old. The great quantity of Pistaches that are exported out of Persia come from Malavert, a little City twelve Leagues from Ispahan, toward the East. These are the best Pistaches in the World, and the Country being of a large extent, produces them in such abundance, that it furnishes all Persia and the Indieses. Leaving Casbin, you come to a little Village where there is but one Inn; and you travel that day six Leagues through Countries fertile enough, and well watered. The next day you travel through a good Country, and in nine or ten hours you come to Denghé. This is a great Village at the foot of a Hill, through which there runs a fair River. It abounds with excellent both White and Claret Wine, where the Travellers take care to replenish their Bottles. But generally they never lie here; being desirous to go a League farther, for a good Inn's sake, which makes it a handsome Stage. At this Town of Denghé it is where the two Roads from Tauris to Ispahan meet: the first, through Ardeüil and Casbin, I have already described. Hither also come the Caravans that go for the Indieses through Meshéhead and Candahar, and where they leave Ispahan Road to take the lefthand Way, which carries them Eastward. CHAP. VI The ordinary Road from Tauris to Ispahan. through Zangan, Sultanie, and other places. WE must now return again to the Lake six Leagues beyond Tauris, where they that will take the ordinary short way through Zangan and Sultanie, leave the left hand way of Ardeüil and Casbin. This Lake is usually full of large read Ducks, which are very good Meat. From thence, after twelve or thirteen hours' travel, in which time you meet with three Inns, you come to Karashima, a large Town in a deep Valley, that seems to be well manured. There is in it only a small Inn built of Earth, the Doors whereof ●re so low, that the People are forced to creep upon their knees to get in. The next day you come to another large Village called Turcoma, where the Soil is fertile, though it be very cold. There are several Caravansera's built like a long Alley covered, which are only of Earth, the Men lying at one end, and the Horses at another. The next day you travel over an uneven and desert Country, and in eight hours' time you come to Miana, a little City situated in a Marsh, where you pay a Toll for Guarding the Highways. In this City is one of the fairest Inns in all Persia. Two hours after you leave Miana, you must cross a River, over a fair Bridge which runs to decay; the Arches whereof are hollow within; it is built of Brick and Freestone, being near as long as Pont neuf in Paris. This Bridge stands almost at the foot of a Mountain called Kaplenton. Sha-Abas caused all the way to be Paved, because the Land is so fat and sloughy, that when it thaws, or that the lest Rain falls, it is impossible for the Caravan to pass. Besides, there are a sort of Camels in Persia, that when it comes to rain in a deep Soil, are not able to keep their Legs: nay through the weight of the Burdens which they carry, their very Quarter's will rive from their Shoulders, and their Bellies will burst. So that before the way was paved, they were forced to spread Carpets in the most slippery ways where those Camels were to pass: which must be still done in some places, where the Pavement is worn away. At the lower part of the descent toward Ispahan, upon the knap of a Hill which stands by itself, appears an old forsaken Fortress: it is near the Highway, and a River, which falls into the Caspian Sea, after it has crossed the Province of Guilan, where it is cut into several Channels. But generally the Corn and Fruits which grow in Persia by the help of Water forced into Channels, are of little esteem, and much cheaper than those that grow in the Provinces whose Fertility is not Artificial. Moreover, that sort of forced Grain will not keep above a Year; and if you keep it longer, it breeds a Vermin that eats it. 'Tis the same thing if the Corn be ground; and more than that, there breeds a Worm in the Flower, that makes it so bitter that 'tis impossible to eat it. On this side the Mountain Kaplenton appear at a distance two others very high, one toward the North called Saveland, another toward the South called Sehand: there is a third, which cannot be seen in Ispahan-Road, being two far out of the way, near the City of Hamadan. These three Mountains are full of Springs, from whence most of the Streams do fall that water Persia: And the Persians' do say, that formerly there were many more of these Springs, but that about a hundred Years ago several of them have been dried up, or otherwise no body can tell what is become of them. There are several Villages near the Mountain that pay nothing to the King, but are obliged to sand him a certain quantity of Rice and Butter, for the use of the Mosque at Ardeüil. They have also one great Privilege, That if a Man commits a Murder, and flies to any of these Villages, he cannot be apprehended, nor can the King himself punish him. Leaving the River that runs at the foot of the Mountain Kaplenton, you come to a fair Inn called Tshamalava, built some years ago: and for thirteen hours after▪ travelling over a very barren Country, you meet with another Inn, which is called Sartcham, standing in a very desert place: which makes the Raders, that lie there to secure the Highways, very insolent, finding themselves so far from any Towns or Villages. From Sartcham you come to a River, by the Banks whereof you travel a good while, till you come to an Inn which is called Digbé, near a large Village. The Structure is very handsome, the lower part being of Freestone undulated with read and white, and very hard. The next day you travel a very uneven Country, till you fall into a deep Valley, at the end whereof you meet with Zangan, a great Town and ill built. However, it has a very fair Inn, which when I went last to Ispahan was so full, that I had like to have lain abroad in the Rain, but for the Courtesy of two Armenians. From Zangan you go to an Inn, where you must pay the Duties due to the Can of Sultanie. Sultanie is a very large City, which you leave half a Mile from the Road, near to a Mountain. Formerly it had in it very beautiful Mosques, as may be easily conjectured by the Ruins that remain. Many Christian Churches also were converted into Mosques; and if you will believe the Armenians, they will tell you, that there were in Sultanie near eight hundred Churches and Chapels. Three Leagues from Sultanie stands an Inn, and a League farther a great Town called Ija, where there is another very commodious Inn, and most excellent Wine. From thence you go to Habar, an ancient City and of a large extent, but very much ruin'd, inhabited by Armenians for the most part: Here, for the good Wines sake the Travellers stay to recruit their Bottles. From Habar, after seven hours travel you come to a Village called Partin. From Zangan to Partin you reach in two days. It stands in a fertile Plain, where there are several other Villages. It is not above three Leagues broad, being enclosed on each side, to the East and West, with a row of high Mountains. Having passed this Plain, you come to a barren Country and ill inhabited, which lasts all the day, till you come to Saxava. You pass by the Ruins of a Village, where there are but two Houses standing, with the Tower of a Mosque, which is very high and slender. Than you come to a Mud-wall'd-Inn, built some few years since; and near to that a Castle called Khiara, upon the peek of a Hill, but very ill built. Sexava is a little City in a Soil that bears excellent Nuts. The Inns that are there being built of Earth, and being but little, are very handsome and convenient, their number supplying the defect of their smallness. From Sexava, after seven hours' travel, you come to a great Inn, called Idgloup, which was formerly a nobler place than now it is, standing alone in a Field. Three Leagues from thence you meet with another spacious Inn, called Cochkeria; and four hours farther you come to the Inn Denghé, where the two Roads meet which I spoke of in the foregoing Chapter. From Denghé to Kom are three days journey, over a barren, dry, and desert Country, where there is no Water but Cistern-water, except in some very few places, where it is very good. Four Leagues from Denghé is a fair Inn; and three Leagues farther stands another, about a Mile from a Village to the South, where there grows excellent good Wine, white and red. From this last Inn to Sava is not above three hours' travel with the Caravan. Sava is a good City in a fertile Plain, where there are several Villages. The greatest Trade of the Town is in little grey Lambskins, the curl whereof is very neat, of which they make Furs. Two or three Leagues beyond Sava the Country is very well manured, and after you have forded a River half a League from the City, after two hours travel you come to one of the fairest Inns in all Persia, which was finished when I went last to Ispahan. From thence to Kom it is about seven or eight hoúrs' journey, through a dry and sandy Road: but half a League on this side Kom the Land is very good and fruitful. Kom is one of the great Cities of Persia, in a fat Country abounding in Rice. There grow also excellent Fruits, particularly large and excellent Granates. The Walls are only of earth, with little Towers close one to another; and the Houses being only of Earth, are never the hand summer withinside. At the entry into the Town, you must cross a River, over a stone Bridge, and than turning to the right hand over a fair Key, you come to an Inn very well built and very convenient. That which is most remarkable in Kom is a large Mosque, not lesle in veneration among the Persians', than the Mosque of Ardeüil. There it is that you may see the Sepulchers of Sha-Sefi and Sha-Abas the Second; as also the Tomb of Sidi-Fatima, the Daughter of Iman-Hocen, who was the Son of Haly and Fatima-Zuhra the Daughter of Mahomet. The great Gate of the Mosque answers to a Piazza more long than broad, where stands an Inn and certain Shops, which withoutside are somewhat beautiful. One of the sides of the Piazza is closed up with a low Wall, over which appears the Shore, and a River which you cross at the end of the Piazza. Over the great Portal of the Mosque stands an Inscription, in Letters of Gold, in the praise of Sha-Abas the Second. The first place that you enter into is a Court of more length than breadth, which may be termed a Garden, in regard that on each side of the Alley in the middle, which is paved, there are several square Beds of Flowers, yellow Jasmin, and other Plants; which are railed in by a Rail that runs all the length of the Alley on each side. It is not an easy thing for the Christians to get in to this Court, especially such whose Habits and Aspect they do not like: But as I clothed and carried myself, I never was denied entrance into any place either in Persia or India. In this first Court on the left hand as you enter, are little Chambers, where they that receive the Alms, which by the Foundation of the Mosque are to be distributed every day, come and eat their proportion, and than go their ways. Those Chambers serve as an Asylum to those that cannot pay their Debts, as at the Mosque of Ardeüil. Neither are these Privileged places like ours, where they that retire must live at their own Charge: For in Persia they are said at the expense of the Mosque; and being in that manner freed from Care, their Friends more easily bring their Creditors to Composition. Out of the first Court you pass into a second, which is larger, and all paved; and from that into a third, which is square, and raised like a Terrace. You enter into it through a large Gate, at the end of an open Passage, where stand the Lodgings of the Moullahs. Out of that Court by an ascent of Brickwork of ten or twelve Steps, you enter into a fair Court, which is also raised like a Terrace; in the midst whereof is a fair Fountain. It is continually filled by little Pipes of Water which run into it, and is emptied by others that carry the Water into several parts of the whole Enclosure. There are some Buildings in this Court, but one of the sides of it is taken up with the Front of the Mosque, which is no displeasing Structure. There are three large Gates belong to it, very well expanded, according to the mode of the Country; with a Brickwall before, about the height of a Man, with Holes in it for Light, made like a Lozenge. The Threshold of the middle Gate is Covered with a plate of Silver; and between these three Gates and that of the Duomo, are several Doctors that hold Books in their hands, and read perpetually. This Mosque is Octagonal, and at every angle is a small wooden Door of Walnut-tree, varnished with grey and yellow. The Tomb of Sidi-Fatima is at the farther part of the Mosque, there being only room for one Man to pass between the Wall and the Tomb. It is encompassed with a large Silver Grate, sixteen Foot square; the Bars whereof are round, and knobbed in those places where they cross each other; it is lighted by several Lamps of Gold and Silver: which altogether is very pleasing to the Eye. The inside of the Mosque, to the elevation of the Angles that support the Duomo, is composed of square Tiles varnished over with divers Colours; and the Cupola of the Duomo, as also the Vault of the Portico of the Mosque, is a Moresco piece of Painting in Or and Azure. Upon each side of the Mosque, and near the side where the Tomb of Sidi-Fatima stands, appears a great Hall, where the Royal Alms are distributed to the Poor, which consist of Pilaw and other diet, very well dressed. From this Tomb you turn to the left hand toward an Ascent, distant five and twenty or thirty Paces; and at the top of this Ascent is a Door, over which there is an Inscription in Honour of Sha-Abas the Second. The Door being opened, shows you the place where the Body of that King reposes: and through another Door with a Grate in it, you may discover, under a small Duomo, the Tomb of Sha-Sefi his Father; which is covered with a Carpet of Cloth of Gold. They were continually at work upon the Tomb of Sha-Abas, which they said, they would make very famous. I had not been two hours in Kom, but a multitude of People ran by the Inn Gate, all in extraordinary haste. Ask what the matter was, they answered me, that it had been a day long designed for the two Prophets to fight. Thereupon I went to the Piazza, which was so crowded, that I had much ado to get to see. In the first place a sufficient number of Tumblers and Puppet players, divided into two Bands, kept the middle of the Piazza, and made a sufficient Ring for the Combat. Each Band held a Bull by the Horns, one of which they called Mahomet, and the other Haly: and whether it where by accident, or by the cunning of the Bull-Masters, after an obstinate Combat, wherein the Beasts foamed again with heat and rage; Mahomet at length quit the Field, and yielded Haly the Victory. Than all the People shouted for joy, and all the Piazza was filled with the noise of Flutes and Hautboys; and every one coming as if it were to adore Haly, cried out, Behold the Works of God, that Haly has made! At length they bring the Bull Haly under a Gate, with his Head turned toward the People; where after they have rubbed him to refresh him, after a Combat so courageously maintained, every one sends him Presents, which are all the Tumblers profit. The Can or Governor of Kom, who was present with a hundred Horses richly trapped to behold the Sight, sent the Bull a Present of 50 Tomans, or 750 Crowns. They who accompanied him, and the chief Inhabitants of Kom, gave him some a Garment, others a Girdle. Neither did the meanest of the People spare to sand or carry him Fruits, or other things, according to their abilities. The Can was a Lord who was very civil, and there was no Stranger that did not commend his behaviour, in regard he was so obliging. So soon as I came to the place, whether it was that he perceived me with a Dutchman that I had brought along from Constantinople, or whether any one had informed him that there were Strangers near him, he sent for us, and after he had asked us some Questions concerning the occasion of our Travelling, he sent for a Seat and caused us to sit down. Than he asked us whence we came, and what we did at Ispahan; to which when we had answered him, that we went to wait upon the King, he approved our Intention, complaining that we had not given him advice of our Arrival. In the Evening he sent us several Delicacies, among the rest, six fair Melons, and four Bottles of excellent Wine. He appeared to me so brave and generous a Person, that I was very much troubled afterwards for his being in dis▪ favour with the King, and his death, which ensued. For this Can finding the Walls of the City, which were only of Earth, and the Bridge over the River to be out of repair, without writing to the King, of his own head, laid a slight Imposition upon every Basket of Fruit that was brought into the City. Now there are in all the Cities of Persia, persons who are hired to take an account every Week what the Commodities may be worth, and to take care that no more than such a Toll be laid upon any thing; which they tax among themselves, and when they had set the Rate, they 'cause it to be cried at the beginning of every Week. Sha-Sefi than reigned, it being the year 1632. The King being informed by these people of the Impost which the Can had set upon Fruit without his knowledge, was so enraged against him, that he caused him to be brought in Chains to Ispahan, where he used him with a strange severity. For at that time the Son of the Can stood at the King's Elbow, it being his Office to give him his Pipe and his Tobacco, which is a very honourable Employment in Persia. When the Can came, the King caused him to be carried to the Gate of the Palace, in the presence of all the People, and than commanded his Son to pull the Hair of his Father's Moustaches by the roots from his Skin. After that he commanded him to cut of his Nose and his Ears; after that to put out his Eyes, and lastly to cut of his Head. When he had done the Execution according to the King's pleasure, he commanded him to go and take possession of his Father's Government, and allowing him an experienced Old Man for his Lieutenant, he sent him to Kom with these words; If thou governest no better than this dead Dog has done, I will put thee to a more cruel Death than this. Leaving Kom, for four hours you travel over a fair Champain Country, after which you come to a fair Village with five or six Inns in it. Beyond that is nothing but Sand, till you come to a place called Abschirim, or Freshwater, where there are three Inns at a Distance from any Villages. From Abschirim to Cachan is six hours' journey through a Corn Country, and stored with great Villages. Cachan is a large City, well peopled, and furnished with all things necessary for human subsistence: There is an old Wall about it which is fallen down in many places, so that there is no need of seeking for Gates to get into the City. On that side which looks toward Ispahan the Soil is good, and produces great store of Fruit and Wine, which the Jews take care to make. It is reckoned that there are in Cachan a thousand Families of Jews; in Ispahan about six hundred; but in Kom there are not above nine or ten. Not but that there are many Jews in Persia, but those that live in Ispahan, Cachan and Kom, boast themselves particularly of the Tribe of Judah. There are an abundance of Silk-Weavers in Chachan that are very good Workmen, which make all the best purfled Satins mixed with Gold and Silver, that come out of Persia. There they also coin Money, and make Copper-vessels, which they vend in great quantities at a good distance of. The Market-houses are very fair ones, and well vaulted, the Inns large and convenient: but there was one among the rest which was very magnificent, near the King's Gardens, at the entry of the City. As well the Inn as the Gardens were made by the order of Sha-Abbas, the first of that Name, who was at a vast charge. The Inn is above a hun●●ed Paces square, built of Brick two Stories high, containing twenty-six vaulted Chambers of a reasonable bigness. It was a Structure too fair to be so little regarded, as now it is, being much fallen to deca●. In the middle of the Court was a Fountain to receive Water, which is spoiled. The Persians' and Turks are of that bad humour, rather to build new Houses than to repair old Buildings. For which reason they have since built at Cachin four or five Inns, as fair and commodious as that of Sha-Abas. This Custom is grown to that height, that the Children are so far from taking care to repair the old Houses where their Parents lived, that they will not so much as live in them after their decease, covetous of the honour of building Houses for themselves. Before we le●ve Cachan you must take notice, that as you are to travel from that City to Guilan, you cannot avoid travelling through Plains for twelve hours together, which are all pure Salt; and there is nothing to be met with by the way, but one Cistern; nor can the Water which is in it be otherwise than very bad. Leaving Cachan, you cross a Plain of three Leagues, after which you enter in among the Mountains, where you come to a very fair Inn of Brick. From thence you descend a pleasant Vale, where you travel a long time by the side of a River, over a ver● narrow way. At the end of the Valley you meet a great Wall, which crosses it, and joins the two Mountains together. This Wall is above a hundred Paces long, above thirty Foot thick, and fifty high. It was the Work of the Great Sha-Abas, whose design it was to stop the Waters that fall from the Mountain, and to make a Receptacle for Water in that place, to serve his occasions. At the foot of the Wall there is a Sluice, which being let down keeps in the Water; but is pulled up to let out the Water over all the neighbouring Lands to the Plain of Cachan. From this Receptacle to Coro● is about two hours' travel. Corou is a very large Village, and well peopled, in a Soil environed with high Mountains, and planted with great store of Walnut-trees. The Houses consist but of one low Story, being built of Flintstone; but the Inn therein is very fair and commodious. This Village consists but of one Street, but it is almost half a League long, and very troublesome in the Winter, by reason of a great River that runs through it▪ and the great quantity of Stones that lie in the way. All about this Village, as in several other places of Persia, there are a great number of Jackals; which are a kind of Foxes, that in the night time make an ugly noise; for if but one cry, all the rest will make answer, and set up a howling. From Corou you must travel three Leagues between Mountains, after which you have but twelve Leagues to Ispahan. It is a continued Plain that extends itself beyond the City, and in many places the Soil is very good. At every three Leagues end you meet with Inns. The first is called Achaha-Acacamala; the second, which is the halfway between Corou and Ispahan, is called Michiacour. This place consists not only of one Inn, for there are many others, so that it resembles a large Village. From Michiacour you come to Aganura, another Inn, but ill built; and from Agan●ra, after you have travelled three Leagues through a fat and fertile Country, you come to Ispahan. CHAP. VII. Of the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan, through Anatolia. SMyrna is at this day for Trade, whether it be by Sea or Land, one of the most celebrated Cities of all the Levant, and the greatest Market for all sorts of Commodities which are transported out of Asia into Europe, or out of Europe into Asia. Hither all the Western Fleets are most regularly bound, that came formerly no farther than Ligorn, and from whence, at times most regularly appointed, the fairest Caravans set out. This City lies in 50 Degrees of Longitude; and 38 Degrees, 45 Minutes of Latitude; at the bottom of a Gulf in the Archipelago, which is seven Leagues in length, upon the right side of the Isthmus which gins to form the Peninsula of Clazomene, right against the Island of Schio. It lies in that part of the Lesser Asia, which the Greeks possessed, under the Name of Iconium; at a distance almost equal, between Ephesus and Sardis; and was one of the seven Churches mention▪ d in the Revelation of St. John. It is at this day a great City, built like an Amphitheatre, upon the descent of a Hill that looks toward the Summer-West. But it is neither so great, nor so beautiful as formerly it was, as may be easily conjectured by the Ruins of certain Edifices that remain upon that Hill, which from the middle to the top, where the ancient City stood, are altogether uninhabited. There are also to be seen the Walls of a fair Castle, and above that the Ruins of an Amphitheatre, where they say St. Polycarp was exposed to fight with Lions. This Amphitheatre was not in the form of those other, which are usually round; for it contained but half a Circle, being left open to the Seaside. The Turks have almost quite destroyed it: making use of the Stones to build a Fort two Leagues from the City, upon the Gulf, where the passage is very narrow; which the Ships are forced to salute as they inter in, and to speak with when they sail ou●▪ Moreover, that they might not be put to sand for Stones a-far-off, they consulted whether they might not make use of the Stones of the Christians Monuments, as also of those of the Jews, which are near the Shor●▪ But they took very few, whether out of kindness to the Tombs, or whether they did not think them so proper for use as the Stones of the Amphitheatre. This Castle had not been long built, but upon an occasion very remarkable. In the last Wars of the Turks with the Venetians, the Ottoman Fleet having been beaten in the Archipelago, the G●and Signor resolved to refit another to Sea, and thereupon sent to all the parts of his Empire▪ where he knew any English or Holland Vessels usually were want to ride, to solicit them to serve him for his Pay. Moore particularly ●e aimed at those Vessels which were in Smyrna, where there were generally more than in any other Port. But the Captains, who rejected his Proposition of fight against the Venetians, believing that he would put some force upon them, suddenly▪ hoist Sail and got away; it being at a time when he could not keep them in, having no Castle than built to command them. The Grand Visier nettled at the refusal of the Captains, as an affront done to his Master, and to see that the Ships could come in and go out, without any let or▪ molestation, bethought himself (to the end he might keep them for the future und●● subjection) of building a Fort upon the Gulf, in such a part where the Vessels must necessarily touch; where now there lie great Cannons levelly with the Water, which no Vessel can escape. Ever since the Convoys will not come to Smyrna, as they were want to do, but lie out at Sea, out of the reach of the Fort. Near to the Sea are yet to be seen some Remains of a Church, two sides whereof seem to have been distinguished into Chapels by little Walls, which are yet standing: But the Natives doubt whether they be the Ruins of a Church dedicated to St. Polycarp, or of an ancient Temple of Janus. Smyrna has been oftentimes ruin'd either by the Wars, or by the Earthquakes which often hap there. One time that I stayed there, there happened one, which did not last long, but was very terrible. About sixty Paces from the Sea are to be discerned the Ruins of great Walls two Foot under Water; and at the end of the City that looks toward the Winter-West, near to the Sea, appear the Ruins of a Mole, and certain ancient Magazines. The English Merchants have digged among the Ruins of Smyrna, and have found great store of ●air Statues, which they transported into their own Country. There are still found some or other every day; but when the Turks found any, they disfigure them presently. It may be conjectured, that there was one of a prodigious bigness, by a great Toe broken of of some one, and for which I paid sufficiently, out of the desire I had to buy it. I sent it to Paris to a Person of Quality, who looked upon it as a great Curiosity. This Toe was of a hard white Stone, and well shaped, and by the proportion whereof, the Figure could not be judged to be lesle than the Colossus of Rhodes. Upon that side of the City where the Mole was, stands an old Castle of no defence, at the foot whereof the Sea makes a small Creek, where sometimes the Galleys of the Grand Signior lie. The City is well peopled containing not lesle than fourscore and ten thousand Souls. There are reckoned no lesle than 60000 Turks, 15000 Greeks, 8000 Armenians, and about six or seven thousand Jews. As for the European Christians that Trade there, their number is very small. Every one of these Nations has the exercise of their Religion free to themselves. The Turks have in Smyrna fifteen Mosques, the Jews seven Synagogues, the Armenians but one Church, the Greeks two, and the Latins three. There are also French Jesuits, and Italian Observantins, or a sort of Grey Franciscans. The Turks, the Greeks, the Armenians, and Jews live upon the Hill; but all the lower part toward the Sea is inhabited only by the European Christians, English, French, Hollanders, and Italians. The Greeks have also in the same Quarter an old Church, and some few small Houses, where Seamen make merry. All these different People of Europe are generally known in Smyrna by the Name of Franks. Every Nation has its Consul: and the French Consul has two Vice-Consuls under him; the one at Scalanova, the other at Chio. Scalanova, or the New Port, is two Leagues beyond Ephesus, and being a good Haven, the Vessels were want to unlade there; but the Turks would not permit it any longer. For that Place being the Dowry of the Grand Signor's Mother, the Vice-Consul agreed with the Governor of Scalanova, who permitted the Transportation of Goods to Smyrna, which is not above three little days journey with the caravan: A thing that spoiled the Trade of the City, and injured the Officers of the Customhouse. Whereupon they Petitioned the Grand Signior that no more Goods might be unladed at Scalanova: so that now no more Vessels go thither, unless it be to take in fresh Victuals. Chio is one of the greatest Islands in the Archipelago, of which in another place: but the Vice-Consul that lives there has no more business there than the other at Scalanova; for the Vessels that touch there, neither unlade no● export any Goods from thence. The Quarter of the Franks is only a long Street, one side whereof lies upon the Sea; and as well for the Prospect, as for the convenience of Unlading Goods, the Houses upon the Sea are much dearer than those that lie upon the Hill. The Soil about Smyrna is fertile, and abounds in all things necessary for human support; but particularly in good Oil and good Wine. There are Salt-Pits also half a League from the City, toward the North. The Sea affords great store of good Fish; Fowl is very cheap; and in a word, Smyrna is a place of great plenty. There is a lovely Walk all along the Sea to the Salt▪ Pits, where generally abundance of People walk in the Summertime to take the fresh Air: and there being more liberty at Smyrna than in any other part of Turkey, there is no necessity of taking a Janisary along, when a man goes abroad. If a man loves Fowling, it is but ●aking a Boat, which lands him two or three Leagues from the City, toward the Mountains, where there is so much Game that he can never return empty. For the value of three Sous you may buy a read Partridge at Smyrna, and all other Fowl is proportionably cheap. But if Smyrna have these great advantages, it has also its inconveniences: the Heats are very excessive in Summer, and indeed they would be insupportable, were it not for the Breezes that come of the Sea: these Breezes rise about ten in the Morning, and continued till the Evening; but if they ●ail, 'tis very bad for the Inhabitants. Besides, there hardly passes a Year but the City is infested with the Plague, which however is not so violent as in Christendom. The Turks neither fear it nor fly it, believing altogether in Predestination. Yet I believe, if the Inhabitants of Smyrna would take care to drain away the standing Puddles that gather in the Winter about the City, they would not be so frequently molested with the Plague as they are. It is most rife in May, June, and July; but the malignant Fevers that succeed it in September and October are more to be feared, more People dying of them than of the Pestilence. In all my Travels I never was in Smyrna at these unfortunate Seasons. There is no Bassa in that City; it being governed only by a Cady, who is not so severe to the Christians as in other places: For should he abuse his Office, Constantinople is at hand, where you may complain to the Mufti, and have relief; who for some good Present may be easily persuaded to depose the Cady, as being glad of the opportunity to displace him, and to put another in his room. The Customs of Smyrna yield a great Revenue to the Grand Signior, being paid there very exactly. But were there a certain Rate put upon Commodities, the Merchants, who would otherwise be losers, would not study so many ways as they do to deceive the Customers: For those Customers lay what Price they please upon Commodities, valuing that at a thousand Crowns, which perhaps is not worth three hundred, being absolute Masters of the Rate. In my last Voyage to Smyrna, four Dutch Women that went thither in our Ship from their own Country, carried ashore under their Coats whatever I had of rich Merchandise: for the Turks have such a respect for that Sex, that they will not so much as offer to search them. If a man be taken in stealing Customs, there is no other punishment than to pay double. The Trade of Smyrna is very great, and the principal Merchandizes which the Franks transport from thence, are raw Silk, which the Armenians bring out of Persia; Chamlet-yarn, and Chamlet or Goatshair, which come from a little City called Angouri, fifteen or sixteen days journey from Smyrna; Cotton twisted; Skins and Cordovans of several colours; Calicuts, white and blue; great quantities of Wool for Mattresses, Tapestries, quilted Coverlets, Soap, Rhubarb, Galls, Valanede, Scammony, and Opium; which four last Commodities are to be had in the Country's near to Smyrna, but not in great quantities. The Caravans come generally to this Town in the Months of February, June, and October; and departed again to the Countries from whence they came the same Months. Ephesus not being above a day and a halfs journey from Smyrna, on Horse-back-I took an opportunity to go thither. There were twelve of us that joined together, Franks and Hollanders, who took three Janissaries along with us, and three Horses to carry our Provision. We travelled this little Journey in the Summer, and setting out of Smyrna about three of the Clock in the Afternoon, we road through a Country part Plains, and part Hills, till we came to a great Village, where we supped. After we had stayed there three hours, we took Horse and travelled till Midnight, to avoid the Heats: By the way we met with nine or ten Arches, very narrow; which we could not conjecture to be any thing else than the Ruins of some Aqueduct. From thence to Ephesus the way is very pleasant, through little Thickets watered with Rivulets. A quarter of a League from Ephesus you meet with another Mosque, which was formerly a Christian Church, built out of the Ruins of the Temple of Ephesus. This Mosque stands enclosed with Walls, and you must ascend up to it by two Ascents of twelve Steps apiece, which bring you to a large Passage. From thence you enter into a large Cloister, the Arches whereof are sustained with Marble Pillars of several colours, delicately wrought; and the lower part of the Gallery, which runs along three of the sides, that consists of great Squares of Stone. The Mosque takes up the fourth side upon the left hand, the Gate being in the middle. The Mosque itself is a wide Arch, supported by five Columns, all of most exquisite Work. There are four of Marble, and every one of a different Colour; but the fifth is a most rare piece, being of Porphyry, aed the bigness of it makes it so much the more to be admired. Ephesus does not look like a City, being so absolutely ruin'd, that there is not a House standing. It was built upon the descent of a Hill, in a situation not much unlike that of Smyrna, at the foot whereof runs a Rivulet, after it has made a thousand Maeander●▪ in the Meadows. The City seems to have been very large, for you may discern upon the top of the Gates the compass of the Walls, with several square Towers, some of which are still standing: and there is one very remarkable, having two Chambers in it, one of which is a very fair one, the Walls and Pavement whereof are Marble. The famous Temple of Diana stood at the bottom of the Hill, near one of the Gates of the City. There remains nothing of it at present but the great Portal, which is entire. The Vaults of the Arches under ground stand to this day, and are very large, but all full of nastiness. We went in with Lanterns; and though you must creep to get in, by reason that the Wind has almost stopped up the Hole, by gathering the Dust about it, yet when you are in, you may go upright; for the Arches are high and fair, and little the worse. Near the Gate lie four or five Columns upon the Ground, and near to that a Fountain, ten Foot in Diameter, and two deep. The People of the Country report, that it was the Fountain wherein St. John Baptised the Christians. For my part, as I have seen in the Indieses several Pagods and Edifices much more beautiful than ever the Temple of Ephesus could be; I believe it rather to have been a Basin wherein the People put their Offerings, of which there are several such that belong to the Indian Pagods. The Greeks and Armenians, but above all the Franks, when they go to Ephesus always endeavour to break of some piece of that Basin, to carry it away with 'em as a Relic: but the Stone is so hard, that they can break of but very little at a time. Not far from the Temple appears another Gate of the City, over which there lies a great Stone seven or eight Foot square, with an embossed Figure of Q. Curtius' that Famous Roman, who threw himself, Horse and A●●ms into the gaping Earth, for the good of his Country. Many Merchants have offered Money for liberty to carry it away, but cannot obtain leave. About five hundred Paces from Ephesus is the Grotto which they call the Seven Sleepers, at the bottom of the same Hill where the City was built. From Ephesus we went to Scalanova, which is not above two Leagues of. By that time you come half the way, the little River that runs by Ephesus falls into the Sea, in the mouth whereof there are always a great number of Greek Barks fishing for Sturgeon. Of the Spawn of this Fish they make Caviar, and drive a great Trade in it in those Parts: than they take the most delicate and smallest Entrails of that Fish, which they fill with the same Spawn, of which they make a kind of a flat Pudding, as long as a Biscuit, which they call Botargo. This they dry in the Smoke, and cut it afterwards in slices to eat. Upon this and the Cuttlefish the Grecks generally feed during their Lent, which is very austere. Scalanova is a Port of which I have already spoken, and thither we came by seven a Clock in the Evening; where the Governor of the Place, more civil than usually the Turks are accustomed to be, made us very welcome. In the Evening one of our Janissaries had quarrelled with one of our Servants, who thereupon had beaten him; and therefore he complained to the Fellow's Master, who not giving him that satisfaction which he desired, thereupon the Turk studied to be revenged upon the whole Company. For this reason, upon some pretence or other, he went before, the better to bring about his design. We stayed till the Morning, and than departed early from Scalanova, and by Noon we came with good Stomaches to the Mosque near Ephesus, where we had been the day before: And some of the Company thought it a very convenient place to dine in, i'the shade; thereupon we sent for our Provisions, with a Borachio of Wine, and another of Water, and fell to eating in the Passage into the Mosque, not dreaming any harm. We had not been long at it, when we perceived two or three Turks about two hundred Paces of, who came from a Village very near to the Mosque. I knowing the custom of the Country better than they, told them, that they were certainly coming to pick a quarrel with us, and therefore caused them to hid the Bottle of Wine immediately; for it was than Turk's Ramezan, or Lent; during which time Wine is strictly forbidden. These two ill-contrived and ill clad Fellows were the Janissaries of the place, whom the Cadi had▪ sent, upon the information of our Janisary (who knowing we had eaten in the same place before, as indeed we had done, made no question but we would do so again) thinking to surprise us as we were drinking Wine, in a place which they esteem Sacred, and by consequence was among them accounted an act of Sacrilege. Christian Dogs, cried they, when they came near us, to eat and drink in a Mosque, and profane a holy place as you do, at a time that renders the offence more criminal! Not, cried I, answering for the rest, we drink no Wine, we drink nothing but Water, and you may taste it, said I to him that was the most busy; with that I caused a Glass to be poured out and given him; and I gave one of the Turks a private wink, who understanding it was a promise of gratuity, turned about to his Comrades, and cried, 'Tis very true, they drink no Wine. However in regard they had Orders to bring us before the Cady, there was no contending. Thereupon I and three others undertook to answer for all the rest. The Cady reviled us as bad as the Janisary at first; but he was not only surprised, but very much troubled, when they all unanimously affirmed that we drank no Wine, believing they were confederates with us. But I had cunningly slipped eight Ducats into the Hand of the Turk to whom I had made a sign with my Eye, who overjoyed at so plentiful a gratuity, had over-persuaded his Comrades not to say any thing against us. The Cady, though he did not like their Testimony, yet called for Coffee for us, according to the custom of the Country, and sent us to his Lieutenant; who having been often greased in the Fist by the Smyrna-Merchants, received us very kindly, and told us that the Cady was but newly come to his Place, and was needy; however a small matter would content him. Thereupon we gave the Lieutenant twenty-five Ducats, who most certainly went snips with the Cady, and so returned us to our Company, who were much afraid we would not have come of so. We were resolved to return to Smyrna not the same way we came, and so we took another Road, which was a very pleasant way, partly over firm Sands, and partly through Meadows, where we met with several narrow Dikes very well Paved. Than we cross a rugged high Mountain, and lay in a Mahometan Barn. The next day we returned to Smyrna, having finished our small Journey to Ephesus in five days. When we told the Consuls how the Janisary had betrayed us, they made their Complaint to the Janisary Aga and the Cady, who, for his punishment put him out of the Consul's service, which is an advantageous Employment. For besides that the Consul's Janissaries are exempt from the Duties of War, they are well placed; for there is never a Merchant that is not beneficial to them some way or other; especially at good times, as New-years-day and other Festivals. Nor could the Janisary have been more severely punished; for the Turks love Money above all things in the World. But to return to our matter. The Rendezvouz of all the Caravans is generally two Leagues from the City, near a Town called Pongarbachi. The day of their setting out being fixed, every one provides himself for his Journey, and meets the Evening before at the place appointed, to be ready at the hour. From Smyrna to Tocat, is thirtyfive days journey with the Caravan, and the last time I went we made it thirty-eight from Pongarbachi. The first day we travelled eight hours through a Country whose prospect was not unpleasing, leaving some Villages more than a League from the Road; and we lodged in a Park, near the River Pactolus; which is a small River, the Sand whereof shines, and is of several colours. Which caused Antiquity to call Pactolus' Golden-Sanded. It falls from the Mountain Tmolus, and after it has watered the Territory of Sardis, mixes with the River Hermus, that throws itself into the Archipelago through the Gulf of Smyrna. The Mouth of it is not above two or three Leagues from the City, toward the North. The next day in six hours we came to Durgout, a little City in a Plain. All Christians that live not in the Territories of the Grand Signior, and pass that way, once a Year pay Carriage, or a Tribute of four or five Crowns: but the Franks are exempt, both at Durgout and over all Turkey. There resides a Bashae in this City; and we were constrained to stop there a whole day, because the Caravan that comes from Persia arrived at that time, so that they were forced to change their Camels. The third day, after five hours travel in extremity of Heat, we came to lodge near a paltry Village. The fourth day we travelled six hours, and stopped near to a small River. In the Morning we passed over the Ruins of the ancient Sardis, the Capital City of Lydia, and Seat of King Croesus. There were still to be seen the Ruins of a large Palace and two fair Churches, with a great number of Pillars and Cornice of Marble. This City having held out six Years against the Army of Temurleng, who besieged it; so soon as he had taken it, in revenge he utterly destroyed it. There is a Village near Sardis of the same Name, where stood the City, which was one of the Seven Churches mentioned in the Revelation. The fifth day we road for seven hours through a Country, but ill manured, and took up our Stage in a Plain upon the side of a River. The sixth day we passed by the Walls of the ancient Philadelphia, called at present Allachars, which was also one of the Seven Churches of Asia. There is something of Beauty still remaining in those Walls, and the City is very large, but ill peopled. It is situated upon four little Hills, at the foot of a high Mountain overlooking a fair Plain to the North, that produces excellent Fruit. To witness its Antiquity, there is yet the Ruins of an Amphitheatre, with certain Sepulchers▪ from whence the Inhabitants report that the European Christians took out the Bodies that were buried there, and transported them into Europe, believing them to be the Bodies of Saints. It is now all destroyed, but rebuilt of Earth by the Turks after their mode. It was formerly one of the principal Cities of Mysia, and in regard it was always very subject to Earthquakes, the most part of her Inhabitants lived in the Country. The last time I travelled that way, in the year 1664, the seventeenth of June, the Turks were feasting and rejoicing upon the News, as they said, which they had received, of the defeat of the Christians in Candy. But the News was false, and only contrived to encourage the People; for the Grand Signior was than making Levies in those Parts. We lodged that day, after seven hours' travel, upon the Bank of a small River, a League and a half from Philadelphia. The seventh day we travelled eleven hours over a Mountain, where those Trees plentifully grow that bear Galls, and Valanede, which is the shell or rind of an Acorn, that Curriers make use of to dress their Leather. We lodged in a Meadow on the top of a Mountain which is called Ijagli-bogase, or, The Mountain of Robbers. The eighth day we continued our Journey over the same Mountain, which is a very barren Country where there is no Provision to be had. We travelled but six hours, and lodged near a River in a Plain called Sarroucabaqui. The ninth day the Caravan travelled through dry Lands, where there is not one Village to be seen, and lodged near a Bridge built over a River called Copli-sou, in the Plain of Inahi. The tenth day, after we had travelled eight hours over an uneven and barren Country, we stopped in a Valley near a River called Bana-sou, the Water whereof is not good. In the Night there arose a Tempest that put us all in a disorder, and the Rain that fell was as cold as if it had been in the depth of Winter. We were wet to the Skins, and were forced to throw Coverlets over the Bales to keep the Goods from being spoiled. The eleventh day we travelled through a pleasant Country, between Vales adorned with a most delightful Verdure; and we were in view as we passed along of certain hot Baths, though very little regarded. We lodged upon the Banks of a small River, by the side whereof we had travelled for some hours. The twelfth day we continued our Road for six hours between the same Valleys, and lodged by a River. The thirteenth day, we travelled eight hours▪ and stopped near to a Village in a Country called Doügasse. The fourteenth, after a Journey of seven hours we passed by the Walls of Aphiom-Carassar, that is, The Black City of Aphiom or Opium; because it has a Prospect over a fair and large Country well cultivated, where they sow great store of Poppies, whence they draw their Opium or Aphiom, as the Turks call it. Aphiom-Carassar, is a great City, dirty and ill built, the ancient Name whereof I could never learn, for the Greeks and Armenians are very ignorant. But according to all probability and the situation of the place, it aught to be the ancient Hi●rapolis situated upon the Maander, a famous River of the Lesser Asia, that winds and turns the most of any River in the World. And indeed we are the more to seek, in regard the Turks change the ancient Names according to their own custom and pleasure, and give no other Names to Rivers than that of the principal City through which they pass; or else deriving their Names from the Colour of their Sands. There is to be seen in that City an ancient Castle of Freestone upon the Point of a high Rock, separated from the Mountains that are next it toward the South, which make a Semicircle. All the Armenian Christians, Subjects to the King of Persia, passing through Aphiom Carassar must there pay Carriage, from which they are not exempted, though they have paid it before at Erzerom or elsewhere. The Caravan does not stop at Aphiom-Carassar, as well for that there are no Inns but what are ruin'd, as for that about a League farther there is a place where you have excellent Fish, and very cheap, and they of the City bring Barley, Straw, and other things which the Caravan wants. The Caravan therefore that day lodges upon the Banks of Maeander, which is to be crossed over a Bridge not far distant from a small Village. In this River are great store of Crawfish and Carp; and the Fishermen will be sure to attend upon the Caravan. I have seen some Carp there above three Foot long. The fifteenth our Caravan began to part itself, some for Tocat, some for the Road to Aleppo; the one part taking the right-hand. Road toward the Winter-East, for Syria; the other the lefthand. Road North-East, for Armenia. After we were parted, we travelled two or three hours in sight of one another. They that go to Aleppo, fall into Tarsus, where St. Paul was born, and from Tarsus to Alexandretta. But we continued our Road to Tocat, and after we had crossed a great Plain, having travelled six hours, we lodged in a Marshy place near a small Village. There is one thing remarkable in this Road as in many others, which manifests the Charity of the Turks. For in most of the high Roads, that are far from Rivers, they have set up Cisterns, whither when the Rains fail, the neighbouring Villages bring Water for the Travellers, who would else be very much distressed. The sixteenth we travelled eight hours through a very even Country, but ill manured; where we saw a little City called Boulavandi. There are some Mosquees, which the Turks have built out of the Ruins of the ancient Greeks Churches, from which they have taken Pillars of Marble, and other pieces of Architecture, to adorn their Sepulchers without any order at all, which you meet with very often upon the high Roads; the number is the greater, because they never lay two Bodies in one Grave. There is also in this City an Inn, covered with Lead, which is all the Beauty of it; nor do Travellers make any use of it but only in foul weather. We lodged a League and a half from the City, and stayed there all the next day. The seventeenth we travelled eleven hours through a mixed and uneven Country, and came to lodge in a Village where there are not above three or four Houses, though there be excellent Pasturage about it. There is no Water, but what is drawn out of three deep Wells; for which reason the place is called Euche derin-gi●. The eighteenth we travelled not above five hours through desert Countries, and took up our Stage in a king of a Bog, near a pitiful Village. The nineteenth, after we had travelled eight hours through spacious desert Plains, we passed through a large Village, the Inhabitants whereof were gone with their cattle into the Mountains, for the cool Air, during the Summer time, according to custom. There is an indifferent handsome Mosque of Freestone; and indeed the Village, the Name whereof the People told me was Tshaciclou, has been much bigger than now it is, as may appear by the Ruins. In two hours after we came to lodge beyond it in a Meadow, near a Rivulet. The twentieth we crossed over desert Plains, but which seemed to have been formerly well manured; and after ten hours' travel, we stopped in a Bottom near a bad Water. The twenty-first, for ten hours the Country was all barren and desert, and we came to lodge at the end of a long Plain, near two Wells, the Water whereof was good for nothing. The twentysecond we travelled through the forementioned Plain, and met with little Valleys where there was very good Pasturage. The Caravan stopped near to a pitiful Village, and a nasty Well. The twenty-third we travelled not above five hours; because it was the time of the Turks Beiram, or Easter, which our Caravan, consisting of Turks, would needs solemnize. That day we travelled through an indifferent good Country, and well tilled, where we discovered several fair Villages; and we lodged upon a rising Ground, from whence we had a very fair and far distant Prospect. The twenty-fourth we travelled six hours, and came to lodge in a Meadow where the Water was bad. Near to that place, we discovered a Plain that extends itself eight or ten Leagues in length, though it be not above one or two in breadth: it seemed like a Lake; and indeed it is only a salt Water congealed, and thickened into Salt, which you can hardly dissolve but in fair Water. This Lake furnishes almost all Nato●●● with Salt; where you may buy a Wagon load drawn by two Bufalo's for 45 Sous. It is called Douslag, or The Place for Salt; and the Bassa of Couchahar, about two days journey from it, gets by it 24000 Crowns a Year. Sultan Amurath caused a D●●● to be ●ut quite through it when his Army marched to the Siege of Bagdat, which he took from the Persian. The twenty-fifth we travelled nine or ten hours, and met not with one Village, the Country being all desert. We lodged upon a rising▪ Ground, near a good Fountain called Cara-dache-cesmé, or, The Fountain of the Black Stone. The twenty-sixth we passed through a great Village called Tshekenagar, in a pleasant situation, but very ill built; and after we had travelled eight hours, we came to lodge in a delightful Meadow, near another Village called Romcouché. The twentyseventh we travelled nine hours through Countries full of Licorice, and having passed a great Town called Beserguenlou, we lodged in a Meadow. The twenty eighth we crossed a great River called Jechil●irma, over a long well built stone Bridge. At the end of the Bridge called Kessré-kupri stands a great Village, wherein the greatest part of the Houses are built under Ground, like Foxes Holes. We put on farther, and after seven hours' travel, we lodged below another great Village called Mouchiour, where there are abundance of Greeks, which they constrain ever and anon to turn Turks, The Country being inhabited by Christians, and fit for the Plantation of Vines, there is Wine good store, and very good, but it has the scent of the Wines of Anjou. The Village is well situated but ill built, most of the Houses being under Ground, in so much that one of the Company riding carelessly, had like to have fallen into a House. The twenty-ninth we road for seven hours through a pleasant Country, where we saw several Villages; near to one of which the Caravan lodged in a Meadow, close by a Fountain. The thirtieth we road through a flat Country, well manured, and stopped near a River wherein there was but very little Water: it is called Cara-sou, or, The Black River. For two or three days together, at every two Leagues distance we observed little Hillocks of Earth artificially reared, which they told us were raised during the Wars of the Greeks to build Forts upon, for Watch-Towers. The thirty-first we travelled a very uneven Country, but abounding in Wheat, and after we had travelled nine hours, we lodged in a Meadow, near a River, which we crossed next Morning before day, over a stone Bridge. The thirty-second, after we had travelled eight hours, we lodged by a River, where we saw a great number of Turcomans: They are a People that live in Tents like the Arabians, and they were than leaving that Country to go to another, having their luggage in Wagons drawn by Bufalo's. The thirty-third we met again with Mountains and Woods, which we had not seen in 18 days before, which had constrained us to carry▪ Wood upon our Camels to dress our Provision: We were very sparing of it, and sometimes made use of dried Cow's dung or Camel's dung, when we came near the Waters where they were want to drink. We travelled eight hours that day, and lodged in a Meadow where the Grass was very high, yet where there had been Houses formerly standing. The thirty-fourth we forded a deep and rapid River called Jangou, from the Name of the Town next to it. A little above the place where we forded it, we saw a ruin'd Bridge, which had been built over it. The thirtyfifth we travelled eight hours through a fair Valley well manured, and upon the left hand we left a Castle raised upon a Rock. The Caravan lay that night upon a rising Ground near a Village. The thirty-sixth we travelled through the same Valley for eight or nine hours longer; in this Valley were several pleasant Villages, but we lay by a small River. The thirty-seventh we travelled six hours among the Mountains, where there are some very narrow Passages, but store of Water; and we lay in a Vale abounding in Pasturage. The thirty-eighth we road for four or five hours over a rugged Mountain in craggy way, at the foot whereof we met with a Village called Taquibac; from whence it is but five Leagues to Tocat. And these are all the Roads from Paris to Ispahan, through the Northern Territories of Turkey. CHAP. VIII. How the Author was robbed near Tocat, and of a certain sort of rare and fine Wool which he first brought into France. TAquibac is the place where the Persian Caravan uses to meet, when it departs from Tocat to Smyrna, and this is the only place in all the Road where a Traveller aught to stand upon his guard; by reason of Thiefs who haunt these Quarters, and are great Masters in their Trade. Once as I came out of Persia they would needs give me a taste of their Art, notwithstanding all the care I took. There were three or four of us that would needs ride before with our Servants to Taquibac, in expectation of the Caravan which was to come the next day; where we set up our Tents upon the Bank of a small River. I had than a good many Bales of Wool, with which I made as it were a double Wall about my Tent: so that there was but one passage between the Bales, for one Man. In four of these Bales I had a quantity of Musk in leaden Boxes, to the value of ten or twelve thousand Crowns: which Bales I put withinside, so that they touched the Tent and my Beds-head. Next Night, it being very dark, the Thiefs came, and finding the outward Bales smell so strong of Musk, they thought one of those Bales would be a considerable Booty. The Bales were all tied together with a Cord that kept them fast; nor was it easy to undo them, without a noise. They waked me with their bustle at first, and I sent out my Servants to see if they could catch them; but they will lie so close upon their Bellies, that in such a dark Night as that was 'tis impossible to discover them. Thereupon my Servants went to sleep again, and the Thiefs to their Work; and having with a great deal of ingenuity cut the Cord, they carried away the two Bales. In the Morning four or five of us with a Camel-driver for our Guide pursued them, and in half an hour we met with the marks of the Robbery; for the Rogues being mad that they found nothing but Wool, which they thought to be of no great value, scattered it in the Highway for two or three Leagues together: so that I caused it to be picked up again, and lost not above fifteen or twenty Pound. I speak this to caution the Merchants that carry Bales of Silk or other rich Commodities, to beware of these Thiefs; for they will come creeping upon their Bellies, and than cutting the Bales with great Razors, will presently empty a Bale of one half of the Goods. 'Tis true, the Wool was of no great value for their use; but it was a sort of rare and very fine Wool, which I carried out of Persia to Paris, where such fine Wool was never seen. As to the place where it is to be had, I met with one of the Gaures, or Persians' that adore the Fire, who when I was at Ispahan in the year 1647 showed me a Sample of it, and informed me that the greatest part of this Wool comes from the Province of Kerman, which is the ancient Caramania; and that the best Wool is to be met with in the Mountains that are next to the City, that bears the name of the Province: That the Sheep in those Parts have this particular property, that when they have fed upon new Grass from January till May, the Fleece falls of of itself, and leaves the Sheep naked, and their Skins smooth, like a Pig's that is scalded of; so that there is no need of shearing them, as with us: after they have gathered it, they beaten it, and the course Wool breaking, the fine only remains. That if you transport it, before you make it into Bales, you must throw Salt-water upon it, which keeps the Worms out of it, and preserves it from rotting. Now you must take notice that they never dye this Wool, it being naturally of a clear Brown, or a dark Ash-colour; and that there is very little of it White, which is also much dearer than the other, as well for that it is scarce, as because that the Mufti's, the Moullahs and other persons belonging to the Law never wear any Girdles or Vails (wherewith they cover their Heads when they pray) but White: for at other times they wear them about their Necks, as the Women do their Scarves. Into this Province of Kerman almost all the Gaures are retired, and they are they that only Trade in this Wool, and have the whole Manufacture of it. They make those Girdles of it which they use in Persia; and some Pieces of Serge, which are almost as fine and transparent, as if they were of Silk. I brought over two Pieces into France, and presented one to the late Queen Mother, the other to the Princess of Orleans. I could not drive any Trade in this Wool till the year 1654., returning out of the Indieses by Sea from Sura● to Ormus. To which purpose, I departed from Ormus, and took Guides along with me to show me the way to Kerman, whither I could not get on Horseback in lesle than twenty-seven days. I dare say that Alexander the Great did not march this way into the Indieses: for in the whole extent of the Country there is no Water to be met with but in some certain places, and in the hollow of some Rocks, where there is not enough neither to water eight or ten Horses. Besides, in some places a man is constrained, by reason of the Mountains, to fetch a great compass about; for a Footman that makes his way through those Rocks, shall go farther in half an hour than a Horseman can do in four. Kerman is a large City, which has been often ruin'd by being several times taken and retaken; nor is there any thing handsome in it, but only one House and a Garden, upon which the last Khans have bestowed a vast expense to make the place delightful. They make there a sort of Earthen ware which comes very near to Porcelan, and looks as neat and as fine. As soon as I arrived, I went to visit the Can, who made me very welcome, and gave order to the Gaures to furnish me with Bread and Wine, Pullet's and Pigeons, which in those parts are fat, and as large as little Capons. The Gaures are they that make the Wine; and to make it more sweet and pleasant, they take away the Stalks, and never press any thing but the mere Grape. The Can was but newly entered into the possession of his Government, and being desirous, according to the custom of the new Governors, to have a noble Sword and Dagger, with a rich Furniture of his Horse, which required some Jewels, I presented him with a Diamond worth eight hundred Crowns, which he caused to be set in the end of the handle of his Dagger. He also desired to have of me as many more Jewels as came to seven or eight hundred Liures: and by the Present and the Bargain I facilitated my purchase of the Wool which I intended to buy. Two days afteer he invited me to his Entry-Feast, which he made for the chief of the City; and knowing I wanted a Mule, he sent me one well worth a hundred Crowns. This is the Noblest Carriage in all Persia, which the great Personages choose before Horses, especially when they are in years. But it was not the Can alone who was civil to me. A young Lord, who lived in Kerman, and was at the Feast, whose Father had been formerly Can himself, took great delight to discourse with me concerning my Travels; and offered me his service in a very obliging manner. Now the Persians' are very curious, and great admirers of the Rarities of Foreign Countries: which inclination led the young Lord to inquire of me whether I had any Fire-Arms, telling me he would content me for them to my satisfaction. The next Morning I presented him with a Carbine, and a pair of Pistols that pleased him exceedingly; and a little Watch, for which I would take no Money, whereat he seemed to be not a little troubled. However he sent me a stately Horse worth about two hundred Crowns, or twelve Tomans. This young Lord was of a clear humour, civil, accomplished, generous, and did every thing with a good grace. So that when he sent me the Horse, he sent to entreat me withal, if I did not like that Horse, to come and choose which I liked best in his Stable. By the favour of this Lord and the Can, I made good the Purchase that I intended. For the People began to murmur (knowing what a Parcel I had got together) and told the Can that I would carry away all the Cloth out of the Country, so that they should have none to set the Poor on work. Thereupon the Can sent for me, and for those reasons told me I must buy not more. To sand of the blow, I made answer, That it was the King of Persia's desire to try if we could make as fine Cloth of his Wool in France, as they did in England and Holland; and that ifit succeeded, I should bring French Workmen into Persia, and so by settling the Trade in his own Country, free him from the Charge of foreign Manufacturers. This silenced the Can, so that I still bargained for more. But when I was returned to Ispahan, the People of the Country would not keep touch with me. However, I wrote so home to the Can, threatening withal to complain to the King, that he fearing the King's displeasure, forced the Natives to sand me my Bargain to Ispahan. CHAP. IX. Of the Road from Kerman to Ispahan; and the Fortune of Nazar Mahomet-Ali-Beg. FRom Kerman to Ispahan is no lesle than five and twenty days on Horseback. In those places where there is any Water, the Conntry is very good; but those places are very rare; for the Road is generally Sandy, and offensive to the Eyes. The Chiefest comfort to a Fraveller is, that every Evening he meets with an Inn, where there are Cisterns, which is a great refreshment in those desert Countries. The most part of those Inns were built some Years since by the special care of Mahomet-Ali-Beg Nazar, or Grand Master of the King's House and Treasury; a Person the most Virtuous of any that Persia can boast of for many Years. He was Generous, and favoured the Franks in all things, for he loved them exceedingly. He faithfully served his King, and defended the People against the Oppression and Insolences of the Great ones; which drew upon him the hatred of many: but still he preserved himself by his sincerity and prudence; as by the following Story will remarkably appear. The Great Sha-Abas the First, being one day a Hunting in the Mountains far out of sight from his followers, met a young Lad playing upon a Pipe by an Herd of Goats. The King ask him some Questions, he answered him to the purpose to every one, not knowing who he was. The King surprised at his Repartees, made a sign to Iman-couli-Kan Governor of Schiras, who was just come up to him, not to tell the Goatherd who he was. After that he proceeded to ask him other Questions; to which the young man answered so smartly, that the King could not choose but stand in an amaze. Thereupon the King asked the Can what he thought of the Goat-herds Wit? Who answered, that he believed if the Boy were taught to Writ and Read, he might do good service to his Majesty. Upon that the King immediately caused him to be sent to School, where the young Lad being naturally of a solid Wit, clear Judgement, and happy Memory, grew so accomplished, and so well acquitted himself of several Employments which his Majesty bestowed upon him, that the King advanced him to the Office of Nazar, or Grand Master of the House, and did him the honour to call him Mahomet-Ali-Beg. The King observing his fidelity, and good management of all things, sent him twice Ambassador to the Great Mogul, and both times was extremely pleased with his Negotiation. Mahomet loved Justice, and would not stoop to be corrupted by Presents: A thing which is very rare among the Mahometans. This great Integrity of his made all the Lords of the Court his Enemies, especially the Eunuches and the Women, who have always the King's Ear. But while Sha-Abas lived, there was no person that durst open his lips against the Nazar, so much was he in favour, and that justly, with the King. Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather Sha-Abas, and being very young, the Nazar's Adversaries thought they had now a fair Game to play. Thereupon the Eunuches, who are always at the King's Ear, suggested to him many things to the disadvantage of the Grand Master; but whatever they said, the King gave little heed to their Tales. At length, one day when the King was looking upon certain Skains and Daggers set with precious Stones, one of the Eunuches told him those were trifles, and than desired his Majesty to sand for a Scimeter that the Grand Signior had sent Sha-Abas, all over set with Diamonds. True it is, that the Grand Signior had sent a rich Scimitar to Sha-Abas; but Sha-Abas had defaced it long before Mahomet's time, and had made a noble Jewel of the Stones that adorned it. Thereupon this Scimitar was sought for in the Treasury, where Mahomet was chief Officer; but not being to be found, the King was troubled, finding it registered in the Book of Presents. Than certain Eunuches and Grandees of the Court took their opportunity to rip up Mahomet's Life; they represented to the King how many Inns, Bridges, and Dikes Mahomet had built at his own charge; what a House he had reared for himself, fitting for his Majesty to live in: and aggravated withal, that he could not do such great things as those, without purloining notably from the Public Stock; for which he should do well to call him to an account. As they were thus discoursing, Mahomet came into the Presence, to whom the King (not receiving him as he was want to do) spoke some hard words about the Scimitar that could not be found: telling him withal, that he would see if the all rest of the things in the Treasury were agreeable to the Register, and than gave him fifteen days time to give in his Account. Mahomet not at all moved, replied to the King, that if his Majesty pleased he might come to the Treasury to morrow: and withal besought him so to do, though the King a second time gave him fifteen days. Thereupon the King did go to the Treasury next morning, according to Mahomet's desire, and found all things in good order; having heard before what became of the Scimitar. From thence he went to Mahomet s House, who made the King a mean Present: For it is the custom, that he whom the King honours with a Visit, must make a Present to his Majesty. After the King had received it, he walked up and down, and viewed the Chambers, Halls, Parlours and Rooms of State; and wondered to see them so ill set out with plain Felts, and course Carpets; whereas in other Lords Houses a man could not set his Foot upon any thing but Cloth of Gold and Silk. For the King, as they had set the Nazar out, expected to have found other things; which made him admire at so great a Moderation in so high a degree of Honour. Now at the end of a Gallery, there was a Door locked with three great Padlocks. Of this the King took no notice: whereupon the Meeter, who is the White Eunuch, and chief of his Chamber, as he came back, showed the King the Door that was so strongly Padlocked; which made the King so curious to have it opened: withal, ask Mahomet what he had got there locked up with so much care? O Sir, said he, it behoves me to keep that locked, for there is all the Estate I have in the World. All that your Majesty has seen in this House is yours, but all that is in that Chamber is mine, and I dare assure myself, your Majesty will be so gaacious as never to take it from me. Those words inflamed the King's curiosity so, that he commanded the Door to be opened: But he was strangely surprised, when he saw nothing more within than Mahomet's Sheephook, that lay upon two Nails, his Scrip wherein he used to put his Victuals, his Bottle for his Water, his Pipe, and his Shepherd's Weeds, all hanging against the Wall. The Nazar beholding the King's astonishment at such a Sight, Sir, said he, when the King Sha-Abas ●ound me in the Mountain keeping Goats, than that was all I had, and he took nothing from me: I beseech your Majesty that you would not deprive me of these things neither; but rather, if you please, let me resume them again, and fall to my old calling. The Kin● touched at so high a piece of Virtue, caused himself to be disappareled, and gave his Habit to the Nazar, which is the greatest Honour that the King of Persia can bestow upon a Subject. Thus Mahomet continued and died honourably in his Employment. This brave Person was the Protector of all the Franks in Persia: and if any one had done them wrong, upon complaint he did them Justice immediately. One day as I was shooting Ducks, upon the River of Ispahan near the Nazar's Gardens, with two Servants, some of the Nazar's people that did not know me set upon me, and would have taken away my Gun; which I would not let go till I had broke the Stock about the Shoulders of the one, and fling the Barrel at the other's Head. Thereupon I took some of the Franks along with me, and complained to the Nazar: He testified his sorrow for what had happened, and gave us evident Proofs thereof, by the blows which he caused to be laid upon those that had done me the injury. Another time, Sha-Sefi being upon his return from Guilan, his Tents were set up near Zulfa in Armenia, where the King stayed to hunt two or three days. Now among the rest of the Courtesans that followed the Court, to divertise the King with Dancing and Mummery, there was one who was perfectly handsome, to whom the King had already sent Presents; which could not be unknown to any Lord i'the Court. But the Nazar's Son, for all that, being in the heat of Youth, got this Courtesan to his Tent, and there lay with her: which came to his Father's Ears next day. The Nazar, whether out of his zeal to the King, or whether it were an effect of his prudence to prevent the King's anger, which would have certainly been the death of his Son, caused him to be drubbed, after the manner of the Country, and bastinadoed all over, till the Nails of his Toes dropped of, and that his Body was almost a perfect Jelly. Which when the King understood, together with the Young Man's Crime, he said not more, but that the Nazar had done wisely by punishing his Son himself, to prevent his Justice. But to return to the Road from Kerman to Ispahan. The first day that I set out from Kerman, at my Stage in the Evening I met with a rich Moullah, who seeing I had Wine, civilly offered me some of his Ice to cool it. In retaliation, I gave him some of my Bottle. He invited me to his House, which was well built, with a handsome Garden with Water in it. He entertained me with Spoon-meat, according to the mode of the Country; and when I took my leave, he filled my Baracho with very good Wine. The following days I saw nothing worthy observation; the Country being as I have already described it. Yezd lies in the Road, almost in the midway between Kerman and Ispahan, in 93 Deg. 15 Min. of Longitude, and 13 Deg. 45 Min. of Latitude. It is a great Town in the middle of the Sands, that extend themselves for two Leagues round it: so that when you leave Yezd you must take a Guide, for upon the lest Wind the Sand covers the Highway, whereby a man may be apt to fall into Holes, which seem to have been either old Cisterns, or the Ruins of ancient Buildings. Between the Town and the Sands there is a little good Soil, which produces excellent Fruits, but above all, Melons of several sorts: the Pulp of some is green, of others yellow and vermilion; and some there are, the meat whereof is as hard as a Renneting. There are also very good▪ Grapes, and good Wine; but the Governor will not permit the Inhabitants to make Wine. Some therefore they dry, and of the rest they make a kind of Confection to eat with Bread. There are also abundance of Figs, which are large and well tasted. They distil vast quantities of Rose-water, and another sort of Water with which they die their Hands and Nails read, which they squeeze out of a certain Root called Hina. There are three Inns i'th'▪ City, and several Bazars or Market-places covered and vaulted, which are full of Merchants and Workmen's Warehouses. They also make at Yezd several Stuffs of Silk intermixed with Gold and Silver, which they call Zerbaste; and another sort of Stuff of all pure Silk, called Daraï, like our smooth stripped Taffatas. Other Stuffs they made, half Silk half Cotton; others all of Cotton, like our Fustians. They make also Serges of a particular Wool, which is so fine and delicate, that it looks handsomer, and is much better than Silk. Though I had nothing to do, I stayed in Yezd three days, because I met with some Armenians of my acquaintance. In which time I found the general Opinion to be true. For certainly the Women of Yezd are the handsomest Women in all Persia. There is no Feast made, but five or six of them come to divertise the Guests with Dancing, who are generally none of the meanest Beauties and Conversations among them. However it comes to pass, the Persian Proverb is, That to live happy, a Man must have a Wise of Yezd, eat the Bread of Yezdecas, and drink the Wine of Schiras. CHAP. X. Of the Caravansera's, and Government of the Caravans. THE Caravansera's are the Eastern Inns, far different from ours; for they are neither so convenient, nor so handsome. They are built square, much like Cloisters, being usually but one Story high; for it is rare to see one of two Stories, A wide Gate brings you into the Court; and in the midst of the Building, in the front, and upon the right and jest hand, there is a Hall for Persons of the best Quality to keep together. On each side of the Hall are Lodgings for every man by himself. These Lodgings are raised all along the Court two or three Steps high, just behind which are the Stables, where many times it is as good lying as in the Chamber. Some will rather lie there in the Winter, because they are warm, and are roofed as well as the Chambers. Right against the Head of every Horse there is a Nich with a Window into the Lodging-Chamber, out of which every man may see how his Horse is looked after. These Niches are usually so large, that three men may lie in them; and there it is that the Servants usually dress their Victuals. There are two sorts of Inns. For some are endowed; where you may be received for Charity's sake; others, where you must pay for what you call for. There are none of the first, but between Buda and Constantinople. Nor is it lawful for any others to build such, but only the Mothers and Sisters of the Grand Signior, or such Viziers, and Bassa's as have been three times in Battle against the Christians. In these Inns, which are built out of Legacies, there is a very good allowance of Diet to Travellers▪ and at your departure you have nothing to do but to thank the Benefactor. But from Constantinople to Persia, there are none of those endowed Inns; only such where you have nothing but bore Walls. It is for you to provide Utensils for your Kitchen, and a Bed to lie on: as for Provision, the people bring Lambs, Pullet's, Butter, and Fruits in their seasons: or else you may buy it, provided beforehand by the Master of the House. There you also meet with Barley and Straw for the Horses, unless it be in some few places that I have been at upon the Road. In the Country you pay nothing for your Chambers; but in the Cities you pay something, though it be but a small matter. Usually the Caravans never go into the Towns, which are not able to contain so many People and Horses. When you come to your Quarters every one looks after his own Chamber, for there is no regard to Poor or Rich: sometimes out of Breeding, or out of Interest, an ordinary Tradesman will give way to a great Merchant; but no man is permitted to leave the Chamber which he has once made choice of. In the night the Innkeeper shuts up his Gates, being answerable for all things that shall be lost; for which reason he keeps a Guard about the Inn. As for the Persian Caravansera's, they are more commodious, and better built than those of Turkey, and at more reasonable distances, throughout almost all the Country. By which description of Inns it is easy to observe, that though these Caravansera's are not so commodious for the Rich as our European Inns, yet they are more convenient for the Poor, to whom they never refuse to give admittance: no person being obliged to eat or drink more than he pleases; but every one being allowed to spend according to his Stock, without grumbling. You may travel in Turkey or Persia, either with the Caravan, or else in company, ten or twelve together, or else alone with a Guide. The safest way is to go with the Caravan, though you are longer upon the Road, by reason of the slowness of their march, especially when the Caravans consist of Camels. The Caravans are as it were great Convoys, which consist of a good number of Merchants, that meet at certain times and places, to put themselves into a condition to defend themselves from Thiefs, that are very rise in Troops in several desert places upon the Road. These Merchants choose among themselves a Caravan-Bashi, who order them how they shall march, assigns the places of lodging at night, and who with the chief of the Caravan, is a kind of Judge of the differences that fall out by the way. There is no honest man that covets the employment; for the Caravan-Bashi, being to discharge several small duties upon the Road, however he behave himself, is still suspected for his fidelity. When the Turks are most numerous, they make choice of a Turk; when the Armenian Merchants are most, they choose an Armenian. There are two forts of Caravans. There are Caravans which consist of Camels, which are the most usual; in regard that Camels are cheap, and for that some Camels will carry as much as three Horses, others as much as four or five. But among the Caravans of Camels, there are several Horses and Mules, which the Merchants themselves ride upon; it being very tedious to ride upon a Camel when he only goes a footpace, but very pleasant when he goes upon his large trot. There are other Caravans that consist only of Horses; and among these, if the Merchant have none of his own, he may hire one. The Servants ride upon those Horses that are lest laden; but at Smyrna you may meet with several good Horses very cheap, from thirty to sixty Crowns. As for those persons that are either unwilling or unable to be at any expense, they make use of Asses, of which there are enough to be had. Above all things, you must take care to provide Packhorses to carry your Wine; for the Camel-Masters being Mahometans, will not permit you to lad their Camels with any such Liquor; that Beast being particularly consecrated to Mahomet, who so strictly forbade the use of Wine. You put your Wine in Bottles made of wild Goats Skins, with the hairy side turned innermost, and well pitched within. There are some of these Bottles from which they take of the Hair; but they are not so good, as being seldom without holes. These Camel-Masters are an insolent sort of people, which you shall never know how to deal with, unless you can bring them to punishment. There was one that played me some of his jades tricks in the Road from Smyrna to Tauris; but when I came to Escrivan, I complained to the Can, who presently caused a hundred Bastinadoes to be given him upon the spot. Nor is there any other way to bring those Scoundrels to reason, especially at Smyrna and such other places, where the Merchants have their Consuls, who upon the lest complaint to the Cady have Justice done them immediately. The examples of some of these Camel-drivers that have been paid of, keep the rest in good decorum; and they will be very tractable for a good while after. The Journeys of the Caravans are not equal; sometimes not above six hours' travel, sometimes ten, and sometimes twelve; it being the convenience of Water, which is not every where to be met with, that is the Rule of Lodging the Caravan. At all times the Caravan travels more by night than by day; in Summer to avoid the heat, and at other times, that you may be sure to have day enough to set up your Tents. For if the Caravan should come to pitch in the night, it would be impossible for them to found where to set up their Tents, to dress and look after their Beasts, make ready their Kitchens, and provide things necessary for so large a Company. True it is, that in the depth of Winter and in the great Snows, they seldom set out till two or three hours after midnight; and that sometimes they stay till daybreak. But in Summer, according to the Journey which they intent, they set out either at midnight, or an hour after Sunset. The last time I went from Smyrna the Caravan consisted of six hundred Camels, and almost the same number of Horse. Sometimes their number is greater, so that the Camels going but by one and one after another, a Caravan seems to be an Army; and whether it be in travelling or lodging, they take up a world of Ground. Now by reason they travel all night in Asia, it happens that the Air is indifferent wholesome; and that the Travellers, that lie for the most part upon a Carpet spread upon the Ground, found themselves very little inconvenienced by it. The Camels that go into Persia through the Northern Provinces of Turkey, travel like Horses in a Cart, by seven and seven; they are tied together by a Cord about the bigness of a Man's little Finger, and a Fathom long; fastened to the Packsaddle of the Camel that goes before, and to the Head-harness of the Camel that follows. Those little Cords are made no stronger, to the end that if the Camel before should chance to fall into any hole, the Camel behind should either keep him up, or else not be pulled in after the other. And to the end that the Camel-driver who leads the foremost, may know whether the other six follow him or not, the last Camel has a Bell about his Neck, which if it cease to ring, 'tis a sign that some one of the small Cords is broken, and that a Camel has got a mischance. The seventh Camel generally carries the Provisions. For if a Merchant have six Camels laden, he is generally allowed one to carry his Provision; if he have but three, he is allowed but half a Camel's load; but if he have nine or twelve, he pays nothing for the carriage of his Provisions of Food, or any thing else that he pleases. Every Merchant with his Servants rides by the Camels that are laden with his Goods, especially in the dark nights; for there are a subtle sort of Thiefs, that have a trick to cut the two Cords behind and before, and without any noise drive the Camel out of the way; for having no Hoofs, his Feet cannot be shod, and consequently he makes no noise. As well Merchants, as others, Camel-drivers and Servants, keep themselves from sleeping sometimes by singing, and sometimes by taking Tobacco, and sometimes by discourse. The Caravan lies in such places as they think most convenient, chief near to the Waterside. When the Sun is set, the Shaoux, who are a sort of poor people, are diligent to guard the whole Field, and take care of the Goods. They walk up and down, and either in the Arabian or Armenian Dialect they cry one to another, God is one, and he is merciful; adding from time to time, Have a care of yourself. When they see that the time grows near to set out, they give notice to the Caravan-Bashi, who gives order to bid them cry, Saddle your Horses; and after that, to cry again, Load. And it is a strange thing to consider, that upon the second Cry of the Shaoux every thing is ready upon an instant, and the Caravan gins to set forward in great order and great silence. Every one takes care to be ready, for it is dangerous to be left behind, especially in those Countries which are haunted with Thiefs. The Wages of these▪ Shaoux is the fourth part of a Piastre for a Bale from Smyrna to Erivan. When the Stages are long, and that they believe that they shall not get thither by ten or twelve in the morning, every one carries two small Wallets on each side his Horse, and when they come to the place where they intent to Breakfast, they spread a Carpet upon the Ground and fall to. When you go from Constantinople, Smyrna, or Aleppo with the Caravan, it behoves all people to carry themselves according to the mode of the Country; in Turkey like a Turk, in Persia as a Persian; else would they be accounted ridiculous, nay sometimes they would hardly be permitted to pass in some places, where the lest miscarriage makes the Governors' jealous, who are easily persuaded to take Strangers for Spies. Always, if you have upon the Road but an Arabian Vest, with a mean Girdle, whatever Clotheses you wear under, there is no danger of passing any where. If you wear a Turban, you must of necessity shave of your Hair, else it will never stay upon the Head. As for Beards, they never mind them in Turkey, the greatest being accounted the handsomest; but in Persia they shave their Chins, and wear their Moustaches: and I remember I have seen one of the King of Persia's Porters, whose Moustaches were so long, that he could tie them behind his neck, for which reason he had a double Pension. Moore than that, you must provide yourself of Boots according to the custom of the Country: they are made of read, yellow, or black Cordovan, lined with Linen cloth; and in regard they never reach higher than the Knee, they are as convenient to travel in as Shoes. As for Spurs, they never wear any; for the Iron at the upper end of the Stirrup, which is foursquare, serves to spur the Horse: so much the better, because it is the custom of all Asia to ride very short. Before you set out, you must provide yourself of several household-goods, especially of those Bottles that are called Matares, which are made of Bulgary-Leather; every man carries his own at the Pummel of his Saddle, or else fastened to the Crupper of the Saddle behind. Besides these you must buy Borrachoes; the most serviceable things in the World; for they will never break, and will hold above fifty Pints at a time. The smaller Bottles serve to put Aquavitae in: and the Leather whereof they are made, has that peculiar to itself, that it keeps the Water fresh. Than you must provide Food, and make a provision of Rice and Biscuit as far as Tocat: For as for Pullet's, Eggs, and such like things, you meet with them almost every where; as also with Provision for your. Horses, and new Bread, unless in some few places. You must also carry a Tent with all its appurtenances, with a Mattress; and Clotheses to cover the Horses at night, especially in the time of the deep Snows, wherein you shall found them almost buried the next morning. When the Caravan comes near the place where it intends to stop, every Merchant rides before to take up a convenient place for himself and his Goods, for which he covets a rising Ground, that if it should hap to rain, the Water may run from the Bales. They also in that case lay Stones under the Bales, and a Cloth over them; and the Servants make a Ditch about the Tent for the Water to run into. But if it be fair weather, there is no care taken to set up the Tent: or if it be, 'tis folded up after Supper; to the end the Owners may have the more liberty to look about them, and may be in a better condition to look after the Thiefs. But if there be any likelihood of foul weather, the Tent is let stand till the first Cry of the Shaoux. The Horses are tied before the▪ Tent with Cords fastened to a Nail, and their hinder Legs are tied with other Cords, to the end they may not stir out of their places. If it be not seasonable for them to eat Grass, you must buy Barley, and Straw of the Countrymen that come to serve the Caravan, their being no Oats neither in Turquis nor Persia. In dressing your Victuals, you must follow the custom of the Country; which is, to make a Hole in the Ground, and than kindling a Fire in it, to set the Pot over it. But the greatest inconvenience which Trevellers suffer with the Caravans is this, that when they come▪ Waters, which are only Wells, or Cisterns, or Springs, where only two or three lad up Water at a time. For after▪ the Caravan is lodged, the Merchants shall be forced to stay for Water two or three hours together; for they that belong to the Beasts of Carriage, will not suffer any person to take any Water, till the Camels, Horses, Asses, and Mules are all served. Nor is there any contending with these Camel-drivers and Muleteers; for as they are a rude sort of people, a Man runs the hazard of his Life by contesting alone: of which one Example may suffice for all. Setting out one day from Bander-Abassi, for Ispahan, with a Merchant of Babylon, as we came to the Inn where we lay the first night, which was called Guetchy▪ the Merchant commanded one of his Slaves who was a Cafer of Mozambique, to fetch him some fresh Water at the Cistern, to drink: The Cafer went thither, and returned without any Water, telling his Master, that the Camel-drivers and Muleteers threatened to beaten him, and would not let him come near the Cistern. The Merchant either ill advised, or not knowing the custom, bid him go back, and kick those that refused him. Whereupon the Cafer returning, and finding the same resistance as before, began to give ill language to the Camel-drivers, so that one of them happened to strike him. Upon that the Cafer drawing his Sword, ran him into the Belly, so that he fell down dead: Thereupon the whole Rabble fell upon him, bound him, and carried him back to Bander-Abassi for the Governor to put him to death. The Master of the Cafer, accompanied by several Merchants, went to the Governor and represented to him the insolence of those people, and how the business had happened. Upon which the Governor took the poor fellow out of their hands, and caused him to be kept safe; after that, he caused ten or a dozen of those Muleteers to be seized, and orderded them to be sound bastinadoed, for hindering a Merchant's Servant from fetching Water for his Master. He also put others in Prison; who had not been released so soon, but at the request of those Merchants whose Goods they carried, and who stood in need of their service. The Governor▪ spun out the business, on purpose that the rest might be gone: but as soon as they were all departed except the two Brothers of the party slain, he told them, he could not do them Justice, because their Brother belonged to Schiras; so that all that he could do, was to sand the Criminal thither. The Master of the Cafer being rich, and loving the Slave, made haste to Schiras, to tell his Story first to the Can. And I remember, two days jourey yond this side Schiras we met in the High way abundance of poor people, the kindred of the party slain, who were staying for the Cafer, to carry him before the Can, and to demand Justice. Two o● three Leagues also from Schiras I met the Father and Mother, together with the Wife and Children of the deceased, who seeing me pass along, fell at my Feet and recounted to me their Grievances. I told them by my Kalmachi, that their best and surest way was to take a piece of Money of the Cafer's Master, and so to put up the business. This Proposal, that would have been accepted in Christendom, was rejected by those poor Mahometans; in so much that the Father tore his Beard, and the Women their Hair, crying out, That if it were the custom of the Franks to seil the Blood of their Kindred, it was not their custom so to do. When the rest of the kindred came with the Cafer to Schiras, the Can did all he could to persuade the Widow to take Money; but not being able to overrule her, he was forced to give the Cafer into their hands: and how they used him I cannot tell, being constrained at the same time to pais from Schiras for Ispahan. CHAP. XI. Of the breeding, nature, and several sorts of Camels. THE Female Camel bears her Burden eleven Months; and her Milk is a sovereign Remedy against the Dropsy. You must drink a Pint of it every Day for three Weeks together: and I have seen several Cures wrought thereby at Balsara, Ormus, and in other places in the Persian Gulf, upon several English and Holland Mariners. So soon as a Camel comes into the World, they sold his Feet under his Belly, and make him lie upon them; after that they cover his Back with a Carpet that hangs to the Ground, laying Stones upon each side▪ so that he may not be able to rise; and thus they leave him for fifteen or twenty days. In the mean time they give him Milk to drink, but not very often; to the end he may be accustomed to drink little. This they do also to use them to lie down, when they go about to Lad them; at which time they will fold their Legs and lie down so obediently, that it is an admirable thing to consider. So soon as the Caravan comes to the place where it is to lie, all the Camels that belong to one Master will range themselves in a Circle, and lie down upon their fore Feet; so that ●is but untying one Cord that holds the Bales, and they will slide of gently from each side of the Camel. When 'tis time to lad again, the same Camel comes and crouches down between the two Burdens, and when they are fastened, gently rises up with the Burden again; which is done without any trouble or noise. When the Camels are unladen, they let them go afield to feed upon the Heath and Bushes, and half an hour before Sun set they return of themselves, unless any one hap to wander, which they will call again with a certain Cry which is natural to them. When they return, they range themselves in a Circle, and the Muleteers give to every one little Balls of Barley-meal kneaded, as big as two Fists. The Camel though he be of a large bulk, eats very little, contented with what he meets with upon the Heaths; where he more especially looks for Thistles, of which he is a great lover. But it is more admirable to consider with what patience they▪ endure drought: For one time that I crossed over the Deserts, where we were 65 days upon the Road, our Camels were nine days without Drink. But what is more wondered is this, that when the Camel is in the heat of Generation, he neither eats nor drinks for 40 days together; and he is than so furious, that without great care you cannot avoid being bitten by him: And wherever he bites, he carries away a piece of the Flesh. At that time issues out of their Mouths a white Foam, besides that there appears on each side of their Chaps two Bladders large and swelled, like the Bladder of a Boar. In the Spring time all the Camel's Hair falls of in three days. The Skin remains bore, and than the Flies are very troublesome. There is no way but to Tar them all over▪ though it be a venturous thing to come near them at that time. A Camel must be dressed as well as a Horse; but the Camel keeper never uses any Currycomb, but only beats him all over with a small Wand, as Carpets are want to be dusted. If a Camel be hurt or galled under the Pack▪ saddle, they never apply any thing to it, but only wash it well with Urine, without using any other Remedy. There are two sorts of Camels; the one which is proper for hot Countries, the other for cold Countries. The Camels in hot Countries, such as go from Ormus to Ispaehan, cannot travel if the Ground be dirty and slippery; for their Belldies' burst, while their hinder Quarters rive from their Bodies. These are small Camels, that carry not above five or six hundred Pound weight; but they are kept for little, and endure Thirst a long time. They do not tie them Head to tail, as they do the great ones, but let them go as they please themselves, like a Herd of Cows. The Camel-driver follows them singing, and sometimes playing upon his Pipe: the louder he sings and pipes, the faster the Camels go; nay they will stand still when he gives over his Music. When the Camel-drivers come to a Heathy Ground, they will give them leave to seed for half an hour, taking their Tobacco the while; and than singing them together again, they set forward. The Camels bred in the Deserts are handsome, but very tender, so that they must be gently used, and never be put upon long Journeys. However, they eat and drink lesle than others, and endure thirst more patiently. The Camels of cold Countries, such as those that travel from Tauris to Constantinople, are large Camels, that carry great Burdens, and will pull themselves out of the dirt. But in fat Grounds and slippery Ways the Drivers are feign to spread Carpets, sometimes an hundred one behind another; otherwise their hinder Quarters are also apt to rive from their Buttocks; but if the Road be slippery for too great a distance together, there is no way but to tarry till it be dried up and fair. These Camels usually carry a thousand Pound weight: but if the Merchant has any thank upon the Camel driver, he will lay upon every Camel fifteen hundred weight, thereby making two of three Burdens. This the Merchants do, when they come near the Custom-Houses, especially that of Erzerom, which is the most severe. The Merchant does this for his own Profit: So that when the Customer mistrusting, demands how so many Camels come to travel empty, he makes answer, that they were Camels that carried Provision: But the Customer most commonly winks at that good Husbandry of the Merchant, for fear of losing his Custom, and obliging the Merchant to take another Road. There is as much knavery among the Camel drivers, as among our Horse-Coursers. For I remember, that being once at Casbin, a Persian Merchant, thinking he had bought eight good Camels, was deceived in four which he thought the best. He verily believing they had been fat and in good case, but they were only blown up. For those Cheats have a trick to cut a Hole near the Tail, of which the Purchaser takes no notice, and which they know neatly how to sow up again: In this Hole they will blow till they have puft up a lean Camel, that he shall appear as fat and plump as the soundest that ever fed: whereby they often deceive the quickest sights, especially when the Hair is all of, and that the bore Skin is all rubbed over with Tar. CHAP. XII. Of the Coins and Money of Persia. IN the first place, you must take notice that there are no Pieces of Gold coined in Persia, but only some few, to be thrown among the People when a new King ascends the Throne: which Pieces are neither currant among the Merchants, nor of a certain Price. When the Solemnity is over, they who get the Pieces, are not so curious to keep them, but carry them to the Changer, who gives them the value in currant Money. These Pieces of Gold may be worth five * A Frank is worth 2 s. Sterling. Franks, about the fineness of Almain-Ducats. Once I received ten thousand of them of one Merchant, at a prefixed rate; for their value is uncertain. Page. 51.▪ The money of the King of Persia. Travels in India. N. 3. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 1. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 7. depiction of coin N. 7. depiction of coin But they that can cunningly carry their Silver to Erivan, when the Season is to go to the Indieses, make a great profit of the Real; for the Merchants that go to the Indieses will give them thirteen and a half, or fourteen Shayez a piece, for as many as they have. But there are few Merchants that carry their Silver to Ispahan; in regard the Masters of the Mints upon the Frontiers will be sure to present them with a good piece of Silver Plate, rather than let them carry away their Bullion to Ispahan, to have the benefit of Coinage themselves. They that traffic into Guilan for Silks carry their Silver to Teslis, where the Master of the Mint gives them 2 per Cent. profit for their Silver. The reason is, because that which he gives them for it is a little sophisticated; but it passes currant all over Guilan. In the third place, you must observe, That upon the pieces of Silver, as well for the King's Duty as the Coinage of the Money, there is required 7 ½ per Cent. But upon the Copper Money, not above one half, or 1 per Cent. at most. Whence it comes to pass, that when a Workman has need of Copper, rather than loose time in going to buy it, he will melt down his Casbeke's. There are four several pieces of Silver Coin; Abasses, Mamoudi's. Shaet's, and Bisti's: but as for the Bisti's, there are very few at present. The Copper pieces of Coin are called Casbeké, of which there are single and double. The single Casbeké is worth five Deniers and a Halfpenny of our Money. The double Casbeké is valued at eleven Deniers. Four single Casbekés, or two double ones, make a Bisti. Ten single Casbekés, or five double ones, make one Shayet in value. Two Shayets make a Mamoudi. Two Mamoudi's make an Abassi. The Real or Crown of France is worth three Abasses and one Shayet; and counting a Real at sixty Sous, an Abassi is worth eighteen Sous, six Deniers. Though to say truth, three Abasses and one Shayet make three Halfpences more than the Crown. Number 1, and Number 2. Are two pieces, which upon one side bear the Names of the twelve Prophets of the Law of Mahomet, and in the middle this Inscription, Lafoy I●lah allah Mahomet resoul Allah, Ali Vaeli Allah: on the backside, The Conqueror of the World, Abas II. gives us permission to coin this Money in the City of Cashan. Num. 1. Makes five Abasses; and counting our Crown at thirteen Shayets, it comes to four Liveres, twelve Sou●, six Deniers. Num. 2. Makes two Abasses and a half of our Money, or forty-six Sous and one Farthing. Num. 3. Is an Abassi, which comes to eighteen Sous, six Deniers. Num. 4. Is a Mamoudi, worth nine Sous and a Farthing. Num. 5. Is a Shayet, worth four Sous, seven Deniers, one Halfpenny. Num. 6. A Bisti, worth one Sous, ten Deniers. Num. 7. The Copper Coin, called Casbeké, worth five Deniers, one Halfpenny. These Coins, unless it be the Casbeké, bear no other Inscription, but only the Name of the King reigning when they were coined; the Name of the City where they were coined; with the Year of the Hegyra of Mahomet. Though all Payments are made in Abassi's, as well at Ormus and other parts of the Gulf belonging to the King of Persia, as in the Island▪ of Bahrens, where is the great Fishery and Market for Pearls; yet there is no mention made but only of Larins. The Larin is described in the Money of Arabia. Eight Larins make an Or; four and twenty made a Toman. a Or is not the name of a Coin, but of a Sum in reckoning among Merchants. One Or is five Abasses. A Toman is another Sum in payment: For in all Persian Payments they make use of only Tomans and Orseolo; and though they usually say that a Toman makes fifteen Crowns, in truth it comes to forty-six Liures, one Penny and ⅕. As for pieces of Gold, the Merchant never carries any into Persia, but Alman-Ducats, Ducats of the Seventeen Provinces, or of Venice; and he is bound to carry them into the Mint so soon as he enters into the Kingdom; but if he can cunningly hid them, and cell them to particular persons, he gets more by it. When a Merchant goes out of the Kingdom, he is obliged to tell what pieces of Gold he carries with him; and the King's people take a Shayet at the rate of a Ducat, and sometimes they value the Ducat at more. But if he carry's his Gold away privately and be discovered, all his Gold is confiscated. The Ducat usually is worth two Crowns, which in Persia justly comes to twenty-six Shayets; but there is no price fixed in that Country for Ducats. For when the season is to go for the Indieses, or that the Caravan sets out for Meccae, as well the Merchants as the Pilgrims buy up all the Ducats they can found out, by reason of their lightness; and than they rise to twenty-seven, and twenty-eight Shayets, and sometimes more, a piece. The end of the Roads from Paris to Ispahan, through the Northern Provinces of Turkey. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: Containing the several ROADS From PARIS to ISPAHAN, the Capital CITY of PERSIA; Through the Southern Provinces of TURKEY, and through the DESERTS. CHAP. I The second Voyage of the Author from Paris to Ispahan: and first, of his Embarking at Marseilles for Alexandretta. THE Road from Constantinople to Erivan, which with all those other Roads through the Northern Provinces of Turkey, the first time I travelled into Persia, I have amply described. It behoves me now to treat of the Southern Provinces, and of those through the Deserts, where there are several Emirs, or Arabian Princes, of which several are very potent: For there are some of them that can bring 30000 Horse into the Field, five of which I have had the honour to discourse, and to oblige them with small Presents; in recompense whereof they sent me Rice, Mutton, Dates▪ and Sherbet, as long as I stayed among them. I embarked at Marseilles in a Holland Vessel that carried five and forty Guns, from thence we set sail for Malta. At Malta we stayed twelve days to carine the Vessel, and to take in fresh Victuals. Among the rest we bought two thousand Quails, for there are a prodigious quantity in the Island: but in two or three days we found five or six hundred of them destroyed by the Vermin that pestered the ship. From Malta we set sail for Larneca, a good Road in the Island of Cyprus, to the West of Famagofta, which is not above a days journey from it by Land. As we were making into the Road, about two or three hours after midnight, we perceived a Vessel close upon us, and both the Ships Company began to cry out, for fear of f●lling foul one upon another; but the Vessel sheered clear without any harm on either side. In the morning we cast Anchor, and went-ashear. It is a good half League from the Road where the Consuls and Merchants, both English, Hollanders, and French, live in a very pitiful Village. However there is a little Monastery of Capuchins, who officiate in the Chapel of the French Consul; and another of Religious Italians, that depend upon the Guardian of Jerusalem. We stayed but two days at Larneca; the Captain having nothing to do but to inform himself what business they might have for him at his return; it being usual than to take in spun and unspun Cottons, together with course Wool for Mattresses. From Larneca till we came in view of the Coast of Syria, we had the Wind very favourable; but at length coming to prove a little contrary, instead of carrying us to Alexandretta, it cast us to the Northward, two or three Leagues higher, upon the Coast of Cilicia, toward a Town called Païasses. Half a League from that City ly●s a vast Rock, and between that Rock and the Land runs a very high Sea: And here it was that the people of the Country believe that the Whale cast up Ionas again; though the common Opinion reports it to have been done near Joppa in Palestine. All along that Coast from Alexandretta to Païasses, and farther, the way is so narrow and straitened by the Mountain, that in some parts the Camels and Horses must dip their Feet in the Sea: and yet you must pass that way of necessity, travelling from Syria to Constantinople. Between Alexandretta and Païasses it was, that the Chevalier Paul, in a Vessel that carried only three hundred Men, missed but little of surprising the Caravan that every Year carries the Tribute of Egypt to Constantinople, which since hath never been sent by Sea for fear of the Malteses. This Knight had landed his Men, and laid them in Ambuscade; but unfortunately his Design was discovered, so that the Caravan, that might have been easily surprised, stood upon their Guard. We were near the Coast, when we discovered a Skiff with fifteen or sixteen Turks, that were sent by him that commanded four Galleys of Rhodes to demand the Customary Present from our Captain. Those Galleys than anchored at Païasses, and had there discharged themselves of their Provisions of War for Bagdat, which the Grand Signior was going to besiege. And it is the custom, that when the Great Turk's Galleys are out at Sea, that whatever strange Vessel passes by them must sand them a Present, either willingly or by force. When the Bassa of the Sea, who is the Admiral of the Turks, is in Person at Sea, the Vessel which he meets is not excused for 2000 Crowns: so that when he sets out from Constantinople to cruise, the Vessels of the Franks do all they can to avoid him. There are some that will seek to escape in sight of the Galleys, but it has cost them dear. And it happened, that one day the Wind slackening, they boarded a Vessel of Marseilles, the Captain and Notary whereof were both seized, and drubbed till their Bodies were almost bruised to a Jelly, and they had like to have died upon it, without being the better in their Purses; for the rudeness of the Chastisement did not excuse them from paying the Money which was demanded. Whether our Captain knew any thing of this Example, or whether it were out of his natural heat of Valour, he laughed at the Skiff-men, bidding them be gone, and telling them he had no Presents for them but Cannon-Bullets. Thereupon the Men returned to their Galleys, who soon delivered us from the true fear we were in, that the gallantry of the Captain had drawn us into an inconvenience. For while we kept the Sea close by the Coast, to observe the Countenances of the Turks, they weighed Anchor, and turned their Prows toward Rhodes. However, before they left us they sent us a Broadside, and our Captain, whatever we could say, sent them another, which rendered us more guilty. For the Turks pretend that when their Navy is at Sea, or only one Squadron, and that a strange Vessel is in sight, she is bound to come as near as the Wind will permit her without being haled, for which they will otherwise make the Commander pay very severely. The Consuls and Merchants of Aleppo understanding what had passed very much blamed the Captain, fearing a worse consequence of the business▪ But by good fortune the miscarriage was stifled and never went farther. The same day the Wind veering to the West-North-West, we sailed into the Road of Alexandretta, where we came to an Anchor, about a quarter of a League from the Land. Upon the advice which they have out of Christendom, so soon as they of Alexandretta discover a Vessel, and know what Colours she carries▪ the Vice-Consul of the Nation to which the Vessel belongs, fails not to advertise the Consul of Aleppo, by a Note which is carried in four or five hours, though it be more than two or three days journey on Horseback. For they tie a Note under the Wing of a Pigeon, who is taught what to do, and she flies directly to the place whence she was brought. For more surety, they usually sand two, that if the one should miscarry i▪ the dark, which has many times happened, the other may supply the defect. Alexandretta is nothing else but a confused heap of paltry Houses, inhabited by the Greeks, who keep little Fuddling-schools, for the Mariners and others, the meaner sort of the people: for the Merchants lie at the Vice-Consuls of the Nation. There were but two than, the English Vice-Consul and the French; who had each of them a very convenient dwelling. However▪ they must be men who love Money at a strange▪ rate, that accept of those Employments. For the Air, like that of Ormus, is generally so bad▪ especially in the Summer, in so much that they who do not dye, cannot avoid very dangerous Distempers. If there be any so strong that they can hold out for three or four Years, and can accustom themselves to a bad Air, they do well to stay there; 〈◊〉 for them to betake themselves to a good Air, is to hazard their Lives. Mr. Philip's the English Consul has been the only Person that ever lived two and twenty Years at Alexandretta: but you must know he was a brisk merry Man, and of an excellent temper of Body; and yet for all that he had been forced to be cauterised. That which renders the Air so bad, is the great quantity of standing Pools and Plashes in the neighbouring Plains, extending to the East and South; but when the great Heats begin to approach, the most part of the Inhabitants retire to a Village called Belan, upon the next Mountain to the City, where there are very good Waters and excellent Fruits. They come also thither from Aleppo, when there is an appearance of a Pestilence; and yet there are few people in this Village who are not troubled with a sort of Fever, that makes their Eyes look▪ yellow and hollow; which they never can remedy as long as they live. About half a League from Alexandretta, on▪ the right hand of the High way, just against the Mersh on the other side, is a Tower whereon are to be seen the Arms of Godfrey of Bulloign. In all likelihood it was built for the defence of the Highway, which is enclosed between these two Merches, whose Exhalations are ●ery noxious. It is but three little days journey from Alexandretta to Aleppo, and some well mounted have rid it in two. The Franks are not permitted to go thither on Foot. For before that Prohibition, in regard the way was short, every Seaman that had a hundred Crowns, more or lesle, went on Foot to Aleppo, and got easily thither in three days, with little expense. Now because they had but little Money to spend, and were willing to dispatch their business, they would not stand to give Four or Five in the Hundred extraordinary for what Goods they bought, which was of dangerous consequence to the Merchants. For you must observe, that when the Ships arrive, the first man that either out of rashness or ignorance, giveth two Sous more for a Commodity that is not worth a Crown, sets the Price, and causes all the whole Commodity to be sold at that rate. So that the Merchants that lay out ten or twelve thousand Crowns together, are very careful jest those Sailors should get before them, and enhance the Price of the Market. To remedy which inconvenience, the Merchants obtained an Order, That no Strangers should be permitted to go afoot from Alexandretta to Aleppo, but that they should be bound to hire Horses, and to give for every Horse six Piastres thither, and six back; which expense would soon eat out the Profit of a poor Mariner's small Sum. Usually you stay at Alexandretta three or forth days, as well to rest yourself, as to make some little Provisions for your Journey to Aleppo. For though you meet with good Stages at Evening, yet the Janissaries will be very glad to eat by the way. Setting out from Alexandretta, we travelled over a Plain to the foot of a Mountain which is called Belan. There is a wide Gap in the midst of this Mountain, which giving liberty to the North-East Wind, when it blows hard, doth so enrage the Road of Alexandretta, which is otherwise very calm, that no Ship can ride there at that time. In so much that all Ships that happen to be there when the Wind rises, presently weigh, and get out to Sea, for fear of being cast away. Almost at the top of the Mountain you meet with an Inn; but though it be very fair one, with Fountains round about it, yet Merchants never stop there, but go on a little farther to a Graecian that speaks good Italian, and whose entertainment is indifferent good, considering the Country. When you go away, you give him a Crown for your accommodation, which is the manner at other Stages, by a custom, which the Franks themselves having established, will never be left of. Descending down the Mountain you discover the City of Antioch, built upon a Hill. Formerly the Road lay through that City▪ but the Janissaries of the place exacting a Piastre from every person that travelled that way, that Road is now disused. Antioch once made more noise in the World, being fallen to ruin ever since the Channel, that ran from the City to the Sea, where Galleys might ride, has been stopped up by the Sands that have encroached upon the Mouth of the Haven. When you are at the bottom of the Hill toward the North, you discover a Castle built upon a Hill standing by itself, from whence you have a prospect over a good part of the Plain of Antioch. It is about fifteen Leagues long, and three broad, in that part where the Road lies. Somewhat more than half the way, you meet with a long Causey parted by several Bridges, by reason of certain Rivulets that cross it, without which the Road were hardly passable. The frequent Revolts of Baegdat and Balsara, which the Grand Signior has been forced so often to besiege, caused the Grand Visier in the Reign of Achmat to undertake this Causey, which together with the Bridge was finished in six Months, that was looked upon as a Miracle. This was done for the more easy passage of the Artillery, and other Provisions of War, that were brought out of Romania and Greece to the Siege of Baegdat, which could never have been done, but for this Causey. At the end of this Causey stands a Bridge, very long and strongly built, under which runs a River, which, with the other Rivulets that wind about the Plain, forms a Lake toward the South, that is called the Lake of Antioch. ● This Lake affords a great Revenue, by reason of the Eels that are caught there, which are taken two Months beofre Lent, and transported to Malta Sicily, and other parts of Italy. This Plain is very full of Olive-Trees; which produces that great Trade of Soap, that is made at Aleppo, and transported into Mcsopotamia, Chaldea, Persia, and the Desert; that Commodity being one of the most acceptable Presents that can be made to the Arabians. Salad Oil is also in great esteem among them: so that when you make them a Present of it, they will take of their Bonnets, and rub their Heads, their Faces, and their Beards with it, lifting up their Eyes to Heaven, and cry in their Language, God be thanked. Therein they have lost nothing of the ancient custom of the Eastern People, of which there is often mention made in Holy Scripture. About a League and a half beyond the Plain, you meet with a Rock, at the foot whereof is a little deep Lake, wherein they catch a world of Fish that are like our Barbels. I have killed them with my Pistol; and found them to be of an excellent taste; though they are not regarded at Aleppo. Two hours after you fo●d a River which is called Afrora; though if it have happened to rain, you must stay till the Waters are fallen. Having passed the River, upon the Banks whereof you stay to feed yourself and your Horses, you come to lie at a poor Village called Shaquemin, where there is an Inn. Here the Countrypeople bring Provisions of Food to the Travellers; and whether you eat or not, you must pay a Piastre, according to the custom which the Franks have established. After you have passed the Plain of Antioch as far as Shaquemin, the Horses in Summer are so terribly tormented with a sort of great Flies, that it were impossible to travel three or four hours together, were it not for going out of the Road, either to the right, or to the left, and riding through the Fields, which are full of those Burrs that our Clothworkers make use of: For in regard they grow as high as the Crupper of the Horse, they keep the Flies of from stinging and tiring the Ho●●es. The Prospect of Aleppo. Pag. 1▪ From Shaquemin you come to dine at a Village called Angare, where every Traveller is entertained for his Piastre, as at the other Stages. Between the other Villages it is ten hours' journey; but between the Angare and Aleppo, but three. We alighted at the French Consul's House, at what time the Customers came presently to search our Cloak-bags; after which we went to the Quaiss●ry, which is a place where all Strangers are at the expense of half a Crown a day for themselves, and a quarter so much for every Servant, and are well entertained. CHAP. II. The Description of Aleppo, now the Capital City of Syria. ALeppo is one of the most famous Cities in all Turkey, as well for the bigness and beauty of it, as for the goodness of the Air, and plenty of all things; together with the great Trade which is driven there by all the Nations of the World. It lies in 71 Deg. 41 Min. of Longitude, and 36 Deg. 15 Min. of Latitude, in an excellent Soil. With all the search that I could make, I could never learn how it was anciently called. Some would have it to be Hierapolis, others Beroea: And the Christians of the Country agreed with the latter. The Arabian Historians that record the taking of it, call it only Aleb, not mentioning any other name. Whence this Observation is to be made. That if the Arabians call it Aleb, others Alep; the reason is, because the Arabians never use the Letter P in their Language. This City was taken by the Arabians in the fifteenth Year of the Hegyra of Mahomet, which was about the Year of CHRIST 637, in the Reign of Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople. The City is built upon four Hills, and the Castle upon the highest that stands in the middle of Aleppo, being supported by Arches in some places, for fear the Earth should tumble and moulder away from it. The Castle is large, and may be about five or six hundred Paces in compass. The Walls and Towers, though built of Freestone, are of little defence. There is but one Gate to enter into it from the South, over a Draw-bridge, laid over certain Arches cross a Moat about six or seven Fathom deep. There is but one half of it full of Water, and that a standing Puddle to boot; the rest is a mere dry Ditch; so that it cannot be accounted a wholesome place. However there is Water brought into the Castle through a large Pipe from the Fountains in the City: and there is a strong Garrison kept in it. The City is above three Miles in circuit, and the best half of it is unmoated; that Moat there is not above three Fathom deep. The Walls are very good, and all of Freestone; with several square Towers, distant one from the other about fourscore Paces; between which there are others also that are lesle. But these Walls are not all of them of an equal height, for in some places they are not above four Fathoms from the Ground. There are ten Gates to enter into the City, without either Moat or Drawbridge; under one of which there is a place that the Turks have in great veneration; where they keep Lamps continually burning, and report that Elisha the Prophet lived for some time. There is no River that runs through Aleppo; and but only a small one without the City, which the Arabians call Coïc. However, though indeed it be but properly a Rivulet, yet it is very useful to water the Gardens, where grows an abundance of Fruit, particularly Pistaches, much bigger, and better tasted than those that comes from the parts near Casbin. But though there be no River, yet there are store of Fountains and Receptacles of Water, which they bring from two places distant from the City. The Edifices, neither public nor private, are very handsome, but only withinside; the Walls are of Marble of several colours, and the Ceiling of Foliage Fretwork, with Inscriptions in Golden Letters. Without and within the City there are six and twenty Mosques, six or seven whereof are very magnificent, with stately Duomo's, three being covered with Lead. The chiefest and largest of all, was a Christian Church which they called A●hha, or Listened unto: which is thought to have been built by St. Helen. In one part of the Suburbs also stands another Mosque, which was formerly a Christian Church; in that there is one thing worthy observation. In the Wall upon the right side of the Gate there is a Stone to be seen two or three Foot square, wherein there is the figure of a handsome Chalice, and a Sacrifice over the hollow of it, with a Crescent that covers the Sacrifice, the two Horns whereof descend just upon the brims of the mouth of the Chalice. One would think at first that those Figures were in Mosaïc. Work: but it is all Natural, as I have found with several other Franks, having scraped the Stone with an Iron Instrument, when the Turks were out of the way. Several Consuls would have bought it, and there has been offered for it 2000 Crowns; but the Bassa's of Aleppo would never suffer it to be sold. Half a League from the City lies a pleasant Hill, where the Franks are want to take the Air. On the side of that Hill is to be seen a Cave or Grotto, where the Turks report that Haly lived for some few days; and for that there is an ill-shaped figure of a Hand imprinted in the Rock, they farther believe it to be the Hand of Haly. There are three Colleges in Aleppo, but very few Scholars, though there be Men of Learning that belong to them, who have Salaries to teach Grammar, and their odd kind of Philosophy, with the Grounds of their Religion, which are the Principal Sciences to which the Turks apply themselves. The Streets of the City are all paved, except the Bazar's, where the Merchants and Handicraft-Tradesmen keep their Shops. The chiefest Artists, and the most numerous are Silk and Camlet-Weavers. In the City and Suburbs there are about forty Inns; and fifty public Baths, as well for Women as for Men, keeping their turns. 'Tis the chiefest Pastime the Women have to go to the Baths; and they will spare all the Week long to carry a Collation, when they go at the Weeks end to make merry among themselves, in those places of privacy. The Suburbs of the City are large and well peopled, for almost all the Christians have their Houses and Churches there. Of which Christians there are four sorts in Al●ppo, I mean of Eastern Christians, that is to to say, Greeks, Armenians, Jacobites or Syrians, and Maronites. The Greeks have an Archbishop there, and are about fifteen or sixteen thousand in number; their Church is dedicated to St. George. The Armenians have a Bishop, whom they call Vertabet; and are about twelve thousand in number; their Church is dedicated to the Virgin. The Jacobites being about ten thousand, have a Bishop also; and their Church is likewise dedicated to the Virgin, as is that of the Armenians. The Maronites depend upon the Pope, not being above twelve hundred; their Church being consecrated to St. Elias. The Roman Catholics have three Churches, served by the Capuchins, Carmelites, and Jesuits. They reckon that in the Suburbs and City of Aleppo there are about 250000 Souls. There is a vast Trade at Aleppo for Silks and Camlets, but chief for Gall-Nuts, and Valanede, which is a sort of Acorn-shell without which the Curriers cannot dress their Leather. They have also a great Trade for Soap, and for several other Commodities; the Merchants repairing thither from all parts of the World. For not to speak of the Turks, Arabians, Persians', Indians, there are several English, Italians, French, and Hollanders, every Nation having their Consul to carry on their Interests, and maintain their Privileges. Nor does this place happen to be so great a Mart, through the convenience of the two Rivers of Tigris and Euphrates, as some have written; by which they say such vast quantities of Commodities are transported and imported out and into the City. For had that been, I should never have crossed the Desert, coming from Bagdat to Aleppo; nor at another time, going from Aleppo to Balsara. And as for Euphrates, certain it is, that the great number of Mills built upon it, to bring the Water to the neighbouring Grounds, have not only rendered it unnavigable, but made it very dangerous. I must confess, that in the year 1638 I saw a great part of the Grand Signor's Army, and several Boats full of Warlike Provisions fall down the Stream, when he went to besiege it: but when they were forced to ta●e away all the Mills that are upon the River; which was not done without a vast trouble and expense. As for Tigris, it is not navigable till beyond Babylon down to Bal●ara, where you may take Water, and be at Bal●ara in nine days. But the Voyage is very inconvenient, for at every Town which the Arabs have upon the River, you must be haled, and be forced to leave some Money behind you. Sometimes indeed the Merchants of Moussul and Bagdat; and others that come out of Chaldea to T●ade at Bal●ara, carry their Goods by Water from Bagdat; but in regard the Boats are only to be towed by Men, it takes them up a Voyage of seventy days. By this you may judge of the time and expense of carrying Goods by Water up the River Euphrates to by'r, where they are to be unladen for Aleppo. In short, if the convenience of Morat-sou (for so the Turks call Euphrates) were to be had, and that Goods might be transported by that River, the Merchants would never take that way: for the Arabian Princes, with their People and their cattle lying all the Summer long upon the Banks of the River, for the sake of the Water and the Grass, would make the Merchants pay what Toll they pleased themselves. I saw an Example of this, coming one time from Babylon to Aleppo. In all which Road we met but with one of those Arabian Princes, who lay at Anna: yet he made us pay for every Camel's Load forty Piastres. And which was worse, he detained us above five Weeks, to the end his Subjects might get more of our Money by selling us their Provisions. The last time I passed the Desert, I met another of these Arabian Princes together with his Brother, both young Men: He would not let us go a step farther, unless we would exchange two hundred Piastres in specie for Larins, the Money of the Country; and he forced us to take them what ever we could urge to make it appear how much we should loose by them. And indeed we said as much as we could, for the dispute lasted two and twenty days to no purpose; might overcoming right. By this you may guests what the other Arabians would do, who are not a jot more civil; and whether the Merchants would get by taking the Road of Euphrates. The City is governed by a Bassa, who commands all the Country from Alexandretta to Euphrates. His Guard usually consists of three hundred Men, and some years ago he was made a Vizier. There is also an Aga or Captain of the Cavalry, as well within the City as without, who commands four hundred Men. There is another Aga who has under him seven hundred Janissaries, who has the charge of the Gates of the City; to whom the Keys are carried every Evening, neither has he any dependence upon the Bassa. The Castle is also under another Commander▪ sent immediately from Constantinople, who has under him two hundred Musketeers, and likewise the charge of the Cannon; of which there are about thirty Pieces; eight great Guns, the rest of a small size. There is also another Aga or Captain of the City, who commands three hundred Harquebusses; beside a Son-Bashi, who is a kind of Provost of the Merchants, or Captain of the Watch, going the round every Night with his Officers though the City and Suburbs. He also puts in Execution the Sentences of the Bassa, upon Criminal Offenders. In Civils there is a Cadi, who sits sole Judge, without any Assistants, of all Causes as well Civil as Criminal; and when he has condemned any Man to Death, he sends him to the Bassa, together with his Accusation, with whom the Bassa does as he pleases. This Cady makes and dissolves all Contracts of Marriage; all Acts of Sale and Purchase pass in his presence. He also creates the sworn Masters of every Trade, who make their inspection that there may be no deceit in the Work. The Grand Signor's Duties are received by a Tefterdar, or Treasurer-General, who has under him several Receivers in divers places. In matters of Religion, the Mufti is the Chief, and the Interpreter of the Law, as well in relation to the Ceremonies, as in all Ecclesiastical differences. Among these Interpreters of the Law there is a Chieke or Doctor, appointed to instruct those that are newly converted to Mahumetanism, and to teach them the Maxims and Customs of their Religion. Three days after I arrived at Aleppo, Sultan Amurat made his Entry, going to his Army, which was upon its march to the Siege of Babylon. Now you must take notice, that nor far from Aleppo, toward the East, there stands a House inhabited by the Dervies, which are a Religious Order among the Turks; though it formerly belonged to the Monks of St. Basil, and was a fair Covent. It is still in good repair, the Walls of the Chambers, Halls, and Galleries being all Marble. All the Dervies of this House went half a League from the City, as far as Mount Ozelet, to meet the Grand Signior; and the Superior, at the Head of the rest, having made a Speech to his Highness, two Dervies came and made their obeisance in particular. Which being performed, from that place to the Castle of Aleppo, for half an hours march together; they went just before the Grand Signor's Horse, turning round continually with all their might, till they foamed again at the Mouth, and dazzled the Eyes of those that beheld them. There are some of these Dervies that will turn in that manner for two hours together, and glory in that which we accounted folly. While the Grand Signior stayed at Aleppo, the Bassa of Cayro came thither with a thousand Janissaries: And indeed, there never was a sight of Men more active, or better ordered. Every one of them had Scarlet Breeches that reached down to their Ankles, with a Turkey-robe of English Cloth, and a Waistcoat of Calicut painted with several Colours. The most part had Buttons of Gold and Silk; and as well their Girdles as their Scimitars were adorned with Silver. The Bassa marched at the Head of this Magnificent Regiment in a modest Garb; but the Harness of his Horse was as rich as his Habit seemed to be careless, having spared for no Cost to appear before the Grand Signior in a stately Equipage. There is a necessity for a Man to stay some time at Aleppo, as well to dispose of his Affairs, and in expectation till the Caravan be ready, unless he will venture himself alone without a Guide, which I have done more than once. And thus much for Aleppo, next to Constantinople and Cayro, the most considerable City in all the Turkish Empire. CHAP. III. Of several Roads in general from Aleppo to Ispahan, and particularly of the Road through the great Desert. THere are five principal Roads from Aleppo to Ispahan, which being added to those other Roads which I have described through Anatolia, make seven Roads into Persia, parting from Constantinople, Smyrna, or Aleppo. The first of the five Roads, setting out from Aleppo, is upon the left hand, toward the Summer-East, through Diarbck and Tauris. The second directly East, by Mesopotamia, through Moussul and Amadan. The third upon the right hand, toward the Winter-East, through Bagdat and Kengavar. The fourth somewhat more to the South, crossing a little Desert, through Anna, Bagdat, and Balsara. The fifth through the great Desert, which is an extraordinary Road, never travelled but once a year, when the Merchants of Turkey and Egypt go to buy Camels. Of these Roads I intent to treat distinctly, and in several Chapters. And first of the Road through the great Desert. The Caravans that go to Balsara this way never set out till the Rains are fallen, that they may not want Water in the Desert: and the Rain seldom holds up till December. This Caravan, with which I travelled, set out upon Christmas-day, consisting of about six hundred Camels, and four hundred Men, Masters and Servants together: the Caravan-Bashi being only on Horseback, and riding before, to found Water, and convenient places to lodge in. I must confess I had the convenience myself to ride my own Horse, which I kept all the while I was at Aleppo. A liberty permitted the Franks only at Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo▪ for at Damas', Seyde, or Cayro, none but the Consuls are suffered to keep Horses: others can only keep or hire Asses, which stand ready in the public Streets at all times. The next day we dislodged by daybreak, and by noon we came to a place where there were five Wells, about five hundred Paces distant one from the other. The Water was excellent, and caused us to replenish our Borachoes: and about four a Clock in the Afternoon we lay at a place where there was no Water. The next day near noon we met▪ with two Wells, but the Water was not good, and only the Camels drank of it, there we also lodged that night. Having now travelled two days in the Desert, I will describe it in a few words. You begin to enter upon it two or three Leagues from Aleppo, where by degrees you meet with nothing but Tents instead of Houses. It stretches out to the Winter-East, all along the Euphrates to Balsara, and the Shoar of the Gulf of Persia; and upon the South to the Chain of Mountains that divides it from Arabia Petr●a and Arabia the Happy. These Deserts are almost quite through nothing but Plains of Sand, which in some places lie loser than in others; and are hardly passable till the Rains are but newly fallen, and have knit the Sands together. 'Tis a rare thing to meet with a Hill or a Valley in these Deserts; if you do, there is as surely Water, and as many Bushes as will serve to boil a little Rice. For thoughout the whole Desert there is no Wood to be found; and all the Bavins and Charcoal that you can load upon Camels at Aleppo, will not last above eight or ten days. Therefore you must take notice, that of six hundred Camels that pass through the Desert, there are scarce fifty laden with Merchandise, which is generally course Cloth, some little Iron Ware, but chief black and blue Calicuts, which the Arabians make use of without ever whitening them. All the other Camels are only laden with Provision, and all little enough; so many People being to travel for so many days through so long a Tract of Ground where there is nothing in the World to sustain Life and Soul together. For the first fifteen days travel we met with Water but once in two days, and sometimes not above once in three days. The twentieth day after we set out from Aleppo, the Caravan lay at a place where there were two Wells, and the Water very good. Every one was glad of the convenience of washing his Linen, and the Caravan-Bashi made account to have stayed there two or three days. But the News that we received, caused us to altar our Resolutions. For we had not sooner given order to dress our Suppers, when we saw a Courier with three Arabs, all mounted upon Dromedaries, who were sent to carry the news of the Taking of Babylon to to Aleppo and other Cities of the Empire. They stopped at the Wells to let their Beasts drink; and immediately the Caravan-Bashi, and the principal persons of the Caravan made them a small Present of dried Fruits and Granates. Who thereupon were so kind as to tell us, that the Carriage which carried the Baggage belonging to the Grand Signior and his Train being tired, his Officers would be sure to seize upon ours, if they should chance to meet with us: they advised us moreover not to come near Anna, jest the Emir should stop us. Upon this news, we departed three hours after midnight; and keeping directly to the South, we put ourselves into the midst of the Desert. Eight days after we came to lie at a place where three Wells, and three or four Houses. We stayed there two days to take fresh Water, and we were just setting forward again, when thirty Horsemen well mounted came from one of the Emirs, to tell the Caravan Bashi that he must stop his Caravan. We stayed impatiently for him three days; and at length he came, and was presented by the Caravan-Bashi with a piece of Satin, half a piece of Scarlet Cloth, and two large Copper Cauldrons. Now although those Cauldrons could not but be very acceptable to an Arabian Prince, who most certainly had none such in his Kitchen, yet he did not seem contented with his Present, and demanded above four hundred Crowns▪ We contested seven or eight days to have kept our Money in our Pockets, but in vain, so that we were forced to rate one another, and to raise him his Sum; which being paid, he treated the chief of the Caravan with Pilaw, Honey, and Dates, and when he went away, give them five or six Sheep ready boiled. Three days after we had jest this Arabian Prince, we met with two Wells near certain old decayed Brick Buildings. The Water of those Wells was so bitter, that the Camels would not drink it: however we filled our Borachoes, thinking it would have left its bitterness by being boiled: but we found the contrary. From those two Wells that were good for nothing, we travelled six days before we met with any Water, which with their three days before, made nine; and all that time the Camels never drank, as I have hinted already. At the end of nine days we crossed a Hilly Country for three Leagues together, at the feet of three of which Hills there were three standing Pools. The Camels, that smelled the Water half a League of, put themselves upon their great trot, which is their manner of running, and no sooner came to the Pools but they crowded in all together, which caused the Water to be thick and muddy. Thereupon the Caravan-Bashi resolved to stay there two or three days together, till the Water was settled. Here we had also the opportunity to boil us some Rice, there being good store of Bushes that grew about the Lake. But above all, the People were over joyed that they had an opportunity to make Bread, which they do after the following manner. First they dig a round Hole in the Ground, half a Foot deep, and two or three in diameter, which they crowd full of Bushes, and than set them on fire, covering them with Bricks or Stones till they are read hot. In the mean while they prepare their Dough upon a Sofra, or round piece of Copper, which serves at other times for Table and Tablecloth to eat upon. Than they take away the Ashes and Bricks, and making the Hole very clean, put in their Dough, and covering it again with the hot Bricks or Stones, leave it so till the morning. The Bread thus baked is very well tasted, not being above two Fingers thick, and as big as an ordinary Cake. While we stayed at the three Ponds, I spent my time in kill Hares and Partridge, of which there was very great plenty in those parts. The night before we departed we filled our Barachoes again, the Water being very good and clear; though it be nothing but Rain water preserved in those Cavities, which in the Summer are dry again. But now the Caravan-Bashi, seeing we had travelled already nine days without finding any Water, resolved to leave the South, and to keep to the West; and if he met not with Water in two or three days, to take to the North-East, or Winter-East, in quest of the River Euphrates. Two days after we had changed our Road, we passed between two little Hills, where we met with a Pond, near to which were two Arabians, each with his Wife and Children, tending a Herd of Goats and a Flock of Sheep. They told us they were going toward Moussul, and put us in the best Road to found Water; and indeed, from that place to Balsara, we never travelled three days together, but we met with enough. Five days after we had left those two Arabians, we discovered a large Palace all of Brick; which showed some probability, that the Country had been formerly sowed, and that the Bricks had been burned with the Straw. To the Palace belonged three large Courts; in every one of which were fair Buildings, with two Stories of Arches, one upon another. Though this large Pile was standing, yet no body lived in it, nor could the Arabians, (very ignorant in Antiquity,) tell us by whom it was built. Before the Gate of the Palace there is a Lake with a Channel, the bottom whereof is bricked, as also the Arch, which is even with the Ground. This the Arabians believe to have been a conveyance of Water from Euphrates: which surely could never be, in regard that Euphrates is above twenty Leagues distant. From that Palace we kept to the North-East, and after we had travelled five days, we arrived at a pitiful Town, formerly called Cufa, now Meched-Ali, where Ali, Mahomet's Son in-law lies buried in a plain Mosque. Generally there stand four Tapers lighted about the Tomb, and certain Lamps burning overhead, which are fastened to the Roof. Though the Persians' have Ali in so much veneration, yet they rarely go in Pilgrimage to his Tomb. The reason is, because that there being no way to come at it, but through Bagdat, which is under the Dominion of the Great Turk, there is a demand of eight Piastres from every Pilgrim; which is an Imposition that no way pleases the King of Persia. Sha-Abas scorning that his Subjects should be tributary to the Turks, endeavoured to divert them from this Pilgrimage by another sort of Devotion, which he set up at Meshéed, upon the Road from Tauris to Candahar. Nor have the Kings his Successors been lesle unwilling to give their Subjects leave to visit their Prophet Ali, taking it for an Affront to pay Tribute to the Grand Signior. Which is the reason that this Mosque is not more enriched by the Persians'. For besides the Lamps and Tapers that burn continually, there are only two Moullahs that read the Alcoran according to custom. In this Town there are only three or four bad Wells of brackish Water, and a dry Channel, which they say Sha-Abas made to bring the Water of Euphrates to the Town for the benefit of the Pilgrims. As for Food, we met with nothing but Dates, Grapes, and Almonds, which the People sold at a dear rate. When any Pilgrims come thither, which is very rare, and that they want Victuals, the Sheck causes a distribution to be made among them of Rice boiled with Water and Salt, and a little Butter poured atop. For there is no Pasturage for cattle, and by consequence there can be no store of Food. Two days journey from Ali's Town, by nine of the Clock in the morning we met two young Arabian Lords, that took upon them the name of Sultan's. They were two Brothers, one of the age of seventeen years, the other of thirteen: and as we pitched our Tents, they pitched theirs close by us; which were of a very fine Scarlet Cloth; and among the rest there was one covered with Purple Velvet, laced with a rich Galoon-lace. So soon as they were settled in their Tents, the Caravan-Bashi and I went to wait upon them; who understanding that there were Franks in the Caravan, asked me whether I had any Curiosities to cell them; but when I made them answer that I had nothing worthy their Purchase, they would not believe me, and therefore commanded the Caravan Bashi to fetch my Trunks, that they might be opened in their presence. While the were opening, one of the chief persons about those Princes would not suffer any of the rest of the Arabs to come near, for though most of the Arabs are great Thiefs, yet some of them are persons of great integrity. Now I had in my company a young Painter, who had in his Chest several engraved Cuts, part Landscapes, part Figures, together with the Pictures of certain Courtesans drawn to the Wast. The young Lords made choice only of twenty of those Courtesans, which I would have presented to them, but they gave me to understand, that they knew how to pay for what they had, and especially the youngest, who seemed to be very generous; him I pleased in an extraordinary manner; for his Teeth being very foul, I ordered a Chirurgeon that I carried along with me at the same time to clean them, which he did to the great satisfaction of the young Prince. Thereupon they sent me and my Train, of their best Victuals they had. The Caravan Bashi presented them with half a piece of Scarlet, and two pieces of Tissue of Gold and Silver. When we were ready to go, the young Sultan gave me twelve Ducats for my Pictures, and sent the Caravan-Bashi and myself two Frails of the best Dates that we had met with since we left Aleppo. About midnight the Princes dislodged, and took to the North toward Euphrates. We set forward after them, driving Northward toward the same River. After we had travelled four days we met one of the most potent Emirs of Arabia, who coming from the South, and going Northward, was to cross the Road that we kept. He was about fifty years of age, well made, and of a comely presence. He had not than above two thousand Horse, of thirty thousand which we heard had passed by some days before. Behind the two thousand Horse were fifty Camels that carried his Women; their Cajavas being covered with Scarlet-cloth fringed with Silk. In the midst of these Camels there were six encompassed with Eunuches, the Fringes of the Cajavas being Silk, Silver, and Gold. The Arabians do not seem to be jealous of their Wives, as in Turkey and other places; for they led their Camels by our Caravan, never requiring us to retire, as is the custom in other places. They lodged a quarter of a League of, where we thought to have pitched, for the conveniency of two or three Ponds, which they deprived us of. This Arabian Prince had a great number of lovely Horses richly harnessed: others he had that were neither saddled nor bridled, yet the Riders would turn them with a Wand which way they pleased, and upon a full gallop would stop 'em, by only holding them by the Hair. He had some Horses of an excessive price; and this is to be observed, that they are never shod. The Caravan-Bashi believing he could not escape scot-free from so powerful a Prince, among the Merchants of the Caravans found out a rich Saddle, with Bridle and Stirrups, which were all set out and garnished with massy Silver, with an embroidered Quiver full of Arrows, together with a Buckler, the whole coming to about eleven or twelve hundred Livers; and adding to these of his own a piece of Scarlet, four pieces of Tissue of Gold and Silk, and six pieces of Tissue of Silver and Silk, made a Present of all together to the Emir. But he refused all, demanding only two bundred thousand Piastres for Larins: which exchange being no way for the Merchant's profit, raised a great dispute. But at length, considering that it was in his power to stop and starve us there, we only endeavoured a Composition; which was obtained. Thereupon he took the Present, which perhaps he would not else have done. For two days that we stayed to weigh the Money, he sent Provisions to the chief of the Caravan; and at our departure, he sent u● twelve Frails of Dates, and four young Camels that might be worth about forty Crowns apiece. Two days after we met a Schek, who among the Arabians is one of the chief of the Law. He was going to Mecca, cross some part of Arabia the Happy, with a Train of ten or twelve Camels. He stayed all night with us, and one of his Servants having been dangerously wounded about two days before with a Musket-bullet, my Chirurgeon dressed him, and gave him Salve and Tents, for which he was extremely thankful. He sent me to Supper a great Dish of Pilaw, and the next day a whole Sheep. The Caravan-Bashi likewise presented him with two els of Scarlet. The next we met with nothing worth observation, but the day following we met another Emir, of about Five and Twenty years of age▪ who came from Euphrates, and was travelling into the Happy Arabia. He had with him about five hundred Horse, and three hundred Camels that carried his women. He presently sent to know what Caravan it was, and understanding that it consisted of many Franks, among whom their was a Chirurgeon: He sent again to desire the Caravan Bashi to follow with the Caravan, to the place where he intended to pitch his Tents, which was not far out of the way. We did not think to have gone so far that day, but he led us to the best water in all the Desert. The Prince's Tent being set up, he sent for my Chirurgeon, with whom I went along to know what his pleasure was. He had upon his left Arm a Tetter, with a most filthy Scab as broad as a Crown piece; and this went and came at certain times in the year. He presently asked the Chirurgeon whether he could cure him? to whom the Chirurgeon made answer, that the cure was not impossible, provided he knew where to get such remedies as were convenient: For had he said, he could have absolutely cured him, the Emir would have carried him away with him, without any farther Ceremony. Thereupon he would have given the Chirurgeon five hundred Crowns to have bought Medicines. But I made answer, that the cure would not cost so much, and that if the Chirurgeon could meet with proper Drugs, I would lay out the Money myself. The Emir content with that answer, sent one of his chief People to Balsara, to come back with the Chirurgeon, when he had bought his Medicines. He himself stayed there three days in expecttion of him; but after we had pretended to seek for what we wanted, up and down the Town (for we enquired for such things as we knew were not to be had) we sent him back word that we could not found what we looked for, and desired his excuse, in regard the attendance of the Chirurgeon would be of no use, where he had not proper remedies; which was the only way we could think of, to get cleverly rid of him. The next days Journey after we had left the Arabian Prince, was through a Country altogether uninhabited; but the day following, which was the sixty-fifth and last day of our being in the Desert, we met after some time, with the ruins of some houses on both sides the way; which made us conjecture, that some great City had stood formerly in that place. At length we came to Balsara, which I shall describe in another place. While I stayed at Balsara, which was about three weeks, an Ambassador from the Great Mogul arrived there, who from Constantinople went to Bagdat to congratulate the Grand Signior for the Conquest of that City, which he had taken in so short a time. The Emperor presented him with three sately Horses, and a little Watch, the Case whereof was set with Diamonds and Rubies. But the Ambassador not knowing what belonged to that little Engine, winding it up the wrong way, broke the string. Coming to Balsara he sent to the Carmalites to desire them to mend his Watch; for he feared the loss of his head, should he return to his Master, and not show him the Watch entire. It was at their House that i than lay; and therefore not knowing what to do with it, they desired▪ me to show my skill: Thereupon I put on a new string. But the Ambassador, when he understood to whom he was beholding, though it were but a trifle, proffered me all the service and kindness imaginable. Thereupon the Carmelites and Augustin Friars desired me to request of the Ambassador in their behalf, that he would obtain the Great Turk's protection for them, in case he took Balsara, that their Houses and Churches might be preserved; which I did, and obtained by his means full protection from the Grand Visier. But they had no need of it, for the Turks did not make any attempt upon Balsara, hearing that the Persians' were advancing; besides that the rainy season was at hand, which will not permit an Army to keep the Field: So that had Bagdat held out eight days longer, the Grand Signior would have been constrained to have raised the Siege. Having spoken of the Arabian Horses, I must needs say, that there are some that are valued at a very high rate. The Mogul's Ambassador gave for some three, four, and six thousand Crowns, and for another he offered eight thousand Crowns, but the Horse would not be sold under t●n, and so he left it. When he was got home into the Indieses, and had presented the Mogul those Horses which he had carried along with him, being very lovely Creatures; he told his Master how he had offered eight thousand Crowns for a Horse more beautiful than any of them; but because the Owner would not let him go under ten, he left him. The King incensed that his Ambassador has stood for so small a Sum, when it was for one of the greatest Monarches in the World, upbraided the poorness of his Spirit, and banished him for ever from his presence, into a Province far distant from the Court. Thereupon the King wrote to the English to buy him the Horse, who accordingly did so, and brought him to Surat, where the Governour-repaid them their Money. But the Horse died at Brampour. Nor must I forget, that while I was at Balsara, twice there flew by such a prodigious number of Locusts that a far-off they appeared like a Cloud, and darkened the Air. They pass by Balsara four or five times in the year, the Wind carrying them into the Desert, where they alight, and most certainly dye. Should they not be thus wind-driven, there could nothing live upon the Earth in some parts of Chaldea. They swarm all along the Persian Gulf, and when the Vessels come to Ormus at the time of the year, there are little Shops where people cell Locusts fried in Butter to those that love that sort of Diet. Once I had the curiosity to open the Belly of a Locust six Inches long, and found therein seventeen little ones that stirred; whenee it is easy to guests how those Infects come to be so numerous, especially in hot Countries. There are several Barks that go from Ormus to furnish both of the Persian Gulf, where the people eat neither Bread nor Rice. I agreed with the Master of one of these Barks, and made my agreement that the Bark should not be above half laden; for generally they lad them too deep, and in foul weather they are forced to throw half the Freight overboard, to▪ save the rest. From Balsara to the mouth of the River Euphrates, it is reckoned to be twenty Leagues of Freshwater. We stayed seven whole days for a Wind, which proving favourable, we came to Brander-ric, in forty-eight hours. This is the place where you must land, if you intent for Persia, unless you are bound for Ormus. Brander-ric consists only of five or six little Fishers Huts; which Huts are only Hurdles set one against another, and covered over, where they and their Families live. To the same place come Asses laden with Dates, which I was forced to hire for want of Horses. We were six days upon the Road from thence to Cazerom. This is a Mountainous Country, where there is Wood enough; but you must lodge in the Fields, for there are no Inns upon the Road. The way is pleasant in some places, along the Banks of several Rivulets, and through verdant Groves stored with great quantities of Turtles. We killed a good many; which we eat, part with Pilaw, instead of Hens; some we roasted, making Sticks to serve for Spits. Cazerom is a little Gity ill built, where there is but one Inn, and that none of the most inviting to Strangers neither. From Cazerom to Schiras it is five days journey. The Road lies over very craggy Mountains, which had been impassable, but for the Liberality of Ali Couli-Kan, Governor of Schiras. He made Ways where there were none before, and joined Mountains together by Bridges, in Countries which otherwise had been inaccessible. In the midst of the Mountains is a wide gap or discontinuance, from whence a Plain extends itself of about twenty Leagues in circuit. It is inhabited by Jews only, who are Silk-Weavers. In these Mountains you met with Tents, where the Chaldeans sojourn, that come for cool Air and Pasturage in the Summer. Coming to Schiras, I took Horse there for Ispahan, which I arrived in nine days. The Country over which you travel, between these two Cities, is part Plains, part Mountains; part wild, and part manured. Three days journey from Schiras you pass the Mountain of Mayen, a little City where there is nothing worthy observation. Two days journey from thence you enter upon the Plains of the Province of Cuscuzar, where the King of Persia keeps his Race-Horses. The next day I arrived at Yesdecas, where the best Bread in Persia is made. This is a little City upon a Rock, wherein there is a very fair Inn: at the foot whereof runs a little River that glides into the Valley, wherein grows that excellent Corn which is uttered in Bread from that City. In three days I went from Yesdecas to Ispahan. This was the first Road from Aleppo to Ispahan. CHAP. IU. Of the Road from Aleppo to Ispahan, through Mesopotamia and Assyria, which I travelled in my third Voyage to the Indieses. I Departed from Paris in my third Voyage to the Indieses upon the sixth of December 1643, and went to Ligorn, where I found the D●●●h Fleet ready to set Sail for the Levant. The Vessel wherein I embarked seeming▪ rather a Man-of-War than a Merchantman. We passed through the Channel of Messina, and lay there at an Anchor four days before the City. From thence passing by the Morea, we entered into the Archipelago, where the Fleet parted, according as every Ship was bound. Our Ship sailed directly for the Port of Alexandretta, but though the Wind were favourable, we were stopped for some time by a Pirate that met with us of the Eastern Point of Candy. We endeavoured to have got clear of him; but the Pirate gaining upon us, we made ready. Thereupon the Pirate gave us three Broadsides, that went over the Ship without doing us any harm: which we answered by as many from our Ship, the first whereof brought his Foremast by the Board; and the third Shot went through the Forecastle and killed him some Men, as far as we could discern. At that very instant one of our Mariners cried out from the Top-mast-head, A Sail from the South. Thereupon the Pirate left us, and made Sail after her: and we, glad of such an escape, pursued our Voyage to Alexandretta, where we happily arrived; from whence I took Horse for Aleppo, as I have already described. The sixth of March I departed from Aleppo in the company of two Capuchin Friars, Father Raphael and Father Yves, and the Venetian whose name was Dominica de Sanctis. From Aleppo to by'r, where you cross the Euphrates, it is four days journey for the Horse- Caravan. The Country is well wooded, and well manured. The seventh of March the great Rains that fell hindered us from getting to the usual Stage, so that we could not gain Telbechar, another Town, where there is no Inn: which constrained us to stop a League on this side, and to go to a Cave that was able to contain three hundred Horse. This is a Cave where the Bedovins or Feeders of cattle thereabouts often retire, who live after the manner of the Arabs, either in Rocks or in poor Huts. The Cave has been hollowed from time to time, there being several Niches in it like little Chambers. Our Caravan-Bashi fearing some Ambuscade, road thither before to view the place, but finding it empty and free, we rested there that night, and the next came to lie at M●zara, which is only a small Village without an Inn: Neither was there any thing remarkable upon that Road. O●ly that near the Cave, in the Mountain, there is very good Water: And formerly upon the Mountain stood a Castle, of which some ruins are still remaining. From the top of the Mountain there is a fair Prospect as far as you can see, over very fair Plains on every side, and in several places very good Land, watered by divers Channels which are brought from the River Euphrates. All the Rivulets also that you cross from Aleppo to by'r come from the same River. The fourth day after we parted from Aleppo, being the ninth of March, we came to the banks of Euphrates. by'r is on the other side of the River; and because that sometimes the Goods cannot be unladen all in a day; their is a fair and large Inn, to defend the Merchants from the Bedoüins, which would else disturb and rob them, were not they and their Goods in that manner secured▪ You cross the Euphrates in large Ferry Boats, and as soon as you are got over the other side of the River, the Customer and his Officers comes and tells the Bales, and writes down the names of the Merchants to whom they belong. The Caravan does not lie in the Town, which is built like an Amphitheatre upon the brow of a very craggy Mountain, but passes forward over a scurvy Road on an Inn upon the top of the Mountain. Near the Inn there are several Chambers cut out of the Rock, where they that cannot get room in the Inn are forced to lie. That Evening the Custom-Officer comes to receive his duties, being two Piastres upon e●ery load of Goods, whether upon Horse or Mule, though the Mules carry more than the Horses; and half a Piastre for every Beast that carries Provisions. But for Saddle Horses or Mules there is nothing demanded. The by'r, or Berygeon, as the Natives call it, is a large City for an Eastern City, situated upon the brow of a Hill. Below upon the River stands a Castle that declares its Antiquity; it is half as long as the City, but narrow, and without any other Fortification, saving only a Tower that scours the River, in which there are eight or nine pitiful Culverins. In the highest part of the Town stands another Castle where the Governor resides, who is an Aga, whom some call a Bassa, having under him two hundred Janissaries, and four hundred Spahi's. The City 〈◊〉 ill built▪ as are the most part of the Cities of Turkey: But there are an extrordinary plenty of all things, excellent Bread, good Wine, and great store of the best sort of Fish. The tenth day after we had travelled eleven hours in the first Lands of Mesopotamia▪ that lie between the two Rivers Euphrates and Tiger, which at present they call Diarb●k, we came in the evening to Sharmley. This is a very good Town, with a fair Inn, and Baths round about it. About twice Musquet-Shot from thence, stands a Mountain alone by itself, like Montmartre near Paris: Round about it are Plains, and at the top of it stands a Fortress, with a Garrison of two hundred Spahi's, by reason that the Arabs sometimes cross Euphrates, and make incursions upon that side. In the year 1631, the Grand Visier returning from Bagdat, where he had lost the greatest part of the Grand Signor's Army, not being able to take the City; fearing the loss of his head if he returned to Constantinople, and knowing himself to be in great esteem among the Soldiers, resolved to quarter himself upon this Mountain, and to erect a Fortress to secure himself from the tempest that threatened him. No doubt but if he could have brought about his design, he might have made himself Master of all Mesopotamia, and would have put the Grand Signior to a great deal of trouble. For if you intent for Aleppo, whether it be from Tauris, Mossul, or Bagdat, unless you travel through the Desert, you must pass through Sharmley, under the command of this Fortress, for Provision and Water's sake. The work was gone so far forward, that there was a good defence raised, and the Visier had already enclosed all the Mountain together with the Inn, with a Wall almost twenty foot thick, and three fathom high, when he was strangled by those in whom he most confided, the Grand Signior having gained them either by threats or by rewards. The eleventh, after a Journey of ten hours we came to Ourfa, where the Caravan usually stays eight or ten days; for here it is that they live that hire the Horses and the Mules, who have always some business in this place. We lay at an Inn three or four hundred paces distant from the City toward the North. When the Inn is full, the rest retire into the Grottoes which are near at hand, and are very good quarters. Here the Tollgatherer presently comes and counts the Bales without opening them. They that carry any Sacks must pay for half a Load; if not, he opens the Sack to see if there be any Merchandise therein, for than the Merchant must pay the whole duty. Ourfa is the Capital City of Mesopotamia, built as they say, in the same place where Abraham lived, and where stood the ancient Ed●ssa, where the people of the Country report, that King Abdgarus generally kept his Court. There are still to be seen the ruins of a Castle; from whence they add, that the same King sent to CHRIST for his Picture, and offered him his Kingdom and his people to defend him against the Jews; whom he understood to be his Enemies. The Chronicles of the Armenians report, that Abagarus was their Countryman, and that in his Reign they began to be Christians, and to be Baptised by the hands of an Apostle, whom CHRIST sent to that Prince after his Resurrection. Neither is this Castle yet so far ruin'd, but that there is still to be seen a spacious Hall, and three or four handsome Rooms with some relics of Mosaic work. I was curious to see what ever was remarkable in this City. And first they led me to a large Fountain which resembles a Fishpond, the Spring whereof is under the Foundations of the principal Mosque, which was built in honour of Abraham. The Christians of the Country say, that it was in that place where he prayed, before he went about to Sacrifice his Son Isaac, and that two Springs of Water arose from the two places where he rested his knees, which now feed the large Fountain I have made mention of. It is paved with Freestone, and so full of Fish, that if you throw them in a little Bread, they will follow you from place to place as you walk by the side of the Pond. There is no meddling with them; for the Turks have a great veneration for those Fish, which they call Abraham's Fish. Besides that, the place about the Fountain where the water wid'ns itself to water all the City, is covered with very fair Carpets, for about twenty paces in breadth. This Fountain at length falls into a little River that runs by the Walls. As for the Grotto where the two Springs rise, there is no going into it before you have pulled of your Shoes, and it is a great favour for a Christian to see it; such a favour as cost me six Piastres. I also saw the Church, under the portal whereof, they say, St. Alexis lived seventeen years a private life. It stands in the middle of a Churchyard, in the highest part of the Town, in the possession of the Armenians. But their principal Church is about a quarter of an hours walking from the City, built by St. Ephren, who is there buried. The Monastery stands yet entire, enclosed with fair Walls. In the Church I saw a large Bible in Armenian Characters. The Sepulchre of St. Ephren is in a Cave at the foot of the Mountain, to which there also belongs a Chapel, where they keep three or four Lamps continually burning. There are other Grottoes up and down the Mountain, where are to be seen very ancient Sepulchers of the Christians. The City of Ourfa is seated in a good soil, very well manured, which extends itself out of sight toward the East. There are several pleasant Gardens near the walls, watered by little Channels brought thither by Art. The soil produces good Wine, so that a man may live as well at Ourfa, as in any part of Turkey. While I stayed there, I killed abundance of Fieldfares in those Gardens; and indeed there is great store of wild Fowl all the Country over. The Walls of the City are of Freestone, with Battlements and Towers; but within, the houses are small, ill built, and ruinous: And there are several voided spaces in the City, which makes Ourfa to look rather like a Desert than a Metropolis. The City is Governed by a Bassa, who has under him a hundred and fifty Janissaries, and six hundred Spahi's, standing more in need of Cavalry than Infantry, by reason of the Incursions of the Arabians, especially in harvest time. In short, Ourfa is the place where they dress such great quantities of Cordovan Skins, by reason of the waters particular to the Country, which give them that peculiar beauty. The Yellow Skins are dressed at Ourfa, the Blue at Tocat, and the Read at Diarbequir. The twentieth of March, we set out of Ourfa, and after a Journey of six hours, we lay at a pitiful Village where the Inn was fallen all to decay. There is a Fountain of excellent water by it, which is all the convenience of the place, for there is no Provision to be had. The twenty-first we travelled nine hours, and came to lie near several Caverns which are very deep; at the entry whereof there are little Rooms, which are supposed to be the places where the People of the Country lived that fed their cattle thereabouts. There is also Rain-Water to be had in some of the Concavities of the Rock. Half this days journey you must pass over Rocks, where it is almost impossible, and very dangerous to keep your Horses back. The twentysecond, having travelled eleven hours, we lodged near a Cavern, having forded a River that runs at the foot of it. There are two great Grottoes on each side, where Travellers take up their Quarters, and whither the Natives of the Country bring Provisions both for Horse and Man. The Toll-gatherers, coming from a Fort about three Leagues distant from these Caverns, here exact two Piastres and a half for every Horse and Mules Load; and search your Sacks, to see if there be no Merchantable Goods therein. About half the way of this days journey you meet with a City quite deserted by the Inhabitants; and about an hours march after that, with Tombs of Stone, in the middle whereof stands a Cross, with Armenian Characters. The twenty-third we travelled eleven hours, and lay at Dadacardin. This appears to have been a great Town, but is all ruin'd: nor is there any thing remaining but a long Stone ●ridge very well built, under which runs a River that is very broad when it overflows. The People of the Country have no other Habitations than the Hollows of Rocks; yet they bring to the Traveller's Hens, Butter, Cheese, and other Provisions; which they cell very cheap. The twenty-fourth we travelled nine hours, and lay at a place called Cara, built upon a Hill. The Caravan lay at the Inn; but the two Capuchins and I lay at a private Christian's House, who carried us to the Church, where was than the Vertabet or Bishop of Merdin. It was a pitiful poor Church, where they had nothing but two Planks supported with four Sticks instead of an Altar▪ They dare not leave any Furniture in it, but as soon as the Priest has said Service, he must have a care to take away every thing, as well the Planks as the Covering of the Altar, which was only a Painted Cloth: For the Turks that travel that way, if it be foul weather, will break open the Door, put their Horses there, burn the Altar, and take away whatever they found. In the Village where we lay, there was a Pond, the sides whereof were surrounded with fair Freestones, which were fetched from the Christian Churches, and the Tombs of the Christians thereabouts. Among the rest, there was one very large Stone, with an Epitaph upon it in large Latin Letters; whereby we knew it to be the Tombstone of a Norman Gentleman, who had been a Captain of Foot. The Bishop informed us, that it is recorded in the Armenian Stories, that the French were a long time in this Country, at what time the Christians were Masters of Syria. This Country is all a large Plain, about twenty Leagues in length; which might be well manured, and make the Inhabitants rich, did not the Tyranny of the Turks, and the Incursions of the Arabs, reduce them to the utmost degree of Poverty. The twenty-fifth, after we had travelled eight hours, we lay at a Village called Cousasar, where there was not Inn. There were formerly three great Monasteries, a quarter of a League one from the other. The Turks have ruin'd two, all but the Steeples of the Churches that belonged to them. The third, which stands all entire, and is the fairest Pile of Building, serves for a Mosque. They have made Shops round about the Cloisters, in the middle of which is a fair Spring of Water. The twenty seventh we lay still at Cousasar, being the place where you must pay the Customs of Diarbequir, which is not above two days journey of, amounting to two Piastres and a fourth part, for every Load of Merchant's Goods. Merdin is not above two Leagues from Cousasar. This is a little City seated upon a Mountain, with good Walls, and a fair Fountain replenished from the Castle; which stands upon the North-side, in a place yet higher, that commands the City; where there lives a Bassa, who has under him two hundred Spahi's, and four hundred Janissaries. Merdin is the place where was born the Lady Maani Gioerida, the first Wife of Pietro de la Valle, so well known for his famous Travels. As for Cousasar, which is a large Village, it is inhabited for the most part by Armenian Christians and Nestorians. The Armenians perform Divine Service in their own Language; the Nestorians in the Chaldaïc. The latter showed me two Bibles in a large Volume, in the same Language, written in velum, all the Capital Letters being in Gold and Azure. They seemed to be very old; and one of their Priests told me, that it is 937 years ago since one of them was writ▪ n; the other not above 374 since. When Service is done, they put them in a Chest, and hid them under Ground. I would have given 200 Piastres for the oldest, but they durst not cell it, in regard it belonged to the Church, and was not at their disposal. The twentyseventh, after we had travelled nine hours, we arrived at Karasara, which had been formerly a great Town, and no doubt inhabited by Christians; as appears by seven or eight Churches half ruin'd, though the Steeples are little the worse. They stand at a good distance one from the other; and upon the North▪ side of one of those Churches there is a Gallery, at the end whereof, through a little Door you descend about a hundred Steps, every Step being ten Inches thick. When you come under the Church, you meet with a larger and bigger Vault, supported with Pillars. The Building is so contrived, that there is more light below than in that above; but▪ of late years the Earth has st●p'd up several Windows. The great Altar is in the Rock; on the right side whereof is a Room, which receives the light from several Windows contrived in the Rock. Over the Gate of the Church was a great Freestone, wherein were certain Letters that I could not read. On the North-side of the same Church under Ground are to be seen two great Cisterns, each four hundred and fifty Paces long; with two great Arches, sustained with several Pillars. Every year they fill them with the Water that falls from the next Mountain, and makes a kind of a River. A quarter of a League from the Church, you descend the Mountain for above a hundred Paces together among the Rocks, on each side whereof are Rooms cut out of the Rock. Upon every Door there is a Cross; and in every Room as it were a Bench, and a Table, with a little place about the length of a Man, like a Bedstead, all cut out of the Rock. At the bottom of the Rock is a Hall, round about the Wall whereof is a Bench to sit on. The Roof is all plain, without any Arch; in the middle whereof there is a Hole to the top of the Mountain: but in regard it gives no light, 'tis very probable 'twas only made to let out the Smoke when they dressed their Meat; or else to let in the fresh Air, as I have seen in many Villages upon the Persian Gulf. Upon the highest of those Mountains stands a paltry Village, where they buy their Victuals. But before the Caravan arrives, certain Merchants ride before to inform themselves from the Herdsmen, whether they know of any Thiefs in the Grottoes, that often hid themselves there in expectation of Prey. In the year 1638, Sultan Amurat going to besiege Babylon, marched this very way, as well to see these Ruins, as to give order for the demolishing a Fort that stood not above two Leagues of of Karasera, which the Thiefs of the Country made their place of retreat. He also at the same time caused the Road to be cleared for four days journey, by ordering the Stones to be picked up and laid in heaps, all along the Road. He also built a Bridge over the River. And indeed, that March of the Grand Signior was very advantageous to all Travellers that pass this way. The twenty-eight we travelled eight hours, and came to Nesbin, anciently Nisibis. Two or three hours' travel on this side, near the Road, is a kind of Hermitage, being a small Room enclosed with Walls, the Door whereof is so low, that a Man must creep upon his Belly to get in. Three or four Jews went and performed their Devotions at this Hermitage, believing it to be the place where the Prophet Elisha was buried. The Country from Cousasar to Nesbin is a large Plain, where for the first days journey you shall see no other green Herb upon the Ground but only Pimpernel; the Roots whereof are so large, that there are some a Foot and a half in diameter. The next day, the Fields are covered with a large thick Leaf, the Root whereof is bulbous, and as big as an Egg. There are also great store of yellow, read, and violet Flowers, Tulips of several colours, Emonies, and single Daffodils. But in general Mesopotamia is a very barren Country, and there are very few places that can be bettered by Art or Industry. Nesbin is only the Shadow of the ancient Nisibis, being now only a large Village; the Inhabitants whereof are Christians, both Armenians and Nestorians. Our Caravan lodged a little beyond, in a Churchyard adjoining to one of the Armenian Churches. The next day, hearing people sing, I went to the Church with the two Capuchins, where I saw an Armenian Bishop, with his Mitre, and a wooden Crosier, accompanied with several Priests and a good Congregation. When Service was done, after some few Compliments between us, he led us down un●er the Church into a Chapel, where he showed us the Sepulchre of St. James Bishop of Nisibis. In the Churchyard is a Stone about a Foot thick, and six high; upon which were laid several Candles of Wax and Tallow, which the Poor offer in their Necessities, but especially in their Sicknesses. They believe that Stone to have been the Pedestal for the Statue of some Saint, which the Turks have defaced: so that they give the same Honour to the Pedestal, as they would have given to the Statue. There are also some Roman Characters to be seen, but half worn out, and spaces broken of in some parts: so that I could not learn, in Honour of whom that Statue was erected. Half a League from Nisbin runs a River, which you cross over a Stone-Bridge. In the way to the River are several pieces of Wall, with an Arch, which made me conjecture, that formerly the City extended as far as the River. Twice Musket-shot from the River you meet with a Stone half buried, upon which are written certain Latin Words; whereby it appears that it was the Tombstone of the General of an Army that was a Frenchman: but I could not read his Name, which time had defaced. The same Bishop informed us, that formerly the Moors having besieged City, there came such a prodigious company of strange Flies, and did so torment both Men and Horses, that they were forced to strange the Siege. You must pay the same Toll at Nisbin as in other places, that is, two Piastres and a half for every Mule or Horses Load. We lay there three days together, to furnish ourselves with Provisions till we came to Moussul, which is five days journey from Nisbin; the Country between being altogether desert and uninhabited. There is no Water to be sound but in two places, and that not very good neither; near to which you shall see some few Herdsmen grazing their cattle. The first of April we departed from Nisbin; and after we had travelled eleven hours, we lay near to a River, whither certain Shepherds brought us Hens to cell. The second we travelled ten hours, and lay at a paltry Town, where we met with nothing to eat. The third we travelled thirteen hours, and lodged by a pitiful Fountain, the Water whereof was hardly good enough for our Horses. The fourth we travelled ten hours, and came to lodge by the Bank of a little River, near to which appeared the Ruins of a Bridge and a Castle. The fifth we travelled eleven hours, to reach Moussul, which is not far from the ancient Niniveh. Moussul is a City that makes a great show without, the Walls being of Freestone; but within it is almost all, ruin'd having only two blind Market-places, with a little Castle upon the Tigris, where the Bassa lives. In a word, there is nothing worth a Man's sight in Moussul, the place being only considerable for the great concourse of Merchants; especially the Arabians and Curds, which are the Inhabitants of the ancient Assyria, now called Curdistan, where there grows great plenty of Galls, and for which there is a great Trade. There are in it four sorts of Christians, Greeks, Armenians, Nestorians, and Maronites. The Capuchins had a pretty Dwelling upon the Tigris; but the Bassa laying a Fine upon them, because they went about a little to enlarge it, they were for'd to quit it. The City is governed by a Bassa, that has under him, part Janissaries, part Spahi's, about three thousand Men. There are only two scurvy Inns in Moussul, which being full when we came, I caused my Tent to be set up at the Meydan, or great Marketplace. Now to say something in general of the difference of the two Rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, in reference to their Course and Waters: I observed that the Water of Euphrates appeared somewhat read; and that the Stream was not so swift as that of Tigris, which seemed to be whitish, like the Loire. As for its Course, Euphrates runs a far longer way than Tigris. But now let us cross the Tigris, over a Bridge of Boats, to view the sad Ruins of a City that has made such a noise in the World; though there be now scarce any appearance of its ancient splendour. Niniveh was built upon the left Shoar of the Tigris, upon Assyria-side, being now only a heap of Rubbish extending almost a League along the River. There are abundance of Vaults and Caverns uninhabited; nor could a man well conjecture whether they were the ancient Habitations of the people, or whether any houses had been built upon them in former times; for most of the houses in Turkey are like Cellars, or else but one Story high. Half a League from Tigris stands a little Hill encompassed with Houses, on the top whereof is built a Mosque. The people of the Country say 'twas the place where Ionas was buried; and for that place they have so great a veneration, that no Christians are suffered to enter into it, but privately, and for Money. By that means I g●t in with two Capuchin Friars; but we were forced to put of our Shoes first. In the middle of the Mosque stood a Sepulchre, covered with a Persian Carpet of Silk and Silver, and at the four corners, great Copper Candlesticks with Wax Tapers, besides several Lamps and Ostrich-shells that hung down from the Roof. We saw a great number of Moors without, and within sat two Dervi's reading the Alcoran. About a Musket-Shot from Moussul toward the North-East, stands a great Ruined Monastery, enclosed with high Walls, the greatest part whereof is still to be seen. We stayed ten days at Moussul, and having provided all things ready for the rest of our Journey, we set forward for Ispahan. CHAP. V A Continuation of the Road from Nineveh to Ispahan: Together with the Story of an Ambassador, called Dominico de Santis. HAving passed the Tigris, we stayed three quarters of an hours Journey from Nineveh for some Merchants that were to go along with the Caravan. The way which we took was not the usual Road to Persia; but it was a way wherein there were lesle Duties to be paid; and besides, it was a short cut, the Caravan making but fifty-eight days Journey between Aleppo and Ispahan. From the very banks of the River to the place where we Lodged that Evening, we saw nothing but continued Ruins, which makes me believe, it was the place where the ancient Nineveh stood. We stayed two days near the Mosque, where according to the tradition of the Turk, Ionas was buried, and made choice of a Curd, or Assyrian, for our Caravan-Bashi, though the people are generally Thiefs, and must be carefully looked after. But it was a piece of Policy, because we were to cross the ancient Assyria, now called Curdistan; the Language of which Country is a particular Speech. In the two first days Journey we crossed two small Rivers that fall from the Mountains, and empty themselves into Tigris. Our first Journey was through a plain Country all along by the side of a little River; and the second Evening we lodged by the side of a great River that falls from the Mountains toward the North, and running to the South, discharges itself into Tigris It is called Bohrus, being a very rapid Stream, full of Fish, but more especially excellent Trout. The Caravan was two days passing that River, by reason there were not Boats. For the people are forced to tie long Perches four five together one upon another, which the Natives call a Kilet. They make it foursquare, and put underneath it about a hundred Goatskins full of wind, to the end the Kilet may not touch the water. Besides the Merchant must be careful to spread good store of thick Felts over the Kilet, of which he must be provided to keep of the Water, jest the Bales that sink the Kilet should take wet. At the four corners are four Perches that serve for Oars, though they avail but little against the force of the Tide; so that you must be forced to hale the Kilet four or five hundred Paces a'this side up the River, and than row down the Stream to the place where you intent to Land the Goods. When the Goods are Landed, the men are forced again to draw the Kilet by main strength out of the water, to take away the Goatskins which are than to be laden upon the Mules appointed to carry them. As for the Horses, Mules, and Asses, as well those that carried the Goods, as those upon which the men ride; so soon as the Herds men thereabout see a C●ravan coming, they flock to the Riverside. Those people that wear nothing but a course piece of Linen or a Goatskin to cover their nakedness, take of their clothes and wind them about their Heads, like a Turban. Than every one ●yes a Goat skin blowed up under his Stomach; and than two or three of the most expert mounting the same number of the best Horses, which are brid●'d, put themselves first into the Water, while others follow them swimming, and drive the Horses before them; holding the Beast by the Tail with one hand, and switching him with the other. If they found any Horse or Ass that is too weak, they tie a Goatskin under his Belly to help him. Considering which difficulties, it cannot take up lesle time than I have mentioned to get over a Caravan of five or six hundred Horses. The Caravan being thus got over, for two or three days has but a very bad Road. The first days journey the Horses were continually in the Water up to the leg; and the second, and part of the third we travelled through a very desert Country, where we met with very little food for our Horses, and only a few Brakes to boy● our Rice. Having got over this bad way, we came to a River called the great Zar●e, over which we passed upon a Stone-Bridge of nine Arches. They report that this Bridge was built by Alexander the Great, in his March against Darius. A quarter of a League to the South▪ East, two Rivers meet, which empty themselves into Tigris. Leaving the Bridge, we came to a Town called Sherazoul, built upon a rising Ground, upon three Redoubts. There resides a Bassa, who must be bribed with a small Present to let the Caravan pass; we lay by the Banks of a River, and stayed there two days. From thence we travelled one days journey over dry Mountains, not finding any Water. But the next day we came into a pleasant Plain, stored with Fruit-trees. This was the Plain of Arbele, where Alexander defeated Darius; containing about fifteen Leagues in all. It is watered with several Rivulets, and in the middle of the Mountain rises a little Hill about half a League in circuit. It is all over covered with the fairest Oaks that ever were seen; and on the top are the Ruins of a Castle, that seems to have been a sumptuous Structure. The Countrypeople say that Darius stayed there while his Captains gave Battle to Alexander. Three Leagues from thence, near a great Mountain toward the North, are to be seen the Ruins of another Castle and several Houses, where they add, that Darius secured some of his Wives when he lost the Battle. This Castle is seated in a most lovely Prospect. At the foot o● the Mountain rises a Spring, which a quarter of a League of swells into a River that bears good big Boats. It runs winding about the Mountains to the Southward; so that two days journey from the Hill, you cross it near a Town called Sherazoul, over a fair Stone-Bridge of nine Arches, whereof the Great Sha-Abas caused three to be broken down after he had taken Bagdat. This City of Sherazoul is built after another manner than any other of the Cities in those parts, being all cut out of a steep Rock for a quarter of a League together; so that you must go up to the Houses by Stairs of fifteen, or twenty steps, sometimes more, sometimes lesle according to the situation of the place. The people have no other Doors to their Houses than only a thin round Stone, like a Mill stone, which they will roll away when they go in or out, the sides of the Wall being so cut as to receive the Stone like a Case, being levelly with the Rock. The tops of their Houses are like Niches in the Mountain, where the Inhabitants have contrived Caves to keep their cattle in: So that we judged it to be built for a place of safety to secure the Inhabitants from the Incursions of the Arabians and Bedovins of Mesopotamia. We came to Sherazoul upon Easter-Eve, and stayed there three days to refresh ourselves, after a Lent which we had kept very sparingly. Here I found certain Springs that risen up in large Bubbles, which after I had mixed with two Glasses of Wine and drank up, I found to have a Purgative quality, having a kind of Mineral ●ast. These Springs boil up near the side of a River called Altun sou, or, The River of Gold, that falls into the River Tigris, three days journey on this side Bagdat. The next day we lay at a pitiful Town, upon the Frontiers of Turkey and Persia. The next day, being the fifth after we set out from Nineveh, we passed over several Fens and hot Waters, that part the two Empires. Entering thus into Persia, we met with a high Mountain covered with fair Oaks, which bear the Gall-Nuts, so high, that the Caravan was some hours ere it could get to the top. As we ascended, but especially when we were up, we heard several Muskets go of. At first we thought the people had been hunting the wild Boars or Stags, of which the Mountains are full: but the report of the Guns being too loud and too thick for Hunters, we stood upon our guard; and I believe we should have mended our paces, had we known what was intended us. Besides, I remembered that the Country people would not cell any thing but for Powder and Bullet, which the Caravan-Bashi advised me not to let them have, for fear they should make use of it against ourselves. From the Mountain we descended into a fertile Plain, watered with several Rivers; and night approaching, we set up our Tents, not fearing any thing, because we were in the Dominions of the King of Persia, where there is so much security in travelling. After that we sent our Servants to the Tents of the Countrymen, but they brought us nothing but Bread made of Acorns, than which the poor people thereabouts eat no other. This Acorn is about the bigness of our Nuts; and once I met with a Branch that had thirty Acorns, and twentythree Gall-Nuts, all at one time growing upon it. The Province which we travelled through than, composed the greatest part of the ancient Assyria. But now to come to the Story of Dominico de Santis the Venetian. He had Letters of Credence from the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Republic of Venice, to the King of Persia; and he went in the Caravan through the Grand Signor's Territories, never discovering himself who he was; but coming into Persia, he took upon him without fear the Title of Ambassador from the Commonwealth of Venice. From the Plain where we lodged, it is two days journey to a good ●●g Town, to which belongs a Fortress, where the Governor of the Province has a Lieutenant, with about two thousand Horse under his Command. The Fortress is upon the right hand toward the South, after three hours riding upon the Highway. To this Lieutenant, the Caravan-Bashi was according to duty bound to give notice of the Arrival of the Caravan, and an account of the Persons and their Merchandise. This Venetian was a person ill fitted for the quality of an Ambassador, being a person of no Parts; which made me wonder that such great Princes, and so wise a Commonwealth, should sand such a person upon a Concern of that importance. For the Grand Signior than assailing Candy, he was sent to excite the King of Persia to engage him in a War against the Turk, thereby to keep of the Storm that threatened Christendom. Thereupon I told the Ambassador, that it was necessary for him to give the Commander of the Fort first notice of his coming, to the end he might give advice thereof to Solyman Can Governor of the Province, whose duty it was to advertise the King. Thereupon he requested me to sand my Interpreter, which I did. Upon whose intelligence the Lieutenant of the Fort came to Compliment the Ambassador on the behalf of the chief Commander, and to conduct him to the Castle. Thereupon the Ambassador, myself, and my Interpreter, together with some Armenian Merchants went with him, travelling for three hours over the Mountains. By that time we came half the way, as we passed through a Wood, we heard as it were some person give a Whistle; at which when the Lieutenant perceived us to be somewhat startled, he carried us to the place from whence the Whistle came, where we saw a Serpent about as big as a Man's Thigh, and about twelve Foot long, whose head was squeezed between two Trees, that put him to pain. From that Mountain we descended into a pleasant Plain, where the Commander of the Fortress stayed for us under his Tent. He had set it up by the side of a River, under the shade of several great Walnut-trees. So soon as he saw us, he risen from his great Silk Tapestry Coverlet, and saluted us in a most civil manner, telling us, that assuredly Sha-Abas, his Master, would be very glad to hear that the Monarches of Christendom had sent him an Ambassador, and that be would writ to Solyman Can, whose duty it was to advertise the Emperor. Thereupon he wrote and dispatched away a Messenger, giving him order to tell the Deroga, or Judge of the Town, through which we were to pass, that he should make Provision for us and out Horses till we came to the Governor. After he had asked us several Questions concerning the War between the Grand Signior and the Venetians, how many thousand men he had as well by Sea as Land, and what number of Galleys and Ships? wherein we satisfied him according to the best of our knowledge. After he had civilly treated us, he sent his Lieutenant back with us again to the Caravan. About ten a Clock the next night we dislodged, and the Lieutenant and six Soldiers attended upon us▪ who told us he had order not to leave us, till he had brought us to Solyman Can. The next night we lodged between two Hills, among several Tents of Herdsmen. Here it was that the Commander had ordered that we should be treatrd by the Deroga. A Deroga, as I have said, is the Judge of a Village: But this Deroga was chief of many Families, some of which were of Mesopotamia, others of Arabia. These are all Herdsmen that never live in Houses, but retire with their Ca●tle to the holes in the Rocks, where partly Nature, partly Art, have contributed to make them convenient Habitations. So soon as we were alighted, four ancient men came and led the Ambassador and myself to the Derogas Tent. It seemed to consist of many Rooms, with a Hall in the middle, spread with Persian Carpets. He caused us to sit down upon Cushions, and than presented us with a Pipe of Tobacco, and Water to wash our Feet. After he had nobly treated us, and that we were upon taking our leaves, the Deroga was very much troubled that we had made a small Present to his Son; telling us, that it was a crime for him to take any thing of the King's Guests, especially from Strangers that had come so long a Journey. The next day we lodged in a place where there was such a prodigious quantity of Lilies that the Ground was almost covered with them. There were none that were white, being for the most part of a fair Violet colour, with a streak of Read in the middle of every leaf; they are like our Lilies, but much bigger. And to drink the infusion of the Roots of these Lilies, especially those whose Leaves are blackest, for fifteen days together, is a most Sovereign remedy against the ●ox. Not long after came a Person of a goodly Aspect, who seemed to be an Arabian, but he spoke the Persian Language, whom Solyman Can had sent to Compliment the Ambassador. He carried us to the Tent which the Governor had caused to be set up in a Garden near the Town, where he also Lodged the Capuchins. The Ambassador also sent to Compliment the Can by my interpreter; an● when the hour was come that we were to set forward, he gave order to six of the Captains of his Cavalry to accompany the Ambassador. The House where the Governor lived in, was one of the most beautiful in Persia. And as for the Governor himself, we found him in a Gallery that looked upon the Garden, the Floor being all spread ●ver with Tapestry of Gold and Silk, with large Cushions of Cloth of Gold all along the Wall. After some Questions and discourse concerning the Affairs of Europe, they served in Supper, which consisted of several Dishes; but no Wine was to be had; our drink being only Sherbet and the juice of Granates, with Sugar for those that desired it. We were a long time at Supper, for 'tis the custom of Persia that when one man rises, another takes his place and falls too, in so much that the Master of the Feast must have the Patience to stay till several have taken their turns; and when every one has done, the Cloth is taken away without any more to do. Here the Ambassador committed an absurdity; for there are no Silver or Gold Spoons in Persia, but only long Wooden Ladles that reach a great way. Now the Ambassador reaching his Ladle to a Purslane-Dish full of Pottage that was scalding hot, clapped it presently into his mouth; but finding it so hot that he could not endure it, after several scurvy faces, he threw it out of his mouth again into his hand, in the presence of all the Company. After we had stayed five days at Sneirne, the Caravan-Bashi signified his desire to pursue his Journey. Thereupon the Ambassador took his leave of the Governor, presenting him with a Watch and a pair of Pistols; who in retaliation presented the Ambassador with a stately Horse, and a Colt of two years old. The next day we dislodged, and▪ pursued our Road to Amadan, which is not above three days Journey from Sneirne. Amadan is one▪ of the largest and most considerable Cities of Persia, seated at the foot of a Mountain, where do arise an infinite company of Springs that do water all the Country. The Land about it abounds in Corn and Rice, wherewith it furnishe● the greatest part of the neighbouring Provinces. Which is the reason that some of the Persian Statesmen hold it very inconvenient for the King of Persia to keep Bagdat, as well by reason of the vastness of the Charge, as also for that it draws from Amadan that which should supply other Provinces. On the other side, it is easy for the Grand Signior to hold it, by reason of the neighbourhood of Mesopotamia, Assyria, and the Arabs, Enemies to the Persians': by which means Provisions are very cheap, which the people would not know where to put of, if the King of Persia were Lord of Bagdat. We stayed at Amadan about ten days, by reason of the Rains; during which time the Caravans cannot travel. While we tarried there, we were visited by several Babylonian Christians, who were glad to see that we had escaped the Clutches of the Bassa of Bagdat, who had given order to the Bassa of Karkou, and the Bey of Sharaffou that commands the Frontiers of Turkey, to seize us, and carry us back ●o Bagdat. For which we might have thanked the Ambassador, and a malicious Rabbi, that came along with us in the Caravan from Aleppo●▪ who finding the Feast of the Tabernacles to be at hand, and that we had a great way to Ispahan▪ left us at Niniveh, to keep the Festival with the Jews of Babylon. Where that he might insinuate himself into the Bassa's favour, he informed him that there was a Fringuiz in the Garavan, whom he looked upon as a Spy, and that he was an Envoy into Persia from the Commonwealth of Venice; for he carried no Merchandise, but had three Chests full of rich Habits, and several other things, which he took for Presents to the Persian King. For out of vanity or folly, the Venetian had several times opened his Chest and exposed his Gallantry to view. And yet he was so clutch-fisted and niggardly in every thing, that when there was any occasion to reward the Khan's Servant, or any of the Countrymen that brought us the Dainties of the place, it came all out of my Pocket. So that I left him to my Interpreter and the two Capuchins; and with three Servants and a Guide, after I had stayed at Amadan three days, I took Horse for Ispahan. When I came there, the Nazar or Master of the King's Household hearing I had left an Ambassador behind me with the Caravan, enquired of me what manner of Person he was, but I pretended I had but little converse with him, unwilling to discover his mean Spirit. The Evening before his Arrival the Nazar sent to give the Fringuiz notice in the King's Name, that they should be ready to go meet the Ambassador the next day; which we did, and brought him into the City and through Ali's Gate, that joins to the King's Palace. Now 'tis the custom for all Ambassadors to salute that Gate, by reason of a white Marble Stone made like an Ass' back, and which serves for a Step: being, as they report, brought anciently out of Arabia, where Ali lived. So soon as you have strid over that Stone without touching it, which were a great crime, you enter into a kind of a Gallery, where there are Rooms on each side, which serve for a Sanctuary for Criminals, which the King himself cannot fetch out of that place. That day that the new King receives his Ensigns of Royalty, he goes to stride over that Stone; and if by negligence he should chance to touch it, there are four Guards at the Gate, that would make a show of thrusting him back again. But now the Master of the Ceremonies being ready to conduct the Ambassador to the Apartment allotted him, as an Ambassador that came from three great Monarches, and a potent Commonwealth, he desired to lodge at the House of one Pietro Pentalet, descended from Venetian Parents; whereupon the Master of the Ceremonies conducted him thither, and caused his Dinner to be brought him. While we were eating, I counted thirteen Languages spoken at the Table; Latin, French, High-Dutch, English, Low-Dutch, Italian, Portuguez, Persian, Turkish, Arabic, Indian, Syriac, and Malaye, which is the Language of the Learned, that is spoken from the River Indus to China and Japan, and in all the Islands of the East, like Latin in Europe; not reckoning the little Moresco or Gibberish of the Country. So that it is a difficult thing to observe what is talked in one Company, where the Discourse gins in one Language, is pursued in another, and finished in a third: and for the Turks and Armenians, they never speak above three or four Languages at most. Now to show you the Civility of the Persians'; the Master of the Ceremonies came to the Ambassador and told him, that if he did not like the Cookery of the Persians', he had Order from the 〈◊〉 who is as the Grand Vizier in Turkey, to offer him Money instead of Diet, to the end he might dress his own Meat as he pleased himself. Upon which the covetous Ambassador accepted his offer, and two hours after there was a Bag brought him of 50 Tomans. which amount to about 800 Crowns. The Franks being offended at his baseness, slighted the Ambassador, and left him to keep House by himself, which was poor enough God knows; an Onion or A Turnip serving his turn for a Meal. Some days after, he had audience of the King, to whom he presented his Letters Credential from the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Commonwealth of Venice. Those from the three last were well received, because the Seals were of Gold, and for that the Paper was embellished with curious Flourishes; but the Pope's Letters were rejected with scorn because the Seals were only of Lead, as the Bulls are usually sealed; and for that the Writing was very plai●▪ For the Kings of Persia, who are very nice, love things that are gay to the Eye; otherwise they look upon themselves to be affronted. Dominico de Santis had better have taken upon him the meaner quality of an Envoy, than the title of an Ambassador, unless he had known better how to behave himself; especially being so eclipsed as he was by a real Ambassador that arrived at Ispahan some time after. All the Franks went forth to meet him, and the Master of the Ceremonies made him the same proffers as he had done to the Venetian: but he nobly answered, That whatever it were that the King of Persia ●ent him, he should take it for a very great Honour: otherwise, if he would have eaten Gold, the King his Master would have allowed him 30 M●les Load. Such persons as behave themselves with decency and at good grace, are the persons that the Christian Princes should sand into Persia, who are the most refined Wits, and the best Politicians of all Asia. To conclude the Story of the Venetian, I will give you his Character. An Indian naturally of a good Wit having embraced Christianity and an Ecclesiastical Life, went to Rome to complete his Studies which he had begun at Goa; whether, the Pope, taking an affection to him, sent him afterwards as his Vicar. Dominico de Santis being▪ than at Rome, put himself into his service, and followed him into the Indieses, where I saw him the first time I went, in a mean condition. Upon his return to Venice, where he was in no credit before, he made people believe that he understood the Trade of Asia; whereupon some particular Merchants trusted him with some Goods, which were cast away at Said. Thus poor and bore he returned to Goa, where he got 800 Crowns by a charitable Contribution. From thence he travelled to Ispahan, where he fell into the acquaintance of Father Rigordi a Jesuit, with whom he went into Poland: where making his brags of the great knowledge he had of the Affairs of Persia, the King gave him that Commission which I have already mentioned. The Emperor followed his Example, and the Commonwealth of Venice did the same: and to give the more lustre and authority to his Embassy, they got the Pope to join with them. But alas! both Dominico de Santis, and all such persons as he, that go into Asia without Brains and good Behaviour, do but prostitute the Reputation of the Princes that sand them. Such another was Father Rigordi, who after he had been thrust out of Goa by the Portugals, went to Ispahan, where he insinuated himself by a Proposition which he made of Marrying the King of Persia, who was than a very young Prince, to the Duchess of Orleans. Under which pretence he was well received and treated by the King; from whom he also received some Presents by virtue of that Proposal, which was good sport to the Duchess when she heard of it. As for the Venetian, the Atemadoulet, who was very glad to be rid of him, desired the Muscovite Ambassador, who was than upon his return home, to take him along with him, which he did as far as the Caspian Sea, where they take Shipping for Astracan; but there the Muscovite told him he could carry him not further: thereupon he was forced to come back to Ispahan, and so to travel to Goa, whence the Portugals shipped him home for Charity's sake. But when he came to Venice, he was so far from being well received, that the Senate had like to have punished him severely for giving so bad an account of his Negotiation. CHAP. VI Of the Road which the Author kept, when he Travelled the fourth time into Asia, to go from Paris to Ormus. And first of his Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta. I Set out from Paris in the company of Monsieur d' Ardiliere the eighteenth of June, 1651. and arrived at Marseilles the sixteenth of July. On the twenty-sixth of August we set Sail, with a favourable North-West Wind that blew very briskly the two next days; but at length it grew so very slack, that coming about to the North North-East, we made for Sardinia. Upon the second of September by Sun▪ rising, we discovered the Western Coast of Sardinia, six Leagues from the Land. About Noon the Wind chopping about again to the North West, we held on our first Course; and upon the third of September, we descried the Island Galita upon the Coast of Africa. On the fourth we discovered the Island of Zambino before Tunis, and about Evening Cape Bon, which is the most Southerly Point of all Africa. The fifth we had a sight o● the Island of Pantalaria, and the Coast of Sicily. The sixth we discovered the Island of Goza, and the seventh the Castle that bears the same name. We landed at Malta upon the day of the Nativity of the Virgin, which is a great day among the Malteses, upon which they give thanks to God, for that the Turks raised their Siege upon that day. The Grand Master goes to the Church of St. John, accompanied with all the chief Commanders in their Robes of Command, and the greatest part of the Knights. All the Countrymen and Citizens are up in Arms upon that day, and march to the Inn called the Auvernian▪ house, with the Knight that goes to fetch the Standard. This Knight is clad in a Cassock of Crimson Velvet, with a Cross of the Order, before and behind. He wears a Helmet upon his head, and carries the Standard upon his shoulders; and by him marches the Grand-Master's Page, who carries a Sword in one hand, and a Dagger in the other, both very richly Embellished, and given the the Order by CHARLES the fifth. The Page that carried the Sword and Dagger was the youngest Nephew of Pope Innocent the tenth. The Soldiers and Citizens marching before to the Church door make a Lane for the Knight and the Page to pass on to the Altar, where the Knight makes three bows, and having done as much to the Grand-Master, places himself on the right hand of the Grand-Masters Chair, and the Page on the least. Than the Mass and the Music gins, and while the Gospel is reading, the Grand-Master takes the Sword and the Dagger out of the Page's hand, and holds them with the points upward all the remaining part of the Mass. During the Elevation of the Host, the Knights repeats the ●ame Ceremony as at the beginning; and than the Bells ring, the great Guns go of, and the Soldiers give three Volleys. Mass being ended, the Grand-Master retires, accompanied as before, only that he is than attended by all the Ecclesiastical persons of the City, and coming out of the Church, he proceeds with all the Infantry marching before him toward our Lady's of Victory, where they all go in procession. While they make a stand in that place, the Soldiers give another Volley, which is answered by all the Canons in the Town, as also from the Ships and Galleys. After that they return to St. John's; and the Infantry Guard the Standard back to the Inn, while the Grand-Master goes to his Palace. The ninth we viewed the Fortifications, which are stored with very fair pieces of Canon. The tenth we saw the Pages perform their Exercises before the Grand-Master, which are generally vaulting and handling their Arms, both Musket and Pike. The elev'nth we viewed the Arsenal, where I was assured that there were Arms for twenty thousand men, being in good order, and rarely well looked after. The next● day we visited the Infirmary, where the sick are served in Plate, as well the poor as ric●. The twentieth we set Sail, having the Wind at West-South-West, and a fresh gale; so that upon the twenty-third we discovered the Coast of the Morea, to which we approached so near, as to descry Navarin. In the Evening we saw the City of Coron, where there is a great Trade for Salad-oil. From thence it was that the Great Turk Embarked for Candy in the year 1645. The twenty-fourth the Wind was at East▪ North-East. In the Morning we discovered the Cape of Matapan, which is the most Southern Point of Land in Europe, lying in the Morea, and at Noon the Island of Chergigo. The twenty-fifth we drew near Cyprus, and descried a Mountain in that Island called Cam●liere, with some other Promontories toward the South. From the twentyseventh day till we came to Alexandretta, we perceived the Sea to be all over covered with Pumice-stones, which happened from an Earthquake that had for some time before swallowed up the Island of Santorini. Some think that it proceeded from the abundance of Sulphur, of which that Country is full, which took Fire, and was the death of above 750 of the Islanders, that were partly buried in the Ruins, and partly died out of fear. They that remained alive became black like Charcoal; and the Vapours that ascended out of the Abyss sullied all the Silver as far as Constantinople; the noise of the Earthquake being heard as far as Smyrna. The twenty-ninth by break of day we discovered the Island of Cyprus. The first of October by eight in the Morning we came to an Anchor before Salines, which is one of the Ports of Cyprus, where our Consuls live. Here I asked several of the Christians of the Country, how they did to live and pay their Carriage? Who told me that it was with a great deal of difficulty, in regard the Island was very bore of Money; which was the reason that many Christians turned Mahometans, to avoid paying their Carriage, which is a Tribute that the Grand Signior lays upon all Christians throughout his Dominions. He exacts from the poorest fix Piastres a Head; but there are some that pay a hundred, or a hundred and fifty: and this Tribute is due so soon as ever they come to be eighteen years of age. The Island of Cyprus is one of the most considerable in the Mediterranean Sea, more to the East than any of the rest; bearing the title of a Kingdom, as being 500 Miles in circuit. It is not all of the same breadth, being of a triangular form, the sides whereof are very unequal. To it there belong several Capes or Promontories, the principal whereof are St. Epiphanio, toward the West; Cape de Gate, toward the South; Cape Diegrega, toward the North-East; Cape Cormachiti, toward the North; and Cape St. Andrew, upon the most Eastern Point of the Island. The principal Roads are that of Salines or Larneca, that of Paphos, and that of Cerines' or Cerigni. The Haven of Famagosta signifies nothing as to great Ships, there being none but small Vessels that can ride there. The Venetians had formerly made a small Mole there to harbour their Galleys; but it is now quite ruin'd. The Road of Cerines' is that where the Barks and Galliots lie that come from Caramania, and Payasses; and where the Bassa's land that are sent as Governors of the Island from Constantinople, who reside generally at Nicosia. That City is almost in the middle of the Island, and was formerly a very large one, as appears by the compass of the ancient Walls. The new Walls are well terraced withinside, and in a good posture of defence. There are three Gates belong to the City; that of Famagosta, that of Paphos, and that of Cerines'. The City itself is no uncomely place; the Venetians having adorned it with many fair Palaces, which the Turks demolish every day, out of hopes to found hidd'n Treasure therein, and cell the Stones to build new Houses. The Cathedral that goes by the name of Santa Sophia is an ample and fair Structure, of which the Turks have now made a Mosque, together with one more, which was formerly a Monastery belonging to the Austin▪ Friars. The Greeks have there four Churches, and the Franks two; that is to say, the French Missionary Capuchins, and the Italian Missionary Soccolans. The first have a Church didicated to St. James, the others another, which is called Holy Rood Church. The Armenians also have another belonging to them, which is a very neat Building, which was formerly a Monastery of the Carthusians. There it is that there is a Tomb, adorned with several Sculptures of Religious Nuns, especially an Abbess with a Cross in her Hand, the Writing about the Stone being in French Characters. The City is seated in a temperate Air and a fertile Soil, abounding with Water. It extends more in length than breadth, having been anciently nine Miles in compass; but the Venetians to make it stronger, reduced it to the circuit of three. The Work of the Fortification was so neat, and such a proportion observed in all things, that the most famous Engineers esteemed it one of the most stately Fortresses in the World, when Selim the Second sent an Army against it, under the Command of Mustapha his Grand Vizier. Famagosta is a Sea-Town upon the East-side of the Island, and the chief Bulwark of it. It is kept in good repair, the Castle within being in form of a Citadel. The Turks have converted into Mosques the Churches of the Christians, who are not suffered to devil in the City. They have only the liberty to come thither in the day, and to open Shops, which they shut up again at night, and than go home to their Houses in the neighbouring Villages. The City is governed by a Bey, who has no dependence upon the Governor of the Island, who is obliged to maintain a Galley for the guard of the Coast. Cerines' is another little City, but without any defence, the Walls thereof being all tumbled to ruin. Only there is a Fortress toward the Sea, well built, with a Garrison in it. There is also a handsome Monastery of Religious Greeks, built somewhat after the French manner; wherein there are some of the Cells which stand so upon the Sea, that they can fish out of the Windows. The Fields about it bear Cotton, which is the chief Revenue of the Monastery. There is only the Fort of Cerines' upon the North, where the Island does not lie so open as toward the South and East; which besides by that of Famagosta, are guarded by the Forts of Salines, Limisso, and Paphos. The Inhabitants of the Island are for the most part Greeks, especially in the Villages. They are clad after the Italian manner, both Men and Women; the Men wearing Hats like the Franks, and retaining their ancient Customs as much as is possible for them to do. The Trade of the Island lies in Cotton wool, which is the best in all the East; and some Silk, which is neither good, nor very plentiful. However the Island is fertile enough, did it not want Inhabitants enough to till it. As for Bread, Wine, Cheese, and Milk, they are all very cheap, and there is Oil enough to serve the Island. But for the Wine, it is transported out of the Island to all the places of Trade not far distant. The best grows at the foot of Olympus, and is a delicious fort of Drink. The Country between Nicosia and Famagosta produces Cotton, of which there grows also some between Paphos and Limisso. The chief place where the Silk is made is called Cytherea, a large Town watered with a fair River that runs from the Mountain of Venus. The River turns several Mills, which are the chief Revenue of the Island. There is Silk also made between Paphos and Limisso; upon the Road between which two places you meet with a Town called Piscopi, where are to be seen several Aqueducts, that carried the Water into the Rooms and Magazines were the people formerly made Sugar. But since the Island was taken from the Venetians, one of the Bassa's that was sent as Governor, burnt up all the Sugarcanes in the Country. Toward the Sea shore near Limisso, is to be seen one of the fairest Gardens of Cyprus, which they call Shiti; to which there belongs a magnificent House, and a Grove of Orange-Trees. It was built by a rich Venetian, who had a good Estate in Lands thereabouts. In Cpprus the people take a vast number of Birds as big as a Lark, especially near the Mountain of the Holy Cross. In the Months of September and October the Countrypeople of the adjacent Villages make themselves little Huts in the Fields, where usually those Birds are want to light, and feed upon the Seed of an Herb that grows there; which when it is dry, the people daub over with Lime twigs. But this they never do but when the North-West Wind blows, and that the weather be very cold; for with a Southerly Wind they never take any. These Birds are accounted great Dainties by the Venetians, who make no great Feasts in Carnival-time wherein they do not set these Birds upon the Table, piled up in Dishes like a Pyramid. They buy them up every year; being first prepared fit for exportation by the people, who having pulled of their Feathers, parboil them, and pickle them up in Barrels with Vinegar and Salt. When they are to be eaten, they are set upon a Chase dish, between two Dishes. Sometimes there are above a thousand Barrels exported out of the Island; and indeed, were it not for this Trade, the poor people would see but very little Money. Upon the Mountain of the Holy Cross stands a Church of the same name; upon which the report of the Country goes, that St. Helena returning from Jerusalem left a piece of our Saviour's Cross with the Christians of Cyprus, who built a Church there, by means of the Liberality of the same Princess. Afterwards those of the Town of Leucara took it from hence, and carried it to their Church, where I saw it. The piece is as big as the Palm of a Man's Hand, set in a great Cross of Latin, embossed with several Figures. In the Kingdom of Cyprus that there is an Archbishop, and three Suffragans. The Archbishop takes upon him the Title of Nicosia; to which Famagosta belongs with all the Country between Nicosia and Famagosta, with the Territories of Nicosia and all the Villages round. He has a House about a League from Nicosia, where the chiefest of his Revenue lies. Some years since he caused the high Altar of the Church to be painted and guilded, being a neat piece of Workmanship. Thus the Archbishop has under his Jurisdiction all the middle part of the Island, and some part toward the East. The Bishops are the Bishops of Paphos, Larneca, and C●rines. The Greeks are very much addicted to the observation of their ancient Customs and Ceremonies; and generally their Masses are very long. Upon Sundays and Holy-days they rise between one and two of the Clock in the Morning to sing Matins. To which purpose there is a Clerk that goes from door to door and knocks with a Hammer, to wake the people, and than cries out with a loud voice, Christians go to Church. The men and old women fail not to go as being more zealous; but the maids and young women never go out of doors in the night for fear of the Turks. There are seven or eight Villages, the Inhabitants whereof are Maronites, who came from Mount Libanus, and speak Arabic at home, but Greek among the Islanders. They follow the Romish Religion, and have their Churches peculiar to themselves. The Island of Cyprus is no wholesome Air, being subject to the spoil of a sort of Locusts, that some Summers destroy all their Fruit and Corn During the heats they hover in the Air, which they will darken with their number like a thick Cloud; but when the North Wind blows, it carries them into the Sea, where they perish. There are in Cyprus three sorts of coloured Earth, a Grey black, a Read, and a Yellow; of which the Venetians fetch away great quantities for their courser sort of Painting. There's also a Mine of White Alum, which is the stone called Damiantlius. 'Tis thought that the Ancients had a way to spin this Alum into a kind of Cotton, and so to make out of it a certain sort of Cloth that would not consume in the Fire, but only be the more perfectly whitened thereby. The Indians formerly buried the dead bodies of their Kings deceased in Shrouds of this kind of Linen, and than putting them into the Fire, found the bodies all reduced to ashes, but the Cloth whole; out of which they took the ashes, and carefully put them into an Urn, which was prepared for their preservation. When the Bassa of Cyprus has a mind to view the Fortress of Famagosta, he sends to give the Bey, who is Governor thereof, notice of it. For it is at the Governors' choice whether he will give him admission or no. The Bassa Hali-Giorgi, being a comely old man of above a hundred and two years of age, setting out of Nicosia in his Litter with about two hundred Horse, when he was come within half a League of Famagosta, the Governor of the place sent his Lieutenant with a hundred Horse to Compliment him, and to conduct him to the Town. Immediately they took upon them the Guard of the Bassa's Litter, who was not permitted to tak● along with him above eight or ten of his principal Officers. The Canons roared at his entry, and he was treated magnificently, but he lay not in the Town, being conducted back by the same party to the place where they met him in the Morning. Upon the third day of October we set Sail about three a Clock in the Morning with a West-North-West Wind, and about Noon we were within sight of Famagosta, into which place we could by no means be admitted, by reason of the Wars between the Turks and Venetians. But as far as I could discern a far of, there is no easy access to the Port, and for the City I could descry no part of it. The fourth by break of day we got sight of the Coast of Syria, Cape Canger, and the Gold of Antioch, and about Evening we arrived in the Rood of Alexandretta. From thence we went to Aleppo, and stayed there from the seventh of October to the thirteenth of December. On the thirteenth we set forward for Nineveh, and with little variation of the Road which I have already described in my third Voyage from Paris. We arrived the second day of February at Moussul or Nineveh, where we stayed till the fifteenth, till the Kilets or Boats of the Country could be got ready. Our Kilet carried thirty Passengers, and sixty hundred of Aleppo Weight, or thirty three thousand pound of Paris Weight, upon which the Tigris bore us from Moussul to Babylon. CHAP. VII. A Continuation of the Road which the Author kept in the Fourth Voyage into Asia, and particularly of his passage upon the Tigris from Nineveh to Babylon. THE fifteenth of February we put of from Moussul, and after we had swum six hours, we came to lie near a hot Bath, about a Musket-shot from the Tigris. It was thronged with Sick people that came thither for their Recovery. We kept ourselves upon the Watch all night; but for all we could do, the Arabs stole two Coverlets from a Merchant, and a Turk's clothes that was gone into the Bath. The sixteenth, after we had rowed about five hours, we came to a huge Dam; it is 200 Foot wide, and makes a fall in the River of about 20 Fathoms steep. The Arabians said that Alexand●r the Great made it to turn the course of the River; others will have it, that Darius caused it to be made to hinder the passage of the Macedonians by Water. However, we were forced to land ourselves and our Goods, and to lad them upon Horses which the Arabs brought us. The passing this Dam is worthy observation. For it is a thing of wonder to see the Kilet all of a sudden fall above sixscore Foot, and yet to be kept by the Leather-Bottles still above Water. The Watermens that guide the Boat, tie themselves and their Oars fast to a Perch bend like a Semicircle, to defend themselves from the force of the Water. And indeed this is the Dam that renders Tigris unnavigable. The Kilet being come to the place where we expected it, we put our Goods aboard, and lay in the same place upon the Bank of the River. For the Arabs, if they perceive the Merchant's asleep, cut the Cords of the Kilet, and setting it a drift, swim after it, and rifle away what they please. The seventeenth, after three hours rowing we met with the River Zab, that empties into the Tigris, upon C●aldea▪ side. Half a League above the River stands a fair Castle of Brick upon a little Hill; but no body dwelling in it, it runs to ruin. We were twelve hours that day upon the Water, and came to lie at a place which was full of Wood, where we made great Fires, and shot of our Muskets often in the night to scare the Lions. The eighteenth we were upon the Water eighteen hours, and lay upon the Bank of the River, upon Assyria-side. That Evening the Arabs brought us Milk-Meats, and fresh Butter. They swim from the other side of the River with a Borachio under their Stomaches, and another upon their Heads, wherein they bring their Commodities; for which they will have no Money, but only Tobacco, or Biscuit, or Pepper. The nineteenth, in four hours' time we met with a River called Altum-sou, or The River of Gold. It flows from the Mountains of the Medes, and I travelled by the side of it for three days together, returning from Tauris to Aleppo, and passing the Tigris to Mesia. The Water of the River is of an excellent taste, and it falls into Tigris upon Assyria-side. All along the Tigris, on the same side, are great store of Bituminous Springs, and other Streams of hot Water that smell of Sulphur. All that day we saw none but Arabs and Curds marching along the Banks of the River, the Curds upon Mesopotamia side, and the Araebs upon Assyria side. They were at War, and both sides marched in very good order. The Young men went foremost with Bows and Arrows, and some Muskets, but several Half-Pikes. Next to them their Wives, Virgins, and Children, with their cattle, Herds, and Camels; after which marched the Old men in the rear. As well the Curds as the Arabians sent out Horsemen to scout upon the high Grounds; for as soon as they found any advantage, they presently swim their Horses over the River and shall on. Now because we would not trust those sort of People, we rowed nineteen hours to avoid 'em. The twentieth we were eleven hours upon the Tigris, and came to lie at a Town called Tigris, upon Mesopotamia side. There belongs to the Town a Castle half ruin'd, and yet there are still some handsome Chambers to be seen. Upon the North and East, the River serves for a Moat; but upon the West and South it has a deep Artificial one paved with Freestone. The Arabians say that formerly it was the strongest place in all Mesopotamia, though it be commanded by two Hills not far from it. The Christians dwelled half a League from the City, where the Ruins of a Church and part of a Steeple are still to be seen, whereby it appears to have been a a considerable Pile of Building. The twenty-first, after we had rowed three hours, we met with a Town upon Assyria side, which was called Am●t-el-tour, from the name of a person that lies interred in a Monastery, whom the people accounted to be a Saint. Therefore is it a place of great Devotion among them, so that great numbers of Votaries go thither in private. That day we were twelve hours upon the Water, and lay upon the Banks of the River. The twenty second, having been upon the Waters two hours, we met with a great Channel cut ou● of Tigris to water the Lands, which runs up as far as just overagainst Bagdat, and there falls into the Tigris again. Coming thither, we landed upon Chaldea side, by reason that there were certain Turks with us, who would of necessity perform their Devotions at a place called Samatra. In the same there is a Mosque not above half a League from the River; to which many Mahometans pay their Devoirs, especially Indians and Tartars, who believe forty of their Prophets to be buried there. When they knew us to be Christians, they would not permit us, not not for Money, to set our Feet in it. About five hundred Paces from the Mosque stands a Tower very ingeniously built. There are two Staircases without, that belong to it, made twirling like a Periwinkle-shell: one of which Staircases was built deeper into the Tower than the other. I would have taken better notice of it, could I have been permitted to have come nearer it. Only I observed that it was made of Brick, and that it seems to be very ancient. Half a League from thence appear three great Portals, that look as if they had been the Gates of some great Palace. And indeed it is not improbable but that there was some great City thereabouts; for, three Leagues all along the River there is nothing to be seen but Ruins. We were twelve hours that day upon the Water, and lay upon the Banks of Tigris, according to custom. The twenty-third, we were twenty hours upon the Water, and all the day long we saw nothing upon either side of the River but pitiful Huts made of the Branches of Palm-trees, where live certain poor people that turn the Wheels, by means whereof they water the neighbouring Grounds. We also met that day with a River called Odoine, that falls into Tigris upon the side of the ancient Chaldea. The twenty-fourth, we were twenty two hours upon the Water together, never stirring of from the Kilet. The reason is, because the Merchants having taken out os the Kilet, all their Money and the best part of their Merchandizes, give them to the Country people▪ who carry them very faithfully to Bagdat, whither they to cell their own Commodities: which the Merchants do, to avoid the payment of Five in the Hundred, in the City. I trusted them also with several things of which they gave me a very good account, as they did to others, being contended with a small matter for their pains. The twenty-fifth, about four of the Clock in the Morning we arrived at Bagdat, which is as usually called Babylon. They open the Gates by six, and than the Customers come to take an account of the Merchandise, and to search the Merchants themselves. If they found nothing about 'em, they let the Merchants go: but if they have any thing about 'em which aught to pay, they carry the persons to the Customhouse, where they writ down the quantity of the Goods, and let them go. All the Merchandise upon the Kilet is carried thither also, which the Merchant fetches away again in two or three days, paying the Custom: All which is done in very great order, without any noise or disturbance in the lest. Though Bagdat usually bear the name of Babylon, yet it is at a great distance from the ancient Babylon, whereof in due place. But now for Bagdat, as it stands at this day. Bagdat is a City seated upon the River of Tigris, on the Coast of Persia, and separated from Mesopotamia by the same River. It lies in 33 Deg. 15 Min. of Elevation. The Chronicles of the Arabians report that it was built by one of their Calisfs named Almansour, in the year of the Hegyra of Mahomet 145, and of Christianity 762, or thereabouts. They call it Dar-al-sani, that is, the House of Peace. Some say it derived its name from a Hermitage that stood in a Meadow where the City now stands, whence it was called Bagdat, or, a Garden bequeathed. About forty years ago digging up the Foundations of an Inn, the Workmen found a Body entire, habited like a Bishop, with a Censor and Incense by him. And in the same place several Cells of Religious Houses showed themselves: which makes it very probable, that where Bagdat is built there was anciently a great Monastery, with several Houses where the Christians inhabited. The City is about fifteen hundred Paces long, and seven or eight hundred broad, and cannot possibly be above three Miles in circuit. The Walls are of Brick, and terraced in some places, with large Towers like Bastions. Upon all these Towers there are mounted about sixty pieces of Cannon, the biggest whereof carries not above a five or six Pound Ball. The Moats are wide, and about five or six Fathom deep. There are not above four Gates; three upon the Landside, and one upon the River, which you must cross, over a Bridge of thirty-three Boats, distant one from the other about the breadth of one Boat. The Castle is in the City, near to one of the Gates called El-Maazan, upon the North side. It is partly built upon the River, encompassed only with a single Wall, terraced in some places; and adorned with little Towers, upon which are planted about a hundred and fifty Cannon, but without Carriages. The Moat is narrow, and not above two or three Fathom deep, neither is there any Drawbridge before the Gate. The Garrison consists of three hundred Janissaries, commanded by an Aga. The City is governed by a Bassa, who is generally a Vizier. His House is upon the side of the River, making a fair show; and he has always ready at command six or seven hundred Horse. There is also an Aga that commands three or four hundred Spahi's. They have besides another fort of Cavalry which is called Ginguliler, that is to say, Men of Courage, commanded by two Aga's; and usually there are about three thousand in the City and the Towns adjoining. The Keys of the Gates of the City and the Bridge-Gate are in the custody of another Aga, who has under him two hundred Janissaries. There are also six hundred Foot men, who have their particular Aga, and about sixty Cannoneers, who were at that time commanded by an expert Artist that went by the name of Signior Michaël, who passed for a Turk, though he were born in Candy. He put himself into the Grand Signor's service, when he went to besiege Bagdat, in the year 1638. Though the Turk had the good fortune to carry the City in a small time; not so much by virtue of the Breach which Signior Michaël had made in the Wall, as the Sedition and Revolt that happened at the same instant, the Story whereof was thus in short. The Can that sustained the brunt of the Siege at first, was originally an Armenian, and his name was Sefi-couli▪ Can. He had commanded the City a long time, and had defended it twice from the Army of the Turks, who were not able to take it before. But the King of Persia having sent one of his Favourites to command in his room, who had entered upon his Command before the Cannon had made the Breach, the old Can finding himself displaced by the Commission of the new Governor, rather chose to dye, than survive the Affront which was put upon him. To which purpose he sent for his Servants, the Officer's of the Army, his Wife and Son▪ and taking three Cups of Poison in his Hand, he commanded his Wife, if ever she loved him, now to show the marks of her affection by generously dying with him. He gave the same exhortation to his Son; and so all three together drank up the Poison, which procured their speedy death. The Soldiers, who had a great love for their Governor, having beheld so dismal a Spectacle, and knowing the Grand Signior was preparing for a general Assault, would not obey their new Can, but began to act like Revolters; and to that purpose they agreed to deliver up the City, upon condition they might march away with their Arms and Baggage: but the Turks did not keep their words. For so soon as the Turks were got into the City, the Bassa's told the Grand Signior, that to weaken the force of the Persian, it was necessary for him to put to the Sword all the Soldiers that were in the City: and thereupon there were above twenty thousand massacred in cold Blood. The Turks had seized upon the Capuchins Mansion, but Signior Micha●l chief of the Canonneers, got it to be restored them again. As to the Civil Government of Bagdat, there is none but a Cady, who does all, acting even the Musti, with a Skiekelaston or Tefterdar, who receives the Revenues of the Grand Signior. There are in it five Mosques, of which two are indifferently well built, and adorned with Duomo's covered with varnished Tiles of different colours. There are also ten Inns, all ill built, except two, which are reasonably convenient. In general, the City is ill built; there being nothing of beauty in it but the Bazars, which are all arched; else the Merchants would not be able to endure the heats. They must also be watered three or four times a day; for which office several poor people are hired upon the public charge. The City is full of Trade, but not so full as it was, when in the hands of the King of Persia: for when the Turk took it, he killed most of the richest Merchants. However there is a great confluence thither from all Parts; whither for Trade, or for Devotions sake, I cannot tell: because they that follow the Sect of Haly, do believe that Haly lived at Bagdat. Besides, all they that are desirous to go to Mecca by Land, must pass through Bagdat, where every Pilgrim is forced to pay four Piastres to the Bassa. You must take notice that there are in Bagdat two sorts of Mahometans, the first are called Rafedi's, or Heretics; the second, Observers of the Law, in all things like those at Constantinople. The Rafedi's will by no means eat or drink with a Christian, and very hardly with the rest of the Mahometans: o● if they do hap to drink out of the same Cup, or to touch them, they presently wash themselves, as believing themselves unclean. The others are not so scrupulous, but eat and drink and converse with all the World. In the year 1639, after the Grand Signior had taken Bagdat, a Rafedi who was a Carrier of Water not only refused to give a Jew to drink, who desired it of him in the Marketplace, but abused him also in words. Thereupon the Jew complained to the Cady, who immediately sent for him, and caused his Borachio and his Cup to be brought along with him; when he came before him, he asked for his Cup, and gave the Jew to drink, and than made the Porter drink also out of the same Cup: After that, he ordered the Rafedi to be Bastinadoed, and this Lesson to be taught him while he was chastising, That we are God's Creatures, as well Mahometans, as Christians and Jews. This has made them lesle zealous in their Superstition, though they are the chiefest part of the Inhabitants of the City. As to their Funerals, I have particularly observed, that when the Husband dies, the Wife pulls of all her Head▪ gear, and lets her Hair fall about her Ears; than she all besmears her Face with the Soot of a Kettle, and having so done, frisks and leaps about after such a ridiculous manner, as from others would rather produce laughter than tea●s. All the kindred, friends and neighbours meet at the House of the deceased, and stay for the Celebration of the Funeral. At what time the Women strive to outvie one another in a thousand Apish tricks, clapping their Cheeks, yelling like mad people; and than of a sudden setting themselves to dance to the sound of two Drums, like those which the Tabor-and-Pipe▪ men carry, upon which the Women beaten for a quarter of an hour. Among them there is one more accustomed to this fool'ry than the rest, that fills your Ears with mournful Dinns; to which other Women make answer, by redoubling their Cries, which may be heard at a great distance. It would than be a vain thing to seek to comfort the Children of the deceased; for they seem to be so much beside themselves, that they are not in a condition to hear any thing. And they are obliged to carry themselves in that manner, unless they intent to run the reproach of not having any kindness for their Parents. When the Corpse is carried to the Grave, abundance of poor people go before with Banners, and Crescents at the ends of Sticks, singing most dismal Dirges all the way. The Women are not to be at the Interment, who are not to go abroad but only upon Thursdays, when they go to the Sepulchers to Pray for the Dead. And because that by their Law the Husband is▪ obliged to lie with his lawful Wife upon Thursday-night or Friday-night, upon Wednesday-morning the Women go to the Baths, where they perfume their Heads and Bodies with a sweet Water. They may go abroad sometimes at the other seasons, when their Husbands give them leave to visit their Kindred; but than they are to be wrapped up from Head to Foot, that it is impossible for their Husbands themselves to know them if they meet 'em i'the Streets. By the way take notice, that the Persian Women, unless they be such as are very poor, would rather stay within all the days of their Lives, than go abroad without a Horse. And it is a certain sign to know a Courtesan from an honest Woman; for that the Courtesans put their Feet in the Stirup, and the honest Women only in the Stirup-leathers. The Women of Bagdat are very richly habited, after their fashions; but they are not contented to wear their Jewels about their Necks and Wrists, for they hung them like Bracelets about their Faces, and will boar holes in their Ears to put in a Ring. The Arabian Women only bore the separation between the two Nostrils, where they wear hollow Rings, as well to spare cost as for lightness; for some are so big, that you may almost thrust your Fist through them. Beyond all this, the more to beautify themselves, they make a round Ring about their Eyes with a certain sort of Blacking: And as well Men as Women, in the Desert, put the same near their Eyes, to preserve them, as they say, from the heat of the Sun. Of Christians there are three sorts: Nestorians, who have a Church; Armenians and Jacobites, who have none, but go the Capuchins, who administer the Sacraments to them. The Christians go in Devotion to a Chapel, about a short quarter of a League from the City, dedicated to a Saint whom they call Keder-Elias, paying a small Fee, for admission, to the Turks, who keep the Keys. Two days journey from the City stands another ruin'd Church in a pitiful Village, where they say, that St. Simon and St. Judas were both Martyred and Buried. If a Christian dyes, all the rest come to his Burial, and returning home, found a Supper prepared to welcome them; the next day they return to the Grave, and pray for the deceased; and the third day there is a Dinner for all comers and goers. Sometimes there will be a hundred and fifty persons at a Burial. They repeat the same Ceremonies for the seventh, fifteenth, thirtieth and fortieth days afterwards; having a great veneration for the Dead, for whom they pray too often. This custom of Feasting is very inconvenient for the Poor; for they being desirous to imitate the Rich, run themselves sometimes so far in Debt, that they are forced to cell their Children to the Turks to discharge themselves. There are several Jews also in Bagdat, but more that come every year in Devotion to visit the Sepulchre of the Prophet Ezekiel, which is a day and a halfs journey from the City. In short, since the taking of Bagdat by Sultan Amurat, the number of Inhabitants cannot be lesle than fifteen thousand Souls; which shows that the City is not peopled according to its bigness. Persian Travels Page 87 THE PLATFORM OF BAGDAT The Suburbs in Mesopotamia The Plane of the City of Bagdat, which is to be compassed, as well by Land as by Water, in two Hours. A. The Ground-Plot. B. The Fortress. C. The Gate called Maazan-capi. D. The New Bulwark▪ E. The Port where the Grand Signior erected his first Battery, Anno 1638. F. The Old Bulwark. G. The Gate in the Wall. H. The Old Bulwark. I. The Place where Amurat raised his second Battery, when he made the Breach, and took the City. K. The Gate in the Wall. L. The Old Bulwark. M. The The Old Bulwark. N. Cara-capi, or the Black Gate. O. The Old Bulwark. P. Sou-capi, or the Water-Gate. CHAP. VIII. A Continuation of the Road from Bagdat to Balsara; and of the Religion of the Christians of St. John. THE fifteenth of March we hired a Bark from Bagdat to Balsara. And we observed, that a little beyond Bagdat the River Tigris divides itself into two Arms; the one which runs through the ancient Chaldea, the other keeps its course towards the Point of Mesopotamia; these two Arms making a large Island, crossed by several small Channels. When we came to the place where Tigris divides itself, we beheld as it were the compass of a City that might have formerly been a large League in circuit. There are some of the Walls yet standing, upon which six Coaches may go a▪ breast. They are made of burnt Brick, every Brick being ten Foot square, and three thick. The Chronicles of the Country say, that these were the Ruins of the ancient Babylon. We followed that Arm of Tigris that runs along the Coast of Chaldea; for fear of falling into the hands of the Arabs, who were than at War with the Bassa of Babylon, denying to pay the ordinary Tribute to the Grand Signior. We were ten days upon the Water in our passage from Bagdat to Balsara, and lay every night upon the Water, dressing our Victuals in the Bark. For when we came to any Villages, we sent our Servants a shore to buy Provisions, which we had very cheap. Now the Towns we met with upon the Shoar were these▪ Amurat, where there stood a Fort of Brick baked in the Sun; Mansoury, a great Town▪ Magar, Gazer, and Gorno. At this last place Euphrates and Tigris meet together: where are also three Castles to be seen; one upon the Point where the two Rivers meet, which is the strongest, and were the Son of the Prince of Balsara than commanded; the second upon Chaldea side; and the third upon Arabia side. Though the Customs be there exactly demanded, and paid, yet they never search any person. The Tides come up to that place: so that having but fifteen Leagues to Balsara, we got thither in seven hours, having both Wind and Tide. All the Country between Bagdat and Balsara is intercut and parted by Dikes, like the Low Countries; the two Cities lying a hundred and sixty Leagues one from the other. It is one of the best countries in the possession of the Grand Signior, being stored with large Meadows and excellent Pasturage, where are bred infinite numbers of Beasts, especially Mares and Bufalo's. The Female Bufalo's go twelve Months, and yield so much milk, that there are some that will give two and twenty Pints. And there is so large a quantity of Butter made, that in some Villages upon the Tigris, we saw sometimes five and twenty, sometimes twenty Barks laden with Butter, which the people cell all along the Gulf of Persia, as well upon Arabia, as Persia side. Half the way betwixt Bagdat and Balsara, we perceived several Pavilions set up in the Meadows along by the side of the River. Upon enquiry we heard that the Tefierdar was come from Constantinople to gather the Grand Signor's duty's. For from Bagdat to Gorno, for all the Bufalo's as well Male as Female, there is to be paid a Piastre and a quarter for every head once a year; which is worth yearly to the Grand Signior a hundred and fourscore thousand Piastres. Every Mare also pays two Piastres, every Sheep ten Sous; which if the Country people were not very cunning would be worth fifty thousand Piastres more than it is. After this we came to Gorno, a Fortress upon the point where the two Rivers meet, besides two other small Castles upon each side, so that there is no passing without leave. Upon the Fort of Gorno, which was well furnished with Cannon, we saw the Prince of Balsara's Son, who was Governor of the Fort. And here it is that the Account of the Customs is taken. But though they are very exact in searching the Barks, they are very civil, for they search no body. However jest any Goods should be hid between the Planks of the Ships, over which they generally throw Faggots and Canes, the Customers bring a great Piercer, with which they bore the sides of the Bark quite through for the discovery of concealed Goods. The Goods are Registered at Gorno, but the Customs are always paid at Balsara, according to the account given from the Fort. The same day entering into the Channel that is cut out of Euphrates to Balsara, we met the chief of the Holland Factory taking his pleasure in a Boat covered with Scarlet, who took me with him to Balsara. Balsara stands upon the side of Arabia deserta, two Leagues from the Ruins of a City, which was formerly called Beredon, and anciently stood in the Desert, to which the Water was formerly conveyed out of Euphrates in a Brick Chanel still to be seen. By the Ruins it appears to have been a great City, from whence the Arabians fetch away the Bricks and cell them at Balsara. The City of Balsara is half a League from Euphrates, which the Arabians in their Language call Shetel-arch, or the River of Arabia. The Inhabitants of the City have made a Channel to it about half a League long, which bears Vessels of 150 Tuns; at the end whereof stands a Fort, so that no Vessel can get into the Fort without leave. The Sea is above fifteen Leagues upward beyond Gorno. The Country is so low, that were it not for a Dam that runs along the Seashore, it would often be in danger of being drowned. The Dam is above a League in length, and built all of Freestone so strong, that the fury of the waves can do no injury, though it lie open to a Boisterous Sea. It is not above a hundred years since Balsara belonged to the Arabians of the Desert, and had no commerce with the Nations of Europe. For those people were contented to eat their own Dates, having so great a quantity, that they only live upon them. 'Tis the same thing all along the Gulf on each side; for from Balsara to the River Indus for above six hundred Leagues together, and all along the Coast of Arabia to Mascaté, the poor sort of people know not what it is to eat Rice, but live upon Dates and Saltfish dried in the wind. The Cows eat no Grass, and though they go abroad in the fields, they found little or nothing among the bushes which is proper for them to eat. But every Morning before they drive them to the Field▪ and when they return home, they give them heads of fish and Date-nuts boiled together. The Turks having had War with the Arabians took Balsara; and yet because the Arabians always hovered about the Town, and made booty of all they could lay their hands on, they were forced to come to an agreement with them, that the Arabs should quietly enjoy all the Desert, till within a League of the City; and that the Turks should remain peaceable Masters of the City, where they have a Bassa for Governor. But this Treaty endured not long; for in the middle of the City there is a Citadel, called Aushel Bassa, or the Bassa's Court, which the Turks built; so that the Garrison being Turks and the Inhabitants Arabians who could not endure to be curbed, they ofttimes quarrelled with the Turks and came to blows. Thereupon the Arabians of the Desert came to the relief of the Citizens and besieged the Bassa in the Fortress. At length because there could be no such agreement made, but that one party or other took an occasion presently to break it, there was one Bassa whose Name was Aiud, who after many contests and revolts which had almost tired him▪ resolved to rid himself of the trouble, and sold his Government for forty thousand Piastres to a rich Lord in the Country, who presently raised a sufficient number of Soldiers to keep the people in awe. This great man took upon him the name of Efrasias' Bassa, being the Grandfather of Hussen Bassa, who was Governor at the time when I passed through before. This Efrasias threw of the Turkish yoke, and took upon him the title of Prince of Balsara. As for the Bassa that sold his Government, he not sooner arrived at Constantinople, but he was strangled. But after Amurath had taken Bagdat, the Prince of Balsara was glad to feed him continually with Presents that chief consisted in Horses, which are very beautiful in that Country. The Great Sha-Abas having taken Ormus, sent a powerful Army under the Command of Inian-Kouli-Kan Governor of Shiras, to take in Balsara. Whereupon the Prince finding himself too weak to resist so great a Power, made an agreement with the Desert Arabians to break down the Dam that stops the Sea. Which being performed, in came the Sea tumbling fifteen Leagues to Balsara, and four Leagues beyond it, which constrained the Persians', surrounded with water, and hearing at the same time of the death of Sha-Abas, to raise their Siege. Since that inundation, several Lands and Gardens have been utterly barren, or have born very little, by reason of the Salt which the Sea has left behind. The Prince of Balsara has entered into Leagues with several strange Nations, so that whencesoever you come, you may be welcome. There is so much liberty and so good order in the City, that you may walk all night long in the Streets without molestation. The Hollanders bring Spices thither every year. The English carry Pepper and some few Cloves; but the Portugals have no Trade at all thither. The Indians bring Calicuts, Indigo, and all sorts of Merchandizes. In shor● there are Merchants of all Country's, from Constantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, Damascus, Cairo, and other parts of Turkey, to buy such Merchandizes as come from the Indieses, with which they lad the young Camels which they buy in that place; for thither the Arabians bring them to put them to sale. They that come from Diarbequir, Moussul, Bagdat, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, sand their Merchandizes up the Tigris by Water, but with great trouble and expense. In regard the Boats are to be towed by men, that cannot go above two Leagues and a half in a day, and against the Wind they cannot stir, which makes them ofttimes between Balsara and Bagdat to be above sixty days, nay there have been some that have been three months upon the Water. The Customs of Balsara amount to five in the hundred, but generally you have some favour showed you, either by the Customer or the Prince himself, that the Merchant does not really pay above four in the hundred. The Prince of Balsara is so good a Husband, that he lays up three millions of Livers in a year. His chiefest Revenue is in four things, Money, Horses, Camels, and Date-trees; but in the last consists his chiefest wealth. For all the Country from the meeting of the two Rivers to the Sea, for the space of thirty Leagues together, is all covered with these Trees▪ nor does any one dare to touch a Date, till he has paid for every Tree three fourth's of a Larin, or nine Sous French. The profit which the Prince makes upon money, proceeds from this, that the Merchants that come from abroad are obliged to carry their Reals to his Mint, where they are Coined and converted into Larins, which is worth to him eight in the hundred. As for his Horses▪ there is no place in the world, where there are more fit for travel, or handsomer shaped; for there are some that will travel thirty hours together and never draw bit, especially the Mares. But to return to the Palm-Trees it is worth observation, that there is more Art to bring up those Trees than any other. The Natives dig a hole in the ground▪ wherein they heap a great quantity of Date-nuts in a Pyramidical form, the top whereof ends in one single Nut, which being covered with Earth produces the Palmtree. Most of the people of the Country do say, that in regard there is among the Palm-trees the distinction of Male and Female, that therefore they must be planted one by another, for that otherwise the Female Tree will bear no Fruit. But others affirm that nicety to be unnecessary; and that it suffices, when the Male is in Blossom to take a Flower from the Male, and put it into the Heart of the Female a little above the Stem; for unless they should do so, all the Fruit would fall of before it came to maturity. There is at Balsara a Cady that administers Justice, and who is established by the authority of the Prince that commands there. In the City are also three sorts of Christians, Jacobites, Nestorians, and Christians of St. John. There is also a House of Italian Carmelites; and there was a House of Portugal Austin-Friars, but they have forsaken the Town ever since their Countrymen quitted the Trade. The Christians of St. John are very numerous at Balsara, and the Villages thereabouts; who anciently lived by the River of Jordan, where St. John Baptised; and from whom they took their Name. But since the time that Mahomet conquered Palestine, though Mahomet▪ formerly gave them his Hand and his Letters of Privilege that they should not be molested, nevertheless they that succeeded the false Prophet resolved to extirpate them all; to which purpose they ruin'd their Churches, burnt their Books, and exercised all manner of cruelties upon their persons: which obliged them to retire into Mesopotamia and Chaldea, and for some time they were under the Patriarch of Babylon, from whom they separated about a hundred and sixty years ago. Than they removed into Persia and Arabia, and the Towns round about Balsara; as Souter, Despoul, Rumez, Bitoum, Mono, Endecan, Calafabat, Aveza, Dega, Dorech, Masquel, Gumar, Carianous, Balsara, Onezer, Zech, Loza. Nor do they inhabit City or Village by which there does not run a River. And many of their Bishops have assured me, that the Christians in all the foregoing places make above five and twenty thousand Families. There are some among them who are Merchants; but the most part of them are Tradesmen▪ especially Goldsmiths, Joiner's, and Lock-smiths. Their Creed is full of fables and foul errors. The Persians' and Arabians call them Sabbi, a People that have forsaken their own Religion, to take up a new one. In their own Language they call themselves Mendai Jahia, or Disciples of St. John, from whom, as they ascertain us, they have received their Faith, their Books, and their Traditions. Every year they celebrated a Feast for about five days, during which time they go in Troops to their Bishops, who Baptise them according to the Baptism of St. John. They never Baptise but in Rivers, and only upon Sundays. But before they go to the River they carry the Infant to Church, where there is a Bishop who reads certain Prayers over the Head of the Child; from thence they carry the Child to the River, with a Train of Men and Women, who together with the Bishop go up to the knees in Water. Than the Bishop reads again certain Prayers out of a Book which he holds in his Hand, which done he sprinkles the Infant three times, saying, Beesmebrad er-Rabi, Kaddemin, Akreri, Menbal el jennet Alli Koulli Kralek; or, In the Name of the Lord, first and last of the World and of Paradise, the high Creator of all things. After that, the Bishop reads something again in his Book, while the Godfather plunges the Child all over in the Water; after which they go all to the Parents House to feast. If any tax their Baptism for insufficient, in regard the Three Persons of the Divinity are not named therein, they can make no rational defence for themselves. Nor have they any knowledge of the Mystery of the Holy Trinity, only they say that Christ is the Spirit and Word of the Eternal Father. They are so blind as to believe the Angel Gabriel to be the Son of God, begotten upon Light; yet will not believe the Eternal Generation of Christ, as God. Yet they confess he became Man, to free us from the Punishment of Sin: and that he was conceived in the womb of a Virgin without the knowledge of Man, by means of the Water of a certain Fountain which she drank of. They believe he was crucified by the Jews; that he risen the third day; and that his Soul ascending up to Heaven, his Body remained on Earth. But like the Mahometans they corrupt their Faith, by saying, that Christ vanished when the Jews came to take him, and that he deluded their cruelty with his Shadow. In the Eucharist they make use of Meal or Flower, kneaded up with Wine and Oil: For, say they, the Body of Christ being composed of the two principal parts, Flesh and Blood, the Flower and the Wine do most perfectly represent them; besides, that Christ at his Supper made use of Wine only, and not of Water. They add Oil, to signify the benefit we receive by his favour of the Sacrament, and to put us in mind of our Love and Charity towards God and our Neighbour. To make this Wine, they take Grapes dried in the Sun, which they call in their Language Zebibes, and casting Water upon them, let them steep for so long a time. The same Wine they use for the Consecration of the Cup. They make use of Raisins, in regard they are more easy to be had than Wine; the Persians', especially the Arabians, under whose Government they live, not permitting, nor indeed allowing them the use of it. Of all people that follow the Law of Mahomet, there are none so opposite to other Religions, as these Persians' and Arabians about Balsara. The words of their Consecration, are no other than certain long Prayers, which they make to praise and thank God, at the same time blessing the Bread and Wine, never making mention of his Body and Blood; which they say is not at all necessary, because God knows their intentions. After all the Ceremonies are ended, the Priest takes the Bread, and having eaten some of it, distributes the rest to the People. As to their Bishops and Priests, when any one dies, who has a Son, they choose him in his place; and if he have no Son, they take the next akin that is most capable and best instructed in their Religion. They that make the Election, say several Prayers over him that is elected. If he be a Bishop, after he is received, and that he go about to Ordain others, he aught to fast six days, during which time he continually repeats certain Prayers over him that is to be ordained Priest, who also for his part fasts and prays all the said time. And whereas I say the Father succeeds the Son, it is to be observed, that among the Christians in those Parts, both Bishops and Priests marry, as do the rest of the people; only if their first Wife dye, they cannot marry another unless she be a Virgin. Moreover, they that are admitted to Ecclesiastical Function, must be of the race of Bishops or Priests; and their Mothers must have been always Virgins when they were married. All their Bishops and Priests wear their Hair long, and a little Cross wrought with a Needle. When there is any Wedding to be, the kindred and persons invited go together with the Bridegroom, to the House where the Bride lives. Thither comes the Bishop also, and approaching the Bride, who is sitting under a Canopy, he asks her if she be a Virgin. If she answer that she is so, he makes her confirm it by an Oath. After which he returns to the Guests, and sends his Wife with some other skilful Women to make an inspection. If they found her to be a Virgin, the Bishop's Wife returns and makes Oath of it; and than they all go to the River, where the Bishop re-baptizes the Couple to be married. Than they return toward the House, and making a stop before they come quite near it, the Bridegroom takes the Bride by the Hand, and leads her seven times from the Company to the House, the Bishop following them every time, and reading certain Prayers. After that they go into the House, and the Bride and Bridegroom place themselves under the Canopy, where they set their Shoulders one against another, and the Bishop reads again, causing them to lay their Heads together three times. Than opening a Book of Divination, and looking for the most fortunate day to consummate the Marriage, he tells them of it. But if the Bishop's Wife do not found the Bride to be a Virgin, the Bishop can proceed not farther, so that if the young Man have still a mind, he must go to some meaner Priest to perform the Ceremony. Which is the reason that the people take it for a great dishonour to be married by any other than the Bishops; for when a Priest marries, 'tis an infallible sign that the Bride was not Virgin. The Priests also, in regard they take it to be a great Sin for a Woman to marry not being a Virgin, they never marry any such but by constraint, and to avoid ensuing inconveniences; for sometimes in despite they will turn Mahometans. The reason of the Inspection is, that the Husbands may not be deceived, and to keep the young Girls in awe. As to what they believe touching the Creation of the World, they say, that the Angel Gabriel undertaking to created the World according to the command which God gave him, took along with him three hundred thirty-six thousand Demons, and made the earth so fertile, that it was but to Sow in the Morning and Reap at Night. That the same Angel taught Adam to Plant and Sow, and all other necessary Sciences. Moreover that the same Angel made the seven lower Spheres, the lest whereof reaches to the Centre of the World, in the same manner as the Heavens do, all contrived one within another. That all these Spheres are of different Metals, the first next the Centre is of Iron, the second of Lead, the third of Brass, the fourth of Latin, the fifth of Silver, the sixth of Gold, and the seventh of Earth. The seventh is that which contains all the rest, and is the chiefest of all, as being the most fruitful and profitable to Man, and the most proper to preserve Mankind, whereas the rest seem rather to be framed for its destruction. They believe that over every Heaven there is Water, whence they conclude that the Sun swims in a Ship upon that Water, and that the Mast of his Ship is a Cross, and that there are a great number of Boys and Servants to guide the Ships of the Sun and Moon. Besides, they have the Picture of a Bark, which they say belonged to the Angel Bacan, whom God sends to visit the Sun and Moon, to see whether they move right or not, and keep close to their duty. In reference to the other World and Life to come, they believe there is no other World, but where Angels and Devils, the Souls of good and bad reside. That in that World there are Cities, Houses, and Churches, and that the Evil Spirits have also Churches, where they pray, singing and rejoicing upon Instruments, and Feasting as in this World. That when any one lies at the point of death, three hundred and sixty Demons come and carry his-Soul to a place full of Serpents, Dogs, Lions, Tigers, and Devils; who, if it be the Soul of a wicked man, tear it in pieces; but being the Soul of a Just man, it creeps under the bellies of those Creatures into the presence of God, who sits in his seat of Majesty to judge the World. That there are Angels also that weigh the Souls of Men in a Balance, who being thought worthy, are admitted immediately into Glory. That the Angels and Devils are Male and Female, and beget Children. That the Angel Gabriel is the Son of God engendered upon Light, and that he has a Daughter called Souret who has two Sons. That the Angel Gabriel has several Legions of Demons under him who are instead of Soldiers, and others that are his Officers of Justice, whom he sends from Town to Town, and from City to City, to punish the wicked. In reference to Saints, they hold that Christ left twelve Apostles to Preach to the Nations. That the Virgin Mary is not dead, but that she lives somewhere in the World, though there be no person that can tell where she is. That next to her St. John is the chiefest Saint in Heaven, and next to them Zacharias and Elizabeth, of whom they recount several Miracles and Apocryphal Tales. For they believe that they two begat St. John only by embracing; that when he came to be of age they Married him, and that he had four Sons which he begat upon the waters of Jordan. That when St. John desired a Son, he prayed to God, who drew him one out of the water; so that St. John had no more to do with his Wife but only to give her the Child to bring up. That he died a natural death, but that he commanded his Disciples to Crucify him after his death, that he might be like Christ. Lastly, that he died in the City of Fuster, and that he was buried in a Crystal Tomb, brought by miracle to the City, and that this Sepulchre was in a certain House near the River Jordan. They highly honour the Cross, and sign themselves with it; but they are very careful of letting the Turks observe them; and during their Ceremonies, they set a Watch at their Church doors for fear the Turks should enter, and lay some unjust Fine upon them. When they have adored the Cross, they take it in two pieces, which they never put together again, till their Service re-begins. The reason why they so adore the Cross is drawn out of a Book which they have, Entitled The Divan. Where it is written that every day early in the Morning, the Angels take the Cross and put it in the middle of the Sun, which receives his light from it, as the Moon also doth hers. They add, that in the same Book are Pictured two Ships, one of which is named the Sun, the other the Moon; and that in every one of these Ships there is a Cross full of Bells: And moreover, that if there were not a Cross in those two Ships, the Sun and Moon would be deprived of Light, and the Ships would suffer Shipwreck. Their chief Festivals are three. The one in Winter, that lasts three days, in memory of our first Parent and the Creation of the World. The other in the Month of August, that also lasts three days, which is called the Feast of St. John. The third which lasts five days, in June, during which time they are all rebaptised. They observe Sunday, doing no work upon that day. They neither Fast nor do any penance. They have no Canonical Books, but a great number of others that treat of nothing but Witchcraft, in which they believe their Priests to be very crafty, and that the Devils are at their beck. They hold all Women to be unclean, and that it is not at all available for them to come to the Church. They have one Ceremony, which they call the Ceremony of the Hen, of which they make great Account, which is not lawful for any to perform but a Priest Born of a Virgin at the time of her Marriage. When a hen is to be killed the Priest puts of his ordinary habit, and puts on a Linen Cloth, girding his waste with a second, and throwing a third about his shoulders like a Stole. Than he takes the Fowl, and plunges it in the water to make it clean; after which he turns toward the East and cuts of the head, holding the Body in his hand till it has bled out all the blood. While the Hen bleeds, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven, as if he were in an ecstasy, he repeats in his own Language these words following: In the name of God, may this flesh be profitable to all that cat of it? They observe the same ceremony when they kill Sheep. For first, they cleanse the place very carefully where the Sheep is to be killed, washing it with water, and strewing it with boughs, nor is the number of people small that assists at this Ceremony, as if it were at some solemn Sacrifice. If you ask them why it is not lawful for the Laity to kill Fowls? They answer that it is not more lawful for them to kill than to consecrated them; and that is all the reason which they bring. They eat of nothing dressed by the Turks; and if a Turk ask them for drink, so soon as he has drank, they break the Cup. And to make the Turks more hateful, they Picture Mahomet like a great Giant, shut up in Prison in Hell with four more of his Parents; and they say, that all the Turks are carried into the same place full of wild Beasts to be there devoured. They pretend all to Salvation. For, say they, after the Angel Gabriel had framed the World by the command of God, he thus discoursed him. Lord God, said he, behold I have built the World as thou didst command me. It has put me to a great deal of trouble, and my Brethrens also, to raise such high Mountains that seem to sustain Heaven. And who indeed was able to make way for Rivers through Mountains without vast, labour, and to give every thing its proper place? Moreover, great God, by the aid of thy powerful Arm, we have brought the World to so much perfection, that men cannot think upon any thing needful for them, which is not to be found therein. But instead of that satisfaction which I aught to have for having accomplished so great a work, I found no reason but to be altogether grieved. When God demanding the cause, the Angel Gabriel answered: My God and Father, I will tell you what afflicts me; because that after the making of the World as I have done, I foresee that there will come into it a prodigious number of Jews, Turks, Idolaters, and other Infidels, Enemies of your Name, who will be unworthy to eat and enjoy the Fruits of our Labours. To whom God thus replied: Never grieve, my Son, there shall live in this World which thou hast built, certain Christians of St. John who shall be my friends, and shall be all saved. Upon which the Angel admiring how that should be! What, said he, will there not be several Sinners among those Christians, and by consequence will not they be your Enemies? To whom God thus concluded: That at the day of Judgement the Good should Pray for the Wicked, and by that means they should be all forgiven, and obtain Salvation. These Christians have a strange Antipathy against the Blue Colour called Indigo, which they will not so much as touch. For certain Jews dreaming that their Law should be abolished by St. John, told it their Countrymen. Which they understanding, and seeing that St. John prepared to Baptise Christ, in a great rage, fetched a vast quantity of Indigo, which they call Nill in their Language, and fling it into Jordan. They add also that those Waters continued unclean for some time, and had hindered the Baptism of Christ, had not God sent his Angels with a large Vessel of water, which he caused them to fill out of Jordan before the Jews had defiled it with Indigo; for which reason God particularly Cursed that Colour. CHAP. IX. A Continuation of the Road from Balsara to Ormus. THe tenth of April we set out from Balsara for Bandar-Congo, for which passage we hired a Terrade or a Bark for the purpose; for they which are laden with Dates are generally so overcharged▪ that if a Storm rises, they are in danger of being overset. The River of Balsara is very dangerous, by reason of the Sands which also lie up and down the Persian Gulf, and are very prejudicial to Navigation in that place. On both sides the Gulf that separates Persia from Arabia the Happy, live a sort of poor people that follow no other Trade than fishing; so poor, that when they bring fish to your Vessel, they require nothing for it but Rice; and not the best neither, but such corpse stuff as we feed our Hens and Pigs withal. I gave them a Sack of thirty or forty pounds, and bid them make merry with it, but they told me, they must be careful how they spent such Rice as that, unless it were for their Sick, or at their Weddings; so that if the rest of Arabia the Happy be like that, assuredly 'tis rather a most unfortunate Country. There are several Isles in the Persian Gulf, but the chiefest of all is the Isle of Baharen, where they fish for Pearls, of which I have spoken in its proper place. Near to the place where Euphrates falls from Balsara into the Sea, there is a little Island, where the Barks generally come to an Anchor, in expectation of the wind. There we stayed four days, whence to Bandar-Congo, it is fourteen days Sail, and we got thither the twenty-third of April. This place would be a far better habitation for the Merchants than Ormus, where it is very unwholesome and dangerous to live. But that which hinders the Trade from Bandar-Congo is, because the Road to Lar is so bad, by reason of the want of Water, and craggy narrow ways, which only Camels can endure; but from Ormus to Lar the way is tolerable. We stayed at Bandar-Congo two days, where there is a Portugais Factor, who receives one half of the Customs by agreement▪ with the King of Persia. By the way take notice, that they who will go by Water from Ormus to Balsara, must take the Natives for their Pilots, and be continually sounding besides. The thirtieth, we hired a Vessel for Bander-Abassi, and after three or four hours Sailing, we put into a Village upon the Seaside, in the Island of Keckmishe. Keckmishe is an Island three Leagues about, and about five or six from Ormus. It exceeds in Fertility all the Islands of the East, that produce neither Wheat nor Barley; but at Keckmishe is a Magazine of both, without which Ormus would hardly subsist, in regard it furnishes that City with most of their Provision for their Horses. There is in the Island a Spring of good Water, for the preservation of which, the Persians' have built a Fort, jest the Portugals when they held Ormus, should get it into their Possession. In 1641. and 1642. the Hollanders falling out with the King of Persia about their Silk Trade, besieged this Island. For the Ambassadors of the Duke of Holstein coming into Persia, the Dutch were jealous that they came to fetch away all the Silk; and thereupon enhanced the Market from forty-two to fifty Tomans. When the Ambassadors were gone, the Dutch would pay not more than forty-four, which was two Tomans more than they were used to do. The King nettled that they would not stand to their words, forbidden that they should make sale of their Goods till they had paid their Customs, from which till that time they were exempted. Thereupon the Hollanders besieged the Fortress of Keckmishe, but the Heats were so intolerable, that they were forced to quit their design with great loss of their Men; and at length by great Presents to the chief Courtiers, they obtained to pay no more than forty-six Tomans. Larec is an Island nearer to Ormus than Keckmishe, well inhabited, and so stored with Stags and Hinds, that in one day we killed five and forty. From Keckmishe we Sailed for Ormus, where we arrived the first of May. I had put my choicest Goods in a Chest directed for the Holland Commander at Ormus, by which means I got the Custom free. The Persian Gulf is the most dangerous Gulf I know, by reason of the shallowness and sharp Promontories that point out into the Sea; and therefore the best way is to take a Pilot at Ormus or Bander-Congo, and the most proper Pilots are the Fishermen, who are only skilled in that Sea and not farther. The Soil about the Persian Gulf is dry Sand and without Water, so that it is impossible to Travel by Land from Ormus to Balsara. The Merchants would be glad to found a way through the Coast of Arabia to get to Mascaté▪ whence there might a cut be made to Sindi, Diu, or Surat, which are the three chief Ports of India. During the difference between the King of Persia and the Hollanders, the Emir of Vodana an Arabian Prince, offered to show them an easy Road from Mascaté to Balsara. But the Hollanders fearing to break with the King of Persia, where they vended above fifteen or sixteen hundred thousand pounds of their Pepper, and paid therewith for all their Silk, did not think it worth their while t● quit Ormus to settle themselves at Mascaté. Had it been yielded to, the way had been from Balsara to Elcatif a Sea-Town in Arabia the Happy, where there is a Fishery for Pearls that belongs to the Emir of Elcatif. From Elcatif to Mascalat, another City of Arabia, and the residence of another Emir. From Mascalat to Vodana, a good handsome City seated upon the meeting of two little Rivers that carry Barks to the Sea, and run together by the single name of Moy●sur. The Soil about Vodana produces no Corn, and very little Rice; but it abounds in Fruits, especially Prunes and Quinces, which are not so sour as ours, and are eaten by the Natives as Pears. There are extraordinary good Melons and great Store of Grapes, of which the Jews, who inhabit the best part of the City, are permitted to make Wine. From Vodana to the Gulf, the Country of each side is full of Palm-Trees, the Dates being the Food of the common people, who have not Money to buy either Corn or Rice. From Vodana to Mascaté it is but fifteen Leagues, though by the Maps, which are Erroneous, the way is described to be much longer. Being at Ormus, the Emir of Vodana showed me a Pearl transparent and perfectly round, that weighed seventeen Abas, or fourteen Carats and seven Eights; for in all the Pearl Fisheries of the East they use no other weights but Abas, which make seven Eights of a Carat. I offered him 300000 Piastres, or 60000 Roupies for the same Pearl, but the Emir refused to take it, telling me that he had been offered more Money for it by several Princes of Asia, who had sent to him to buy it, but that he was resolved never to part with it. CHAP. X. Of the Author's first Voyage, and the adventure of four Frenchmen. I Departed out of Paris in the year 1657, and Embarked at Marscilles for Ligorn. We set Sail from Ligorn seven Vessels together, two bound for Venice, one for Constantinople, one for Aleppo, and three for Smyrna, in one of which being a Dutch Vessel I Embarked. But before I leave Smyrna, to begin my Journey from Tauris, give me leave to relate the story of four Frenchmen, the various accidents whereof will much enlighten the Reader into the Customs and Manners, as well of the Turks as Persians'. While I stayed the departure of the Caravan, which could not be ready in five or six Weeks, as also upon the advice of a rich Jew and a Merchant of Jewels at Constantinople, who had several Pearls to cell, as well for their beauty as their bigness, the best Commodity a man can carry to the Indieses, I sent to Constantinople a person that I carried along with me, one that was well versed in that sort of Commodity. There was a Norman Gentleman named the Reville than at Smyrna, who would needs accompany my Factor, so that they went both together in a Vessel that carried the French Ambassador and his Lady to Constantinople. This Gentleman had two or three thousand Ducats in his Purse, wanting neither wit nor courage, besides a good presence; but perhaps he was more hasty in his proceed than the reservedness of that Country required. He had left the Service of the Muscovites, thinking to found an employment in the Service of the Venetians at Candy▪ but failing in his expectations, he resolved to travel into Persia. While he was at Constantinople, the Jews, who lay hold upon all opportunities of gain, soon found out my Factor; and besides the Pearls which he desired to see, they showed him several other rich Stones to try whether they could draw him in; for he had refused the Pearls because they held them at too high a Rate. The Norman Gentleman fell into their acquaintance; and picking out the richest, told him, that being resolved for the Indieses, he had a mind to lay out four thousand Ducats in Pearls, He added also, that he would pay him half in Money, half in Goods, and at the same time showed the Jew two thousand Ducats, which the Jew had already devoured with his eyes. Some four days after, the Jew brought the Gentleman four fair Pearls with some Emeralds; and you may be sure they easily agreed upon the price, in regard the Gentleman had a design to put a trick upon the Jew. Thereupon he shows his Ducats a second time, which the Jew, who thought he had a Cully, presently told out as his own. After that the Jew desiring to see the Goods, which made up the other part of the payment, the Gentleman without any more ado told him, that all the Merchandise which he had to pay him, was a good strong Quartan Ague which had held him a long time, and indeed such a one, that he could not possibly meet with a better, but that he would not over-rate it, in regard he asked but two thousand Ducats for it. The Jew who was rich and in great credit at Court, was so incensed at his raillery, that he had like to have made a wicked stir about it. For as he had heard him say, that the Gentleman was going into the Indieses and Persia, he might have easily caused him to have been apprehended for a Spy. But in regard the Jews can do nothing in point of Trade without the assistance of the French Merchants, he advised with some of them, who persuaded him that it was an Act of folly, which it better became him to excuse, and desired him to take his Goods again, and put up the business; which with much ado they persuaded him to condescend to▪ The Gentleman fearing jest the Jews underhand should do him a private mischief, stole away with what speed he could, and returned to Smyrna. De Reville being thus returned to Smyrna, put himself into an Almadjer, which is a small Vessel of War, that generally touches at Chio and Rhodes, being bound for Cyprus, from whence there is always some convenience or other to get to Alexandretta. From thence he went to Aleppo; and while he stayed there he met with two Frenchmen, the one whose name was Neret, the other Hautin, who was an Accountant. They had four Wooden Chests full of false Stones ready set, by which they flattered themselves to be great gainers in Persia. They went from Marseilles to Said, from Said to Damas', hearing that there was an opportunity to Travel to Bagdat with the Topigi-Bashi. This Topigi-Bashi or chief of the Engineers, was he that assisted Amurath in the taking of Bagdat; in recompense whereof the Grand Signior gave him a Timar, or Lordship in Damas' worth four thousand Crowns a year. Now it was his custom every year to visit Bagdat, and to stay there during the Season, that there was any probability of the King of Persia's besieging it; which Season not lasting above three or four Months, when that was over, he returned to Damas. He usually had about thirty Horse with him, with which he never made it above eighteen or twenty days, taking the shortest cut directly through the Desert, where the Arabs are commanded to bring him Victuals upon the Road. And he is willing at any time when he has this opportunity, to conduct the Franks that desire it that way, in regard they are never ungrateful to him for it. These two Franks therefore having desired that they might be taken into his Company, the Topigi-Bashi▪ readily consented; provided they could stay till he went, which would not be till two or three Months; with which answer they were well satisfied▪ But the two Franks had not stayed at Damas' above seven or eight days but they fell acquainted with a Spahi, a Kenegado of Marseilles, who proffered to carry them through the Road of Mesopotamia, so that they should be at Ispahan before the Topigi-Bashi, set out from Damas. Thereupon they privately departed out of Damas' without acquainting the Topigi-Bashi, who understanding they were gone after the courtesy he had offered them, was so enraged at their uncivility, that he sent two of his Arabian Servants directly through the Wilderness to the Bassa of Bagdat, to give him advice of two Franks that were to pass that way, who were most certainly Spies, describing them withal from head to foot. In the mean while the two Franks being arrived at Ourfa, the Spahi, as he had contrived his own design at Damas', goes to the Bassa of Ourfa, and informs him that he had conducted thither two Franks, who could be no other than Spies. Thereupon the Bassa seized upon them and all their Goods, among the rest he laid his paws upon seven hundred Piastres, of which the Spahi no doubt had his share. And this may serve for instruction to Travellers to have a care how and with whom they Travel in Turkey. While the two Frenchmen were in hold at Ourfa by one sort of Treachery, the Norman Gentleman and his Companion arrived at Bagdat. But they had not sooner set their feet upon the shore, when the Bassa verily believing them, to be the persons, of whom the Topigi-Bashi had given him notice, caused them to be brought before him, and seized upon their Goods and Letters, of which they had several for the Consul of Aleppo, and other rich Merchants for Persia. The Bassa sent for the Capuchins to read those Letters, but not believing them, he sent for a Sicilian Physician which he had in his Service, and his Treasurer who had been a Slave taken in Candy. But neither Physician, Treasurer, nor Capuchins would interpret any thing in prejudice of the Frenchmen; yet all that could not preserve them from being shut up in a Stable full of dung, and from being threatened to be Shot out of a Cannon's mouth if they would not confess the truth. Thereupon the Capuchins and the Cadi begged him to suspend his Sentence till the Arrival of the chief of the Cannoneers, to which he readily consented. When the Topigi-Bashi came, the Bassa commanded the Prisoners to be brought before him. But when the Topigi-Bashi denied them to be the persons, the Bassa grew into such a rage, that he not lesle reproached the Topigi-Bashi for Treachery, than he had accused the others. Which so incensed the Topigi-Bashi on the other side, that he never left till he had obtained the release of the two Frenchmen; yet not so, but that the Bassa would have his due; so that Reville was forced to leave some of his Ducats behind which the Jew should have had. But now to return to Smyrna where I expected the Caravan for some time in order to my Journey into Persia. Every thing being provided, we set forward in the Road for Tauris, which I have at large described, nor was there any thing worthy observation all the way. I Will only take notice, that when we departed from Tocat, in regard the heat was so extreme, we left the common Road toward the North, and took the way through the Mountains, where there is always a fresh Breeze and store of shady Lanes. In many of which high Mountains we met with Snow, and abundance of excellent Sorrel; and upon the tops of some of those Mountains, we met with several sorts of shells, as it had been upon the Sea shore, which is very extraordinary. From Erzerom we went to Cars; from Cars we came to Erivan. The Can was not there than, being retired during the heat into the Mountains, a days Journey from the City. His Lieutenant telling me that I could not well pass farther without paying my duty to the Can; I followed his advice, and found him in his Tent in a fair dale, where there was a great quantity of Snow: and where when it began to melt, appeared several beautiful Flowers, so that Summer and Winter seemed to lodge both in the same place. The Can entertained both me and all my Company most nobly for ten days. I drove also a small Trade with him. For I durst not show him the rarities I had, being designed for the King. For as in India, so in Persia, neither will the King look upon any thing which his Subjects have seen before, nor will the Subjects buy any thing which the King has seen▪ it being an affront to present any thing to the King which he had formerly viewed, and the Subject buys nothing rare but what he intends to present. Being passed Erivan you may leave your Caravan when you please, by reason of the security of the Roads in Persia. And indeed I intended to have visited the Can of Geng●●, but finding the Road so full of Rocks and Precipices, where a man was continually in danger of breaking his Neck, I turned my Horse's head and met the Caravan at Nacksivan in the Road to▪ Tauris. From Tauris to Ispahan I met with nothing worthy observation. When I came to the Court I was well received by the King, and I sold him as many Jewels and other Goods of great value, as came to sixty-two thousand Crowns. But of this more in another place. THE THIRD BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: CONTAINING The AUTHOR'S Sixth and Last VOYAGE, And the ROADS Through TURKEY into PERSIA, through the Northern Provinces of EUROPE. With a Description of several Countries lying upon the Black, and Caspian SEAS. CHAP. I Of the Author's sixth and last Voyage from his setting out of Paris, to his Landing at Smyrna. I Set out of Paris in the year 1663. for Lions, with six several Servants of several professions, which I thought most proper for my business. I carried with me the value of about four hundred thousand Livers, part in Jewels, part in Goldsmith's work and other curiosities, which▪ I designed for the King of Persia and the Great Mogul. Being at Lions I bought a Steel Mirror round and hollow, about two foot and a half in Diameter, would immediately melt a Half-Crown by the heat of the Sunbeams: and if you set a Candle by it in the night, you might read two hundred Paces of in your Bed by the reflection. From Lions I road to Marseilles, and set Sail for Ligorn the tenth of January, 1664. in a small Bark, but being scared by a great Vessel that we saw of at Sea, we came to an Anchor in the Port of Agaïe, two Leagues from Frejus, where there stood a pitiful Fort with two or three Houses. There we also went ashore and saw a Garden, the Alleys of which were distinguished with rows of Citron and Orange Trees, which looked as Green in the depth of Winter as in the midst of Summer, with several other curiosities after the mode of Italy. We were not sooner got aboard again, but we perceived another Vessel making into the same Port with full Sail. It was a Vessel which the Masters of the Foreign Office at Toulon, had set out to force all Ships that were bound into Italy to pay certain Customs, which those of Marseilles would not pay when they came into the Port of Toulon. Thereupon foreseeing that there would be mischief done. I called for my little Chests that contained my Goods of greatest value, carrying some part myself, and giving the rest to one of my most trusty Servants, thinking to have skipped into a Genoa Bark that lay hard by us; but instead of leaping a-board, I fell into the Sea: where by reason of the Tumult I had perished without relief, had I not by good fortune laid hold of a Cable and redeemed myself. At what time one of my Servants, luckily coming to my aid, with much ado drew me up safe again. Having escaped this danger, I got ashore with such of my Servants as I had about me, and meeting with a Bark of Frontignan that carried Languedoc-wine to the Coast of Italy, I hired him for Ligorn; and setting Sail, we first touched Villafranca, and afterwards at Monaco. At Monaco I went ashore, and went to wait upon Madam the Princess, who showed me the Rarities in the Castle; among the rest, several pieces of extraordinary Painting, several pieces of Clockwork and Goldsmiths-work. But among all her Curiosities she showed me two pieces of Crystal, about the bigness of two Fists each, in one of which there was above a Glass full of Water, in the other a good quantity of Moss; which were closed in by Nature when the Crystal first congealed. Monaco is a Castle situated upon a steep Rock, advancing out into the Sea; which advantage, together with others which it receives from Art and Nature, renders it one of the most considerable Forts in Italy. The next day finding the Frontignan-Vessel to be deep-laden, and that it made little way, I took a Faluke, and kept along by the Shoar, which was most pleasantly adorned with beautiful Villages and Houses, as far as Savona; where I changed my Faluke, to complete the rest of the way which I had to Genoa. Half the way we did very well, but the Wind rising, we were forced to put into a great Town, where we landed; and from thence, having but nine Miles, I got in good time by Horse to Genoa. There can be no Prospect certainly more pleasing than that nine Miles riding. For on the one side you see nothing but a continued Row of magnificent buildings and lovely Gardens; on the other a calm Shoar, upon which the Waves seem not to beaten, but lovingly to kiss. Arriving at Genoa, I met with the rest of my Servants; and at the end of two days I embarked for Ligorn, where we arrived in four and twenty hours. From Ligorn I went to the Court of Florence, to wait upon the Grand Duke. By whom I had the honour to be admitted into his Chamber, where I found no body attending but one Mute, who had a long time served his Highness: and I observed that they understood one another by Signs, as perfectly as if the Mute had had his Speech and Hearing. So that when ever the Duke sent him into his Closet for any Papers or other thing whatsoever, he never failed to bring the right. After I had taken my leave of the Duke, he sent me a noble Present of Wine and Fruits; but that which I valued more than all the rest, was a Case of Medicaments and Counter-poisons, in the composition whereof the Italians are very exquisite. And yet they did me no service; for when I came into the hot Countries their fermentation was so strong, that all the Oils and Treacles broke their several Boxes, that I could save nothing of that precious Present. The next day, being the twenty-sixth of March 1664, I embarked with all my Servants in a Dutch Vessel called The Justice. The twentyseventh we stayed in the Road, expecting the rest of the Fleet, consisting of eleven Ships, two Men of War, and nine Merchantmen; four of which were bound for Smyrna, there for Ancona, and two for Venice. About seven that evening we set Sail, and all that night the Wind was favourable, but blew hard and veered often; which was the reason that two of our Fleet separated from us, steering between the Isle of Elbe and Corsica, while we kept on between the Isle of Elba and Italy. The twenty-eighth by eight in the Morning we found ourselves between Porto Ferraro and Piombino, and it being fair Wether, we had a pleasant prospect of those two places. From thence we steered between two Lands, the one called Palmajola, the other being nameless. About six hours after we saw Portolongone, afterwards at a distance we descried Monte-Christo. An hour after Noon we discovered Ca●tiglon-sere, all the rest of the day we coasted by the Lands of Gigio and Sanuti. The twenty-ninth, with the same Wind at North-West, by Morning we discovered the Lands of Pontia and Parmerola, and about Evening those of Ventitione and Ischia. Night approaching, and there being no news of the Ships we had lost, instead of making the Pharo of Messina, it was resolved that we should steer a Course round about Messina, where we expected to overtake them. At eleven a Clock in the Evening we had but little Wind at North-North-West, so that we made not above fourteen Leagues of way. The thirty-first the same Wind continued, with a high Sea; but about nine at Night the Wind chopping about to the West, we kept our former Course. The first of April, by eight of the Clock in the Morning we discovered the three Lands that lie before Trepano, Levanzo, Maretima, and F●vagna. The second and third the Wether was ill, and the Wind unconstant, so that we made but little way. The fourth, by break of day we discovered the Island of Pantalarea. The fifth by Morning we found ourselves within a League and a half of the Coast of Sicily, just against Cape Passaro, at what time, the Wether being fair, we had a view of Mount Gibello, all covered with Snow. Doubling the Cape in the Afternoon, we discovered the Coast of Saragossa. The sixth we had little or no Wind. But the seventh in the Morning, the Wether being fair, we discovered Cape Spartivento; and the same Wind continuing all that day, toward Evening we sailed in view of other Lands of Calabria. The eighth we found ourselves near to Cape Borsano, and all the rest of the day we sailed in view of Cape Stillo and Cape delle Colonne. The ninth we made little way. But on the Tenth in the Morning the Wind coming about to the South, we found ourselves at the entry of the Gulf of Venice, between Cape St. Mary and the Coast of Greece, where the Mountains were covered with Snow. About ten of the Clock we tacked to our own Course, while the Ships that were bound for Venice and Ancona entered the Gulf. The tenth by Morning we saw two little Islands, the one called Fauno, the other Merlera, and were in sight of Corfu. About Noon, the Wind being at East, we kept out at Sea: and about Evening abundance of little Birds lighted upon our Cordage, of which we caught enough to make a lusty fricassee. We also caught four Falcons, Owls, and good store of Turtles. The eleventh and twelfth the Wind being at East, we lay hover about the Shoar, without making any way. The fourteenth and fifteenth having the Wind at North-West, we were two days without seeing Land, yet we caught good store of Birds. The sixteenth the same Wind continuing, we found ourselves near the Island of Zant. From eight in the Morning till three in the Afternoon we were becalmed; but than a good brisk West Wind carried away all our little Birds. The seventeenth and eighteenth we were becalmed. The nineteenth in the Morning, the Wind being at North-West, we discovered Cape Gullo, between Modon and Coron, in the Morea. The twentieth, with the same Wind that blew fresh, we found ourselves by Morning within two Canonshot of Cape Matapan, which is the most Southern Cape of all Europe. About Noon the Wind coming full West, in three hours we passed by the Point of the Island Cerigo. The twenty-first in the Morning, we discovered the Islands of Caravi and Falconera on the one side, and Cape Schilli on the other hand. Two hours after, having a fresh Gale at South-West, about Evening we were in view of the Island of St. George. The twentysecond though the Wind slackened, yet we made some way; for in the Morning we found ourselves between the Island of Zea and the Morea, near to another Cape delle Colonne: afterwards we discovered the Island of Negropont, and doubled the Cape three hours after Noon, having left sight of the Island of Andros by ten in the Forenoon. The twenty-third the Wind blowing fresh all the night, by morning we found ourselves near the Island of Ipsera. At noon we made the Point of the Island of Chio, near to the Land; and that night we came to an Anchor near the Castle, being becalmed. The twenty-fourth the Wind risen at North-West, which blew us into the Port of Smyrna. The twenty-fifth we went ashore, having had a quiet as passage as ever I had in my Life for twenty days together. CHAP. II. A Continuation of the Author's sixth Voyage, as he travelled from Smyrna to Ispahan. WE stayed at Smyrna from the twenty-fifth of April to the ninth of June; during which time there happ'nd so terrible an Earthquake; that I had like to have tumbled out of my Bed. The Caravan being ready to set out for Tauris, I took with me three Armenian Servants, besides those that I carried out of France to serve me upon the Road. We set out of Smyrna upon Monday the ninth of June at three a Clock in the afternoon. The Caravan rendezvoused at Pont-garbashi, three Leagues from the City, consisting of six hundred Camels, and almost the same number of Horse. We set out the next night, two hours after midnight. As for the Road I shall say nothing, only relate some Passages that fell out by the way. Being come to Erivan, the fourteenth of September we encamped in a pleasant green place between the Castle and the old Town; for we would not lie in the Inn, because we heard that several sick people lodged there. We stayed there two days; during which time I resolved to wait upon the Can, I found him in a Room made in one of the Arches of the Bridge which is built over the River, which I have described already, with several Captains and Officers about him: when he had asked me whence I came, and whither I was travelling, he caused a Glass of Liquor to be filled me. After that I presented him with a Prospective-Glass, six pair of ordinary Spectacles, twelve other pair of Spectacles that cast several Reflections, two little Pistols, and a Steel to strike Fire, made like a Pistol. All which pleased him extremely well, especially the Spectacles, for he was sixty years of age. Thereupon he commanded a Lamb, Wine, Fruit, and Melons to be carried to my Tent, and that I should want nothing. After that we sat down to Dinner, but I observed the Can himself drank no Wine, though he pressed me to it. The reason was, because he was an Agi●, that is, one that had made his Pilgrimage to Mecca; for than it is not lawful to drink Wine, or any other inebriating Drink. After Dinner, finding him in a pleasant humour, I resolved to complain to him of one of the Custom-Officers about an injury he had done me. For it is usual with the Customer in this place to open the Chests of all the Merchants, both Turks and Armenians, to the end that if they have any thing of Rarity the Can of Erivan may see it: for many times, he buys what pleases him best to sand to the King. This Officer would not excuse me for his Custom, and therefore at my very first arrival he would have me to open my Chests; and because I did not do it according to his Orders, he asked me very rudely why I had not obeyed his Commands: I answered him as surlily, that I would open my Chest not where unless it were in the presence of the King, and that as for him, I knew him not: Upon that he threatened me, that if he did not found my Chests open the next day, he would open them by force; thereupon I said not more, but bid him have a care I did not make him repent of what he had done already. This was the ground of the Quarrel, and I was about to have complained to the Can; but his Nephew entreated me for the love I bore him, not to say any thing of it, and promised to sand the Customer to me to beg my Pardon, which he did, and the Customer was forced to crave it hearty. To avoid the same inconvenience for the future, I desired the Can to give me his Passport, to the end I might pass Custom-free through the Territories of his Government, which he freely and courteously granted me: Come, said he, and dine with me to morrow, and you shall have it. The twenty-sixth of September we departed from Erivan, and the ninth of November we came to Tauris, taking the ordinary Road. At Erivan two of my Servants, the one a Watchmaker, the other a Goldsmith, died; I left them sick there, but caused them to be buried in the Churchyard belonging to the Armenians. One of them died in fifteen days, of a Gangrene, which eat out his Mouth and Throat; being the Disease of the Country. Though had the Armenians known that one of them had been a Protestant, they would never have allowed him to have been buried in their Churchyard. Here observe the exact Justice, wherewith the Persians' preserve the Goods of Strangers. For the Civil Judge hearing of the death of the Watchmaker, caused his Chamber to be sealed up to the end the Goods might be preserved for the kindred of the deceased, if they came to demand them. I returned to Tauris a twelvemonth after, and found the Chamber close sealed up. We stayed twelve days at Tauris: during which time I resolved to attend the Can of Shamaqui, a frontier Town of Persia toward the Caspian Sea; but I found him not there, in regard it was Harvest season, at what time he goes to gather the King's and his own Duties. Two days journey on this side Shamaqui you pass the Arras, and for two days journey you travel through a Country all planted with white Mulberry-Trees; the Inhabitants being all Silk-Weavers. Before you come to the City, you must cross over several Hills: But I think I should rather have called it a great Town, where there was nothing remarkable but a fair Castle which the Can built himself, I speak of the time past: For as I returned from this present Voyage of which I now writ, when I came to Tauris I understood, that there had happened such a terrible Earthquake in the Town as had laid all the Houses in a heap; none escaping that dismal subversion, but only one Watchmaker of Geneva, and one more who was a Camel-driver. I had several times designed to return into France through Muscovy; but I durst never adventure, being certainly informed that the Muscovite never permitted any person to go out of Muscovy into Persia, nor to come out of Persia into Muscovy. So that it was by particular connivance that that favour was granted to the Duke of Holstein's Ambassadors. This last time I was resolved to have tried whether I could have opened a Passage from Persia through Muscovy into France, but the Ruin of Shamaqui deterred me. We departed from Tauris the twentysecond of November, from whence to Cashan we met with nothing considerable, but only one of the Muscovite Ambassadors upon his return into his own Country, with a small Retinue of sixty, his Companion dying at Ispahan. Upon Sunday the fourteenth of December taking Horse by three of the Clock in the morning, the Ice bearing very well, we came to Ispahan about noon: but in regard it was slippery before day, and very plashy after the Sun was up, the Journey was both tedious and troublesome. CHAP. III. The Road from Aleppo to Tauris through Diarbequir and Van. THere are two Roads more remaining to be described; one through the North part of Turkey, the other through the South. The first through Diarbequir and Van, and so to Tauris; the second through Anna, and the small Desert leading to Bagdat. I will describe the first of these Roads, and make a skip at the first leap to by'r, whither I have already led you in the Road from Aleppo. From by'r or Beri, you travel all along the River Euphrates to Cachemés. From Cachemé you come to Milesara, where you pay the Customs of Ourfa, when you do not pass through the City, which amounts to four Piastres for every Horseload. From Milesara you come to the River Arzlan-chaye, or, the Lion River, by reason of the rapidity of the Stream which falls into Euphrates. From Arzlan-chaye you go to Severak. This is a City, watered by a River, that also falls into Euphrates. It is environed with a great Plain to the North, the West, and South. The way which the Horses, Mules, and Camels keep is cut through the Rock like a Channel, two Foot deep, where you must also pay half a Piastre for every Horseload. From Severak you come to Bogazi, where there are two Wells, but not a House near; and where the Caravan usually lodges. From Bogazi you come to Deguirman-Bogazi, and from Deguirman-Bogazi to Mirzatapa, where there is only an Inn. From Mirzatapa you come to Diarbequir, which the Turks call Caremu. Diarbequir is a City situated upon a rising ground, on the right side of Tigris, which in that place forms a Halfmoon; the descent from the Walls to the River being very steep. It is encompassed with a double Wall; the outward Wall being strengthened with sixty-two Towers, which they report were built in Honour of the sixty two Disciples of JESUS CHRIST. The City has but three Gates, over one of which there is an Inscription in Greek and Latin, that makes mention of one Constantine. There are in it two or three fair Piazza's, and a magnificent Mosque, which was formerly a Christian Church. It is surrounded with very decent Charnel-houses, near to which the Moullahs, Dervi's, Booksellers and Stationers do live, together with all those other people that concern the Law. About a League from the City there is a Channel cut out of Tigris, that brings the Water to the City: And in this Water are all the read Marroquins washed that are made at Diarbequir, surpassing in colour all others in the East: which Manufacture employs a fourth part of the Inhabitants of the City. The Soil is very good, and yields according to expectation; there is excellent Bread and very good Wine, nor is there any better Provision to be had in any part of Persia: more especially, there is a sort of Pigeons which in goodness excel all the several kinds that we have in Europe. The City is very well peopled, and it is thought there are in it above twenty thousand Christians. The two thirds are Armenians, the rest Nestorians, with some few Jacobites. There are also some few Capuchins, that have no House of their own, but are forced to lodge in an Inn. The Bassa of Diarbequir is one of the Viziers of the Empire. He has but an inconsiderable Infantry, which is not much requisite in that Country; the Curds and Arabs which infested that Country being all Horsemen. But he is strong in Cavalry, being able to bring above twenty thousand Horse into the Field. A quarter of an hours riding on this side Diarbequir there is a great Town with a large Inn, where the Caravans that go and come from Persia rather choose to lie than at Diarbequir; in regard that in the City-Inns, they pay three or four Piastres for every Chamber, but in the Country-Inns there is nothing demanded. At Diarbequir, you cross the Tigris, which is always fordable unless when the Snow and Rains have swelled it; for than you must go a quarter of a League higher, and cross it over a great Stone-Bridge. Half a League on the other side of Tigris stands a Village, with an Inn, which is the Rendezvous of the whole Caravan, and where they that first come have time enough to provide themselves for a Journey of nine or ten days, as far as Betlis. For though you may found Towns and Inns thick enough upon the Road, yet there is no good Bread to be met with. When the Caravan proceeds, the first days journey is fourteen hours on Horseback, and you come to lie at Shaye-batman, where you must pay a Piastre for every Horseload. From Chaye-batman you come to Chikaran. From Chikaran to Azou, which you leave half a League from the great Road, where the Toll-gatherers take their Toll, which is four Piastres upon every Horseload. From Azou you come to Ziarat; from Ziarat to Zerque, where you pay a Duty of two Piastres for every Horseload. From Zerche to Cochakan. From Cochakan, to Carakan, a bad Inn; where you enter among the Mountains, that being full of Torrents reach as far as Btelis. From Carakan to Betlis, a City belonging to a Bey or Prince of the Country, the most potent and most considerable of all the rest for he neither acknowledges the Grand Signior nor the Persian: whereas all the other Beys are Tributary either to the one or the other. And it is the Interest of those two Potentates to correspond with him; for it's an easy thing for him to stop up the passage from Aleppo to Tauris, or from Tauris to Aleppo; the Streights of the Mountains being so narrow, that ten Men may defend them against a thousand. Coming near Betlis you must travel a whole day among high steep Mountains, that reach two miles beyond, with Torrents on each side; the way being cut out of the Rock on each side, where there is but just room for a Camel to pass. The City stands between two high Mountains, equally distant one from the other, and about the height of Montmartre. It is built like a Sugar-loaf, the ascent being so steep on every side, that there is no getting to the top, but by wheeling and winding about the Mountain. The top of all is a Platform, where stands a Castle well built, at the Gate whereof is a Drawbridge. Than you pass through two great Courts, and than into a third, opposite to the Bey's Apartment. It is very troublesome to get up to the top of the Castle, and a Man must be very well Horsed that does it. There is no other person but the Bey and his Esquire, who is permitted to ride up on Horse back. There is one Inn within the City, and another as it were without, in which the Merchants rather choose to lie than in the other, by reason that it is ready to be overflown when the Torrents swell, that run throng every Street. The Bey, beside the strength of his Passes, is able to bring above five and twenty thousand Horse into the Field; and a very considerable Body of Foot, composed of the Shepherds of the Country, who are to be ready at a Call. I went to wait upon the Bey himself, and made him a Present of two pieces of Satin, the one streaked with Silver, and the other with Gold: two white Bonnets, such as the Turks wear, very fine, and adorned with Silver at the top; together with a suit of Handkerchiefs, streaked with Read and Silver. While I stayed with the Bey, who sent for Coffee for me according to the custom, a Courier came to him from the Bassa of Aleppo, to desire him that he would deliver up into his hands a French Chirurgeon that was his Slave, having been taken in Candia; complaining withal, that he had run away from him with the value of three thousand Crowns. The Bey, who understood what belonged to a Sanctuary, and was resolved to protect the Frenchman, schooled the Messenger so severely, that he threatened to put him to death if he did not get him gone presently; charging him to tell his Master withal, that he would complain to the Grand Signior of his insolence; and that if he were strangled, he might thank himself. And indeed it behoved the Great Turk to keep fair correspondence with him; in regard that if the Persians' should at any time besiege Van, the Grand Signior must march through the Bey's Country to relieve it; who has Forces enough to oppose him if he should be his Enemy. But to travel through the Country of the Curds is very pleasant: for if on the one side the ways are bad, and difficult to be travelled, in other places you have a prospect of several sorts of Trees, as Oaks and Walnuts, and not a Tree which is not embraced with a wild Vine. Below the Mountains, in the Level, grows the best Wheat and Bailey in all the Country. From Betlis, where you pay five Piastres for every Horseload, to Taduan, where you pay two. Taduan is a great Town within a Canonshot of the Lake of Van, in such a port, where Nature has made a Haven, sheltered from all the Winds; being closed on all sides with high Mountains, the entry into which though it seem narrow, is very free. It is able to contain twenty or thirty great Barks; and when it is fair Wether, and that the Wind serves, the Merchants generally Ship of their Goods from thence to Van: from whence it is but four and twenty hours' sail, and a very good passage; whereas by Land from Taduan to Van it is eight days journey on Horseback. Returning back, you mayalso take Water at Van for Taduan. From Taduan to Karmoushé. From Karmoushé to Kellat. From Kellat to Algiaoux, a small City, where you pay one Piastre for every Load. From Agiaoux to Spanktiere. From Spanktiere to Soüer. From Soüer to Argiche. From Argiche to Quiarakierpou. From Quiarakierpou to Perkeri. From Perkeri to Zuarzazin. From Zuarzazin to Souserat. From Souserat to Devan, where two Piastres are gathered for every Horseload, or else you must pay at Van. From Devan to Van, where there is a Duty of two Tomans and four Abassis to be paid for every Horseload. For though Van be in the Territories of the Grand Signior, yet the Persian Money is better liked than his own Coyn. Van is a great City upon the side of a wide Lake of the same name. There is a good Fortress belongs to it, that is seated upon the top of a high Mountain which stands by itself. There is but one sort of Fish in the Lake, a little bigger than a Pilchard, of which they take great store in the Month of April. For about a League from the Lake there is a great River that is called Bendmahi, which descending from the Mountains of Armenia, empties itself into the Lake. Now in March when the Snow melts and swells the River, vast numbers of these Fish come down the River into the Lake; which the Fishermen observing, so stop up the Mouth of the River that the Fish cannot go back; for else they would not stay above forty days; at which time they catch 'em up in wide-mouthed Baskets at the Mouth of the River, thinking to return; it being lawful for any man to fish. The people drive a great Trade in these Fish, transporting them into Persia and Armenia; for, the Persians' and Armenians both, drinking Wine at the end of their Feasts, they than bring this Dish to the Table for a Relishing-bit. The people of Van tell a Story, how that there was a certain rich Merchant who farmed the whole Fishery, paying a good sum of Money for it to the Bassa; who thereupon strictly forbade any to fish but the Merchant; whereas before it was free for any man. But when the Fishing-season came, and that the Merchant thought to have caught his Fish, he met with nothing but Serpents. So that after that time the Fishery was never more farmed. And there sem's to be something in it; for the Bassa's, who are a sort of people that will loose nothing they can get, would be certain to farm the Fish again and again, were there not some strange reason to hinder it. There are two principal Islands in the Lake of Van; the one called Adaketons, where there stand two Covents of the Armenians, Sourphague and Sourp▪ kara: the other Island is called Limadasi, and the name of the Covent is Limquiliasi, all which Armenian Monks live very austerely. From Van to Darcheck. From Darcheck to Nuchar; it stands in the Territories of a Bey of Curdistan, being a paltry Village consisting of two or three little Houses. These Bey's are a kind of particular Lords, upon the Frontiers of both the Empires of Turkey and Persia, who care for neither: for they lie so secure among the Mountains, that there is no assaulting them by force. The Curds in general are a brutish sort of people; who though they style themselves Mahometans, have very few Moullahs to Instruct or teach them. They have a particular veneration for black Greyhounds: so that if any person should be seen to kill one of them, he would be knocked o'the Head immediately. Neither does any one dare to cut an Onion with a Knife in their presence; but it must be squeezed between two Stones by him that intends to make use of it; so ridiculously superstitious they are. The Bey to whom Nuchar belongs has his Toll-gatherers in that place, who exact sixteen Abasses for every Horseload, besides a Present which the Caravan-Bashi is obliged to present him, which comes sometimes to seven or eight Tomans: sometimes more: for otherwise the Bey would be sure to watch the Caravan at some scurvy place, and plunder it to some purpose. As once it happened to a Caravan, with which my Nephew went along in the year 1672; though he had the good luck to loose nothing more than one Camel laden with English Cloth, and another with his Provision. The Bassa of Van and the Can of Tauris took the Field with an intention to remedy these disorders: especially the Bassa of Van, who perceiving that the Merchants would forsake that Road by reason of the Injuries they daily received, was resolved to make the Bassa restore some part of his Goods which he had taken from the Merchants; and for the future to leave two of his Subjects in Tauris, and two in Van, that should be responsible for what mischief should be done to the Caravan. For otherwise the Merchants like this way best, as being the nearest from Aleppo to Tauris, and where they pay lesle Duties. From Nuchar to Kuticlar, is a long Journey through the Mountains, by the side of several Torrents, which are to be crossed in several places. This bad way brings Fifty i'the Hundred profit to the Bey of Nuchar; for were the Caravan to travel through Plains, or a levelly Country, one Horse or Camel would carry as much as two or three, and the Merchant would pay Custom for no more. Here therefore the Caravan-Bashi and the Merchants must understand one another, and agreed as cunningly as they can together. From Kuticlar to Kalvat. From Kalvat to Kogia. From Kogia to Darkavin. From Darkavin to Soliman-Sera: all which four places are very convenient Inns. From Soliman-Sera to Kours: in that City resides a Bey, who is tributary to the King of Persia. He lives in an ancient Castle about half a League-off, where the Caravan pays nine Abasses for every Horseload, besides a Present. But that Present consists only in Sugarloafs, Boxes of Treacle, or Marmalade; for he stands so much upon his Honour, that he scorns to take Money. The Wine of Kours is sweet and tart. From Kours to Devogli. From Devogli to Checheme. About half way between these two places you cross a Plain, which upon the South extends itself a League to the Mountains, but upon the North-side enlarges itself out of sight. Upon the Highway, on the left hand stands a Rock three hundred Paces in compass, and about fourscore Foot high; round about it were to be seen several Dens, which most certainly had been the Habitations of those that fed their cattle thereabouts. Under the Rock, which is hollow, appears a Fountain of clear cold Water, wherein there was great store of Fish; thousands of which would come up to the top of the Water, when a man threw any Bread into it. The Fish had a great Head, and a large Mustache. I shot a Carbine into the River charged with Hail-shot, upon which they all disappeared, but presently five or six returned wounded to the top of the Water, which we easily took. The Armenians laughed at me for shooting, believing it had been impossible to catch them in that manner; but they admired when they beheld them again turning up their bellies at the top of the Water. The Turks and some of the Armenians would not eat of them, believing them to be defiled: but the Armenians that had been in Europe laughed at their Superstition, and fell to, when they were dressed. From Checheme to Davashiler. From Davashiler to Marand; a City where you must pay sixteen Abasses for a Camel's-load, and eight for a Horses. From Merand to Sefian. From Sefian to Tauris. These are the two biggest days journeys throughout the Road. Returning out of Persia this way, we could not get Bread for Money, so that we were forced to give the Women some Trifles which they loved better. Through the People are Mahometans, yet they will not spare to drink lustily. CHAP. IU. Another Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Geziré and other places. FRom Aleppo to by'r or Beri, where you must cross Euphrates, days 4 From by'r to Ourfa, days 2 From Ourfa to Diarbequir, days 6 From Diarbequir to Geziré, days 4 Geziré is a little City of Mesopotamia, built upon an Island in the River Tigris; which is there to be crossed over a fair Bridge of Boats. Here the Merchants meet to buy Gall-nuts and Tobacco. The City is under the Jurisdiction of a Bey. Having passed the Tigris, all the Country between that and Tauris is almost equally divided between Hills and Plains; the Hills are covered with Oaks that bear Galls, and some Acorns withal. The Plains are planted with Tobacco, which is transported into Turkey, for which they have a very great Trade. One would think the Country were poor, seeing nothing but Galls and Tobacco; but there is no Country in the World where there is more Gold or Silver laid out, and where they are more nice in taking Money that is in the lest defective either in weight or goodness of Metal. For Galls being a general Commodity for Dying, and no where to be found so good as there, bring a vast Trade to the Country; wherein there are no Villages, yet it is overspread with Houses a Musquet-shot one from another; and every Inhabitant has his quarter of his Vineyard by himself, where they dry their Grapes: for they make no Wine. From Geziré to Amadié, days 2 Amadié is a good City, to which the Natives of a great part of Assyria bring their Tobacco, and Gall-nuts. It is seated upon a high Mountain, to the top whereof you cannot get in lesle than an hour. Towards the middle of the Rock three or four large Springs fall down from the Cliffs, where the Inhabitants are forced to water their cattle and fill their Borachio's every morning, there being no Water in the City. It is of an indifferent bigness, and in the middle is a large Piazza, where all sorts of Merchants keep their Shops. It is under the Command of a Bey that is able to raise eight or ten thousand Horse, and more Foot than any other of the Beys, by reason his Country is so populous. From Amadié to Giousmark, days 4 From Giousmark to Alback, days 3 From Alback to Salmastre, days 3 Salmastre is a pleasant City upon the Frontiers of the Assyrians and Medes, and the first on that side in the Territories of the Persian King. The Caravan never lies there, because it would be above a League out of the way: but when the Caravan is lodged, two or three of the principal Merchants with the Caravan-Bashi according to custom go to wait upon the Can. The Can is so glad that the Caravan takes that Road, that he presents the Caravan-Bashi and those that go with him, with the Garment of Honour, or the Calaat, the Bonnet, and Girdle; which is the greatest Honour that the King or his Governor can do to Strangers. From Salamastre to Tauris, days. 4 In all thirty-two days journey this way from Aleppo to Tauris. But though this be the shortest cut, and where they pay lest Customs, yet the Merchants dare hardly venture for fear of being ill used by the Beys. Teren, whose Capital City the Persians' call Cherijar, is a Province between Mazandran and the ancient Region of the Persians' known at this day by the name of Hierac, to the Southeast of Ispahan. 'Tis one of the most temperate Countries, that has nothing in it of the contagious Air of Guilan, where the King goes for the purity of the Air, and for his sport of Hunting; besides, that it produceth excellent Fruits in many places. The Capital City whereof, which some call by the name of the Province, is of a moderate compass, but there is nothing worthy observation in it: only a League from it are to be seen the Ruins of a great City, which had been two Leagues in Circuit. There were abundance of Towers all of burnt Brick, and Pieces of the Wall standing. There were also several Letters in the Stones which were cemented into the Walls; but neither Turks, Persians', nor Arabians could understand them. The City is round seated upon a high Hill, at the top whereof stood the Ruins of a Castle, which the Natives say was the Residence of the Kings of Persia. CHAP. V The Road from Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert, and through Kengavar. I Will describe this Road as if I were to return from Ispahan to Aleppo. This Road lies through Kengavar, Bagdat, and Anna, where you enter into the Desert, which I call The little Desert, because you get over it in far lesle time than the great Desert that extends Southwards to Arabia the Happy, and where you may often found Water, all the whole Journey being not far distant from the River Euphrates. A man that is well mounted may ride this way from Ispahan to Aleppo in three and thirty day, as I have done, and perhaps in lesle, if the Arabian, whom you take for your guide at Bagdat, knows the shortest cut through the Wilderness. The Horse Caravans travelling from Ispahan to Kengaver are fourteen or fifteen days upon the Road; but being well mounted ten or twelve in a Company, you may Ride it in five or six days. The Country through which you travel, is very fertile in Corn and Rice, it produces also excellent Fruits and good Wine, especially about Kengavar, which is a large Town well peopled. From Kengavar to Bagdat I was ten days upon the Road. The Country is not so fertile but very stony in some parts. And it consists in Plains and small Hills, there being not a Mountain in all the Road. Now for a man that travels quick, the Road lies thus: From Ispahan to Consar. From Consar to Comba. From Comba to Oranguié. From Oranguié to Nahoüand. From Nahoüand to Kengavar. From Kengavar to Sahana. From Sahana to Polisha, or the Bridge-Royal, being a great Stone Bridge. From Polisha to Maidacht. From Maidacht to Erounabad. From Erounabad to Conaguy. From Conaguy to Caslisciren. From Caslisciren to jengui-conaguy. From jengui-conaguy to Casered. From Casered to Charaban. From Charaban to Bourous. From Bourous to Bagdat. There are some, who instead of passing through Kengavar, take Amadan, one of the most considerable Cities of Persia in their way, and so from thence to Toucheré; but the way is longer; and according to the Road which I have set down you are to leave Amadan to the North upon the right hand. Between Sahana and Polisha you leave the only high Mountain in all the Road to the North. It is as steep and as strait as a Wall, and as high as you can see; you may observe the Figures of men clad like Priests, with Surplices and Censors in their hands, and yet neither can the Natives tell you, nor any person imagine the meaning of those Sculptures. At the foot of the Rock runs a River, over which there is Bridge of Stone. About a days journey beyond the Mountain you meet with a little City, whose situation, the Streams that water it, the good Fruits that grow there, and particularly the excellent Wine which it affords, tender a most pleasant Mansion. The Persians' believe that Alexander when he returned from Babylon died in this place, whatever others have written that he died at Babylon. All the rest of the Country from this City to Bagdat is a Country of Dates, where the people live in little Huts, made of the Branches of Palm-trees. From Bagdat to Anna you ride in four days, through a desert Country, though it lie between two Rivers. Anna is a City of an indifferent bigness, that belongs to an Arabian Emir. For about half a League round about the Town, the Lands are very well manured, being full of Gardens and Country-houses. The City for its situation resembles Paris; for it is built upon both sides of the River Euphrates; and in the midst of the River is an Island, where stands a fair Mosque. From Anna to Mached-raba is five days riding, and from Mached-raba to Taïba, five days more. Mached-raba is a kind of a Fortress upon the point of a Hill, at the Foot whereof springs a Fountain like a large Vase, which is very rare in the Deserts. The place is encompassed with high Walls, defended by certain Towers, and in which are little Huts where the Inhabitants keep their cattle, of which there is great store, but more Mares and Horses than Cows. Taïba is also a fortified place in a levelly Country, or a high Bank of Earth and Brick baked in the Sun. Near to the Gate a Fountain springs out of the Earth, and makes a kind of a Pond. This Road is most frequented by those that travel through the Desert from Aleppo or Damas' to Babylon, or from Damas' to Diarbequir, by reason of this Fountain. From Taïba to Aleppo is but three days journey; but these three days are the most dangerous of all the Road for Robbers, in regard that all the Country is inhabited only by the Bedouïns, or Arabian Shepherds, who make it their business only to plunder and steal. Now to take the same Road from Aleppo to Isaphan, it lies thus: From Aleppo to Taïba, days 3 From Taïba to Mached-raba, days 5 From Mached-raba to Anna, days 5 From Anna to Bagdat, days 4 From Bagdat to Bourous, days 1 From Bourous to Charaban, days 1 From Charaban to Casered, days 1 From Casered to Conaguy, days 1 From Conaguy to Cassiscerin, days 1 From Cassiscerin to another Conaguy, days 1 From Conaguy to Erounabad, days 1 From Erounabad to Maidacht days 1 From Maidacht to Sahana, days 1 From Sahana to Kengavar, days 1 From Kengavar to Nahoüand, days 1 From Nahoüand to Oranguie, days 1 From Oranguie to Comba, days 1 From Comba to Consar, days 1 From Consar to Ispahan, days 1 So that whether you travel from Aleppo to Ispahan, or from Ispahan to Aleppo you may easily ride it in thirty days. From whence I make this Observation, That a man making it but two days more from Alexandretta, and finding a Ship ready there to set sail for Marseilles, with a fair Wind he may travel from Ispahan to Paris in two months. Another time, having an occasion to go from Aleppo to Kengavar, and so to Bagdat; and from thence, so through the Desert; at Bagdat I met with a Spaniard that was travelling the same way, with whom I luckily met to bear half the Charges of the Guide; which as soon as we had hired for sixty Crowns, we set forward from Bagdat; the Spaniard, and I, and our Arabian, who was afoot, walked about a Pistol Shot before our Horses. From thence to Anna we met with nothing remarkable, but only that we saw a Lion and a Lioness in the Act of Generation: Whereupon our Guide, believing we had been afraid, told us, that he had met them often, but that he never found them do any harm. The Spaniard according to the humour of his Nation, was very reserved, and contenting himself with an Onion, or some such small matter at meals, never made much of his guide; whereas I was mightily in his favour, in regard there was never a day passed wherein he did not receive of me some good business or other. We were not above a Musket Shot from Anna when we met with a comely old man, who came up to me, and taking my Horse by the Bridle; Friend, said he, come and wash thy feat and eat Bread at my House. Thou art a Stranger, and since I have met thee upon the Road, never refuse me the favour which I desire of thee. The Invitation of the old man was so like the custom of the people in ancient times, of which we read so many Examples in Scripture, that we could not choose but go along with him to his House, where he Feasted us in the best manner he could, giving us over and above Barley for our Horses; and for us he killed a Lamb and some Hens. He was an Inhabitant of Anna, and lived by the River, which we were obliged to cross to wait upon the Governor for our Passports, for which we paid two Piastres apiece. We stayed at a House near the Gate of the City to buy Provisions for ourselves and our Horses; where the woman of the House having a lovely sprightly Child of nine years of age, I was so taken with her humour, that I gave her two Handkerchiefs of Painted Calicut, which the Child showing her Mother, all we could do could not make her take any Money for the Provisions we had agreed for. Five hundred paces from the Gate of the City, we met a young man of a good Family, for he was attended by two Servants, and road upon an Ass, the hinder part of which was Painted read. He accosted me in particular, and after some Compliments that passed, Is it possible, said he, that I should meet a Stranger, and have nothing to present him withal? He would feign have carried us to a House in the Country whither he was going; but seeing we were resolved to keep our way, he would needs give me his Pipe, notwithstanding all the excuses I could make, and though I told him that I never took any Tobacco; so that I was constrained to accept of it. About three Leagues from Anna, we were going to eat among the Ruins of certain Houses, and had thought to have lain there till midnight, when we perceived two Arabians sent by the Emir, to tell us that he had some Letters which he would put into our own hands to the Bassa of Aleppo, to which purpose he had order to bring us back. There was no refusing, so that at our coming into the City the next day we saw the Emir going to the Mosque, mounted upon a stately Horse, and attended by a great number of people afoot, with every one a great Poniard stuck in their Girdles. As soon as we saw him we alighted, and standing up by the Houses, we saluted him as he passed by. Seeing our Guide, and threatening to rip up is Belly; Ye Dog, said he, I will give ye your reward, and teach ye to carry Strangers away before I see them. Carry them, said he, to the Governors' House till I return from the Mosque. Returning from the Mosque, and being seated in a spacious Hall, he sent for us and our Guide, whom he threatened again for carrying us out of the Town without giving him notice. But the Governor pleaded his excuse, and appeased the Emir. After that he sent for Coffee for us, and than caused us to open the Budget that we carried behind our Horses, to see whether there were any thing that pleased him or no. In my Budget were two pieces of Calicut tightly painted, for two Coverlets of a Bed; two pieces of Handkerchief of Calicut; two Persian Standishes beautified with Japon Varnish; two Damascene Blades, one inlaid with Gold, the other with Silver. All which he liked, and made me give him. In the Spaniards Budget he found nothing but a few old Clotheses: But afterwards being known to have had some Diamonds about him, the French Consul at Aleppo sentenced him to pay me half the charges of what I gave the Emir. The Prince satisfied with what he had taken, gave order that we should be furnished with all necessary Provisions for ourselves and our Horses: but being provided before, we only took three or four handfuls of excellent Dates, to show that we did not flight his kindness. Between Anna and Mached-raba is the Guide to take special care so to order his Stages, as to come every morning to the Wells by break of day, for fear of meeting the Arabs, that come to fetch Water there by that time the Sun is up, who are apt enough to be injurious to Travellers. At Mached-raba I saw one of the most beautiful Virgins that ever I beheld in my life.▪ For I had given a Piastre to an Arab to get me some Bread, and going to see whether it were baked, I found the Virgin putting it into the Oven, who being alone, made me a sign to retire. There I also saw a Colt of that wondered shape, that the Bassa of Damas' had offered three thousand Crowns for it. Coming to Taïba, we did not go into the Town, but lay without under the Walls. Only our Arab went in and brought us chopped Straw for our Camels. The Governor of the Town came along with him, and demanded twenty Piastres of every one, for certain Duties which he pretended payable to him. We knew there were but four due, and refused to pay any more; but the Arab having a mind to put a trick upon the Spaniard, gave me a wink, intimating to me that I should not trouble myself: Thereupon the Governor incensed goes back to the Town, and by and by returns with an Iron Chain; and had certainly carried the Spaniard fettered to the Fort, had he not laid down the twenty Piastres. For my part, I was discharged for my four Piastres, according to custom. Drawing near to Aleppo, the first Houses that we came at bordering upon the Desert were the Houses of the Arabs and Bedoüins; the second of which being the Habitation of a Friend of our Guide's, I delivered my Horse to the Guide, to whom I had sold it before at his own earnest request; for I was resolved to go afoot to Aleppo: and therefore that I might save the Custom of a parcel of Turquoises that I had about me, I put them in the Pouches which I carried behind my Horse, and threw the Pouches into a little Chest, as if they had been things of no consequence; and desired the Man of the House to keep them a day or two. The Arab told me, that were it all Gold it should be safe; and indeed when I sent for them within a day or two after, I found nothing missing. When I came to Aleppo, the English Consul asked me what news from Ispahan: I made answer, that he must of necessity know better than I, in regard the English Precedent there had sent away an Express to him while I was there; and that he went away with two Capuchins and an Arabian Guide. There upon the Consul mistrusting some mischief was befallen them, requested the Bassa to lend him some of his Soldiers; who readily granted him eight Men, part Arabians, part Bedoüins. These the Consul ordered to disperse themselves upon several Roads in the Wilderness, to see if they could meet with any tidings upon the Way. In a short time two of them returned with two little Pouches, in one of which was the Packet of Letters. They reported also, that in a by-place between Taïba and Mached-raba they saw the Bodies of four dead Men lying upon the Sand. One of them which was in black Clotheses, being hacked and mangled in a most miserable manner; but the Bodies of the other three were entire, though run through in several places. Some time after the persons themselves that did the fact told both at Diarbequir and Damas', how it came to pass. For certain Merchants of Damas' going to Diarbequir, perceived four Men early in the morning at certain Wells where they were to stop; whereupon they sent two of their Company before to know who they were. But the Austin-friar- having a little parcel of Diamonds about him, and believing them to be Thiefs, inconsiderately let fly his Gun and killed one of them immediately upon the place: the Merchants seeing one of their companions dead, fell all at once upon the other three, cut the Austin-friar- to pieces, and flew the rest; and so without rifling them pursued their Journey. From Aleppo I went to Alexandretta, and there embarked in a Vessel of Marseilles, with a favourable Wind, till we came to make the Coast of Candy, where we were becalmed for two days. One morning by break of day we discovered a Pickaroon, whereupon seeing we could not avoid being fetched up by him, we made ready. He made two or three shot at us, which did us no other harm but only touched the Beak-head of the Ship. Our Gunner made a shot at him, which brought down his Top-gallant; asecond went through and through the great Carbin, and caused a great disorder in his Ship, as far as we could discern with our Prospective-Glasses. But when the Wind began to blow fresh, the Pirate, who had enough of us, and had discovered another Vessel which perhaps he thought better prize, made all the Sail he could from us toward the other Vessel. Thereupon we pursued our Voyage with a fair Gale, and came to Malta. From Malta we departed seven or eight in company, in two of the Pope's Galleys, staying three days at Syracuse, and one at Messina; where our Company increasing, we hired a Feluck for Naples. But as we were coasting by the Shoar to the Port of Naples, so terrible a Tempest surprised us near to Paolo, that we were forced to put in there upon Palm-Sunday. The next day we went to see the Covent of St. Francis of Paolo; the way to it lying between a high Mountain on the right, and a Precipice on the left hand. This Mountain leans so, that it seems to be tumbling down; and there is a good height upon the Rock the seeming print of a Hand, which as the report goes, was the print of St. Francis' Hand, who sustained it a whole day, and kept it from falling. From Paolo we went to Naples, where we arrived upon Easter-eve; and as we entered into the City, the great Guns went of round the City, in honour of the Resurrection. At Rome we all separated, according as our Business led us. CHAP. VI Another Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, by the Euxin or Black Sea; with some Remarks upon the principal Cities thereabouts. THere are three Roads yet remaining, leading out of Europe into Persia or the Indieses. That of Constantinople, all along the Coasts of the Black, Sea; that of Warsovia, crossing the same Sea at Trebisond; and that of Moscow, down the Volga, which has been amply described by Olearius, Secretary to the Embassy of the Duke of Holstein. In this and the next Chapter I shall describe the Way from Constantinople, all along the Black Sea, and that from Warsovia, not knowing any person that has hitherto mentioned any thing upon this subject. And first of all I will give a short Description of the principal Places that lie upon that Sea, as well upon the side of Europe as of Asia, with the just distances of one Place from another. The principal Cities upon the Black Sea, on the Coast of Europe. From Constantinople to Varna they count it two hundred Miles, four of which make an Alman League; miles 200 From Varna to Balshike, miles 36 From Balshike to Bengali, miles 70 From Bengali to Constance, miles 60 From Constance to Queli, miles 25 Near to this City of Queli the great Arm of Danow throws itself into the Black Sea. Here is the grand Fishery for Sturgeon. From Queli to Aquerman, miles 50 The City of Aquerman belongs to a Can of the lesser Tartary▪ but it is not the place of his residence, for he keeps his Court at Basha-Serrail, twenty-five miles up in the Land. From Aquerman to Kefet or Kaffa, miles 350 This is a great City, and a place of great Trade, wherein there are above a thousand Families of the Armenians, and about five hundred Greeks. They have every one their Bishop, and several Churches. St. Peter's is the biggest, very large and very beautiful; but it falls to decay, because the Christians have not Wealth enough to repair it. Every Christian above fifteen years of age, pays a Piastre and a half tribute to the Grand Signior, who is Lord of the City; and he sends a Bassa that lives in the ancient City called Frink-Hesser. However the Can of the Lesser Tartary extends his Jurisdiction as far as the Gates of Kaffa. From Kaffa to Assaque, miles 70 Assaque is the last City in Europe, belonging also to the Grand Signior. By it runs a great River of the same name, the other side being in the Territories of the Duke of Moscovy. Down this River come the Cossacks that do so much mischief to the Turks. For sometimes they come with threescore or fourscore Gelia's which are a kind of Brigantines, the bigger sort of which carry a hundred and fifty men, the lesle a hundred. Sometimes they divide themselves into two parts, one of which makes Havoc toward Constantinople, the other Ravages the Coast of Asia, as far as Trebizond. The Coast of Europe bordering upon the Black Sea is 861 miles in length. The chief Cities upon the Black Sea on the Coast of Asia, which is 1170 miles in length. From Constantinople, to Neapoli, miles 250 In this City are made the greatest part of the Galleys and Vessels that belong to the Grand Signior. From Neapoli to Sinabe, miles 250 From Sinabe to Ouma, miles 240 From Ouma to Kerason, miles 150 From Kerason to Trebisond, miles 80 From Trebisond to Rise, miles 100 From Rise to Guni, miles 100 The City of Guni belongs half to the Grand Signior, and half to the King of Mengrelia, with whom he keeps a good Correspondence, because the greatest part of the Steel and Iron that is spent in Turkey comes out of Mengrelia through the Black Sea. The only good Ports upon the Black Sea from Constantinople to Mengrelia, are, Quitros, Sinabe, or Sinope, Onnye, Samsom, Trebisond, Gommé. The Haven of Quitros is very deep, and the Vessels lie sheltered from the winds. but the entrance into it is very bad, which only the Pilots of the place, or they who have often accustomed themselves to that Trade can only found out. It seems that anciently there had been most stately Buildings round about the Port; and several noble Pillars are to be seen all along the shore, not to speak of those which have been Transported to Constantinople. Near the City towards the South stands a high Mountain, whence there flows good store of excellent Water, which at the bottom gathers into one Fountain. To go from Constantinople for Persia by Sea, you must embark at Constantinople for Trebisond, and many times for Rise or Guni, which are more to the North. They that Land at Trebisond go directly to Erzerom, which is nor above five days Journey of, and from Erzerom to Erivan to Tunis. But there are few that will venture upon this Sea where there is no good Anchorage; besides that it is subject to prodigious Tempests, from which there are very few good Ports to descend them; which is the reason it is called Cara-denguis, or the Black Sea: The Eastern people giving to all things, mischievous and dangerous, the Epithet of Black. They that are Bound for Rise or Guni, go to Teflis the Capital City of Giorgia, and thence to Erivan, for though the way be bad yet it is far better and smother than the Road to Tauris. The principal places from Teflis to Erivan are these, together with their respective distances. From Teflis to Soganlouk, leagues 3 From Soganlouk to Senouk-kupri, leagues 7 From Senouk-kupri to Guilkae, leagues 7 From Guilkae to Dakrou, leagues 6 From Dakson to Achikent, leagues 6 From Achikent to Dillou, leagues 6 From Dillou to Yazegi, leagues 6 From Yazegi to Bicheni, leagues 4 From Bicheni to Erivan, leagues 2 From Erivan you keep the ordinary Road to Tauris. CHAP. VII. The Road from Warsow to Ispahan, over the Black Sea, and from Ispahan to Moscow; with the Names of the principal Cities and Islands of Turkey according to the vulgar pronunciation and as they are called in the Language of the Turks. FRom Warsow upon the left hand of the Vistula, the ordinary residence of the Kings of Poland, to Lublin, days 6 From Lublin to Iluove, days 5 There all the Bales are opened, and the Customers take Five in the Hundred for their Merchandise. From Iluove to Jaslovieer, days 12 This is the last City of Poland toward Moldavia, where if you cell any quantity of Goods you must pay Five per Cent. From Jaslovieer to Yashé, days 8 This is the Capital City of Moldavia, and is the Residence of the Vaywood which the Grand Signior sends to govern in the Country. There they open all the Bales, and there is a Roll of what every Merchant aught to pay, which may amount to Five per Cent. From Yashé to Ourshaye, days 3 This is the last City of Moldavia, where there is no Custom to be paid. From Ourshaye to Akerman, days 4 Here they never open the Bales, but they take Four in the Hundred. From Akerman to Ozou, days 3 Here they never open the Bales, but the Custom amounts to two per Cent. From Ozou to Precop, days 5 Neither do they here open the Bales, but trust to the Merchant's word, and the Customs amount to Two and a half per Cent. From Precop to Kaffa, days 5 Nor are the Bales opened here, but the Custom comes to Three per Cent. Thus from Warsow to Kaffa the Journey takes up one and fifty days, in the Wagon, which is the manner of Carriage in those Countries. All the Customs amount to Eighteen and a half per Cent. to which you must add the Carriage, and Passage by Sea to Trebizond: where you pay three Piastres for every Mules-load, and four for every Camels-load. Observe by the way, that the Armenians do not usually take shipping at Trebizond but go to another Port more to the West, upon the same Coast, where they never, pay above a Piastre and a half for a Camel's load. This Port, called Onnie, is a very good Haven; and there is another a little farther of, called Samson, which is no bad one, but the Air is unwholesome and dangerous. There is also another Road from Warsow to Trebizond, shorter by three days journey. From Warsow to Yashé, according to the Road already set down, days 31 From Yashé to Galas, days 8 All merchandise is Taxed at this place, and the Duties are taken at Galas, according to the Note which the Merchant brings from Galas. Galas is a City of Moldavia. From Galas to Megin, days 1 The Bales are not opened here, but the Merchant pays three and a half, or four per Cent. From Megin to Mangalia, days 8 This is one of the four Ports to the West upon the Black Sea, and the best of all. The three others toward the South upon the Coast are Kavarna, Balgik, and Varna. At Mangalia they demand but half a Piastre for every Bale. Crossing from thence to Trebisond you have five days Journey to Erzerom. Now to the Road of Muscovy; which having been exactly described by Olearius, going into Persia, I will describe it returning out of Persia. Having led the Reader to Shamaqui, I will return home from thence. From Shamaqui to Derbent, days 7 Derbent, which the Turks call Demir-Capi, is the last City within the Jurisdiction of the Persians'; by which there runs a River which is called Shamourka. From Derbent to Tetarck, days 8 By this Town runs a River which is called Bocan. From Tetarck to Astracan they hire small Barks with a dozen Oars. All along the shore the Osiers grow so very thick, that they afford shelter for the Barks in fowl weather. If the Wind serve they will put up a little Sail and be at Astracan in four or five hours; but if they only Row, they cannot be there in nine. When you Embark upon the Caspian Sea, where you only creep along by the shore, you must provide yourself with Water for the three first days, in regard the Water is bitter and ill tasted all along the Coast all that while; but for the rest of the Voyage it is very good. If you carry heavy Goods, you may hire large Boats to save Charges. When you come to Astracan you unlade your Goods; at what time the Officer comes, and sealing up every Bale, causes them to be sent to the Merchant's Lodging. Three days after the Customer comes to open the Bales, and takes five per Cent. If the Merchant happen to want money, and takes it up at Astracan, to pay again at Moscow, he pays sometimes thirty per Cent. according to the Rate of Gold Ducats. If a Merchant have any Diamonds, or any other Jewels, and let it be known, he pays five per Cent. But if a Merchant have any Jewels, or any other Rarities, and tells the Governor that he intends to carry them to the Grand Duke; the Governor sends a Convoy with him either by Land or Water, that costs him nothing: and moreover sends a Courier before to the Court, to give Notice of his coming. There is very good Wine at Astracan; but better at Shamaqui, where I advice the Traveller to provide himself. From Astracan to Moscow, you take Shipping in great Barks, that make use both of Oars and Sails, rowing against the Tide, and weigh whatever you put Aboard, to a very Coverlet. Generally you pay for every pound fourteen Caya, and three Abasses and a half, and an Abassi makes eighteen Sous and three Deniers. In Muscovy, they reckon the way neither by Leagues nor Miles, but by Shagerons, five of which make an Italian Mile. From Astracan to Courmija, Shagerons' 300 From Courmija to Sariza, sha'. 200 From Sariza, to Sarataf, sha'. 350 From Sarataf to Samarat, sha'. 200 From Samarat to Semiriskat, sha'. 300 From Semiriskat to Coulombe, sha'. 150 From Coulombe to Casan, sha'. 200 This is a great City with a stout Fortress From Casan to Sabouk-sha, sha'. 200 From Sabouk-sha to Godamijan, sha'. 120 From Godamijan to Niguina, sha'. 280 Niguina is a large and well Fortified Castle From Niguina to Mouron, sha'. 300 From Mouron to Casin, sha'. 100 From Casin to Moscow, sha'. 250 So that from Astracan to Moscow they count it sha'. which makes 590 Italian miles. 2950 At Sarataf you may go ashore, and so by Land to Moscow. When the Snow is gone you travel in Wagons, but when the Snow lies, in Sledges. If a man be alone, and that his Goods weigh not above two hundred pounds Paris weight, they put them into two Bales; and laying them upon the Horses back set the man in the middle, paying for Carriage as much as from Astracan to Moscow. From Sarataf by Land to Inserat, days 10 From Inserat to Tymnek, days 6 From Tymnek to Canquerma, days 8 From Canquerma to Volodimer, day 6 Volodimer is a City bigger than Constantinople, where stands a fair Church upon a Mountain in the City, having been formerly the residence of the Emperors themselves. From Volodimer to Moscow, days 5 In all, days 35 Observe by the way that they never go ashore at Serataf but in case of necessity, when the River gins to be Frozen. For from Serataf to Inserat is a Journey of ten days, in all which time there is nothing to be had, either for Horse or Man. The Custom is the same at Moscow as at Astracan, that is Five per Cent. All the Asiaticks, Turks, Persians', Armenians, and others, lodge in a sort of Inns: but the Europeans lie in a place by themselves altogether. The Names of some Cities and places belonging to the Empire of the Grand Signior, as they are vulgarly called, and in Turkish. COnstantinople after it was taken by Mahomet the second, the twenty seventh of May, 1453, was called by the Turks Istam-Bol; Istam signifying Security, and Bol, Spacious, large, or great, as much as to say, Great Security. Vulgar, Turkish. Adrianople, Edrené. Burse, Brousa. Belgrade, Beligrade. Buda, Boudim. Grand Cairo, Mesr. Alexandretta in Egypt, Iskendrié. Mecca, Meqquié. Balsara, Basra. Babylon, Bagdat. Nineveh, Moussoul. Nisibis, Nisbin. Edessa, Oursa: Tiqueranger, Diarbequir. Eva-togea, Tokat. Teve Toupolis, Erzerom. Shamiramager, Van. Jerusalem, Koutsheriff. Damas', Cam. Tripoli in Syria, Cam Taraboulous. Aleppo, Haleb. Tripoli in Barbary, Taraboulous, Tunis, Tunis. Algiers: Gezaiir. Candy, Guirir. Rhodes, Rhodes. Cyprus, Kebres. Chio, Sakes. Methelin, Medilli. Smyrna, Izmir. Troy, Eski Istamboul Lemnos, Limio. Tenedos, Bogge-adasi. Negropont, Eghirbos. The Dardanels, Bogaz-ki. Athens, Atina. Barut, Biroult. Said, Saida. Tyre, Sour. St. John of Dacres, Acra. Antioch, Antexia. Trebizond, Tarabozan. Sinopus, Sinap. In the Fortress of Sinopus, at the lower part of the Wall there is a Stone to be seen, where there is an Inscription in Latin abbreviated, with the word Rome in it; whence some conjecture may be made that the Romans built it. The Mediterranean Sea, Akdeniis. The Ocean, Derijay Mouhiit. The Black Sea, Kara-Deniis. CHAP. VIII. Remarks upon the Trade of the Island of Candy, and the principal Isles of the Archipelago, as also upon some of the Cities of Greece adjoining; with a particular Relation of the present Condition of the Grand Signor's Galleys, belonging as well to the Isles as to the Continent. Of the ISLAND of CANDY. OUT of the Island of Candy Strangers export great store of Wheat and Salad-oil, all sorts of Pulse, Cheese, yellow Wax, Cottons, Silks, but more especially Malmsey, wherein consists its chiefest Trade. When Vintage draws near, the Countrypeople that are to gather the Grapes wrap their Feet in a piece of a Boar's Skin, which they tie together upon the upper part of the Foot with a piece of Packthread, to preserve their Feet from the violent heat of the Rocks upon which they are to tread. Those Skins are brought out of Russia by the Russes, that bring Botargo and Caviar to Constantinople, where they have a vast vent for it all over Turkey, Persia, and Ethiopia; where they that follow the Greek and Armenian Church, eat little or nothing else all the Lent. By the way take notice, that the Turks make a certain Glue out of Sturgeon, which is the best in the World, so that whatever is fastened with it, will rather break in another place than where it is glued. They make it thus: When they have caught a Sturgeon, they pull out his Guts, and than there remains a Skin that covers the Flesh; this Skin they take of from the head to the belly. It is very clammy, and about the thickness of two Sheets of Paper, which they roll as thick as a Man's Arm, and let it dry in the Sun. When they use it, they beaten it with a Mallet, and when it is well beaten they break it into pieces, and steep it in Water for half an hour in a little Pot. When the Venetians were Masters of Candy, they that had committed any Crime which deserved Death, if they could get out of the Island before they were apprehended went directly to Constantinople, to beg their pardon. For you must know, that no person but the Ambassador of the Commonwealth of Venice had the Privilege to pardon Crimes committed in Candy. For example, when Signior Dervisano was Ambassador for the Commonwealth of Venice at Constantinople, a Candiot having a desire to lie with a Woman by force, she told him she would sooner eat her Child's Liver than yield to his Lust. Whereupon, the Villain enraged he could not compass his design, took his opportunity, killed the Child, cut out the Liver, and made the Mother eat it, and than slew the Mother also. Upon this he fled to Constantinople, to beg pardon of the Ambassador, and obtained it there: But the Ambassador at the same time wrote word to the Governor of Candy to put him to death at his return; having only granted him his Pardon, to preserve his Privilege. And indeed, to speak truth, the Candiots are the most wretched people under Heaven. Of the ISLAND of CHIO. THE City of Chio, which gives the Island its Name, contains about thirty thousand Inhabitants; where there are little lesle than fifteen thousand Greeks, eight thousand Latins, and six thousand Turks. Among the several Greek and Latin Churches, the last of which hath continued ever since the time that the Genoeses possessed the Island, there are some indifferent handsome Structures. The five principal Latin Churches are the Cathedral, and the Churches belonging to the Escolantines, the Dominicans, the Jesuits, and the Capuchins. The Turks have also their Mosqueés, and the Jews their Synagogue. Four Miles from the City, near to the Seaside is to be seen a vast Stone, which was cut out of some Rock; it is almost all round, only the upper part, which is flat, and somewhat hollow; round about the upper part, and in the middle, are places like Seats, cut into the same Stone; of which there is one higher than the rest, like a Schoolmaster's Chair; and Tradition reports that this was Homer's School, where he taught this Scholars. In this Island there is such an infinite number of Partridges that the like is not to be found in any part of the World. But that which is a greater Rarity is this, that the Natives breed them up, as we do our Poultry, but after a more pleasant manner; for they let them go in the fields all the day long, and at night every Countryman calls his own severally home to Roost by a particular Note, whither they return like a Flock of so many Geese. There are great quantities of Damasks and Fustians wrought in the Island of C●i●, which are transported to Grand Ca●o, and to all the Cities upon the Coast of Barbary, Anatolia, and particularly to Constantinople. Three Leagues from the Island of Chio, upon a Mountain to the South there grows a peculiar sort of Trees; the Leaves are somewhat like a Myrtle, their Branches so long that they creep upon the ground; but which is more wondered, that when they are down, they rise again of themselves. From the beginning of May to the end of June, the Inhabitants take great care to keep the Earth under the Tree very clean; for during those two Months there issues out a certain Gum from the joints of the Branches, which drops upon the ground; this is that which we call Mastic, and the Turks, Sakes, according to the Name which they give the Island. The Island produces great store of this Mastic, which is spent in the Seraglio of Constantinople, where the Women continually chew it, to cleanse and keep their Teeth white. When the Mastic Season draws near, the Grand Signior every year sends a certain number of Bestangi's to take care that it be not exported, but be preserved for the use of the Seraglio. If it be a plentiful year for Mastic, the Bestangi's that cull out the lesser sort to cell, put it into little Bags and seal it up; which Bags being so sealed, are never questioned by the Custom-house Officers. The Island also yields very good Turpentine. Of the ISLAND of NAXIS. THere is not one Port belongs to this Island; the Vessels that are Bound thither for Trade, being forced to stay in the Haven of the Isle of Paros, called Derion six miles from Naxis, which is one of the best Havens in the Archipelago, able to contain a thousand Ships. There are the ruins of a Wall still to be seen that made a Mole, where four or five Galleys might ride. There are also the ruins of several Houses of the ancient Dukes, the Stables standing almost whole, all Arched, and built of Marble. These Dukes were also Lords of twelve other Islands. As for the Island itself, it is well stored with Villages, and has three good Cities, Barequa, Qüsa, and Falet. Near this Island within a stones throw, there is a curious piece of Antiquity still to be seen. It is a flat Rock, as big about in compass as the ancient Court of the Lovure. In the middle of this Rock it was that the Temple of Bacchus was built all of Marble, of which there is nothing but the Foundations that remain. The Gate is still standing made of three Stones, whereof two make the sides, and the third lies across. From the Isle to this Rock there is a fair Stone Bridge of Freestone, upon each side whereof are to be seen the Pipes that conveyed the Wine into the Temple, that was drank at the Feast of Bacchus. Naxis also is the Island that produces the best Emeril. As to the Inhabitants themselves, if the Husband or Wife happens to dye, the Survivor never stirs out of the House in six Months after, upon any business how urgent soever, not not to hear Mass. There are both Latins and Greeks in the Island, but the latter are the most numerous. There is a Latin Archbishop, and Canons belonging to the Metropolitan Church, with two Religious Houses, one of Capuchins, and the other of Jesuits: The Greeks also have their Archbishop. The Island of Naxis is sixscore miles in compass, being one of the fairest and pleasantest Islands in the Archipelago. The ancient Dukes made it their residence, whence they command the greatest part of the Cycladeses. There is great plenty of White Salt made in Naxis, and it produces excellent Wine both White and Claret, which caused the Inhabitants▪ to build a Temple to Bacchus, who according to their ancient Tradition chose that Island for his Habitation. The Island produces excellent Fruits, feeds great store of Cattles, and abounds in several other things necessary for human support. There are also in it large Woods full of small Deer, and frequented by a great number of Eagles and Vultures. Here follow the names of the Cycladeses, as the people of the Country Pronounce them. 1. Delos or Sdilis. 2. Giaroa. 3. Andros. 4. Paros. 5. Nicaria. 6. Samoa. 7. Pathmoa. 8. Olearoa. 9 Sitino. 10. Rhena. 11. Miconoa. 12. Tenoa or Tino. 13. Sciroa or Sirrah. 14. Subiuma. 15. Syphnus or Sifanre. 16. Nixcia. 17. Chios or Scio. 18. Astypaleo. 19 Amorgus or Amorgo. Of the Islands of Zea, of Milo, of Paros, and other Islands of the Archipelago. ZEA is an Island wherein there is nothing remarkable, and from whence there is nothing to be Exported but Valanede, to dye Leather withal. Neither are there any Goods Imported into it but what the Pirates bring in, which are very few, in regard the Islanders are careful to provide themselves otherwhere. Milo affords nothing but Millstones to grinned Wheat, which are carried to Constantinople. Paros where there is no Trade neither, has nothing remarkable in it but one Greek Church, very well built all of Marble, called Our Lady's Church. As for the Islands of S●fante and Miconoa, in regard there is nothing of Trade in either but only with the Pirates, who sometimes touch there, if there be any Consuls that live there, it is only to buy their stolen Goods. Of the City of Athens, Corinth, Patras, Coron, and Modon. THE City of Athens is about four miles distant from the Sea, and contains two and twenty thousand Inhabitants, twenty five thousand Greeks; five or six thousand Latins, and a thousand Turks. Among all the Antiquities that yet remain, those in the Castle are the best preserved. The Castle stands upon a Hill, upon the North descent whereof some part of the City stands. It encloses a very fair and spacious Temple, built all of white Marble from the top to the bottom, supported by stately Pillars of black Marble and Porphiry. In the front are great Figures of Armed Knights ready to encounter one another. Round about the Temple, except upon the Roof, which is all of flat Marble Stones well ordered, are to be seen all the famous Acts of the Greeks in small carving▪ every Figure being about two foot and a half high. Round about the Temple runs a fair Gallery, where four persons may walk abreast. It is supported by sixteen Pillars of white Marble upon each of the sides, and by six at each end, being also paved and covered with the same Stone. Close to the Temple stands a fair Palace of white Marble, which now falls to decay. Below the Castle, and at the point of the City toward the East, stand seventeen Pillars, the remainder of three hundred, where anciently, they say, stood the Palace of Theseus first King of the Athenians. These Pillars are of a prodigious bigness, every one eighteen foot about. They are proportionable in height, but not all of a piece, being thwarted most of them by Stones of white Marble, one end whereof rests upon one Pillar, and the other upon that which follows it; which was the support of the whole building. Upon the Gate, which is yet entire, are to be seen these words upon the front without. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The City of Athens was assuredly the City of Theseus. Withinside of the same City these other words are Engraved. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The City of Athens is the City of Adrian, and not of Theseus. There are in Athens several other pieces of Antiquity which are well worthy to be seen. Corinth, which formerly made such a noise in the world, is now a Village of some five or six and twenty houses, but all of them the Habitations of rich Greeks. The Town lies at the foot of the Castle, which is seated upon an inaccessible Rock guarded by the Greeks, commanded by an Aga. Corinth Exports great quantities of Currants. Patras does the same, which is all the Trade of those two places. Coron and Modon drive a Trade in Salad-oil, which is so good and so plentiful, that several English, Dutch, and other Ships are unloaden away with it from thence every year. There are Consuls in Athens, Patras, Coron, Modon, and Napoli of Romania. The Athenian Merchants buy up Tissues, Velvets, Satins, and Cloth, with which they serve other Countries adjoining. The Commodities which Foreigners export from thence, are Silks, Wool, Sponges, Wax, Cordivan-Leather, and Cheese. Which is all that can be said in few Words, of the Trade of all these places. A Particular Relation of the Galleys belonging to the Grand Signior, as well at Constantinople, as in the Isles and other Parts of the Empire. FOrmerly there lay in the Road of Constantinople above a hundred and fifty Galleys: But the Grand Visier perceiving that so great a number did but cause confusion, and that the Captain- Bassa could not conveniently take so great a burden as to look after such a number, he gave order that no more than twenty-four should lie in the Port of Constantinople; sending the rest to other Ports, as well of the Continent, as the Islands. At present the Number of the Grand Signor's Galleys is fourscore, thus distributed under the Command of their several Beys or Captains. At Constantinople, twenty-four under the Command of the Captain- Bassa, or Admiral of the Sea; who when he goes out upon any Expedition, sends to the rest to meet him according to Orders. When he goes in person to Sea, he gives to every one of his Slaves besides their ordinary Habit a kind of Cassock of Read Cloth, and a Bonnet of the same colour. But this is only in the Admiral's Gally, and at his own Cost. His Galley carries usually 366 Slaves, and to every Seat of the Rowers, a Bonne Vole. These Bonne Voles are certain Volunteers that freely offer themselves to the Service of the Admiral, and there is great care taken for their being well paid. Their Pay is 3500 Asper's for their Voyage, which generally continues seven or eight Months. They feed as the other Slaves; but if they Row negligently or lazily, they are beaten worse than the Slaves; for the Volunteers have nothing to do except it be to Row: But the Slaves are put to several other Duties. Take notice also that the Volunteers that serve in the General's Gally, have 500 Asper's more than those in the other Galleys, that is to say, 4000 Asper's for their Voyage, which comes to 40 Crowns. The Rear-admiral carries Two hundred and fifty men, as well Slaves as Volunteers. That Galley and the great Tefterdar's or Treasurer's, are the best provided of any in the whole Fleet: For the Rear-admiral Bassa has his choice to take four of the best men out of every Galley for his own, or else to receive 3500 Asper's for every man, which is paid by the Captain of the Galley; which makes him the richest of all the Beys. The great Tefterder's Galley is one of the Twenty four Galleys of Constantinople, and he sends a particular Treasurer, in the quality of a Lieutenant, to command her. That Command is very much contested for, in regard that Galley is very well provided with all things; and for that all the Captains Court the Tefterdar, who, when the Galleys return to Port, rewards them according to their Merit. The Janizary-Aga's Galley is of the same number; but he never goes to Sea, always sending one in his room. The Bey of Rhodes, that takes upon him the Title of Bassa, has eight Galleys. The Bey of Stancho, an Island about an hundred Miles from Rhodes, Lieutenant to the Bey of Rhodes, has one Galley. The Bey of Sussam, a small Island near Scio, has one Galley, and his Lieutenant another. These Galleys are generally appointed to watch the Maltesi, and Ligorn. The Bey of Scio formerly had but three; but since the War with Candy, he has had six. The Lieutenant of the Bey of Scio has two Galleys. There be also three other Beys in the Island of Scio, who have no dependence upon the Bassa of Scio, but buy their Provisions where they can found it best cheap. The Bey of Smyrna and his Lieutenant have two Galleys; but they can do nothing without the Orders of the Bey of Scio. The Bey of Metelin has two Galleys. The Bey Cavale, a small Bay, twelve Miles on this side the Dardanells, upon the Coast of Europe, has one. The Bey of Nestrepont, seven. The Bey of Napoli in Romania, five. The Bey of Coron, one. The Bey of Modon, one. The Bey of Famagosta, six. The Bey of Alexandria in Egypt, five. The Bey of Canée, two Galleys. The Bey of Castel-Tourneze or Navarin, two Galleys. All these Galleys make up the number of Fourscore. The light Galleys carry not above 196 men; the four men that are wanting of two hundred, being the Bey's profit. Every Captain is allowed thirteen thousand Piastres for his Provision; and every Christmas he gives to every Slave a pair of Breeches, and a Cassock of course Cloth, with a scanty kind of a Cloak. Every Slave has every day a pound and a half of good Bread, and nothing else. But upon Friday which is the Mahometans Sunday, they have hot Pease, or Beans, or Lentils boiled in Butter. They receive also sometimes the Alms of the Greeks, when they lie in any Port. But at Constantinople they far somewhat better; for twice a week, as well the Turks, as the Greeks and others, come to the Bains, and bestow their Charity of Rice and other good Victuals. The Bains is the name of the place where the Seamen are kept when they are not at Sea. Sometimes when they are to go Sea, they will sergeant themselves sick or lame; but they are so narrowly observed, that it serves them to no other purpose than to procure to themselves the more Blows. CHAP. IX. A Relation of the present State of Georgia. GEORGIA, which others call Gurgïe, or Gurgistan, extends Eastward to the Caspian Sea; and upon the West is bounded by Mountains that part it from Mengrelia. Formerly it was a Kingdom, all the Inhabitants whereof were Christians, of the Armenian, and of the Greek Church; but of late the Mahometans have got footing among them. And the King of Persia having filled them full of Divisions, has made two Kingdoms of it, which he calls Provinces; over which he has placed two Governors. They are generally Princes of the Country, who must turn Mahometans before they can be admitted to that Dignity. When they are advanced, they take upon them the title of Kings; and while they have any Issue, the King of Persia cannot dispossess their Children. The most Potent of these two Kings, is he that resides at Teflis, who in the Language of the Country is called the King of Cartelé. The present King is the last that has continued a Christian, with his four Sons; the Eldest of which, the King of Persia having enticed to Court, partly by Promises, and partly by Presents, has won to Mahumetism. Immediately thereupon, he caused him to be declared King of the other Province. These two Kings have each of them a Guard of Mahometan Horsemen under their own pay; and at present I believe there are in both Kingdoms near upon 12000 Mahometan Families. The King of Teflis coins Money in the King of Persia's Name; and the Silver which he coins, is in Spanish Reals, French Crowns, and such other Money, which the Armenians bring out of Europe for their Goods. As to the Justice of the Country, neither the King himself, nor the Mahometans have any thing to do with it. A thief is acquitted, paying sevenfold what he has stole; two parts whereof go to the Party robbed, one part to the Judges, and four parts to the King. If the Thief has not wherewithal to make restitution, he is fold: If the Product do not yet equal the Sum, if he have a Wife and Children, they first cell the Wife, and if that will not do, than they cell the Children: But if the Party robbed be so merciful, as to forgive the Thief his share, than neither the King nor the Judges can demand any thing for their share. If any man commit a Murder, they condemn him to die, and deliver him up into the hands of the Kindred of the Party slain, to do Execution as they please themselves. However, it is in their power to pardon him, if he be able to give sixty Cows or more to the next akin to the Party killed. In matter of Debt, a Creditor has Power to seize upon all the Estate of the Debtor; and if that will not satisfy, he may cell his Wife and Children. The Christians of Georgia are very ignorant, especially in Matters of Religion. They learn that little they know, in the Monasteries, as also to writ and read; and generally the Women and Maids are more knowing than the Men; not only because there are more Religious Houses for Women than for Men, but also because the Boys are bred up to labour, or sent to the Wars. For if a Virgin grows up, and happens to be handsome, some one or other presently endeavours to steal her, on purpose to cell her into Turkey, Persia, or the Territories of the great Mogul. So that to prevent their being stolen, their Fathers and Mothers put them very young into Nunneries, where they apply themselves to study; wherein, if they attain to any proficiency, they usually stay as long as they live: After that, they profess, and when they come to a certain Age, they are permitted to Baptise, and to apply the holy Oils, as well as any Bishop or Archbishop can do. The Georgians are very great Drinkers; and Nature has fitted them a Country that produces good store of Wine. They love the strongest Drinks best; for which reason, at their Feasts both men and Women drink more Aqua vitae than Wine. The women never eat in public with their Husbands; but when the man has invited his Friends, the next day the Woman invites her She-companions. And it is observable that at the women's Festivals there is more Wine and Aquavitae drank than at the men's. The Guest is no sooner entered into the Dining-room, but he is presented with 2 or 3 Dishes of Sweetmeats, and a Glass of half a pint of Aquavitae to excite his Appetite. They are great Feeders upon Onions and Herbs, which they eat raw out of the Garden. The Georgians are also great Travellers, and very much addicted to Trade; they are very dexterous in shooting with Bow and Arrows, and are accounted the best Soldiers in all Asia. They compose a great part of the King of Persia's Cavalry, who keeps them in his Court at peculiar pay, and relies very much upon their fidelity and courage. There are several also in the Service of the Great Mogul. The Men are very well complexioned and very well shaped; and for the Women, they are accounted the fairest and most beautiful of all Asia; and therefore out of this Country it is that the King of Persia chooses all his Wives, being not permitted to marry a Stranger. Teflis, where the Women have more liberty than in any part of Asia, is the Capital City of Georgia, well situated, large and well built, where there likewise is a great Trade in Silk. CHAP. X. A RELATION of the present State of Mengrelia. MEngrelia extends from a Chain of Mountains, that separates it from Georgia to the Black-Sea, and is now divided into three Provinces (every one of which has their King.) The first is called the Province of Imareté, or Bassa-Shiouk, the king whereof pretends to a superiority over both the other, which is the reason they are often at War, and that with so much cruelty, that when they have taken any Prisoners of either side, they cell them into Turkey. They are so accustomed to cell one another in this Country, that if a man or his wife have any occasion for money, they will go and cell one of their Children, and many times they will exchange a Child for Ribbons or other Toys at the Mercer's Shops. The second Province is that of Mengrelia, and the King of this Province is called the King of Dadian. The third is the Province of Guriel, the King of which Province is called the King of Guriel. The Province of Mengrelia was formerly subject to the King of Bassa-Shiouk, who sent thither a Governor, which is called in their language Dadian. One of those Governors being a person of wit and courage, gained so far upon the affection of the People, that they chose him for their King. The chief of the Province of Guriel, seeing how the Dadian had obtained the Kingdom, following the Example of Mengrelia, shook of the Yoke of the King of Bassa-Shiouk, and chose another King among themselves, who keeps his Sovereignty to this day, by the support of the Grand-Signor. For when the Dadian rebelled he entr'd into an Alliance with the Grand-Signor, and obliged himself to furnish him every year with such a certain quantity of Iron, upon condition that if the King of Bassa-Shiouk should war upon him, he should furnish him with twenty thousand Horse. Of which the Turk was very glad, finding thereby the Country of Mengrelia divided, which being united, was able at any time to have disturbed him with an Army of fifty thousand Men. The King of Bassa-Shiouk coins money of the same bigness and weight with that of the King of Persia. But in regard it is not so fine metal as that of the King of Persia, he would have much ado to make it pass in the trade between his Subjects and the Persians', which is very great, had he not found an expedient by putting the King of Persia's name upon the Coin as well as his own, which makes it pass without any difficulty. He would also put the Grand-Signor's Name upon his Coin, but that the Turk coins none but small money, or Asper's, excepting only some Ducats which he coins at Cairo. The King of Bassa-Shiouk, as well as the King of Teflis coins all sorts of foreign money. These three Kings of Bassa-Shiouk, Mengrelia and Guriel, are Christians also. And when they go to war, all the Ecclesiastical Persons attend them; Archbishops and Bishops, Priests and Monks: not so much as to fight as to encourage the Soldiers. Being at Constantinople the first time I travelled into Persia I saw there an Ambassador from the King of Mengrelia, whose behaviour gave all the Franks occasion of laughter. The present which he made the Grand-Signor was in Iron and Steel, and a great number of Slaves. The first time of his Audience, he had a train of above 200 Persons. But every day he sold two or three to defray his expenses; So that at his departure, he had none but his Secretary and two Vassals more left. He was a man of presence but no wit: and every time he went to visit the Grand Visier, he presumed to wear the white Bonnet which all the Franks wondered at; when they saw that the Grand-Visier winked at it. For should any other Christian have done so, he had been most certainly put to death, or constrained to turn Mahometan. By which it was apparent how much the Grand Signior valued the Friendship of the King of Mengrelia, and how careful he is of offending those that are sent from his Court. He knew those People suffer no affronts, but upon the lest word presently draw; besides that there is nothing to be got by provoking them. This Ambassador going once upon a visit into the Country, returning home was surprised with a Storm, whereupon he pulled of his Boots and carried them under his Coat, choosing rather to go barefoot to his lodging, than to spoil his Boots. Another time, it being the custom of all Catholic Ambassadors to go to Mass to the Covent of Grey Friars in Pera, upon St. Francis' day, the Mengrdia● Ambassador after Mass was done, coming out of the Church, and seeing several baubles which the Pedlars expose in the Cloister upon that day, bought a Tin Ring, two or three small Looking-Glasses, and a Pipe, which he put in his mouth and went piping all the way i'th' Street, as Children do coming from Fairs. But to return to the matter, you must take notice that there are not only Iron Ours, but also Ours of Gold and Silver in two places five or six days Journey from Teflis, the one called Soüanet, the other Obetet. But the mischief is, the people can hardly be got to work there, for fear the Earth should tumble down, and bury them in the Mine, as it has many times happened. There is also a Mine of Gold near to a place which is called Hardm●nshé, and a Mine of Silver at Gunishé-Koné. five days Journey from Erzerom, and as many from Trebisond. As for the people themselves both▪ Georgians and Mengrelians, they never trouble themselves about the ignorance and viciousness of their Priests, or whether they be able to instruct them or no. The richest among them are they which are in most credit, and absolutely give Laws to the poor. There are also some heads of the Church, that assume such a jurisdiction over the people, as to cell them both to the Turks and Persians', and they choose out the handsomest Children, both Boys and Girls, to get the more money, by which authority also the great men of the Country enjoy Married Women and Maids at their pleasure. They will choose out their Children for the Bishops while they are yet in their Cradles; and if the Prince be dissatisfied at it, all the Clergy joins with him that makes the choice, and than together by the Ears they go. In which Skirmishes they will carry away whole Villages, and cell all the poor people to the Turks and Persians'. And indeed the custom of selling men and women is so common in that Country, that a man may almost affirm it to be one of their chiefest Trades. The Bishops dissolve Marriages when they please, and than Mary again after they have sold the first. If any of the Natives be not Married to his fancy, he takes another for such a time as he thinks fit, for which he pays her all▪ the while as the Turks do. Very few of these people know what Baptism means. Only two or three days after the woman is brought to Bed, the Priest comes and brings a little Oil, mumbles over a few Prayers, and than anoints the Mother and the Infant, which they believe to be the best Baptism in the World. In short, they are a people of no Devotion at all, neither in their Ceremonies nor in their Prayers. But there are great store of Nunneries, where the young Maids apply themselves to their Studies, and after such an age, whether they stay in the Nunneries or betake themselves▪ to the Service of any of the great Lords, they Confess, Baptise, Mary, and perform all other Ecclesiastical Functions, which I never knew practised in any other part of the World beside. CHAP. XI. Of Comania, Circassia, and of certain people which they call Kalmouches. COmania is bounded toward the East by the Caspian Sea; Westward by the Mountains that divide it from Circassia; Northward it lies upon Muscovia; and Southward it is bounded by Georgia. From the Mountains that bound upon the North-East to Tercki, which is the River that parts Moscovia from Comania, it is all a levelly Country excellent for Tillage, and aboundding in fair Meadows and Pasturage. However it is not overpeopled, which is the reason they never Sow twice together in one place. The Climate is much the same as between Paris and Lion, where it Rains very much; and yet the Country people have cut several Channels from the Rivers to water the Grounds after they have Sowed them, which they learned from the Persians'. Those Rivers fall from the Southern Mountains, being not at all taken notice of in the Map. There is one among the rest a very large River, which can be forded at no time. They call it Coyasou, or The thick water, in regard it is continually muddy, the stream being so slow, that they can hardly discern which way it runs. It falls gently into the Caspian Sea to the South of the mouth of Volga. Not far from this River, in the months of October and November, all along the Shore of the same Sea, you may see vast shoals of fish about two foot long. Before, they have two legs, like a Dog's legs, behind instead of legs they have only claws. Flesh they have none, but only fat with a bone in the middle. Now in regard they are but slow paced, when they come upon Land the Country people easily knock them on the head, and make Oil of them; which is the greatest Trade they have. The people of Comania, commonly called Comouches, devil for the most part at the foot of the Mountains, because of the Springs so plentiful in those places, that in some Villages you shall have above twenty or thirty. Three of these Springs meeting together, make a stream strong enough to drive a Mill. But this is not the sole reason, for there is Water enough in the plain. But in regard they are a people that only live upon the spoil and plunder of their Enemies, and of one another, as they are in continual fear of being set upon, they love to devil near the refuge of the Mountains, whither they fly with their Cattles upon any occasion of danger. For all the people round about, as Georgians, Mengrelians, Cirkassians, Tartars, and Muscovites, live altogether by rapine, and continual Inroads into one another's Countries. There are another sort of people which are called Kalmouches, that inhabit upon the Coast of the Caspian Sea between the Muscovites and the Tartars. The men are strong, but the most deformed under Heaven. Their faces are so flat and broad, that there is the breadth of five fingers between each Eye. Their Eyes are very small, and that little Nose they have is so flat, that there is nothing to be seen but two little holes instead of Nostrils. Their Knees also and their▪ Feet turn inward. When they go to the Wars, they carry their Wives and their Daughters, if they be twelve years of age, along with them, who fight as courageously as the men themselves. Their Arms are Bows, Arrows, and Skains, with a great wooden Mace at the Pummel of their Saddles; their Horses being the best in all Asia. Their Captain is of some ancient Family, but they more particularly choose him for his valour. The Duke of Muscovia sends them presents every year, to preserve their friendship, which presents consist in Cloth. And he grants them free passage through his Territories, when ever they have a mind to invade the Mengrelians, Georgians, or Cirkassians, at which sport they are much more dextrous than the lesser Tartars. Sometimes they advance into Persia, as far as the Province of the Vsbekes, which is a part of Great Tartary, ranging up as far as Caboul and Candabar. Their Religion is particular to themselves, but they are great Enemies to the Mahometans. As for the Comouches or people of Comania, they are Mahumetans, and very precise ones too. They are under the protection of the King of Persia, who makes great account of them, in regard they defend the Passes into his Country on that side against the Kalmouches. They are habited both men and women like the Lesser Tartars, fetching all the Silk and Calicut which they use out of Persia; for as for Cloth, they are contented with what they make in their own Country, which is very course. Circassia is a pleasant good Country, and full of variety. There are Plains, Forests, Hills, and Mountains abounding in Springs, some of which are so large, that some of them will serve seven or eight of the neighbouring Villages. But on the other side, in all the Rivers that proceed from these Springs, there is not a fish to be seen. Flowers they have in abundance, especially fair Tulips. There is a sort of Strawberry also with a short stalk, of which five or six grow in a bunch; the lest are as big as a small Nut, of a pale yellow Colour. The Soil is so fertile, that it brings forth without any great trouble a vast plenty of all sorts of Fruits. Nor do the people need any other Gardens than their Fields which are covered with Cherry-trees, Appletrees, Pear-trees, Walnut-trees, and all other useful Trees of the same nature: but their chiefest Wealth consists in cattle, but especially in well-shaped Horses, not much unlike the Spanish Gennets. They have also an abundance of Goats and Sheep▪ whose Wool is as good as that of Spain; which the Muscovites fetch away to make Felts. They neither sow Wheat nor Oats, but only Barley for their Horses, and Millet to make Bread; nor do they ever sow twice in the same place: not but that the Land is good enough to bear Wheat, but because they love Bread made of Millet better. They have very good Fowl, and Venison, and Wildfowl more than they know what to do withal; which they never hunt with Dogs, nor fly their Hawks at; for their Horses are so swift and so good, that they will tyre the Beast, and force him to lie down and yield. Every Horseman has a Rope with a sliding-knot ready at the Pummel of his Saddle, which they are so dextrous to throw about the neck of the Beast that gins to be weary, that 'tis twenty to one if they miss him. When they have killed a Deer, they cut of the legs, and breaking the Bones, eat the Marrow, which they say is the best thing in the World to strengthen the Body. When they go to steal cattle, they carry along with them great Cows-horns stuffed with boiled Tripes cut in small pieces; than watching their times when the Herdsmen are asleep, when the Dogs begin to bark, they throw to every one a Horn, with which the Dog presently runs away: and so while the Shepherds are asleep, and the Dog is busy to get the Meat out of the Horn, which is there rammed in on purpose, the Thiefs drive away what they please. The Drink of the Sherks is Water and Bosa. Bosa is a Drink made of Millet as intoxicating as Wine, which they want in the Country. The Men and the Women, Boys and Girls go habited all alike, and their Habit is a coloured Robe of Fustian, with a kind of large Petticoat underneath; with this they wear a little pinked Waistcoat that reaches down to their Thighs; and over that a Cassock of course Cloth that reaches down to their Knees, girt about their Wastes with a Cord. The Sleeves of the Cassock are open below and above, and sometimes they pin them behind their Backs. They wear no Beards till they are sixty years of age. And as for their Hair, neither Men nor Women, Boys nor Girls, ever wear it longer than the tips of their Ears. The Men, both young and old, shave the middle of their Heads about the breadth of two Fingers from the Forehead down to the Nape of the Neck: and than in stead of Hats or Headclothes, both Men and Women wear only a little Bonnet of the same Cloth as the Cassock, made like a Nightcap. 'Tis true, when the Maids come to be married there is some distinction upon their Heads; for than they fasten to the hinder part of their Heads a round piece of Felt, which they cover with a white Veil very artificially pleated. Their Breeches are tied below their Knees, and reach to their Ankles; their Shoes, which are of Cordovan, both upper and under Leather, have but one seam upon upper part of the Foot, being light, and cut like a pair of Pumps. As for their Beds, they take several Sheepskins and sow them together, and than stuffing them full of Millet-leaves, make a kind of Quilt. Now when they beaten the Millet, the Leaf comes to be as small as the Chaff of Oats; so that when the person rises of from the Quilt, the Quilt rises and swells again of itself. Their Cushions are of the same Make, only sometimes they are stuffed with Wool. The People are neither Christians nor Mahometans, all their Religion consisting in some Ceremonies which they perform with the greatest Solemnities which they can imagine: for at that time old and young of all Ages and Sexes, and all the whole Town must be there at the place appointed, unless impotency or sickness excuses them. I call them Villages, for in all these Countries there is neither Fortress nor City, and as for their Villages, they are all built after the same Model, round, with a Piazza in the middle, according to the Figure, ●ge. 129. Persian Travels. A little gate at which the people of the Village go in and out for water to the well ●●ch is in that place. All this great round is taken up by ● houses of the Inhabitants, right against which their cattle comes in & goes out evening & morning 〈◊〉 they go a▪ field and return from thence & these houses are all equal This minor round is for the stables of their horses and for their other cattle The wells. The great gate which is the Lords house, al-ways guarded by his People THE PLATFORM OF ONE OF THE VILLAGES OF THE COMOUKS CHAP. XII. Of the Ceremonies and Customs of the People of Comania and Circassia. THe Principal of all the Feasts which the Comouches and Sherks or Cirkassians make, is that which they make at the end of Autumn, after this manner. Three of the ancientest of the Village are appointed to manage it, and to discharge themselves of a Duty imposed upon them in the company of all the people. These three old men take a Sheep or a Goat, and having muttered certain Prayers over the Beast, they cut the throat of it: after they have dressed it very clean, they boil it whole, all but the Gathers, and them they roast▪ The Sheep being boiled, they set it upon a Table, and carry it into a large Barn, where the People are appointed to meet: There the three old men stand upright before a Table, and all the People, Men, Women and Children behind them. When the Table upon which the Meat stands, is brought in, two of the three old men cut of the Legs and the roasted Gathers, and hold them up above their heads, and the third holds up a great Cup of Bosa in the same manner, to the end the people behind may see them. When the people see the Meat and Bosa so lifted up, they prostrate themselves upon the ground, and so continued till all the rest of the Meat be set upon the lesser Table, and that the old men have said some few words. Than the two old men that held up the Meat, cut of two little pieces, and give each of them a piece to him that holds the Cup, which being done, they take each of them a piece for themselves. When they have all three eaten of the meat, the old man that holds the Cup, drinks first, than gives the two old men to drink, first to him upon the right hand, next to him upon the left, never letting go the Cup all the while. This first Ceremony being thus accomplished, the two old men turn toward the Assembly, and go and present both of the Meat and the Drink, first to their Chief or Lord, than to all the people, who equally eat their share, both men and women. That which remains of the four feet, is carried back to the Table, and the three old men eat it. This done, they go and place themselves at the Table, where the Mutton is set, where the oldest of the three taking the Head, eats a little Morsel; after him, the second, and next to him, the third does the fame. Than the first old man commands the rest to be carried to the Lord, who receives it with a great deal of respect, and after he has given it to his next akin, or the Friend whom he loves best, the Head is gi'vn from one to another, till it be eaten up. This being done, the three old men begin to eat of the Mutton a bit or two, and the Lord of the Village is called, who comes with his Bonnet in his hand, in a trembling posture; to whom, one of the old men presenting a Knife, he cuts of a piece of Mutton, and eats; and having drank a Cup of Bosa, he returns to his Seat. After him, all the people, according to their turns in quality, do as much; and than, for the Bones the Children go together by the ears among themselves. They have another Feast before they begin to Mow their Meadows; at which time all the people of the Village, that have wherewithal, take every one a Goat, (for in their Ceremonies they esteem Goats better than Sheep) and for the poor, they join eight or ten together for a Goat. Let them be Goats, Sheep or Lambs, when they are all brought together, they cut their Throats and than flay of the skin, leaving the four feet and the Head in it. Than they stretch the Skin with sticks that cross from one foot to the other, and set it upon a Pole fixed in the Earth, the top whereof enters into the head of the Beast, as is to be seen in the Figure of the Village; and as many Beasts as there are killed, so many Poles are planted in the midst of the Village, with every one a particular Skin upon it; to which, every one that passes by, makes a profound obeisance. Every one having boiled his Goat, brings it into the voided place in the middle of the Village, and sets it upon a great Table with the rest. There is the Lord of the Village with his Servants, and sometimes the Lord of some other Village is invited. Now all this Victuals being upon the Table, three of the oldest men of the Village sit down and eat a Bit or two: Than they call the Lord of the Town, and if there be any other Lord, they come both together, with some other of the Seniors of the Parish; who being set down, eat up one of the Beasts, which the old men had set apart for them; the rest is divided among the people, sitting upon the ground. There are some Villages where you shall have fifty Goats and Sheep, or Lambs and Kids, killed together at one time. As for their Bosa, there are some that bring above 200 Pints; others more or lesle, according to their quality. All the day long they eat and drink, and sing and dance to their Flutes a dozen together, which are in some measure harmonious, as consisting of several parts, and decreasing proportionably from the Triple to the Base. When the old men have solaced themselves with eating and drinking, they go home, and leave the young people, Men and Women, Boys and Girls to be merry by themselves: They stay as long as there is any Drink; and the next day they go early to Mowing. They have other Ceremonies particular only to their Families. Once a year in every House they make a Cross after the Form of a Mallet, about five Foot high, the two Sticks that compose the Cross, being as big as a man's Arm. This the Master of the House sets in the Evening near the Door in his Chamber, and calling all his Family together, gives them every one a lighted Wax-Candle. Than first he fixes his own to the Cross, next his Wife sticks hers, and so all the Children and Servants: If the Children be so young, that they cannot do it themselves, the Father and Mother do it for them. If one of the Candles burn out before it be put out, 'tis a Prognostic that he or she that fixed it there, shall not live out their year. If the Candle falls, than he whose Candle it was, shall be robbed, or be forced to fly for his Life. If it thunders, all the people run out of the Village, and the young people of both Sexes let themselves to singing and dancing in the presence of their Elders: And if any one be Thunderstruck, they bury that person honourably, believing him to be a Saint. Besides that, they sand over all the Country for a white Goat, which they breed up and keep in the Village where it happened to thunder, having it in great veneration, till thundering in another place, the people sand for it thither also. If the Thunder fall upon any of their Houses, though it kill neither Man, Woman, Child, nor Beast, all that Family shall be kept upon the public stock all that year, without being tied to any Labour but of Singing and Dancing. These people, during that time, go from Village to Village Dancing and Singing at people's Doors, but never going into their Houses; for which the Inhabitants are bound to bring them out something to eat. There is a day in the Spring, when all that have been stricken with Thunder, meet together in the Village where the white Goat is kept; who has always a Cheese hanging about his Neck as big as a Parma▪ Cheese. This Goat they take and carry to the Village of the chief Lord of the Country. They never go in, but the Lord with all the rest of the Village coming out, they all together prostrate themselves before the Goat. Having said some Prayers, they take away his Cheese, and immediately put another in its place. The Cheese which was taken away, is at the same time cut into little pieces, and distributed among the people. After that, they give the Strangers to eat, and bestow their Alms upon them; so that by this wand'ring from Village to Village, they get good store of Money. They have among them but only one Book; and it is as big as one of our largest Eolio's, and it lies in the hands of an old man, who has only the privilege to touch it. When that old man is dead, they choose another old man to keep the Book; whose Duty it is to go from Village to Village, where he hears of any sick people. He carries the Book with him, and after he has lighted up a Wax-Candle, and put the people out of the Room, he lays the Book upon the Stomach of the sick person, opens it, and reads in it, than blows over it several times, so that the Breath passes toward the mouth of the Party: Than he causes the party diseased to kiss the Book several times, and as often lays it upon his head, which is a Ceremony of half an hour. When the old man goes away, one gives him a Beef or a Heifer; another gives him a Goat; every one according to their Quality and Estate. They have also Old Women that take upon them to cure the Sick. These women feel the body of the sick party, all over, but more particularly they handle and grope that part where the distemper lies: during which time they let go several belches out of their mouths, and the more sick the party is, the louder and thicker, they fetch their belches. The standers by hearing them belch in that manner and fetch such villainous sighs from their stomaches, believe their friend to be dangerously ill, and that the louder the Women belch, the more ease and comfort they receive; but whether they do or not, the women are well paid for their pains. When any one feels a pain in the Head, they sand for the Barber, who, gives two cuts upon the Head across with the razor, and than pours Oil into the wound. For they believe the Headache proceeds only from a wind between the flesh and the bone, for which the Incision opens a passage to let it out. At their Funerals they that are the near Relations or Friends of the dead, some cut their faces, and other parts of their Bodies with sharp flints, others prostrate themselves upon the ground, and tear their hair; so that when they return from the Burial, they are all of a gore blood: However, notwithstanding all this affliction, they never pray for the Dead. As to their Marriages: When a young man has seen a Virgin which he has a liking to, he sends one of his friends to agreed with her Parents or her Tutor, what he will give for her. Commonly the gift consists in Horses, Cows or some other sort of cattle. When the agreement is made, the Parents and Kindred of the party thereby contracted, together with the Lord of the place, go to the House where the Virgin lives and bring her to the Bridegroom's House, where there is a Feast ready prepared; and after they have made merry, and sung, and danced for a while, the Bridegroom and Bride go and lie together, without any other Ceremony. If the man and Maid are of two Parishes, the Lord of the Village where the Man lives accompany him and his Kindred to the next Village all together, to fetch the Bride from thence. If a Man and the wife have no Children, he is permitted to take several wives one after another till he have Issue. If a married woman have a Gallant, and that the Husband should come and found his wife a-bed with him, he goes away again without saying a word, and never takes any further notice of it. The woman also in the same case, does the like by the man. Nay, the more Gallants a woman has, the more she is respected: And it is a common custom when they fall out, to taunt one another, that if they were not ugly, or ill natured, or diseased, they would have more Admirers than they have. The People are of an excellent Complexion, especially the women, who are extremely fair, and finely shaped, and keep their beauty till five and forty or fifty years. They are very laborious, and work themselves in the Iron Ours, which they melt afterwards and forge into several Tools and Implements. They make abundance of Embroidery of Gold and Silver for their Saddles, their Quivers, and their Pumps, as also upon the Calicut of which they make their Handkerchiefs. If the man and the woman hap to quarrel often together, so that they cannot be reconciled: the Husband complaining first to the Lord of the Place, He sends for the Woman, and having given order to cell her, giveth the Man another. But if the Woman complain first, the Man is served the same sauce. If a man or Woman be a disturber of their Neighbours, if the Neighbours complain to the Lord, he presently causes the party to be apprehended and sold to the merchants that buy Slaves, for they are resolved they will live in quiet. They that take upon them the quality of Gentlemen, fit still, do nothing and speak very little. In an evening they ride out, and meet some twenty or thirty together to go a stealing. Nor do they rob only their Enemies, but their Neighbours, from whom the chief prey which they take are Cattles and Slaves. All the Countrypeople are Slaves to the Lord of the Village where they live, whom he employs to till his Land, and cut wood for him upon occasion, of which they spend vast quantities. For not being very warm clad, they keep fire all night in the places where they sleep. CHAP. XIII. Of the lesser Tartars, called Nogaïes, bordering upon Comania. THE lesser Tartars have a very ancient race of Horses, which they breed up even to Superstition; so that it would be among them an act of Sacrilege to cell them to strangers, as being not a little curious how they cell them to one another. These are the Horses which they ride, fifty or sixty in a Troop together when they go a thieving; and sometimes a hundred together, when they design any Incursion upon their Enemies. When the old Men come to be infirm and impotent, if they know any stout young Man that is a Soldier, they will lend him one of their Horses (if he have none of his own) to make an Incursion, upon condition to have half of the Booty. Many times they run up as far as Hungary, near to Comora and Javarin. These Horses, partly by nature, partly by early custom, will travel four or five days together with a handful of Grass given them once in eight or ten hours, and a little Water every four and twenty hours. But they never go a robbing with them till they come to be seven or eight years old: besides that, they must undergo a very severe education ere they make use of them in those hardships. Their Bit is only a piece of Iron with a Buckle on each side, to which they fasten the Bridle and Headstall. For eight days together they put under the Saddle a bag of Gravel or Earth. The first day the Sack is a Horseman's weight; and so they add to it every day, till it come to be double the weight at the end of the eight days. As they increase every day the weight upon the Horses back, they abate every day the Horse's Provender and Drink. During these eight days, they get up and walk the Horse two or three Leagues. The next eight days, they abate every day of the weight, till the Sack be quite empty. Proportionably also they abate him of his Meat and Drink as in the first eight days, and every day take up the Gird a hole shorter. The three or four last days they afford the Horse neither Provender nor Drink, according as they found him able to endure hunger and thirst, and the labour which he is to undergo. The last day, they work him till he be all over of a Sweat; than they unbridle and unsaddle him, and pour upon him the coldest Water they can meet with. That done, they lead him into a field, and tie him by the leg with a Cord, at such a length as they intent he shall feed; yet still from day to day allowing him more Rope, till at last they let him lose, and feed with the rest of the Horses. This terrible fasting and labour, during which time, that little which they do eat and drink, they eat and drink with the Bit in their mouth, brings them to be so lean and out of flesh, that their very bones are ready to start out of their skins: So that if any one should see them in that miserable condition, that does not know the nature of the Horses, would think they would never be fit for good service. The hoofs of these Horses are so hard that they never show them, and yet they will leave the prints of their feet in the Earth, or upon the Ice, as if they had been shod. These Tartars are so curious in having Horses that will endure labour, that so soon as they see any handsome Colt in their Breed, they presently take him up, to school him as I have related: but hardly ten in fifty endure the tutor. As for their Diet, 'tis a great advantage for these Tartars to ride a Mare, in regard they Drink the Milk. They that ride Horses, carry along with them a little Bag full of pieces of Cheese dried in the Sun; they have also a small Borachio of Goatskin, which they fill with Water where they meet with it, into which they put two or three bits of their hard Cheese, which softens with the motion of the Horse, the Borachio being tied under his Belly: and thus the Water becomes a kind of sour Milk, which is their ordinary Drink. As for their Instruments of Cookery, every Horseman has a large wooden Ladle hanging at the Pummel of his Saddle, out of which the rider drinks himself, and gives his Horse likewise to drink. They that encounter them, can hope for no better Booty than their Horses; but they are very hard to be taken; for when one of these Horses perceives that his Rider is slain, he follows those that fly with all the swiftness imaginable. Beside that, those Horses being carried into other Countries, are presently spoiled, and come to nothing. Their Clothing is only a Sheepskin, which in Winter they wear with the wool next their Bodies; in the Summer turning the other side. They that are the Nobility of the Country, wear Wolves-skins, with a kind of Shirt, and Breeches of course Fustian of divers Colours, which the Tailor gets little credit by shaping. Their Women are very white and well proportioned, but their Faces are broad, and their Eyes little, so that by thirty years of Age they become very deformed. There is not a man but has two or three Wives, which they never choose but out of their own Tribe. Every Tribe has a Chief; who is one of the Nobility of the Country, and carries for his Banner a Horse-tail fastened to a half-Pike, and died into the Colour belonging to the Tribe. When they march, every one knows where to place himself, and how much ground they aught to take up for their Tribe and their cattle; one Tribe never encroaching upon another. The Women and Maids are generally clad in a large Shirt that reaches down to their feet. Upon their Heads they wear a large white Vale, their Foreheads being bound about with a large black Handkerchief tied in five or six Rolls. The Noble sort of Women and Maids wear over this Veil a Bonnet open behind, which comes down upon their Foreheads like a three-cornered Cap: One of these Points stands up in the midst of the Forehead, lined with Velvet, Satin, or Cloth of Gold, and set with small pieces of Gold and Silver, and false Pearls, of which they also make themselves Bracelets: Their Breeches are of single-coloured Cloth, and for Shoes and Stockings, they only wear a Cordovan Boot of what Colour they please, neatly sewed. When a young man intends to marry, it behoves him to give the Father and the Mother of the Maid a certain quantity of Horses, Bullocks or Cows, or other cattle, which is done in the presence of the greatest part of the ancientest of the Tribe, and a Moullah beside. When the Agreement is made, the young man has the liberty to see his Mistress, but not till than: For before, he has only the information of her Mother, his Sisters, or such Women as were his own Friends. Besides the three Wives which the man is allowed to take, he may keep several female Slaves; but the Children are still slaves, and can never inherit. These Tartars are of a very hot constitution, though not so hot as the women. Both the one and the other are very fair-haired; but the men have little or no Beards: So that if there be any one that has more Beard than ordinary, and can but writ and read, they make him a Moullah. These people have no Houses, but live in Tents, or in Wagons which are drawn after them wherever they go. The Tents are for the old people and little Children, with their Slaves that attend them. The young women ride in Wagons closed up with Board's, and to let in the Air, upon one side they open a Window that is made like a Lattice. In the Evening they are permitted to spend a little time in the Tents. When the Girls have attained to the age of ten or twelve Years, they never stir any more out of their Wagons till they are married, not so much as for the necessities of Nature; but in the middle of the Wagon there is a Plank to be taken up; and if it be in a place where they stay, a Slave presently comes and cleanses all underneath. The Maiden's Wagon is easy to be known, as being painted with Flowers; and generally there is a Camel tied to the Tail of it besmeared with several colours, and several Nosegays or Posies of Flowers stuck about the Head of the Beast. The young men have also every one their Charlot, wherein they only carry a Borachio of Horse-skin, containing about 38 Quarts, which they usual filly with Mares-milk, which is very sour. They have also every one another Wagon next to that wherein they ride themselves; wherein they carry several Boracho's full of Cows-milk, which is very sour. At Meals they drink this Milk: But before they power it out, they stir it in the Borachio with a great Stick, that the Curd may mix with the thin Milk. But the Mares-Milk is only for the Master and Mistress, though before they drink of either, they mix it with water. When a Friend comes to see them, they fetch out their dried Cheese, which they call Kourout, and breaking it into little Bits, eat it with fresh Butter. At their Feasts they sometimes kill old Sheep, sometimes old Goats. But for their Horses they never kill them but at the Funerals of their Kindred, at the Birth of a Child, or at their Marriage-Feasts, or lastly, when their Friends return laden with Spoil from any incursion, and are stored with Slaves. They never drink any thing but Mares-Milk or Cows-Milk, and when they can get neither, they will endure thirst for three or four days together before they will drink water, being always gripped with a terrible Colic when they drink it. They never eat any Salt, being of an opinion that it is naught for the Eyes. They live long, and are very strong, and seldom sick; nor do they refuse any Diet but Swines-flesh. Their Country is very levelly; only for some few Hills in some places. They have great store of Pasture-grounds, and every Tribe has their peculiar Wells to water their Cattles. In the Winter they lodge upon the banks of great Rivers, near to Woods and Marshes, suffering their Herds to feed at liberty. When the Snow is very deep, the cattle scrape it away with their feet to come at the Grass, though they meet with very little else but Reeds and Bushes. In the mean while the men cut down the Woods, make great Fires, and employ themselves in Fishing. There are some parts of these Rivers where the lest Fish they take is about four or five foot long; and some there are above ten or twelve foot in length. Some they dry in the wind, and preserve against Summer; some they smoke in holes which they make in the Earth: As for the smaller sort, they boil them, and eat them without Salt or any other seasoning. When they have eaten their Fish, they scoop up a large wooden Ladel full of the Fish-water and gulp it down. As for Bread, there is no talk of it in their Country. When they are not at Wars, or are but newly returned from any Incursion, they spend their time in Hunting, but cannot endure any other Hounds except Greyhounds: So that he must be a very poor Tartar indeed that does not keep a Greyhound. Take notice however by the by, that these petty Tartars, concerning whom I have last discoursed, are certain people adjoining to Comania, which the Turks, Persians' and Mengrelians call Nogaïes; who may be well reckoned among the number of the petty Tartars, in regard they are all under one Prince, whom the Grand Signior appoints King over all Petty Tartary, and who receives his investiture at Constantinople. These Tartars are all Mahometans. Nor have they any Physician among them; making use only of certain Simples of which they have a traditional knowledge. When the sick person lies in any extremity, they sand for a Moullah, who comes with the Alcoran, which he opens and shuts three times, saying certain Prayers, and laying it upon the sick person's face. If by chance the sick person recover, they attribute his recovery to the Sanctity of the Alcoran, and present the Moullah with a Sheep or a Goat: If he die, all his Kindred meet and carry him to the Grave with great Testimonies of Sadness, crying continually Alla, Alla. When he is interred, the Moullah mutters certain Prayers o'er the Grave, and is paid for his pains according to the wealth of the Heirs. For the poor he generally spends three days and three nights in that exercise; for the rich he as usually spends a Month, never stirring all the while from the Grave; and sometimes seven or eight. When any one of them is wounded, they use no other Salve but only boiled Flesh, which they apply hot to the wound. If the wound be deep, they thrust in a piece of Fat as hot as the wound can endure it; and if the person be able to kill a Horse, the wound is cured so much the sooner; for the Flesh and Fat of a Horse are much more medicinable than the Flesh of any other Creature. Were it not the Custom of the Tartars to buy their Wives when they marry, there would be fewer Whores. But in regard there are an abundance of poor young men that have not wherewithal to buy Wives, they never marry at all. This is that which makes so many Soldiers among them, and emboldens 'em to invade their Neighbours, and to get something whereby they may be enabled to buy them a Wife. For the Virgins they are never to be defiled, being always shut up in their wagons: But for the women they are often debauched, appointing their private Meetings, when they go to fetch water for their cattle, when their Husbands are a hunting, or looking after their Herds. Nor is it a hard thing to conceal it from their Husbands, in regard the Tartars are not in the lest prove to Jealousy. By the way take notice, that the Nogaïes, though they live almost after the same manner as the Tartars, and are under the same Prince, yet they perfectly hate them; reproaching them for effeminate, because they live in Houses and Villages, whereas the true Soldier should live in Tents as they do, to be ready upon all occasions. They that run afoot, as well in these Countries, as in Persia, when they are weary, take Walnuts and bruise them, and than rub the Soles of their feet with them before the fire as hot as they can endure it, which presently makes them fresh again. Having thus done with all the several Roads; here follows an Alphabetical Table of the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities of the whole Empire of Persia. THE LONGITUDES and LATITUDES OF THE Principal Cities of PERSIA, according as the Geographers of those Country's place them. A. A Amoul is in 72 Degrees, 20 Min. of Longitude, 36 deg. of Latitude. The Lands about this City abound in Prunes. Abeber, in 74 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. 12 Leagues from Casbin, a small City; but the Land is good about it. Absecun, in 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 10 min. Lat. A small City in an excellent Soil. Abdehil, in 60 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 24▪ min. Lat. The Inhabitants are most Christians, and there are many ancient Churches in it. It depends upon Sultany. Ahwaz, 70 deg. 15 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. A small City half ruin'd, in the Province of Belad Cowreston, in a Soil that yields excellent Fruits. Arbella, 69 deg. 50 min. Long. 36 deg. 20 min. Lat. A small Champaign City, where Provisions are Cheap. Ardevil, 62 deg. 30 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat. Ardeston, 77 deg. 10 min. Long. 33 deg. 7 min. Lat. Famous for the Copper Vessels that are there made. Arion, 74 deg. 32 min. Long. 32 deg. 25 min. Lat. One of the three places where Olives grow in all ▪ Persia. Assed-Abad, 63 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 50 min. Lat. A small City toward Amadan. Ava, 75 deg. 10 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. This is a very small place. Azadkar, or Yevin, 82 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 32. min. Lat. A City in a great Plain, where there are above four hundred Channels under ground. B. Bab El Abab, or, the Gate of Gates; called also Demir-capi; or, the Gate of Iron. The Tartars call it Monjou: 75 deg. 15. min. Long. 45 deg. 15 min. Lat. it has been formerly a strong place. Badkeist, 85 deg. 32 min. Long. 35 deg. 20 min. Lat. A small, but most pleasant City, and well built. Baste, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 15 min. Lat. A City in the Province of Kerman, where in Summer the Mornings are very cold, the Afternoons hot; yet the Air very good. Bafrouche, see Mahmeter. Beylagon, 63 deg. 52 min. Long. 41 deg. 20 min. Lat. A City toward the Caspian Sea, in a Country abounding in Corn and Fruit. Balk, 91 deg. 36 min. Long. 38 deg. 10 min. Lat. Three days journey from Moultan. Bem, or Bembe; 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 28 deg. 20 min. Lat. Thought to have been built by Caliph Mouktadar, near the great Desert of Bersham. Berdoe, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. 30 min. Lat. It lies surrounded▪ with Pasture-grounds, which breed great store of Cattles. Berzendé, 63 deg. 14 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. Here are made a sort of course Druggets for ordinary people. Beston, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 20 min. Lat. It lies in a Country abounding in Corn and Fruits. Bimoncheer, 74 deg. 10 min. Long. 37 deg. 30 min. Lat. Here is great Trade for Silk. Bost, 91 deg. 28 min. Long. 32 deg. 16 min. Lat. A great City, to which belongs the fairest and strongest Castle in all Persia. Bourou-Jerdé, 74 deg. 30 min. Long. 34 deg. 20 min. Lat. Famous for Saffron, and for being the native City of many Learned Men. C. Chemkon, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 41 deg. 15 min. Lat. Chiras, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 36 min, Lat. Chirvan, or Erivan; 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 38 deg. 32 min. Lat. Here all the Silk- Caravans rendezvous; and it is one of the richest Kanats or Governments in Persia. D. Dankon, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. A bad Town, in a bad Soil. Darabguired, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. In several ports round about this City they meet with▪ Salt of several colours, as read and green, black and white. Here they also make long-necked Glass-Bottles, which are very curious work; nor are they without Cider to fill those Bottles, in regard of the great plenty of Apples thereabouts. Near to the City there is a Sulphur-Mine, and great store of Mummy, very much esteemed in Persia. Debeston, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat. This is not properly a City, but a great many Villages joined together. Deras, 79 deg. 30 min. Long. 31 deg. 32 min. Lat. Devinmaat, 62 deg. 5 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat. Din Ver, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. Lat. A City in a fruitful Soil, stored with Mosques. Doulad, 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 50 min. Lat▪ The Country about is full of black Mulberry-trees. Dourak, 74 deg. 32 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Here they make the lose Cassocks without Sleeves which the Arabians wear. Near to this City the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, meeting at a place called Hell▪ d, make a Marsh, where grow the Reeds of which the Eastern people make their Pens. E. Elelbetem, 87 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. Eltiib, 70 deg. 15 min. Lon. 32 deg. 15 min Lat. Enderab, 93 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Erivan, see Chirvan. Espharaïen, 81 deg. 40 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. The Country about it abounds in Pears and Apples. Estakré, 78 deg. 30 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. The ancient City in the Province of Fars, properly▪ Persia; in a Soil abounding in Vines and Date-trees. Esterabat, 75 deg. 35 min. Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat. F. Ferah, 18 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 15 min. Lat. Built by Abdalla the Son of Taher, in the time of Maimon Reshid, Caliph of Berni-Abbas. Feronzabad, 82 deg. 32 min. Long. 30 deg. 10 min. Lat. Anciently called Hourbecthion. G. Girefte, 73 deg▪ 40. min. Long. 31 deg. 10 min. Lat. One of the biggest Cities in the Province of Kerman. The Trade of the City consists in Honeys and Wheat. Gir readegon, vulgarly Paygon, 75 deg. 35 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat. Goutem, 74 deg. 46 min. Long. 37 deg. 20 min. Lat. A little City, full of Silk-Twisters. H. Hamadan, 75 deg. 20 min. Long. 34 deg. Lat. The Country about it breeds great store of cattle. Hasn-Eltaf, or, The Centre of Beauty; 72 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. At this day almost ruin'd. Hawas, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 33 deg. 15 min. Lat. Heaye, 74 deg. 35 min. Long. 31 deg. 50 min. Lat. Helaverde, 91 deg. 30 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min Lat. Built by Abdulla before mentioned. Herat, 85 deg. 30 min. Long. 36 deg. 56 min. Lat. A City in the Province of Carassan, where Sultan Henssein-Mirza founded several Colleges for Youth. Hesn-Medi, 78 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 5 min. Lat. Hessne Ebneamoaé, 70 deg. 45 min. Long. 26 deg. 20 min. Lat. Hurman, 85 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 30 min. Lat. A small City, in a bad Air. I. Jemnon, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. The Trade of it is in Copper Manufactures. Jend-Babour, 75 deg. 5 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. A very strong place, famous for the Tomb of Melek-Yakoub-Sha, King of Schiras. Irson, 80 deg. 35 min Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat. Ispahan, or Hispahan; 86 deg. 40 min. Long. 32 deg. 40 min. Lat. K. Kaar, 78 deg. 40 min. Long. 42 deg. 32 min. Lat. Kashan, 76 deg. 15 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. Kafre-Chirin, 71 deg. 50 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. Built by Noushirevon-Aadel, surnamed the Just; and upon the acts and deeds of this King is all the Morality of the Persians' founded. Kaien, 83 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 32 min. Lat. Said to breed the choicest Wits of all Persia. Kalaar, 76 deg. 25 min. Long. 37 deg. 25 min. Lat. One of the chiefest Cities in Guilan. Kalin, 87 deg. 5 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat. In an excellent Soil for cattle and Fruit. Karkoub, 74 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Kasbin, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. Kasre-le-lehous, or Kengavat, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 33. deg. 35 min. Lat. Kazeron, 88 deg. 30 min. Long. 28 deg. 30 min. Lat. The Country about produces Oranges, Lemons, and Cypress-trees. Kerah, 86 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat. Kerman, or Kirman, 81 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 50 min. Lat. Kervak, 87 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat. Kirmonsha, 63 deg. 45 min. Long. 34 deg. 37 min. Lat. Kom, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat. Kouh de Mavend, 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. the smallest now which was once the largest City in Persia. Koucht, 83 deg. 40 min. Long. 33 deg. 20 min. Lat. In a soil excellent for Corn and good Fruits. Koy, 60 deg. 40 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. Kevachir, or Verdechir, 80 deg. 30 min. Long. 28 deg. 15 min. Lat. L. Lahijon, 74 deg. 25 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. The Trade of the Town consists in Stuffs, half Silk, half Cotton, called Tafsile. Loussek, see Toussea. M. Maameter, or Barfrouche, 77 deg. 35 min. Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat. Mehrovyon, or Behbehon, 75 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 35 min. Lat. Meraqué, 71 deg. 20 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. It stands in one of the Gardens of Persia. Merend, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 37 min. Lat. Mervasaé, 87 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat. In a fertile Country for Corn and Fruit. Merverond, 88 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 30 min. Lat. in a fertile Country. Mesched, look Touss. Moukon, or Derbent, 20 Leagues from the Caspian Sea, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. Mourjan, 84 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. A City well peopled, wherein there are several Mosqueés, and fair Piazza's. N. Nacksivan, or Nachevan, 61 deg. 32 min. Long. 39 deg. 40 min. Lat. Natel, 77 deg. 40 min. Long. 36 deg. 7 min. Lat. in a fertile Country for Pasturage. Nehavend, or Nahoüand, 73 deg. 45 min. Long. 34 deg. 20 min. Lat. The Country people aver this City built before the Loufon, or the Flood. Neher-Terij, 75 deg. 00 min. Long. 32 deg. 40 min. Lat. Nessah, 84 deg. 45 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat. Nichabar, 80 deg. 55 min. Long. 36 deg. 20 min. Lat. O. Oujon, 61 deg. 35 min. Long. 32 deg. 24 min. Lat. To this City finely seated belongs a fair Castle. R. Rachmikdon, 87 deg. 34 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min. Lat. Rem-hormous, 74 deg. 45 min. Long. 31 deg. 45 min. Lat. In this City Selmon, Haly's Foster Father was born. Rey, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat. In the best Soil of all Persia, for Wheat, Fruit, and Pasturage. Roudbar, 75 deg. 37 min, Long. 37 deg. 21 min. Lat. in the Province of Guilan. Royon, 71 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. in the Province of Mazandran. S. Saassour, 86 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min. Lat. Saron, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. In the Province of Guilan. Sary, 78 deg. 15 min. Long, 36 deg. 40 min. Lat. Seated among the Coppermines. Sebzevoar, 81 deg. 5 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. Near this City the people gather great quantities of Manna. Semiron, 71 deg. 30 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. A pleasant City stored with good Water and Fruits. Serijr-el▪ lan, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 45 deg. 50 min Lat. Serkess, or Serakas, 85 deg. 35. min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. A pleasant City for Situation, and plenty of Waters. Sermeghon, 87 deg. 37 min. Long. 37 deg. 32 min. Lat. In a fertile Soil, yet not very plentiful. Serveston, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 15 min. Lat. In a Soil abounding with Gardens. Servon, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat, In a Soil abounding with Wine and Dates. Surjon, 74 deg. 40 min. Long. 30 deg. 20 min. Lat. Where the best Persian Carpets are made, and Shaads, or Girdles of Goat's Hair curiously wrought. Sohreverede, 73 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 5 min. Lat. Ssouss, 73 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Sultanie, 76 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 40 min. Lat. Where the Mornings and Evenings are very cold; all the rest of the day very hot. T. Taberon, 80 deg. 34 min. Long, 35 deg. 20 min. Lat. Talikon, 88 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 32 min. Lat. In a Country plentiful in Corn, Fruit, and good Water. Tauris, otherwise called Ssernerdehi, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 10 min. Lat. Tebess, 80 deg. 40 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat. Teflis, 60 deg. 15 min. Long. 43 deg. 15 min. Lat. Toukon, 82 deg. 45 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat. Touss, or Meshed, 82 deg. 30 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat. Toussea, otherwise called Loussek, 85 deg. 40 min. Long, 37 deg. 50 min. Lat. Y. Yesd, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Yevin, see Azadkar. Z. Zemma, 89 deg. 14 min. Long. 38 deg. 35 min. Lat. In a Country abounding in all sorts of cattle. Zenjon, 73 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 5 min. Lat. Famous for its antiquity and formerly the Persian University. Zertah, 79 deg. 30 min. Long. 32 deg. 30 min. Lat. The biggest City in the Province of Belad-Ciston, abounding in Wine and Shell-fruit. Your, 70 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 32 min. Lat. A City in the same province. Zouzen, 85 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. 39 min. Lat. In the Province of Mazandran. Zourend, 73 deg. 40 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. In the Province of Kerman, where there is great store of curious Potter's ware; where also grows the Root Hanna, with the juice whereof the Persians' die their Nails, and the Breasts and Tails of their Horses. The End of the Third BOOK. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR▪ TAVERNIER: BEING, A DESCRIPTION OF PERSIA. CHAP. I Of the Extent of PERSIA, and its division into Provinces. PERSIA, according to the present State of the Empire, to the North is bounded by the Caspian Sea; Southward, by the Ocean; Eastward it joins to the Territories of the Great Mogul; Westward, to the Dominions of the Grand Signior; the two Empires being parted by the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates. But that you may the better understand the full extent of the Dominions of the Persian King you are to know, That this great Monarch, besides that Tract of Ground which is properly called Persia, possesses a vast part of the ancient Assyria and the great Armenia, the ancient Kingdoms of the Parthians and Medes, the Kingdom of Lar, the Kingdom of Ormus, and all Eastward of Persia beyond Candahar, almost as far as the Kingdom of Scindi. But because those Europeans that have Travelled before me, either were not so curious, or had not perhaps the opportunity to learn the true number of the Provinces that compose the whole Continent of Persia, I have undertake, though the Persians' themselves are ignorant enough, to give the best account I can, finding it necessary for the better satisfaction of the Reader, to take some notice of the Names of Places according to the ancient Geography. The first is the Great Armenia, which our Maps without any ground or reason at all call Turcomannia; in regard they might have more properly called it Ermenick in general, since the Inhabitants are the greatest part Armenians. That part whereof which is situated between the two Rivers of Araxes and Cyrus, at this day called Aras and Kur, by the Natives is called Iran, or Carabag, being one of the most beautiful, and richest pieces of Land in all Persia; the principal Cities of which are Erivan, Nacksivan, Zulpha, and Van. The second is Diarbeck, formerly Mesopotamia, between Euphrates and Tigris; the chief Cities whereof are by'r, Car-Emir or Diarbequir, Ourfa, Moussul, Geziré, Merdin, etc. The third is Curdistan, formerly Assyria, extending all along the East-side of the River Tigris, from the Lake Van to the Frontiers of Bagdat; the principal Cities are Niniveh, Sherisoul, Amadié Sneirne, Betlis, and Salmastre. The fourth is Hierak-Arabi, otherwise the Country of Babylon or Chaldea; the principal Cities whereof are Felougia upon Euphrates, Bagdat upon Tigris, Mershed-Ali, Gourno, and Balsara; and in the Country of Bourous, S●araban, Eronnabat, etc. The fifth is Hierak-Agemi, or the ancient Parthia; the principal Cities whereof are Hispahan, Toushercan, Hamadan, Cashan, Can, and Casbin; and perhaps Yesd, if it be not rather in Kerman or Sigistan. The sixth contains Shirvan, all along the Caspian Sea, where stand the Cities of * Derbent in the Persian Tongue signifies a Straight Gate, and Demir-Capi in the Turkish, a Gate of Iron; near to which place were the ancient Caspian Gates, or Caspiae Pylae of the Ancients. Derbent or Demir-Capi, Baku, and Shamaki; and the Province of Edzerbaijan; wherein stand the Cities of Tauris, Ardevil, and Sultany. Which two Provinces comprehend the ancient Media within a very little, extending to the very Shoar of the Caspan Sea. The seventh contains Kylan and Mazandran, lying likewise upon the Caspan Sea, formerly Hyrcania; wherein are the Cities and Towns of Firuzouh, Sukar-abad, and Mionikiellé at the entry of the Mountains; Giru, Talara-pesct, and Saru, in the Plain; Ferhabad, Ciarman, and Gscref, toward the Sea. The eighth is Estarabad, formerly Margiana, which extends to the River Ruthkhané-kurkan, which the Ancients called Oxus; the principal Citis whereof are Estarabad, Amul, Damkam. The ninth contains the Province of the Vsbeck-Tartars, comprehending all the ancient Sogdiana and Bactriana; the chief Cities whereof are Balk, Samarcand, and Boccara, etc. The tenth is Corassan, formerly Aria, with some part of Bactriana; the chief Cities whereof are Eri, Meshed, Nisabur, Thun, etc. The eleventh Sablestand, formerly Peloponnesus; the principal Cities whereof are Beksabat, Asbé, Bust, Sarents; the Territory and City of Candahar being also comprehended within the extent of this Province, together with Duki and Alunkan, upon the Frontiers of the Great Mogul's Dominions. The twelfth is Sigistan, formerly Drangiana; the principal Cities whereof are Sistan, Shalack, and Kets. The thirteenth comprehends all the Territories of the ancient Arachosia, bordering upon the Kingdom of Scindi, not having any Cities that we know of. The fourteenth is the Province of Makran, lying all along upon the Sea of Mogostan, formerly Gedrosia; the chief Cities whereof are Makran, Firhk, Chalak, and the Port of Guadel toward Guzerat. The fifteenth Kerman, formerly Caramania, extending as far as the Gulf of Ormus; the chief Cities whereof are Kerman, Bermazir, the Port of Kuhestek, and the Cape of Jasques. The sixteenth is Farsistan, or that part of Persia so properly called; the chief Cities whereof are Schiras, Caseron, Benarou, Firus-abat, Darab-guier, etc. To which you may add the little Province of Laraston, with the City of Lar, just against Ormus. But this Province formerly extended not farther than Benarou, two days journey from Lar, before Sha-Abas conquered the Kingdom of Lar, and than the Kingdom of Ormus. Now they are both united; though they have both several Governors, as they had distinct Princes before. The Ports in this Province upon the Persian Gulf are Bander-Abassi and Bander-Congo. There are two other little Ports in the Persian Gulf, about thirty hours' sail from the Mouth of Euphrates, but not capable of receiving any other than small Barks; which are very much to be admired; for in regard the Inhabitants are ignorant of the use of Iron, it is strange to see their Boats made so handsome and strong withal; the Planks being only tied together with a Cord, which is made of a kind of Hemp taken from the outside of the Cocoanut. The last is the Province of Cursistan, formerly Susiana, which Euphrates and Tigris joining together separate from Chaldea; the principal Cities whereof are Sister, anciently Susa, the Capital City of the Empire of King Ahasuerus, Ahawas, Scabar, Ramhormus, etc. The temper of the Air in Persia varies according to the variety of situation. The Country of Edzerbaijan is very cold, but very healthy. The Air of Mazandran is very unwholesome; for being a low fenny Country, and full of Infects, when the Waters dry up in the Summer, the Infects also dye and infect the Air. Sometimes those bad Waters overflow the Country; in so much that the Inhabitants receive a tincture in their Complexions from the colour of the Earth. The Province of Guilan is included in the Province of Mazandran; and the Air is so unwholesome, that the People cry of him that is sent to command there; Has he robbed, stolen, or murdered, that the King sends him to Guilan? At Ispahan, which is almost in the middle of Persia, there are six months of hot, and six months of cold weather. The Snow falls three or four times in a season, and sometimes so very thick, that there is hardly any travelling upon the Road. About a League from the City, toward the Mountain, there stands a Stone about two or three Foot high, which when the Snow hap'ns to cover, prognosticates a plentiful Year; and the first Countryman that carries the news thereof to the King, receives a hundred Tomans. As for Rain, there is very little falls there, unless it be in April, and than it sometimes reins very hard. In the Southern Provinces, the heats are very excessive, and kill abundance of our Europeans, especially those that are given to drink. All Persia is watered with little Rivers; but there is not one navigable River through the whole extent of it, unless it be Aras, or the Araxes of the Indians, which carries some few flatbottom Boats. The other Rivers, instead of growing bigger, the farther they keep their course from the Springs, grow shallower for want of Water, by reason of the infinite number of Kreises or Channels, which they cut out of the Rivers to water the Lands, which would not bring forth so much as only Grass without the help of those Cuts; unless it be in the Province of Mazandran, which from September to March seems a kind of Terrestrial Paradise, through the pleasing variety of Herbs and Fruits. However, Persia in general being thus watered is a most fruitful Country: though it be true, that many of their Springs and Channels are lost and broken. And Mirza-Ibrahim Governor of the Province of Edzerbaijan told me one day, that in the very Territory of Tauris, there were above two hundred Springs utterly lost, either by accident or negligence. As for their Gardens, they water them with Well-water, by the help of a Wheel and an Ox; but the running Water is much better, as not being so cold, and more fattening to the Earth. And therefore the Fruits that grow in the Mountains which are only watered by the Rain or by the Dews, are much better tasted, and keep longer. Persia is a mountainous Country, but for the most part the Mountains are very dry and barren. As for Woods, there are none in all the Country. Travellers are also forced to go a great way out of their Road to found a Spring; and sometimes they shall ride ten or twelve Leagues, before they meet with any Water but what they carry in their Bottles. There are some Mountains out of which they dig Salt, as Stones out of a Quarry. There are also Plains where the Sand is nothing but Salt, though it be not so savoury as our Northern Salt. Of late several Coppermines have been found out, of which the Natives make all sorts of Kitchin-Housholdstuff. Their Lead comes from Kerman; their Iron and Steel from Corasan and Kasbin, though not so good as that of Spain. Their Steel is very fine, with a smooth grain, and grows very hard in the Water, but it is as brittle as Glass. Neither will this sort of Steel agreed with the Fire: so that if the Fire have not more than a double heat when the Steel is forged, it will look just like a piece of burnt Charcoal. The Steel which we call Damas-Steel comes from the Indieses, and the Persians' call it Gauherder. There are also some Ours of Gold and Silver in Persia, wherein it appears that they have anciently wrought. Sha-Abas also tried again, but found his expense to be more than his profit: whence it is become a Proverb in Persia, Nokre Kerven dehkrarge nohhassel; The Silvermine of Kerven, where they spend ten to get nine, which is the reason that all the Gold and Silver of Persia comes out of Foreign Countries. CHAP. II. Of the Flowers and Fruits of Persia, of Turquoises and Pearls. THE Flowers of Persia are nothing comparable to our European Flowers, neither for variety nor beauty. For having passed the Tigris in the Road to Persia, you meet with nothing but Roses and Lilies, and some other Fruits peculiar to the Country. As for Roses, they have great store, which they distil, as they do Orange-flowers, and transport the Waters into all the Eastern parts of Asia. I never left the Court of Persia, but some of the Lords, especially four of the white Eunuches, begged of me to bring them some Flowers out of France; for they have every one a Garden before their Chamber-door: and happy is he that can present the King with a Posy of Flowers in a Crystal Flowerpot. There are in Persia Apples, Pears, Oranges, Granates, Prunes, Cherries, Apricocks, Quinces, Chestnuts, Meddlers, and other sorts of Fruit, which is not generally so well-tasted as ours. Their Apricocks indeed, especially the lesser sort, are better than ours. When you open this Apricot, the Stone cleaves in two, and than the Kernel, which is only a small Skin, as white as Snow, is more pleasing to the taste than if it had been preserved. As for their Melons, they are most excellent, and very plentiful, neither is it so dangerous to eat them to excess, as ours. There have been some that have eaten six and thirty pound in a day, and have never been the worse. There is a prodigious quantity of them sold in Ispahan, where they are brought to Market, from midnight till four a Clock in the afternoon. Those Melons which are first in season, and are called Guermez, are insipid, and taste of nothing but Water. However the Physicians advice you to eat them, saying that they plump up the Flesh, and renew the habit of the Body. The next to the Guermez, are better than they, and they increase in goodness till they come to be quite out of season; the last of which they keep all the Winter long. Though they have such vast plenty, yet they never leave but one Melon upon a stalk, and when it is as big as a Nut, the Gardener, or his Wife, or his Children, lie down upon the ground and lick of the Down, which they say keeps the Melon from being sweet, and ripening kindly. The Persians' have also a particular sort of Quince-Pipin, but not so good as ours, which they fry unpared, casting great store of Salt in the Pan to excite thirst, and than present them to their Friends at their Collations. They have also Almonds and Figs, but few Small-nuts or Wall nuts. Oil they have none, but in the Provinces of Mazandran and Guilan, which furnish all the rest of Persia; but the Olives are rotten, black, gravelly, and not worth any thing, compared with Province-Olives. Armenia, Mengrelia, Georgia, and Media abound in Vineyards. They bury their Vines all the Winter, and take them up again in the Spring by reason of the cold. In the hotter Countries they dress their Vines as we do, without any underpropping them. There are three sorts of Wines in Persia. That of Yesd is very delicate; that of Ispahan but ordinary: that of Yesd is transported to Lar where there lives a great number of Jews, who care not to live but where they may have good Wine, and that at a cheap rate. It is also carried to Ormus, where it is sold half in half cheaper than the Wine of Schiras. As for the Wine of Schiras, it is made of one only Grape, sweet in taste, but which heats the Mouth extremely. This sort of Grape is called Kichmishé; it is a white Grape, without any stone, as vulgarly believed; but however it has a stone, though it be hardly to be perceived, which nevertheless will appear in new Wine, when it frets like a little Ligament. They say that the Wine of Ispahan is cold upon the Stomach, but that it fumes into the Head. For its coldness upon the Stomach I can say little, but I know it will warm the Head, if a man takes too much of it. In Persia they never keep their Wine in Tuns, but in great earthen Vessels baked in an Oven, either glazed, or else smeared over with the fat of a Sheep's rump, stopped up with wooden Covers, covered over again with a great piece of read Calicut, that lies over all the lids of the Pots. The King and his Lords have other sorts of Cellars for magnificence, where they treat such as they invite. These are four square Rooms not above three or four steps deep, with a Well in the middle, the floor being spread with Turkey Carpets. Now at the four corners of the Well stand four great Bottles containing twenty Pints apiece, the one of White, the other of Claret. Between the great Bottles stands a row of lesser Bottles filled, a Bottle of White, and a Bottle of Red. In the Cellar-wall are several niches one above another, and in every niche a Bottle, still varied Gules and Argent; a very pleasant sight to good Companions in a Room, which is as light as day. As for Herbs and Roots they have very good in Persia, but above all, most excellent Roman Lettuce. But there is no sort of Pulse, nor can they found a way to make Pease grow among them. The Carmelites carried Asparagus, Artichokes, and Succory, which were never seen there before, but now begin to thrive very well. As for Turquoises and Pearls I shall speak thereof in my discourse of Jewels, toward the end of my Indian Travels. CHAP. III. Of the Beasts of Service; of the Fish and Fowl of Persia. THe Beasts for service in Persia, are Horses, Mules, Asses, and Camels. The Horses of Persia are but of an ordinary stature, lesle than ours, very narrow before, but very swift and light. They carry their heads very ill in running, by reason of the Custom to which the Persians' use them. For they have got a trick of managing their Horses, yet never getting upon their backs; they teach them to Amble by tying their feet with two Cords of an equal length, to the middle whereof are fastened two other Cords that are fastened to the Saddle, which▪ two Cords keep their feet so, that they cannot stir but at such a distance; and so they deal with their Mules upon which the old men generally covet to ride. The Horses of Persia are very docible, and easily brought up. They give them nothing else from one Evening to another but a Sack full of chopped Straw, with a measure of Barley which they mingle together with the Straw, to the end they may eat both together. When the Barley is newly eared, they give it them for fourteen or twenty days together to purge their Bodies, as we for the same end put our Horses to Grass in the Spring. The Persian Horses hold out very well till eighteen or twenty years of age; but they never cut their Stone-Horses in that Country. In the Winter, they never take of their Shoes, but only Frost-nail them. Their Furniture is very light and handsomely made. And this is further observed, that whereas we keep Goats in our Stables and Inns, the Persians' keep Hogs. There are two sorts of Asses in Persia. Those that are bred in the Country only serve to carry burdens; but there are a sort of Arabian Asses that are swift and very handsome, excelling in price the common sort of Horses. The Merchants of Ispahan keep these Asses in their Country Houses, taking it for a great piece of Grandeur to Ride every Morning to their Shops. Some parts of Persia are perplexed also with wild-Beasts, as Lions, Bears, and Leopards, but there are but very few; nor have we heard that ever they did any great mischief. Porcupines they have also; and I myself saw brought before the King two men, the one of which was Shot through the Thigh, and through the Leg with a Porcupine's Quill. The second was killed, the Porcupine having darted his Quill a little above his right Pap through his Breast. As for their Fish, there are an abundance of Carp, Trout, and Pikes in the River Aras: but in all the other Rivers of Persia there is but one sort of Fish, which is a kind of Barbel. In the subterranean Channel which they bring to water their fields there is another sort of Fish very plentiful of bones, and as little as can be eaten. Where the white Mulberries grow by the River side, so soon as they begin to bear fruit, 'tis very good pastime to see the Crabs, as big as the Palm of a man's hand, come out of the River after Sunset, and climb the trees to eat the fruit, and than by break of day return into the River again. They are delicate food, far beyond Creyfish, but a hot provocative Diet, as the Physicians well observe. During the Frost they bring from the Caspian Sea great store of Salmon or Salmon-Trouts, four or five Foot long. The Province of Media is well stored with Sturgeon from the mouth of the River Araxes. In the same Sea there is a certain Fish like a Carp, which they salt and dry like our Herrings. From the Persian Gulf comes nothing but Saltfish, which is transported over all the Kingdom. Their Fowls are much the same that we have in Europe, only I do not remember that I ever saw any Quails in the Country. As for their Pigeons, they fly wild about the Country; but only some which they keep tame in the City, wherewithal to decoy the rest: which is a sport the Persians' use in hot weather as well as in cold. Now in regard the Christians are not permitted to keep these Pigeons, some of the vulgar sort will turn Mahometans to have that liberty. There are above three thousand Pigeon-houses in Ispahan. For every man may build a Pigeon-house upon his own Farm, which yet is very rarely done; all the other Pigeon-houses belong to the King, who draws a greater Revenue from the Dung than from the Pigeons: which Dung, as they prepare it, serves to smoak their Melons. Poultry is very plentiful in Persia; and the Armenians brought out of Europe the way how to Fat Capons; the first so fatted they presented to the King, who liked them so well, that he ordered that the richest of the Armenians should be commanded to provide him such a number every year. There are no Turkeys in all Asia; but the Armenians trafficking to Venice carried some from thence, which when the King had tasted, he liked so well, that he ordered the Armenians to breed him up such a number, and to stock the Kingdom with them. But the Armenians, seeing the King would impose a new Tribute of Turkeys as well as Capons, grew negligent, and suffered the Chickens to dye as soon as they were hatched. Thereupon the Persians' suspecting the fraud, commanded the Armenians to keep the dead Turkeys, that they might be Judges how they came by their deaths: And it was my wonder to see so many young Turkeys hanging against the Walls of some Houses in Zulpha, that occasioned this Story to be told me. All sorts of Waterfowl are as plentiful in Persia, as with us. Upon the Frontiers of Media and Armenia, at a certain season of the year are to be seen a great number of Birds, much like to our Ouzels. Much about the same time the Corn gins to appear, but than is the ground covered with such infinite swarms of Locusts, that the Armenians are forced to betake themselves to their Processions, and to water the ground with a Water which they fetch a great way of, whereinto the Bodies of several martyred Christians were thrown. Three days these Processions and waterings of the ground continued, and after that, whether it be that the forementioned Birds do eat the Locusts, or only drive them away, in two or three days the Country is clear of them. As for Birds of prey, the Country wants none, Falcons, Sparrow▪ Hawks, Lanerets, etc. of which the King of Persia is very well provided, having above eight hundred belonging to his Game. Some of these Birds are taught to fly at the wild Boar, or wild Ass, or wild Goat; others at Cranes, Herons, wild Geese, and Partridge. The chiefest of which Birds are brought from the Southern Mountains extending from Schiras to the Persian Gulf. The King takes great delight to hunt the Boar and Hart; and if it come to pass that the Game outrun the Dogs, than they let fly one of their Hawks, who presently seizes the head, and while she is continually pecking and disturbing the Beast, the Dogs are presently at his heels. The Hawks are taught to stop like a Horse at full speed: else they would never quit their prey, which they presently do, as soon as ever the Falconer shows them their reward. Now their way of ordering or making the Hawk is this. They take the skin of a Hart, head, body, and legs, and stuff it with Straw, to the end it may be like the Beast which they intent to represent in the nature of a Quarry. When they have set it in the place where they usually train up the Hawk, they lay meat upon the head, or in the holes of the eyes, to the end the Bird may be sure to seize those parts at his down-come. Being accustomed to feed in this manner for some days together, they fix the Beast upon a Plank with four Wheels, and 'cause it to be drawn with long Cords by certain men, that mend their pace every day, till at length it is drawn by a Horse at full speed, whereby the Bird is accustomed by degrees not to forsake her prey. After the same manner they sergeant all other sorts of Quarrys to enter their Hawks, as well wild Boars, wild Asses, as Hares and Foxes. Some there are that will order a Crow with the same industry as you would make a Hawk. They have also a certain Beast which they call Once, which has a spotted skin like a Tiger, but which is nevertheless very gentle and tame; this a Horseman will carry behind him, and when he sees a wild Goat, he sets down the Once, which is so nimble, that in three leaps he will be upon the back of the wild Goat; though the wild Goat be a very swift Creature. The Once immediately strangles him with his sharp teeth. But if by accident the wild Goat get from him, the Once will stand still in the same place abashed and troubled, so that an Infant may take him and kill him, without the lest resistance made in his own defence. The Kings of Persia take great delight in Hunting, and in that sport it is that they love to show themselves magnificent: Insomuch that Sha-Sefi desirous to treat all the Ambassadors than at his Court, which at that time were the Tartarian, Muscovite, and Indian, carried them along with him into the field, and having taken a great number of Hearts, Fallow dear, Hinds, and wild Boars, he caused them all to be made ready to be eaten the same day; And while he was feasting, an Architect had order to raise a Pyramid of the heads of those Beasts in the middle of Ispahan, of which there are some remains to this day. When the Architect had raised it to a considerable height, he came very pleasantly to the King, and told him he wanted nothing but one head of some great Beast to finish the Work. The King, whether in his Wine, or to show the Ambassadors how absolute he was over his Subjects, turning briskly toward the Architect; Thou sayest well, said he, nor do I know where to meet with a Head more proper than thy own. Thereupon the miserable Architect was forced to submit his own Head, the King's Command being presently put in execution. CHAP. IU. Of the manner of Building in Persia. IN regard there is little Wood or Stone in Persia, all the Cities, except some Houses, are generally built of Earth; but of an earthen, or rather a kind of Potter's Clay, so well wrought, that you may cut it like Turf, being wrought to a just consistency. The Walls are made with lays of Earth, according to the proportion intended, and between every lay of Earth, three Foot high, two or three rows of Bricks baked in the Sun. These Bricks are made in a square Mould three fingers thick, and seven or eight inches broad: and for fear they should cleave with drying in the Sun, they lay over them pounded Straw to keep them from chopping in the heat. They never lay the second lay till the first be dry, nor is the second lay to be so broad as the lowermost. Those Buildings which are made of Brick baked in the Sun are very handsome; and after the Wall is raised, the Mason plasters it over with a Mortar made of Potter's Clay mingled with Straw; so that the defects of the Building being covered, the Wall appears very firm and close. Than the Workman plasters the Mortar over again with a Lime mixed with Muscovy-Green, which he pounds with a certain Gum, to tender the Lime more glutinous: and than rubbing the Wall over with a course Brush, it becomes as it were damasked and silvered, and looks like Marble. The poor are contented with only bore Walls, or some course daubing that costs little. The middle of the House consists of a large Portico, twenty or thirty Foot square; and in the middle of the Portico a Fountain full of Water. It is all open upon one side; and from the Portico to the Pond or Fountain all covered with Carpets. At every corner of the Portico is a Room to sit and take the fresh Air; and behind another large Room, the floor whereof is spread with Carpets, Mattresses, and Cushions, according to the quality of the Master of the House. Upon the two sides of the Portico are two other Chambers, and doors to go from one Chamber to another: and thus are the Houses of the great Lords built, but only they are more spacious. For their Houses consist of four great Parlours, that look toward the four corners of the World, and every Parlour has two Chambers upon each side, which make eight Chambers, that surround a great Hall in the middle. The King's Palace is also built after the same fashion: and generally the Persians' Houses are very low, it being a rare thing to see one three Stories high. Yet all their Chambers and Rooms are arched, wherein the Persian exceeds us. For without all that trouble and time that we spend, they will presently raise an Arch so broad and high as easily demonstrates the skill of the Work man. The tops of their Houses are flat and terraced; being plastered with Earth mixed with Straw chopped very small, and well tempered; which they bind together with a layer of Lime beaten for seven days together, which makes it as hard as Marble, and if they want Lime, they pave the Terrace with square Tiles baked in an Oven, so that the Rain can do no harm. But they are very careful to shovel of the Snow, for fear it crack the Terrace with lying. Without the Houses show nothing, but within they are curiously painted with Birds and Flowers, wherein the Persians' are no bad Artists. They take great delight to have several little Chambers, with several Doors, and Lattice-windows, the quarrels whereof are of Glass of various colours. This sort of glazing serves generally, and indeed more properly, for the Apartment where the Women may come. For they might have Crystal-windows if they pleased, but they glaze the voided spaces in this matter, that their Women may not be seen; after they have framed the open place that gives light, like a Flowerpot with several Flowers in it, which the Glass of several colours imitates to the life; whereby it is impossible that the Windows should be peered through; besides, that it is pleasant to the Eye. The Doors of their Houses are of Tehinar-Wood, which is very noble, and their Wainscoting is as neat. The Persians' that love ostentation, always display their rich Carpets, Mattresses, Cushions, Coverlets, and all the most costly Furniture they have, in the fore part of their dwellings: For the Haram, or the Woman's Quarter is but meanly adorned, in regard they are never visited by any men but their Husbands. In some of their Rooms they have very narrow Chimneys; for the Persians' set all their Wood upright which they burn, because of the Smoke; besides, they make but small Fires, in regard they have so great a scarcity of Wood When they would go to sleep, they lie down upon a Plank covered with a Carpet, and wrap themselves in a quilted Blanket. In the Summer they sleep in the open Air, upon their Terraces; and in regard the Women lie there too, there is an order obtained, that the Mullahs that sing upon the Mosques shall not presume to go up in the morning, because it might be their hap to see the Women as they lay; it being one of the highest pieces of infamy imaginable for a Woman to be discovered with her Face open. There are some Houses that belong to great Lords, that have a square place before their Doors, where they that come to visit them may put their Horses, to the end the Street should not be pestered. If you look upon the Front of their Houses, there is little ornament to be seen, unless it be upon some which have been lately built. CHAP. V A Description of Ispahan, the chief City of the Kingdom and Dominions of the King of Persia. ISpahan, Sphahan, or Sphaon, as the Persians' pronounce it, which some Travellers have too unwarily affirmed to be a fine City, lies in the Province of Hierac, which composes some part of the ancient Kingdom of the Parthians. It is the Capital City of all Persia, and a very large place, where the King usually keeps his Court. The Records of the Persians' declare that formerly it was two contiguous Towns, one part whereof belonged to Haider, and the other to Neamed-Olahi, two parts of Ispahan still retaining those two names, which has occasioned great quarrels and debates among the people, while they have both been eager to prefer their own quarter. Nor indeed could Ispahan be accounted other than a Village, before Sha-Abas had conquered the Kingdoms of Lar and Ormus. But than observing so fair a Situation, where he might as well be near the Provinces which he had newly conquered, as for the design which he had to extend his Dominions to the East and West, as he had enlarged them to the South, he quitted Casbin and Sultany to reside at Ispahan, as in the centre of his Empire. This City is seated in a vast plain, which extends itself three ways fifteen or twenty Leagues. Upon the South about two Leagues from Ispahan rises a very high Mountain, on the top whereof toward the West are to be seen the remains of a very strong Fortress, where Darius kept himself, when Alexander gave Battle to him in that Plain. In the side of the Rock is a Grotto, either natural or artificial, or both, out of which issues a natural Spring of excellent Water, where a Dervis usually inhabits. The Circuit of Ispahan, taking the Suburbs all in, is not much lesle than that of Paris; but the number of Inhabitants is ten times greater at ●rris than at Ispahan. Nor is it a wonder that a City should be so large and yet so ill peopled, where every Family has its particular House, and every House its particular Garden. What ever way you come to it you may discover first the Towers of the Mosques, and than the Trees that environ the Houses, so that Ispahan seems rather a Forest than a City. The Plain being fertile is well inhabited, but there are no Villages in it, only three or four Houses in a place together. The Walls of Ispahan are of Earth, to which do belong some pitiful Towers without Battlements or Platforms, Bastions or Redoubts, or any other Fortification. The Moats also are as bad, neither broad nor deep, but always dry. In some places also the people have beaten down great gaps in the Wall, to get the nearest way into the City; yet they reckon ten Gates, which are but of Earth however, and of no defence; the chief of which are Der-Vasalsehab, not far from the King's Palace, Der-Tokshi, Der-Mark, Der-Vasal-Lembon, Der-Nasan-Abad, Der-Sha, and Der-Dekt. The Gates are made of Planks rudely joined together, and covered with plates of Iron four fingers broad, and as thick as a Crown, fastened with flat-headed Nails. The Keys are never carried to the Governor, but left with a silly Porter that opens and shuts the Gates as he pleases himself; for indeed there is no necessity of shutting the Gates when there are so many other ways into the City. The City of Ispahan is ill laid out; for the Streets are narrow and unequal, and for the most part dark, because of the Arches that go from one House to another, so that a man is forced sometimes to feel his way for two hundred paces. Moreover the Streets are many times annoyed with Loads of Ordure and the Carcases of dead Beasts, which cause a most filthy stench, and would be very infectious certainly, but for the wholesomeness of the Air. In the most part of the Streets are Wells, which are stopped up in Summer, and opened in the Winter to carry away the Rain and the Snow into the Arched Channels which run under Ground through the middle of the Street. There are also before every Door certain Troughs to receive the filth and ordure of every Family, which the Countrymen come and carry away to Dung their Grounds. Every morning the Countryman comes with his Ass to lad Dung; and it is observable that he is more diligent to carry away the Dung of the Armenians, Franks, and Jews that drink Wine, than of the Persians' that drink none. And this is the profit of the Servants of the House that cell an Asses Load of Dung for five, and sometimes for ten or twelve Kasbeshé. The Streets of Ispahan, as of all the rest of the Cities of Persia are not paved, which makes them very incommodious both Summer and Winter. For in Summer the dust puts out your Eyes, unless it be in the Streets where the great Merchants live, and about the Meydan, where there are people hired to water the Streets Morning, Noon, and Night. Those people go about the Streets also with a Borachio full of Water, and a Glass, with Ice in a Bag, to give them drink that desire it: Nor do they take any money, being paid out of the Legacies left by persons deceased for that purpose. In the Winter this dust turns to mire half the leg deep; though it be very true that there are very few people to be seen than in the Street; for in regard of the vaulted Channels that run through every Street, should the Soaked Earth chance to fall under the Horse, it might endanger a Limb. Besides, the Persians' are so superstitious, that they will hardly receive a man within their doors with a spot of Dirt upon his clothes, for fear of being defiled by him. You shall also meet with little Holes against the Walls of the Houses in the open Street, where the Persians' are not ashamed to squat and Piss in the face of all the World. If there be any running Water in the Street, they take a little in their Hands and wash their Member with it; or if there be no Water, they rub it against a Stone or the Wall, which they take for a great piece of gentility and modesty. That which farther contributes to the nastiness of the Streets of Ispahan, is, that the Butchers throw the Blood and Excrements of the Beasts which they kill into the Streets. If a Horse or a ●●le, a Camel or an Ass dye, they presently throw him into the Street. True it is, that there are people who come presently to buy it of the Owner; who make Harissé, which they cell to the poor Workmen. This Harissé is thus prepared; they boil the flesh of the dead Beast with Corn, and after it is well boiled they mash it together, till it becomes like a Pottage. They also make Harissé of good Mutton; both which sorts they cell in the Marketplace, or great Meydan of the City. Though the City of Ispahan be dirty, yet there is a way for persons of Ability to avoid it; for they never stir but on Horseback, with two or three Lackeys, called Chatres, that run before to make room. For the Men are all upon the false Gallop in the Streets, without any fear of hurting the Children: by reason that the Children are not suffered to play in the Streets like ours, but as soon as ever they come from School, they sit down by their Parents, to be instructed by them in their Profession. These Valets or Footmen make a Trade of Running; of which the King and the Lords have several in their service; it being a piece of grandeur to keep a great many. They serve from Father to Son, undergoing an Apprenticeship in Running. From six to seven years of age, they only set themselves to walk slowly. The next year they run a League at a time upon a handsome trot, the next year after they run two or three Leagues, and so proportionably for the rest. At eighteen years of age they are allowed a Scrip of Flower, with a flat piece of Copper to bake their Bread upon, and a Bottle of Water; all which they carry about them when they run. For these people when they are sent Post never take the Caravan-Road but the shortest cuts through the Deserts, and must therefore accustom themselves to carry their Provision. The King and the Lords have no Chatres, but what are Masters; which degree they are not to arrive at without some Ceremony and performing a Race, like our Jemmy and the Butcher of Croyden. If he be a Lord that owns the Chater who desires to be a Master, he sends for all his Friends, sets up a Scaffold in the Meydan, provides a Collation, and sends for the Courtesans to divert the Company. Now there is not one of these Guests that does no bring something to give this Chater after the Race is run, either a Bonnet or a Girdle, or some other thing, part of which the Chater gives to his fellows. Than the Chater appears with his Legs greased, his Thighs bore, only a slight short pair of lose Breeches, and a Girdle with three little bells hanging upon his Belly. Thus accoutered he starts from Ali-Capi, and between Sunrising and Sunsetting he runs backward and forward to a Stone a League and a half from the City toward the Mountains; running in that time six and thirty of our common Leagues, or a hundred and eight Miles. While he runs, there is Kourouk in the Meydan, and upon all the Road where he runs, and three or four Horsemen that continually ride to and from, to see that there be no deceit in the Chater's Race; who when he approaches near the City, ride before to give notice of his coming. Every time he starts and returns, the Drums and Trumpets sound; at the end of the Race there stand several persons with Arrows in their Hands, and every time he comes to the Stone they give him an Arrow, which he carries back every course to Ali-Capri. Every time he returns, the Courtesans rub him and make much of him. All the time he runs, he eats nothing, but drinks Sherbet now and than. If he acquit himself well, which appears by the number of Arrows brought back, he is admitted a Master by the approbation of the King's Footmen, who are superior to all the rest. The Khans or Governors of Provinces run their own Chaters with the same Ceremonies, and in the sa●e manner. The Fortress of Ispahan is nothing at all considerable. It joins to the Wall upon the South side of the City, and is twice as long as broad, but without any defence in the World, unless it be of some pitiful Towers made of Earth. Here it is that the King keeps all the Rarities which he has purchased, or that has been presented to him. For as to his main Treasure, I believe it consists chief in Gold-Plate. Within the Fortress there is a large Field, sowed every year with Rice and Corn; hard by which stands the House of the Capuchin-Friars. Ispahan in general, unless it be the Meydan and some few arched Streets where the Merchants live, is more like a great Village than a City; the Houses standing at a distance one from the other, with every one a Garden, but ill looked after, not having any thing in it perchance but only one pitiful Tree: true it is that they begin to build better of late days, but it is without the City. As for the Women, 'tis not a pin matter whether they live out of the City or within, in regard they never stir out of ●oors, and as seldom go a-f●oo. The Meydan or great Piazza of Ispahan was the contrivance of the great Sha-Abas, who had never done it, if a great Prince of the ancient Race of the Kings of Persia had not refused him the old Meydan, with several Privileges, and the House that stood by it. Thereupon he designed this new Piazza, to draw of the Merchants▪ and to spoil the old Marketplace, by their departure from that quarter of the City which is lesle inhabited at this day. It is not far from this old Meydan, that the Austin-Friars on the one side, and the Carmelites on the other have their Habitations. There are also two sides of that Meydan entire, under the Porticoes, where sit only such People as cell Herbs, Fruit, and Victuals; the other two sides are almost fallen to decay; but when it was all standing, it was as handsome as the new one: and it is to be wondered, that the Prince, who built it, did not choose the place where Sha-Abas has built his, as being near the Water, and consequently far more convenient. The great Meydan than is a place about seven hundred Paces long, and between two and three hundred broad. It has Buildings upon all the four sides; it lies in length directly North and South; the Fronts are every one Portico'd, and Terraced at the top; and on the City-side are little Chambers nine or ten Foot high, which fall very▪ much to decay, being only built of Brick baked in the Sun. They are inhabited, the greatest part of them, by the most infamous Courtesans of the City. At some Paces distance from the Porticoes, is a Channel which is paved with stone, and runs round about the Piazza; Sha-Abas caused several Trees to be planted by the side of it, but both the Channel and the Trees being altogether neglected, are fallen to decay; besides, that the smell of the Water in the Summer time is very noisome. In the midst of the Piazza stands a kind of a Maypole, or Mast of a Ship, where the People exercise shooting at Birds. When the King comes to shoot, they set a Cup of Gold upon the top of the Mast, which he is to strike down with an Arrow. To which purpose he must ride full speed, nor is he permitted to shoot till after he has passed the Maypole, turning himself upon the crupper of his Horse: a remain of the ancient custom of the Parthians, that killed their Enemies flying. The Cup belongs to him that strikes it down; and I have seen Sha-Sefi, Grandfather of the present King, in five Courses strike down three Cups. From this Mast or Maypole down to the great Mosque, they cell nothing but Wood and Charcoal: from the same Pole to the Sundial upon the North-side, are none but such as cell old Iron-Tools, old Harness for Horses, old Coverlets, and other Brokery-ware, as in our Long-Lane. From the Pole to another Mosque, to the South, just again the Sundial, is the place for all the Poulterers. The rest of the Piazza toward the Palace, is always kept clean, without any Shops, because the King comes often abroad in the Evening to see Lions, Bears, Bulls, Rams, Cocks, and all other sort of Creatures fight which are brought thither. The people of Ispahan, as in many other Cities, are divided into two parts, the one called Hedari, the other Nametlaï; and upon all the Combats of Beasts beforementioned, there are always very considerable Wagers laid between these two Tribes. The King, who is a neuter, gives to the Master of the Beast that gets the upper hand sometimes five, sometimes ten, sometimes twenty Tomans, according to the value of the Wager laid; and he that wins the Wager, presents the Master of the Beast likewise. They have also a Sport at breaking of Egg, by knocking the ends one against another, some of which Eggs come to three or four Crowns. The Hens that lay them are bred in a Country which they call Sausevare, about a hundred leagues from Ispahan, toward the Province of Karasan; the Cocks of which Country are bigger and stronger than other Cocks, and cost some of them a hundred Crowns. There are a sort of Tumblers also, that after Dinner set up their Stages in the Meydan, and toward the Evening, they that play the Maid-Marians come and encompass a square place with a course piece of Calicut; and than through another very fine Cloth, the Wenches show a thousand tumbling Tricks and antic Postures. When they have done, they come and ask the Spectators for Money, who give them every one what they think fit. Every Friday, which is as it were Market-day, the Country-folks bring to Town what they have made in the Villages, as Doors and Windows fitted to be hung up, Window-frames, Locks, and other things of that nature. Upon that day also they cell Mules, Horses, Camels, and Asses, which brings a great confluence of people from all parts. Upon the Westside, where stands the Gate of the Palace, and Ali's Gate, between the Canal and the Porticoes are ranged some seventy Pieces of Cannon upon their Carriages. These Guns, together with the Sundial, were brought from Ormus by the Great Sha-Abas, of which the English aught to have had their share; for without their assistance he never could have taken the Town. From the corner of that Front, which touches upon the Eastern Front of the Mosque, in the middle, are all Saddler's Shops; and from that Mosque to another corner that touches upon the Western Front, live the Booksellers, Bookbinders, and Trunk-makers. In the middle of the Southern Front stands a Portal, with a Tower upon each side, which leads to a Mosque, the Gate whereof is covered all over with Plates of Silver, and is certainly the neatest Portal and fairest Entrance into any Mosque of Persia. At the other end of the same Front, where it joins to that upon the West, there is a great Portal that leads to a false Gate of the King's Palace; near to which▪ as soon as you are entered▪ you meet with the Apartment of the Great Treasurer, who is a white Eunuch, and having the Keys of the Chamber where the Money lies, takes care to pay whatever the King order him. Through that false Gate all the King's Provisions are carried into the Palace. This way also enter they that are entertained for the Manufactory of the King's Tissues, Silks, Satins, Coverlets, and the like. In the same Enclosure also the Franks, who are under the King's Wages, and live at Zulpha, come every day to work; as also all the most particular and eminent Artists that the King hires. The Western Front, which makes one of the two lengths of the Meydan, is thus appointed; from the Southern angle that touches the Trunk-maker's quarter, live all your Pedlars that cell all the small Commodities of Norimberg and Venice. As for the King's Palace, I cannot make any handsome description of it, in regard there is nothing of Beauty either in the Building or in the Gardens. I think I have been as far in the House as a man could go, every time I was sent for by His Majesty; but excepting only four Rooms which they call Divans, I saw nothing but pitiful low Galleries, and so narrow that hardly two men could pass abreast in 'em. In one of those Galleries I had audience of the King, in the Garment of Honour which he had bestowed upon me. But In regard I have spoken of two of them in another place, and that the other two are much alike both Building and Furniture, I shall say no more of them here. From the King's Palace Gate to Haly's Gate live the Goldsmiths, Lapidaries, and Gravers of Stones for Seals: Haly's Gate is a plain Gate, naked of Work: of which I have already spoken. Between Haly's Gate, and the other angle of the same Western Front, stands a great Gate which leads into a Bazar, where all the Armenians that live at Zulfa keep their Shops, and cell all sorts of Cloth that comes out of Europe, and other the choicest Wares of Persia. At the end of that Bazar stands a fair Inn two Stories high, which the Mother of Sha-Abas the second caused to be built. In the middle stands a great Fountain with four great Gates, which lead into four other Inns. Here by the way let me give a Traveller and a Trader in Persia this advice; that if his Goods be not very heavy, he never hire a low Chamber, as being three times dearer than those above: For the Chambers which the Sun lies upon most in the Summer, are the Chambers which cost lest. Not but all the Chambers in the Inn are Taxed at the same rate by the King; but the Host for his profit will found some pretence or other to raise his price, pretending those Chambers be hired already which you desire, especially if they be corner Chambers, which are the largest and most commodious. And indeed without this collusion Chambers would be very cheap. The best convenience of those Inns is, that a man is more secure in one of them than in a private House: For there if it happen that a piece of Goods be stolen; or that your Chapman prove insolvent for Goods bought, the Innkeeper is to make all good▪ being by the Law to receive so many blows aday till he pays the sum demanded. The Merchant also gives two in the hundred for every thing that he sells, and when the Market is done they presently go to the Host, who sets down in his Book the quality of his Goods▪ and the names both of buyer and seller. If he knows not the buyer, he is bound to go and inquire after him, and if he be not solvent, the Merchant takes his Goods again. Sometimes the Merchant to save the two in the hundred, combines with the Purchaser to carry away some of his Goods without the knowledge of the Host, which is done by greasing his Deputies fist, who will presently shut his Eyes. But than if the Purchaser proves insolvent, the Merchant dares not complain, because his Goods are not Registered in the King's Book, whom he has defrauded of his Custom. Not lesle secure are the Bazars or Market-places, where the Merchants shut up their Shops very slightly, the Bazars being strongly guarded both within and without all night long. As for the petty Stalls in the Meydan, every one puts up his Ware in a Box Padlocked up, and than lay them down at one end of the place one by another. As for the course sort of Ware, as Tents, Cords, Ropes, and such other things they only heap them under a large Coverlet fastened at the four corners by four sticks, for the Meydan also is as strongly guarded as the Bazar. Between Haly's Gate and that which leads to the Bazar where the Armenians keep their Shops▪ live all those that deal in Russia Leather, making Borachio's to tie under the Horse's Bellies▪ little Buckets, and Furniture for Horsemen, as also Bowyers, Fletchers, and Furbishers. From the last Gate to the end of the Gallery, live all the Druggist's and Apothecary's. At the Angle upon the two fronts upon the East and North, there is a Gate that leads to the Great Bazar; next to that live only your Salls-men that cell whole Habits for men, as Shirts, Sheets, Hose, and the like. There be also those that cell Leather Shoes for men and women; which Shoes are always worn by persons of quality. Out of this Bazar you go into another full of men that work in Copper, such as make Pots, Plates, and other Utensils for the Kitchin. Here also live those that make Files, and the blades of Sythes. The rest of the Bazar is possessed by Dyers of Calicut; and at the end of the Bazar is a fair Inn, where all the Merchants live that cell Musk, Russia Leather, and Furs. I have in another place observed that the King has a great Revenue out of the Bazars and Inns which he has caused to be built, which is particularly laid out in provision for his Table. For the Law of Mahomet forbidding Princes to impose Taxes or Customs upon the People, they do not believe that the money which arises from thence is fit to be employed or laid out for the necessaries of life, believing that their food so purchased would do them no good. By virtue of this prohibition of Mahomet it is, that the Merchants take all the liberty they can to deceive the King of his Customs, believing that they cannot offend the Prince, while they transgress not the Law. Besides, that if they should pay all the King's Duties, the price of Goods would rise so high, so as to spoil the whole Course of Trade and Commerce. Neither would the Revenue of the Caravansera's, Bazars, and Gardens suffice for the King's Kitchen, were not the several Khans or Governors of Provinces obliged to supply that expense every Week in their turns, whereby those expenses cost the King little or nothing. Upon the North-Front of the Meydan, are made under the Portico's separations for Chambers, that look upon the Piazza, where people go to smoke Tobacco and drink Coffee. The Seats of those Rooms are placed as in so many Amphitheatres, and in the midst of every one stands a large Vessel full of running Water, wherewith their Pipes be cleansed when they are over-foul. All the Persians' that have any spare time, fail not every day to resort to those places between seven and eight in the Morning, where the Owner of the Room presently brings them every one their Pipe and their Dish of Coffee. But the Great Shakstone▪ Abas, who was a man of a great understanding, finding those places were only so many Meeting-houses, where men assembled to talk and prattle of State-affairs, a thing which no way pleased him; to break the neck of those petty Cabals, he ordered that a Moullah should be sure to be betimes at every place before the rest of the People came thither, and that he should entertain those Tobacco-whiffers, and Coffee-quaffers, sometimes with a point of the Law, sometimes with History, sometimes with Poetry. This custom is still observed: so that after this entertainment has lasted two or three hours, the Moullah rising up, cries to every one in the Coffee-Room, Come my Masters, in good time, let's all now retire every man to his business. Strait every one retires upon the Moullah's words, who is liberally entertained all the while by the Society. In the midst of the North-Front stands a great Portal, with a large Dial over it, which Sha-Abas brought from Ormus when he took it from the Portugals. But the Dial is of no use, nor is ever like to be. Round the Tower of that Portal runs an open Gallery, with a kind of a Ceiling over head supported with Pillars; from whence every Evening about Sunset, and at Midnight, a noise of Drums and Trumpets is to be heard through the whole City. Though the truth is, the Music would never charm a curious Ear. Out of some parts of the Gallery are contrived little Dormitories, where the chiefest of the Court lie. In all the Cities where the Khans reside is the Custom of making this rattling noise of Drums and Trumpets observed, and not elsewhere. On each side of the Portal, under the Horologe, are five or six Banks of Jewellers, who there put to sale certain parcels of Pearls, Emeralds, Granats, and Turquoises, which are not of any great value: every parcel being set by itself in a Dish, and the whole Stall covered with a silk Net, to preserve the Stones from being stolen. Just against the same Portal, going toward the South-Front, you meet with two little Goals five or six Foot high, and seven or eight distant one from the other. Here the men play at Pall-mall on horseback, the Horseman being to strike the Ball running at full speed, between the two Goals. Through that Portal you enter into an Enclosure much like the place where the Fair of St. Germane is kept, and there it is that the Merchants of Gold and Silver-Tissues and other rich Stuffs, with all your finest sorts of Calicuts and Linens, keep their Shops. The Court side of the Meydan, which is upon the East, and which answers to the grand Front where the King's House stands, is thus appointed. In the middle stands a Duomo covered with a kind of baked Earth, and as well the Duomo as the Portal, which is very high, are all varnished over. You ascend nine or ten steps, the Port of Haly facing it on the other side of the Piazza. From the end of the Porticoes that touch the North-side of the Mosque, live the Shopkeepers that cell sowing-Silk, and small Manufacturers of Silk, as Ribbons, Laces, Garters, and other things of the same nature. From the Mosque to the other end, are all Turner's, that make Cradles for Children, and Spinning-Wheels. There are also some Cotton-beaters, that make quilted Coverlets. Without the Porticoes are none but Smiths, that make Scyths, Hammers, Pincers, Nails, and such like things; with some few Cutlers. This is all that can be said of Ispahan, and that great Piazza, which some perhaps have set out in better colours. But I have represented all things as they are, as being one that have seen them oftener, and beheld them a longer time than ever any Frank that Travelled into Asia. CHAP. VI Of Zulpha, a little City, separated from Ispahan by the River Senderou. ZVlpha, which others call Julpha and Giolpha, is distant from Ispahan toward the South half an hours walk, the River Senderou running almost at an equal distance between the two Cities. The way that leads from one City to another is a Walk some fifteen hundred Paces long, and seventeen broad, almost equally divided by the River. It gins from a Pavilion or Tabernacle forty Foot square, which joins to the hinder part of the King's House, with a double Story, to which several Windows give light, closed with wooden Lattices very artificially wrought. None but the King and his Household pass that way into the Walk. For they that go from Ispahan to Zulpha, found the way into the Walk through a Ga●e which is close adjoining to the Tabernacle. This Walk is called the Street of Tcharbag, or the Street of Four Gardens. A Channel ●uns all along the Walk from the Tabernacle, where a little Rivulet falls into it, and fills it as far as the great Bridge. The two sides of the Channel which are pi●'d with Stone, and are two or three Foot broad, makes one way which Passengers may▪ and many times do take; for the usual way both for Horse and Foot, lies upon each side of the Walk, behind the Trees, which are panted in a straight line to the very Walls of the King's Gardens, which close the Alley on each side. It is a kind of a Causey of Freestone, somewhat raised, and four or five Foot broad. There is but one row of Trees on each side, strait and high, called Tchinards, with one tuft at the top. The space between the Channel and the Trees is not paved, but lies common, and is sometimes sowed. About two hundred Paces from the Tabernacle or Banqueting-house, the River falls into a great Pool, about thirty or thirtyfive Foot in diameter; and in that place, as also in others somewhat beyond it, where there are also other Pools, the Walk is crossed by a Causey paved and raised, ten or twelve Foot broad, as the rest are. Upon the left hand of the first Pool stands another Tabernacle or Banqueting-house, much alike in structure and bigness to the former; in which place, in a low arched Room with a Fountain of Water in the middle, you may go and drink Coffee. From that house to the Bridge the Walk descends, and the Water makes some falls. All the Gardens on each side of the Walk, both on this side and beyond the Bridge belong to the King. But you must not imagine that these Gardens, or that of Hezardgerib, which is the fairest of all Persia, are so curiously set out, nor so well kept as ours in Europe. For they have no such lovely Borders, nor such close Walks of Honeysuckles and Jasmin as are to be seen in the Gardens of Europe. They suffer the Grass to grow in many places; contented only with a good many great Fruit-trees, tufted atop, and planted in a line, which is all the grace of the Gardens of Persia. In each side of the Walls between which the Walk runs, at a true distance of space, are gates neatly contrived, and over each a little Room. Almost in the middle of the Walk between the great Banqueting-house and the Bridge, upon the left hand, stands a House of the Dervi's, to whom the King has given one of his Gardens to build upon. There they keep the Relics of Haly, or some other Prophet; for you shall see them standing under a certain Arch, before which the Persians' make a most profound Reverence. These Dervi's come every Afternoon about three or four a Clock into the Bazars of Ispahan, every two, an old one and a young one, choosing his quarter. They go from Shop to Shop, instructing the People upon some Point or other of the Law: the young Dervi's answering the old ones at certain times. Their Habit is only two Sheepskins or Goatskins, the one hanging before, the other behind, with a great leathern Girdle, four or five fingers broad, garnished with several great Plates of Latin. They throw another Sheepskin cross their Shoulders, which they tie before, under their Chins. Upon their Heads they only wear a little Lambskin in form of a Bonnet, letting the feet hung down to their Necks, over their Cheeks. They carry a great Club in their hands, as the Painters represent John the Baptist in the Wilderness. Between their Girdles and their wastes they stuff a company of pitiful Flowers, or else a sort of Herbs, which after Exhortation, both the young, and the old Dervi's bestow upon the Merchants and Tradesmen, from whom at the same time they receive Alms. Toward the evening they go home again; and I forgot to tell you, that before the door of the house, stands always a large Vessel of water, with several little Cups, and Ice in the Summer, where all passengers may drink upon free-cost. The River of Senderou, which, as well as the rest of the Rivers of Persia, except the Arras, is not able to carry a Boat, is a very great relief to Ispahan. Behind the Mountains of the South beyond Zulpha is another River, called Abkuren, which about five or six Leagues above Ispahan, runs within a League and a half of Senderou. Sha-Abas the first attempted to have joined the two Rivers together, to which purpose he went about to have removed certain Rocks that stood in his way; but not being able to compass his design, his Successors laid aside all the thoughts of attempting any more. Can it have been done, the Campaign of Ispahan would have been one of the most fertile and delicious places in the world; whereas now the River is of no use, running through desert countries' and Plains of Salt. As for the River of Senderou, in Winter it overflows, but in Summer it has very little water, being oftener forded than crossed over upon Bridges. About four Leagues above Ispahan they are constrained to force it into their Lands, to water their Fields and Grounds, which else would produce nothing at all. Wells they have a great many in several places; but besides that, they are not able to furnish that great quantity of water which is necessary; the River Water is much better to fatten the Land. Now you must observe, that their Channels never return to the River, being wasted upon the Ground; so that the River of Ispahan being very much wasted before it comes to the City, by reason that it is still lessened by so many Channels, about ten or twelve Leagues from thence, it ends as it were quite spent in a few Marshes. This scarcity of water which is so general over all Persia, is the reason that they are extraordinary Husdands of it, and buy it very dear. Therefore is the Superintendent of the water, which brings the King in a very considerable Revenue, one of the most contended-for employments in the whole Court. For every Garden is taxed more or lesle according to its bigness, for the water it requires once a week; which water is let go into the quarters which have need of it; every Garden having a particular Channel, whence they have their water by turns. But you must have a care of attempting to bring this water in before your turn; for should it come to be known, an easy Fine would not excuse the matter. I knew two Franks, who, because they presumed to take in water in the night time before it was their turn, had like to have lost all their Land by Confiscation, had it not been for the particular Favour of the King to the Franks; and yet all that favour did not excuse them from being sound amerced. There are four Bridges a quarter of a League's distance one from another, that cross the River of Senderou to Ispahan. That which crosses the walk, bears the name of Alywerdi-Kan, who caused it to be built, being also called the Bridge of Zulfa. It is built of good Brick, joined together with Freestone, and very levelly, not being higher in the middle than at either end. It is not above three hundred and fifty paces long, and twenty broad, being supported by several small Arches of Stone, which are very low. Of each side there is a Gallery eight or nine foot broad, which runs from one end to the other, several Arches twenty five or thirty foot high supporting the Platform, where, when the heat is not extreme, they that please may walk for the sake of the fresh Air. But the most usual passage is under the Galleries, where there are several outlets upon the River, to let in the fresh Air. For the Galleries are very high, from the level of the Bridge, to which you ascend by easy steps, the middle of the Bridge not being above twenty five foot broad, serving for Wagons and Packhorses. There is also another way all along by the water side, where there are several Stones laid to step upon, to keep you from being wetshod. It crosses through all the Arches of the Bridge, through little doors made in every Arch from one end to the other, descending from the Bridge by a little pair of Stairs, taken out of the thickness of the Arches supporters. There is another Staircase to ascend up to the Galleries of about two fathoms broad, with Stays or Rails on both sides. This Bridge is truly a very neat piece of Architecture, if I may not say, the neatest in all Persia. There are also three other Bridges upon the River, one above the Bridge of Zulfa, and two below. The first but meanly built, but very commodious for the Armerians, when they travel Westward, who would else be forced to go a great way about, through the whole City of Ispahan. The first of the other two Bridges below the Bridge of Zulfa, was built by Sha-Abas the second, Father of the present King. It is almost equal to it in Structure; but it has one particular beauty, which is a hexagonal place in the middle of the Bridge, which causes the Water to fall in that part with a pleasing noise. For that being the deepest part of the River, Sha-Abas resolved to build a Bridge there; partly for the Gaurs sake, to the end, they might not come through the walk of Tcharbag, and that going from Ispahan they might have a shorter cut home. The Habitation of the Gaurs is only a large Village, the first Houses whereof are but a little way from the River; though the walk that goes from Ispahan to the King's Bridge is both longer and broader than that of Tcharbag, planted on both sides with a row of Trees, but no Channel in the middle. Before each of the Avenues to the Bridge, stands a House that belongs to the King for his divertisement. That upon the left side of the River toward Ispahan was by the great Sha-Abas given to the Capuchins. For as soon as they came to Ispahan, upon their Examination, the King was extremely taken with their behaviour. He asked them how they lived, and whether they took any money? To which the Capuchins making answer, that they never handled any money, but contented themselves with Alms; the King believing his Subjects, would give them very little, bestowed that House and Garden upon them. But they stayed not long there, because it was too big for them to repair, and too far from the City, so that the roman-catholics in the Winter could not get to their Chapel. Now they have built themselves a very handsome House not far from the King's Palace, at the Cost of Father Joseph, one of their own order. There is another old Bridge a quarter of a League below the Gaurs Bridge, which is upon the Road from Ispahan to Schiras. But to return to the long-walk of Tcharbag, which continues above eight hundred paces beyond the Bridge of Zulfa to the Garden of Hezardgerib. The Rivulet that passes that other part of the walk, comes from the same River which they have cut three or four Leagues above Ispahan. When you have walked about four hundred paces, you met with a fall of Waters that tumbles into a Pool, from whence there are twelve steps to ascend to the end of the Alley. The walk is fronted by the great House which stands before the Garden of Hezardgerib, or the thousand Acres. The House consists but only of one great Hall over the Gate, and four small Chambers at the four corners of it. Hezardgerib is the fairest Garden in Asia, though it would be accounted nothing in Europe. However as it lies upon the descent of a Hill, it consists of sixteen Terasses, sustained by a Wall sixteen or seventeen foot high. There is but little Water in any of the Wells; but that which has most is in the fourth Terrace. That is a great Octagonal Pool about a hundred and twenty foot in Diameter, round about which are several Pipes that throw up the Water about three foot high, and there are three steps down to the Water. A Channel paved with Stone runs through the principal Alley, which goes no farther than the building. This Channel is as wide as that of the Channel of Tcharbag, whence it is supplied as being right opposite to it. In the tenth Terrace you meet with another Fountain of the same bigness and form with that in the fourth; and in the last which terminates the Grand Alley and the length of the Garden, there is another Channel which crosses all the Alleys which▪ like the great one compose the length of the Alley. Besides this, there are open Rooms to take the fresh Air, some falls and murmurs of Water, but for borders and close Alleys, and Arbours, you must expect no such thing, either in Hezardgerib, nor in any other part of Persia. Having walked in the great walk of Tcharbag, you meet upon the right hand with a Street between two Walls of the Gardens that belong to the King, which Street leads you to Zulfa, not above two or three Musket Shots distance of. Zulfa a Colony of Armenians which Sha-Abas brought from Zulfa, a City of Armenia, is so much increased for some years since, that it may now pass for a large City, being almost a League and a half long, and near upon half as much broad. There are two principal Streets which contain near upon the whole length, one whereof has on each side a row of Tchinars, the roots whereof are refreshed by a small Channel of Water, which by a particular order the Armenians bring to the City, to water their Gardens. The most part of the other Streets have also a row of Trees, and a Channel. And for their Houses, they are generally better built, and more cheerful than those of Ispahan. See the Description of Zulpha. How they came to be settled here, I have already described: And now the number of Inhabitants is strangely increased by the accession of several other Christians of divers Sects, as Jacobites, Cophtes, and Nestorians, who formerly lived in the Suburbs of Ispahan. Neither was Sha-Abas so cruel in transplanting the Armenians away out of their own Country, for they were all at that season poor labouring men, who knew not at all what belonged to Trade. Since that time they are grown very rich: so that the Armenians have no cause to be covetous of the Habitations of their Ancestors. And now I will tell you how they came to be such great Proficients in Trade. Sha-Abas, who was a man of a great Genius, and a person of great undertaking, considering that Persia was a barren Country, where there was little Trade, and by consequence little Money, resolved to sand his Subjects into Europe with raw Silks, so to understand whence the best profit would arise, to bring Money into his Country. To which purpose, he resolved to make himself Master of all the Silk in his own Country, by purchasing it himself at a reasonable rate, taxed by himself, and to reap the gains by his Factors: and withal, thought it necessary to seek an Alliance with the great Kings of Europe, to engage them on his side against the Turk. He first sent to the King of France, Henry the Fourth. But he dying before the Ambassador arrived, answer was made the Ambassador, That if the King of Persia had any thing to say to the King of France Lewis the Thirteenth, he must sand a new Ambassador, which was never done. Three or four years after he sent an Ambassador to the King of Spain, accompanied with a Persian Merchant of Ispahan, putting into their hands a considerable quantity of Bales of Silk. He also sent along with them a Portuguez Austin-Friar, to be their Guide and Interpreter. The Persian Merchant would have sold the Silks, as was the King's order, and have bought a Present more becoming. But the Ambassador overruled by the Friar, resolved to present the King of Spain with the Bales of Silk. The Merchant not able to oppose the Ambassador, returns home forthwith to give an account to the King, who approved his management. The Ambassador proceeds, and coming to the Spanish Court, presents his Bales of Silk to the King, who asked the Ambassador, whether his Master took him for a Woman, that he had sent him so many Bales of Silk to spin; and immediately sent away the Present to his Queen, presenting the Ambassador but very meanly: who thereupon seeing the Error he had committed, made haste home; but upon his return, the Persian King having notice of the ill success of his Negotiation, caused his Belly to be ripped open in the public Marketplace. About fifteen years after, he trusted a considerable quantity of Silk with a Merchant's Son of Ispahan, and sent him to Venice: who when he came there, took a stately Lodging, and spent his Money at a strange rate, especially among the Courtesans; to maintain which expense, he continually sold great quantities of Silk. The Venetians seeing a private man live so splendidly among them, and not believing so great a quantity of Goods could belong to one single Merchant, but rather imagining him to be a Factor for some Company who suffered for his folly, wrote to all the Ports of the Levant, and having intelligence who he was, the Senate thought fit to seize his Person and his Goods, before he had consumed all; at the same time giving a civil account to the King of Persia, what they had done. To which the Persian King returned a most obliging Answer of Thanks, sending withal an intelligent Persian Merchant to take an account of what was left, to whom the Venetians were very punctual. As for the Prodigal Persian, who thought it not his wisest way to return into Persia, what became of him is not material to this Story. Sha-Abas by these Experiments observing the little inclination of his Subjects to Trade, who were naturally addicted to Pride and Expense, which is no part of a Merchant's business, cast his Eyes upon the Armenians, men able to endure the labour of long Journeys, sober persons, and great Husbands, and such who being Christians, might more freely Trade among the Christians; and made choice of them, as being most proper and fit for Trade. Whereupon, picking out the most Judicious among them, he delivered to every one so many Bales of Silk, according to their Capacity; for which they were to pay at their return, a reasonable Rate taxed by the King, who allowed them what more they got for their Expenses and Gains. Those people in a short time became so expert, that there is not any sort of Trade which they will not now undertake; for now they run as far as Tunquin, Java, and the Phillippines, and indeed over all the East, except China and Japan. But if they do not thrive, they never return; as being a place where they must either give an exact Account, or else suffer the quick and severe Justice of Drubbing, which never fails those Factors that are ill Husbands for their Masters. And indeed the Armenians are so much the more fit for Trading, because they are a people very sparing, and very sober; though whether it be their virtue or their avarice, I know not. For when they are going a long Journey, they only make provision of Biscuit, smoked Bufalo's flesh, Onions, baked Butter, Flowr, Wine, and dried Fruits. They never buy fresh Victuals, but when they meet with Lambs or Kids very cheap in the Mountainous Countries; nor is there one of them that does not carry his Angle to fish withal, when they come to any Ponds or Rivers. All these provisions cost them little the Carriage. And when they come to any Town where they are to stay, they club five or six together, and lie in an empty Chamber which they furnish themselves; every one carrying his Mattress, his Coverlet, and his Kitchen-instruments, which is a great piece of Thrift. When they travel into Christendom, they carry along with them Saffron, Pepper, Nutmegs, and other Spices; which they exchange in the Country-Towns for Bread, Wine, Butter, Cheese, Milk-Meats, and other Provisions which they buy of the poor Women. When they return out of Christendom, they bring along with them all sorts of Mercery-ware, and Pedlery-ware of Noremberg and Venice; as little Looking-glasses, trifles of Tin enamelled, false Pearls, and other things of that nature; which pays for the Victuals they call for among the Countrypeople. In the beginning of their Trade, there returned very few Caravans into Persia without two hundred thousand Crowns in Silver, beside English and Dutch Clotheses, fine Tissues, Looking-glasses, Venice Pearls, Cochenel, and Watches; which they thought most proper for the Sale of Persia and India. At length those Armenians became so exquisite in Trade, that several of them have left Estates of two, some twenty thousand Tomans. But the richest among them was Cotgia, or Monsieur Petrus, who left forty thousand Tomans in coined Money, besides his Horses, Furniture, and Lands in the Country, his Jewels and Plate; all which are never reckoned a Merchant's Estate, but only the ready Cash with which he trade's. Cotgia Petrus was very much esteemed for his Charity, and the great Church which he built, which is a kind of Covent, with a Bishop and Monks. Nor is the fair Marketplace, all environed with Shops, a little beholding to his Generosity. The Armenians of Zulpha have this advantage over all the Christians of the East, that they enjoy Lands and Privileges, the King not permitting the lest injustice to be done them, nor that any Mahometan should live at Zulpha. They have also the privilege to be as well clad as the Persians', and to make use as they do of Bridles of Gold and Silver. Their Wives also are very richly habited, in stripped Satins purfled with Gold, and other rich European Silks. The King names whom he pleases among the Armenians to be their Chief; whom they call Kelonter, who judges all their differences, and taxes them to make up the Sum which they are to pay to the King every year. The Language of the Armenians is either vulgar or learned: the learned is only used by the ecclesiastics, in reference to their Religion. They writ like us, from the left to the right, having found out peculiar Characters about four years since. They have three Languages very natural to them, which however are very different: the Armenian, which is their ancient Country speech, which they have preserved from Father to Son; the Persian, which is the Language of the Country where they live; and the Turkish, of which they make very much use in course of Trade. As for their Women, they speak nothing but the Armenian, as having no converse with strangers, and never stirring out of their houses. There are some Armenians speak Italian and French, as having learned it in Europe. There are in Zulpha fifteen or sixteen Churches and Chapels of the Armenians, among which you are to count two Nunneries for Women. There are in Ispahan Austin-Friars, Carmelites, and Capuchins, and in Zulpha Jesuits. The Jesuits that came last have but a little House, but to make them amends they have a large Garden. Though the number of the Religious Teachers is far greater than the number of Hearers: for in all Ispahan and Zulpha, take the Franks that come out of Europe, or born in Persia, as well Men as Women, there are not six hundred persons that profess the Catholic Religion. As for the Armenians, they are so obstinately fixed to their own Religion, that they will hear of no other; and nothing but Money has sometimes caused them to feign the embracing of another. Friar Ambrose a Capuchin stayed a while at Zulpha, to whom several of the principal Armenians came to School to learn French, in hopes of establishing a Trade with France. But the Armenian Archbishop and Bishops fearing jest the Children should be infected with some other Religion, excommunicated all Fathers that sent their Children to School. And finding that they little regarded the Excommunication, they shut up the Church doors, and stirred up the People against the Religious Franks; so that Father Ambrose was forced to leave Persia, and retire to Surat. Moreover there are in Ispahan both Jews and Indian Idolaters. Nor are the Jews so miserable and beggarly, as they seem to be▪ they intrude, according to custom, into all Business; so that if any has a mind to buy or cell any rich Jewel, he need do not more but speak to them. In the Reign of Sha-Abas, the Athemadoule● persecuted them so grievously, that either by force or by cunning he caused them to turn Mahometans; but the King understanding that only power and fear had constrained them to turn, suffered them to resume their own Religion, and to live in quiet. There are about ten or twelve thousand Banians in Ispahan, who are known by their yellow Complexions, or rather by a yellow Mark made with Saffron upon the top of their Foreheads. Their Turbans are lesle than usual, and their Shoes are almost like ours, embroidered with Flowers atop. They are all Bankers, and very knowing in Money. The greatest part of the Money of the principal Moneyed men of Ispahan is in their hands for improvement sake. So that if you want a considerable Sum, you may have it the next day upon good Security, and paying a severe Interest, which those Banians will squeeze up sometimes to 18 per Cent. But if it be not very privately exacted and paid, the Law of Mahomet, which forbids the taking of Interest, lays hold upon the whole Sum, and confiscates it every Penny. CHAP. VII. Of the Religion of the Persians'; of the great Feast of Hocen and Hussein, and the Camel-Feast. THE difference among the Mahometans, doth not consist in the different Explanations which they put upon the Aleoran; but in the several Opinions which they hold concerning the first Successors of Mahomet, from which have arisen two particular Sects entirely opposite; the Sect of the Sunnis, and the Sect of the Schiais. The first, who are of the Turkish belief, maintain that Abou-baker succeeded immediately to Mahomet, as his Vicar or Vicegerent; to him Omar; to Omar Osman▪ to Osman Mortuz-Ali, Nephew and Son-in-law to Mahomet by Marriage of his Daughter. That Osman was Secretary to Mahomet, a person of Courage, as well as the other three▪ and that they were all valiant Soldiers, and great Captains, who extended their Conquests more by force of Arms than by Reason. And thence it comes that the Sunnis will not allow of Disputes, but propagate and maintain their Religion altogether by force. The Schiais, who are of the Persian belief, detest Abou-baker, Omar, and Osman, as Usurpers to the Succession of Mahomet, which only belonged to Haly, his Nephew and Son-in-law. They hold that this succession consists in eleven High Priests descendants from Haly, who makes the twelfth in this order. 1. Haly, Son of Aboutaleb. 2. Hocen, eldest Son of Hali. 3. Hussein, his second Son, who suffered death in defence of his Father's Succession. The place where the Sunnis gave him battle and slew him, is called Kerbela near to Babylon, and is a holy place in high veneration among the Persians'. 4. Iman-zin-el-Abedin. 5. Mahomet-el Baker. 6. jafer-el-scadek, who introduced the Law into Persia, that if any Christian, Jew, or Idolater turned Mahometan, he should be declared general Heir to his Family to the exclusion of Brothers and Sisters, and that he might allow what he pleased to his Father and Mother. Whence arose two mischiefs, that some Armenians, Christians, and Jews turned Mahumetans, to get the Estate of the Family, and others turned Mahumetans, to keep their possessions. 7. Moussa-Katzem. 8. Hali-el-Rezza, whose Tomb at Meshed is sa highly venerated among the Persians', as Mahomet's among the Turks. 9 Mahammet-el-Ioüad. 10. Hali-el-Hadi. 11. Hocen-el-Askeri. 12. Mouhemmet el-Mouhadi Shaheb-zaman. The Persians' hold the same belief as to the last Iman, as we do of Enoch and Elias▪ which is the reason that several people leave them in their Wills Houses ready furnished, Stables full of stately Horses, and other necessaries for them to make use of when they return to Earth again. They attribute to this Iman the Surname of Zaheb-zaman, or Lord of Time. These two Sects of Sunnis and Schias overrun the three principal Kingdoms of India, viz. the Great Moguls, the King of Golconde's, and the King of Visapours. The first and last being Sunnis, that is to say, both the Kings and Lords of the Court; for their Subjects are most of them Idolaters. Some Schiais there are in the Courts of both Kings, in regard the Officers of the Army are for the most part Persians', though in outward show they may follow the Religion of the Prince. But the King of Golconda Koutoub-Sha is a zealous Schiais. I come now to the Grand Festival of the Persians', which is the famous Feast of Hocen and Hussein. Eight days before the Festival gins, some of the more zealous sort black all their Bodies and their Faces, and go naked in the Streets with only a covering about their secret parts. They carry two Flints, one in each hand, which they knock one against another, writhing their Bodies, and making a thousand antic Faces; and all the while crying out, Hussein, Hocen; Hocen, Hussein; which they act and speak with so much Labour, till they foam again at the mouth. In the Evening, the devout people admit them into their Houses, and feed them very well. During those days, as soon as the Sun is set, you shall see at the corners where several Streets meet, Pulpits set up for certain Preachers, who prepare the people that flock to hear them to the devotion of the Feast. Now in regard all Ages, and Sexes go, there is no time in all the year so favourable for the Women to meet their Gallants. In the year 1667. the third of July, I saw the Festival by the favour of the Nagar, who appointed me a place just against the Déla where the King sat. This Dela is a Room built with a jetting upon that side of the Meidan next the Palace Gate, one story high. Several Pillars sustain the flat bottom or floor of the Déla, enriched with a Grotesco work of Gold and Azure, in the midst whereof there was a Fountain that was filled with Water by the contrivance of a Pipe. The Stage or Déla was open upon three sides, the longest side jetting out upon the Piazza. Upon the Wall of the opposite side, which was close, were to be seen several English and Hollanders, both men and women pictured with Bottles and Glasses in their hands, as if they were drinking to one another. Sha-abas the second caused this Painting to be drawn by a Hollander. About seven a Clock in the Morning Sha-Sephi the second, who since has changed his name to Sha-Soliman the second, came and seated himself upon his Throne set up in the midst of the Déla, all his Nobility standing about him. So soon as he was sat down, the Great Provost appeared at the end of the Piazza mounted upon a fair Horse, attended by certain young Lords, who caused the People, consisting of the Companies of the two quarters of the City, which are twelve in all, to advance to the places which were designed them. For formerly the Companies would strive for the way; and therefore the King to prevent disorder, ordered there should be a Provost, or Master of the Ceremonies to place them without disturbance. As he was about his duty, a Horseman entered the Piazza, armed with a Bow, a Quiver, and a Scimitar, followed by seven Men that carried every one a Pike upright in their hands, with every one a Man's Head at the top. Those were the Heads of certain Vsbeck-Tartars, the neighbouring and mortal Enemies of the Persians', which those men had cut of from the shoulders of their conquered Foes. The King caused five Tomans a piece to be given to them that carried the Heads, and ten Tomans to their Leader. After them entered three hundred Turks, which were fled from the Borders of Turkey▪ from whence the Countrypeople were taken by force, and sent to the Wars of Candy. They complained, that whereas they were want to be sent to their Winter-Quarters about the middle of October, the Turk kept them to the same hard service in Winter as in Summer. All these were ordered to advance into the middle of the Piazza, where they made their obeisance to him three times, and than humbly besought him that they might devil in his Kingdom, with their Wives, their Children, and their cattle. The King ordered Money to be distributed among them, and that they should have Lands assigned them to manure. Than the Próvost caused the Companies to advance, every Company having the Thill of a Wagon carried before him; upon every of which Thillss was a Bier three or four Foot high, the Wood of the Thill being painted with a Grotesco of Gold and Silver, and the Bier covered with Satin. When the first Company had order to march, three Horses were led before, richly harnessed; when they were come about a hundred Paces forward into the Piazza, in view of the King, they that led the Horses caused them to gallop, and than all the Company ●ell a running and dancing about with the Bier. Besides that, every one fling up his short Cassock, his Girdle, and Bonnet, put their fingers in their mouths, to whistle as loud as they could. While the naked people, with their Flint-stones in their hands, ran knocking their Stones together, crying out, Hussein Hocen, Hocen Hussein, till they foam at the mouth again▪ not omitting to wryth their Bodies▪ and to make all the scurvy Fac●s as before described. The three Companies succeeding one another in the same Formalities, by and by came two Companies more with a little Bier upon their Thillss, and in each Bier a little Child that lay as if dead. They that accompanied these two Buyers wept and sighed most sadly. These two Infants represented the Children of Hussein, who when the Prophet was slain, were taken by Yerid, Caliph of Bagdat, and put to death. Upon this occasion you shall see a great number of Courtesans that come to the Ceremony fall a weeping, who thereby believe their Sins are forgiven. When all the people were come into the Piazza, notwithstanding all the care and good order that was taken, there were several that went to Sharps, accounting it a great honour to fight smartly in the King's presence; and farther believing, that if any one be killed upon that occasion, he shall be Sainted; as indeed every one gives something toward his Internment. The Grand Provost seeing the Quarrel grow hot, and fearing more mischief, sent for five Elephants, which ceased the Combat, by drawing the Eyes of the Spectators upon them. The Elephants marched one before another, according to their Pay that was allowed them, and their skill in War. Not that the King of Persia makes any use of them in the Field, but only for State, keeps such as the Indian Princes present him withal. Those five Elephants were covered with Houses of Cloth of Gold, with a Fringe of the same round about. And upon the first, which was the highest and the biggest, sat two Men, the one upon the neck, who guides the Elephant; the other upon the crupper, carrying the King's Arm's in a Standard fixed to a half-Pike. Upon the other four sat only one Man apiece, who were the Governors. When they came before the place where the King sat, they were all ranked five abreast, at what time the biggest, which was in the middle, stretched out his two forelegs forward, and his two hinder-legs backward, till his belly almost touched the ground; after which manner the Elephant makes his obeisance. The other four did the same. Than laying their Trunks upon the ground, and raising them again over their heads three times more, they were made to stand with than heads where than ●ayls stood; and their Houses were turned up, to the end the King might see in what condition they were, and whether well looked after or no: which being done, they were led away again. Upon one side of the 〈◊〉 where the King stood, a little Scaffold was set up, covered with Tap ●●y, some five Foot lower than the Kings. In the middle of the Scaffold stood a g●●a●●●●ow-Chair covered with black Velvet, where sat a Moullah with six other Moullahs round about him. The Moullah made a Discourse upon the Death of Hussein and Hocen of about half an hour long, which being ended, the King caused a Calaat or Habit of Honour to be given him, as also to the others, though not so rich. When they had all put on the Habit, the same Moullah returned to his Chair, and made a Prayer for the health of the King, and the prosperity of his Kingdom. All these Ceremonies lasted from seven in the Morning till Noon, at what time the King retired into his Haram. As for the People, they carry their Buyers up and down the City, and wherever two Companies meet, whether it be for the upper hand, or to get foremost, they presently fall together by the Ears, and knock one another down: For they are not permitted to carry any other Arms than good big Clubs, almost as big as Levers. Some time after the Feast of Hussein and Hocen, the Persians' celebrated another Festival, which they call the Feast of the Camel, in remembrance of Abraham's Sacrifice. They have a great reverence for this Festival, saying that it was a Camel and not a Ram which God sent to reprieve Ishmael (affirming that Ishmael was to have been sacrificed, and not Isaac.) They choose out for this Ceremony one of the fairest Camels they can meet withal, and adorn and dress him up with several Plates of sergeant Gold and Silver, and than lead him without the City to a place which is before a Mosque on the other side of the River of Ispahan, upon Zulpha side; the Deroga or Provost accompanying the people. The King was formerly want to be at this Feast, accompanied with his Nobility, and I have seen him there; but of late years he never goes, the Deroga supplying his place. When the King went thither, several Mullahs prayed for half an hour, after which the King took a kind of a Javelin and darted it against the Camel: but now in the absence of the King, the Deroga gives the first stroke. At the same time they fling the Camel to the ground, with Ropes tied to his legs, and cutting of his head and neck together, they divide the rest of the Body into eleven parts more, to the end all the twelve Companies may have every one their share. Every Company carry their share to the Master of the Companies House, who is generally the ancientest among them. Which part is kept and salted up till the next Feast, and the piece the year before, so till than preserved, is than boiled with Rice, and is the foundation of the Feast for the chief of the Company, who take it for an honour to eat of it: For the rest, they boil Rice with Mutton and Hens, and besides that, distribute large Alms to the Poor. CHAP. VIII. Of the Religion of the Gaurs, the Relics of the ancient Persians', adorers of Fire. THere are no men in the world so scrupulous of discovering the Mysteries of their Religion, as the Gaurs; so that I was forced to frequent their company very much in most of my Travels, to pick out what I have here to deliver. Of the present Condition of the Gaurs. AFter the Persians' began to persecute the Gaurs, great numbers of them retired to Surat, and others into the Province of Guzerat. Now the King of Persia lets them live in quiet; and there are now above 10000 in Kerman, where I stayed three Months in the year 1654. All that live in India are Tradesmen, and for the most part Turner's in Ivory; those in Kerman deal in Wool. Four-days journey from whence stands their principal Temple, where their Chief Priest resides; whither they are once in their lives obliged to go in Pilgrimage. There are some of these Gaurs live near Ispahan. Of their Original, and their Prophets. THey say that the Father of their Prophet was a Frank by Nation, whose Name was Azer▪ and a Carver by Trade. That he left his own Country to live in theirs, which at that time was the City of Babylon; where he took a Wife who called herself Dogbdon. That one night his Wife dreamt that God had sent an Angel from Paradise to visit her, who brought her very rich clothes, which she put on. That a Celestial Light presently overspread her Face, and rendered her as beautiful as the Sun; and that when she waked she found herself with Child, which Child proved to be the Prophet Ebrahim-zer-Ateucht. That the Astrologers of that time, by their skill in the Stars knew of the Birth of that Infant sent by God, who was to govern Men, and reign in their Hearts. That those Astrologers went and declared the same thing to the King, telling him that there was a Child suddenly to be born, that would one day reprieve him of his Crown. Whereupon the said King, called Neubrout, and a great Tyrant, caused all the Women with Child to be put to death, through the whole extent of his Dominions. But by a Miracle the big Belly of the Mother of their Prophet not appearing, she remained undiscovered, and brought forth a Son. Her Husband, who knew nothing of this Mystery, fearing he should loose his head if he did not discover the business to the King, before he found it out another way, went and confessed that he had a Child born, but that he knew nothing of her being with Child. Now you must know, that contrary to the custom of other Children, that cry so soon as they come out of the Mother's womb, this Child laughed so soon as he was born. For being to triumph over the Hearts of the people, he was to show signs of joy; so that the people began already to rejoice in their future felicities. This being signified to the King, he called his Astrologers together, to tell him the meaning of so extraordinary a thing, and what would become of the Infant. But the Astrologers not being able to satisfy him, he sent for the Infant, and would have slain him with a Sword with his own hand, but God dried up his Arm immediately, so that he could not. However, not terrified with so great a punishment, transported with Choler, he caused a great Fire to be kindled, and commanded the Infant to be thrown into it. But by the power of God, the Fire which he had prepared to consume the Infant turned into a Bed of Roses, where the Child most sweetly reposed. They who from that hour began to honour the little Prophet, took away some of that Fire, which has been preserved to this time. They keep it, say they, in honour of so great a Miracle; and they have it in great veneration, because it discovered the merit of their Prophet. Nevertheless the King stopped not there, but still obstinate in his impiety, notwithstanding all these Miracles, he prepared new torments for the little Infant; but God chastised his incredulity and that of his people very severely, by sending such an infinite number of Flies, and that of such a pestiferous nature, that whoever were stung with them died without remedy, unless they immediately came and worshipped the Prophet, and kissed his Feet, in testimony of their repentance. As for the King, who still continued in his impenitency, an exemplary fate befell him. For one or those Flies stinging him in one of his Ears, he died a most tormenting death. His Successor was Sha-Glochtes. He also at the beginning of his Reign began to persecute the little Infant, who now began to increase in years and virtue. The King imprisoned him: but he was astonished when he heard that one of his Horses, which he always confided in when he went to Battle, as being assured of Victory when he road him, had lost his four legs. Thereupon, wiser than his Predecessor, and acknowledging from whence so dire a Correction proceeded, he sent for the Prophet ou● of Prison, asked pardon for his incredulity, and prayed him by his intercession to restore his Horse his legs again. The Prophet willing to do him that favour, prayed to God four times, and every time he prayed one leg returned to the Horse again. The King beholding such a Miracle, was half converted; but being desirous to be farther convinced, he desired the Prophet to throw himself into a B●th of melted Silver, which he would provide for him▪ promising if he came out safe, that he and all his People would receive him as one sent from God, and be obedient to his Precepts in all things. The Prophet resolutely undertook his offer, and the Bath being ready, cast himself fearlessly into it; and as he went in, so he came out without the lest harm. Than the King and all the people that were present adored him for a real Prophet▪ and gave him the name of Zer-Ateucht, or Washed in Silver. The Prophet perceiving that all the people had him in so much veneration, withdrew himself, and would not be seen any more. Nor do they justly know what became of him; which makes the greatest part of the Gaurs believe, that he was taken up into Paradise both Soul and Body together. Others say, that having found an Iron Coffin upon the Road near Bagdat, he put himself into it, and was carried into Heaven by the Angels. They allow their Prophet three Children, who are not yet come into the world, though their names be already given them. They say that this Prophet Ebrahim walking one time upon the River without a Boat, three drops of his nature fell from him upon the water, which are still preserved there. That their God will sand a Virgin, very much beloved by him, upon the same River, who by the receptien of the first drop shall become big of the first Child, whom they call beforehand Ouchider. He shall come into the world with authority, and shall 'cause his Father's Law to be received, and confirm it, not only by his eloquent Preaching, but by many miracles. The second, whose name is Ouchiderma, shall be conceived after the same fashion; he shall assist his Brother, and by causing the Sun to stand still ten years, shall convince all the world of the Truth of his Doctrine. The third shall be conceived by the same Mother, and shall be called Seno●et-hotius: He shall come with more authority than his two Brothers, and shall perfectly reduce all people to the Religion of their Prophet. After which shall be the universal Resurrection, at what time all the Souls, either in Paradise or Hell, shall return to take possession of their Bodies. Than say they, shall all the Mountains, and all the Minerals in the world be melted, and shall fill up the great Chaos of Hell, whereby the Mansion of the Devils shall be utterly destroyed? After this the world shall be levelled, and be made fit to inhabit, and men shall have every one their apartment answerable to the degree and quantity of the good which they did in their life time: but that their chief delight shall be to behold and praise God and Ebrahim their Prophet. They add that before the Resurrection, those that are in Paradise do not behold the face of God, not not the Angels themselves, except only one, who is always attendant on him to receive and execute his commands. They also say that God will have pity upon the Damned, and that they shall go into Paradise, as having suffered enough already for their sins. By which it appears, that the Paradise of the Gaurs ●s lesle remote from sense than that of Mahomet's invention; and that they have a confused knowledge of the mysteries of Christian Religion. Of the Books of the Gaurs. EBrahim-zer-Ateucht being taken up into Paradise, they received by his means seven Books of Laws, which God of his goodness sent them to instruct them in the way of their Salvation. They also received seven others, containing an Interpretation of all the Dreams that could be Dreamed. Lastly, seven others, wherein were written all the secrets of Physic, and all the possible means for the long preservation of health. They say that fourteen of these Books, which contained the explication of Dreams and secrets of Physic are lost; for that Alexander the Great carried them away, as esteeming them a vast treasure; and for the Books of their Religion, because they were written in a language that none but the Angels understood, Alexander for madness caused them to be burnt: for which rashness of his God punished him, and afflicted him with that terrible sickness whereof he Died. Some Doctors and Priests that had hid themselves in the Mountains to save their lives from his ●utchery, after Alexander was Dead, met again together, and composed one Book by the strength of their memories. I saw that Book which is a good large one, and written in a different Character, either from the Arabian, Persian, or Indian. Their Priests themselves that read in that Book hardly understand what they read, but they have other Books that explain what is contained therein. When they read in that Book, as also when they pray, they tie a Handkerchief about their mouths, as if they were afraid their words should mix with the Air and receive any impurity. Of the manner of their Baptism. THe Gaurs never use Circumcision, but at the Birth of their Children practise something like our Baptism. For some days after the Child is born, they wash it with Water wherein certain Flowers are first boiled; and during that dipping, the Priest, who is present, makes certain Prayers. If the Child dye without that Washing, they do not believe but that it goes to Paradise; but they hold that the Parents shall give an account for their neglect of the Infant, because that Washing increases his favour and his merit in the fight of God. Of their Marriages. THe Religion of the Gaurs permits them to have five Wives, if they can maintain them; nor is it laudable to repudiate any one but in case of an evident Adultery, or that she turn Mahometan; besides, it behoves her Husband to stay a whole year, to see whether she will repent or no. If she come and acknowledge her fault to the Priest, he enjoins her Penance for three years; after which he remarries them, and they become man and wife again. As to the Ceremony of Marriage, the Priest, when the Couple come to him, asks the Man and the Woman in the presence of Witnesses, whether they both consent; than taking a little Water he says a few Prayers over it, and than washing both their Foreheads he pronounces certain words, and there's all. But they are not to marry within the third degree; nor do they know what it means to desire a Dispensation. But you must observe by the way, that though they are allowed five Wives, there is but one which can be truly said to be married, with whom they are obliged to lie at lest two nights in a week, Friday and Saturday, and she always goes before the rest. But if she have no Children in seven years, the man is allowed to marry another, but not to repudiate the other, whom he is bound still to maintain according to his quality. So soon as Women or Maids perceive the custom of Nature upon them, they presently leave their Houses, and stay alone in the Fields in little Huts made of Hurdles or Watlings, with a Cloth at the entering in, which serves for a Door. While they are in that condition, they have Meat and Drink brought them every day; and when they are free, they sand according to their quality, a Kid, or a Hen, or a Pigeon for an Offering; after which they go to the Bath, and than invite some few of their Kindred to some small Collation. Of their Fasts, Feasts, and principal Ceremonies. THe Gaurs drink Wine both men and women, and eat Swine's▪ flesh, provided it be of their own breeding and feeding. They are very careful jest their Hogs eat any ordure; for should they perceive that they had devoured any thing of nastiness, they are strictly forbidden to eat them. They never pair their Nails; so that if by way of disgrace, or by any misfortune they are constrained to cut their Nails or their Hair, they carry that which they cut of to some place appointed without the City for that purpose. Five days in a year they abstain from Meat, Fish, Butter, and Eggs; and three other days they fast altogether till Evening. They have also thirty Holy-days in honour of thirty of their Saints, which they keep very strictly, no man daring to work. But the day of the Birth of their Prophet is celebrated with an extraordinary Pomp; besides that than they bestow large Alms. There is one day in the year when all the Women of every City and Village meet together to kill all the Frogs they can found in the fields; and this is done by the Command of their Prophet, who was one day very much annoyed by them. Their Priests have several Books full of small Pictures in Water-Colours, ill done, representing how the several Sins of Men shall be punished in Hell, especially Sodomy, which they abominate. Of their Funerals. WHen the Gaurs are sick they sand for their Priests, to whom they make a kind of Confession; whereupon the Priests enjoin them to give Alms, and other good Works, to gain pardon of their Sins. They neither burn nor bury their dead, but carry the Corpse without the City, into a walled place, where are abundance of Stakes seven or eight Foot high, fixed in the ground, and tie the dead Corpse to one of the Stakes, with his Face toward the East. They that accompany the Corpse fall to their Prayers at a distance, till the Crows come; for those Cemeteries draw the Crows to them. If the Crow chances to fasten upon the right Eye of the deceased, than they believe the person to be happy, and for joy they give large Alms, and make a Feast in the field. But if the Crow fixes upon the left Eye, than they take it for an ill Omen, return home sad, without speaking to one another; give no Alms, nor eat nor drink. Of their Adoration of Fire. THe Gaurs would not be thought to give Honour to Fire under the title of Adoration. For they do not accounted themselves Idolaters, saying that they acknowledge but only one God, Creator of Heaven and Earth, whom they only adore. As for the Fire, they preserve it and reverence it, in remembrance of the great Miracle, by which their Prophet was delivered from the Flames. One day being at Kerman, I desired to see that Fire, but they answered me, they could not permit me. For say they, one day the Can of Kerman being desirous to see the Fire, not daring to do otherwise, they showed it him. He it seems expected to see some extraordinary Brightness; but when he saw no more than what he might have seen in a Kitchen or a Chamber-fire, fell a swearing and spitting upon't as if he had been mad. Whereupon the Sacred Fire being thus profaned, flew away in the form of a white Pigeon. The Priests considering than their misfortune, which had happened through their own indiscretion, fell to their Prayers with the People, and gave Alms; upon which, at the same time, and in the same form the Sacred Fire returned to its place: which makes them so shy to show it again. When they put any persons to their Oaths, they Swear them before this Fire; for they think no person so impious, as to swear false before that Sacred Fire, which they take for the Witness of their Oath. Their Priests put them in dread of very great punishments, and threaten them that the heavenly Fire will forsake them, if they prove so wicked as to swear falsely before it. Of their Manners and Customs. THe Language of the Gaurs is different from the Persians' as is their Character and manner of Writing. They love to feast, and to eat and drink well, being very profuse of their Wine and Strong-water. They never eat Hares, because they have their monthly Purgations, like Women: for the same reason they never eat Mulberries, believing that they partake of the nature of Women and Hares. If, when they comb their Hair or their Beards, any one hair happens to fall upon their clothes, those clothes must be washed in the stolen of a Cow or an Ox to purify them again. If by chance they happen to touch any ordure or nastiness, when they come home they must wash themselves in the same Urin. If one of their Priests meet a dead Corpse in the Highway, and chances to see it, he is obliged to wash himself in Cows-Piss, which they hold to be a good Purification: an Opinion held in some parts of India also. I asked one of their Priests how they came to understand the virtue of this Urinal; who answered me, that a certain person who was contemporary with the first Man, having his Arm bruised and very black, by reason of some accident that befell him through the malice of the Devil, fell asleep in the fields, and as he lay, an Ox stalling, a drop of the Urinal flew upon his Arm, and presently healed that part which it wet, and restored it to its former whiteness: which the man perceiving when he waked, presently followed the Ox, and stayed by him till he staled again, and than receiving the Piss upon the whole wound, was perfectly cured. They also preserve it, and compound it with a Water, which they 'cause them to drink who have committed any Sin, after they have been at Confession for it. They call that Water the Cazi's Water; which Urinal aught to be preserved forty days, with an infusi on of Willow-Bark, and certain Herbs. When any person is confessed of his Sin, if it be a crying Sin, the party is bound to stay ten days in the Cazi's House, and not to eat or drink but what the Priest gives them. And in order ro Absolution, the Priest strips him naked, and ties a little Dog to his right great Toe, which he leads with him about the Cazi's House wherever he goes, sometimes a whole day, sometimes longer, according to the heinousness of the crime. In that posture he desires the Cazi to purify him, telling him that for his part he believes himself to be purified. The Priest makes answer that it is the Dog that must purify him, and not he. After that he powers the compounded water seven times upon his head, than gives him a draught to drink, and so he is absolved. This Penitence costs the criminal Sauce, who is afterwards bound to feast all his friends at the Cazi's House. Being surprised at this superstition, I asked whether the women were shrifted thus by the Cazi; but I found that the Cazi's Wives confess and absolve the women and maids. One more strange custom they have, that when a man is upon the point of death, they take a little Dog and set it upon the expiring parties breast. When he is just breathing his last, they put the mouth of the Dog to the mouth of the person dying, and 'cause him to bark twice in that posture, that the Soul of the deceased may enter into the Dog, who they say will deliver it into the hands of the Angel appointed to receive it. Moreover when any Dog happens to dye, they carry him out of the City, and pray to God for the Carrion, as if the Beast received any kindness after death by their Prayers. Of the Beasts, which they love or hate. THere are some Beasts which the Gaurs do mightily respect, and to which they give a great deal of Honour. There are others which they as much abhor, and which they endeavoured to destroy as much as in them lies, believing that they were not created by God, but that they came out of the body of the Devil, whose ill nature they retain. The Beasts which they principally admire are the Cow, the Ox, and the Dog. They are expressly forbidden to eat of the flesh of a Cow or an Ox, or to kill them. The reason why they so esteem these Creatures is, because the Ox labours for man, and Ploughs the Ground that produces his food. As for the Cow they more dearly affect her for the Milk she gives, but especially for the purifying quality of her Urine. The Creatures which they abhor are Adders, Serpents, Lizards, Toads, Frogs, Crayfish, Rats, Mice, but above all the rest Cats; which they say are the resemblance of the Devil, who gave them so much strength that a man can hardly kill them; so that they rather suffer the inconveniency of Rats and Mice, than ever to keep a Cat in their Houses. As for the other Animals beforementioned, if any of the Gaurs fall sick, they hire poor people to go and found those Creatures out and kill them; which they reckon in the number of those good works that comfort the Souls of the deceased. The reason why they hate them so, is, because they believe the Devils make use of them to torment the Damned; and therefore they do a work of charity that destroy them, whereby they mitigate the pains and torments of Souls in Hell. The last King of these Gaurs was Sha-Iesherd, who was driven out of his Country by Omar the second, successor to Mahomet. Of the RELIGION of the ARMENIANS, and of their Principal CEREMONIES. CHAP. IX. How the Armenians Consecrated and Administer the Sacrament. SInce the Armenians Traded into Europe and began to be Travellers, their Churches are better set out than they were heretofore. They spare no cost to adorn the Choir and the Altar; you tread upon rich Carpets, and for the structure and embellishments of it, they employ the best Workmen and the choicest Materials they can meet with. From the body of the Church to the Choir there is usually an ascent of five or six Steps. Nor is there above one Altar in any Church, upon which they set the Consecrated Bread, before they set the Chalice where the Wine is. When the Mass for the Ceremony is said by an Archbishop, at the reading of the Gospel they light an abundance of Wax Tapers, which Tapers are like Torches. After the Gospel is read, several of the Noviciates take sticks in their Hands about five foot long, at the end whereof are Latin Plates with little Bells hanging about them, which when they are shaked, imitate the sound of Cymbals. Other Noviciates there are which hold a Copper Plate in their Hands hung about with Bells, which they strike one against another: and at the same time the ecclesiastics and Laity sing together indifferent Harmoniously. All this while the Archbishop has two Bishops of each side of him, who are in the room of a Dean and a Subdean; and when it is time, he goes and unlocks a Window in the Wall on the Gospel side, and takes out the Chalice where the Wine is. Than with all his Music he takes a turn about the Altar, upon which he at length sets down the Chalice, saying certain Prayers. After that, with the Chalice in his hand, and the Bread upon the Chalice, he turns toward the People, who presently prostrate themselves upon the Ground, beaten their Breasts, and kiss the Earth, while the Archbishop pronounces these words; This is the Lord who gave his Body and Blood for you. Than he turns toward the Altar, and eats the Bread dipped in the Wine; for they never drink the Wine, but only dip the Bread in it. That done, the Archbishop turns once more toward the people with the Bread and Chalice in his hand, and they that will receive, come one after another to the bottom of the Choir, whither it is not lawful for any Lay-person whatsoever to ascend; to whom the Archbishop gives the Bread dipped in Wine that is in the Chalice, which Bread is without leven, flat, and round, about as thick as a Crown, and as big as the Host of the Mass, being Consecrated the day before by the Priest, whose Office it is. They never put Water in their Communion-Wine; affirming that Water is for Baptism, and that Christ when he instituted the Holy Supper drank it pure, without any mixture of Water. When the Armenians come to the Communion, the Archbishop or the Priest says these words: I confess and believe that this is the Body and Blood of the Son of God, who takes away the sins of the World, who is not only ours, but the Salvation of all Mankind. The Priest repeats these words three times to the people, to instruct them and to teach them to what end they receive the Sacrament. Every time the Priest says the words, the people say after him word for word; and when the Priest serves the people, he breaks the Host into little bits which he dips in the Wine, and gives to every one of the Communicants. That which I most wonder at is, that they give the Communion to Children of two or three months old, which their Mothers bring in their Arms; though many times, the Children put it out of their mouths again. They never administer the Sacrament all the time of their Lent, for than they never say Mass but upon Sunday noon, which they call Low-Mass, at which time they never see the Priest, who has a Curtain drawn before the Altar, and only reads the Gospel and Creed aloud. Sometimes upon Thursday in the Passion week they say Low-Mass about noon, and than they Confess and administer the Sacrament: But generally they stay till Saturday, and than the Communicants, after they have received, are permitted to eat Fish, Eggs, Butter, Oil, or any thing else except Flesh. Upon Easter day, by break of day, the Priest says Low-Mass, Confesses, and Administers, after which it is lawful to eat Flesh. But the Beasts must be killed upon Easter-day, and not so much as upon Easter-eve. They have four other Feasts in the year, wherein they observe the same Ceremony, eating neither Flesh, Fish, Eggs, Butter nor Oil for eight days: which four Feasts are Christmas, the Ascension, the Annunciation, and St. George's. Before this last Feast they stretch their devotion to the utmost, for some will fast three days, some five, one after another. CHAP. X. Of the ordination of their Priesthood; and their Austerites. When a Father designs his Son to the Priesthood, he carries him to the Priest, who puts the Cope, open on both sides, about his Shoulders; after which the Father and Mother take him home again. This Ceremony is repeated seven times in several years, according to the years of the young Child, till he come to be of age to say Mass. If he be not designed for a Monk, but for the Priesthood, after the fourth time of putting on the Chasuble or open Cope, they marry him; for their Priests marry once, but if that Wife die, if they intent to marry again, they must give over saying Mass. The six first Ceremonies being over, when the Youth comes to the age of 18 years, at what time they are capable of saying Mass, as well those who are designed for Monks, as those who are married Priests, they proceed to the seventh and last Ceremony, which must be performed by an Archbishop or a Bishop; who invests the young Priest with all the Habits which the Priests wear that say Mass. That being done, he goes into the Church, out of which he is not to departed for a whole year; during all which time he is altogether employed in the service of the Church. The Priest who is married, must be five days after he has said Mass before he returns home to eat or drink, or lie with his Wife. And as well the Monks as Priests, when they intent to say Mass again, must remain five days in the Church, without either going to bed or touching any thing with their hands, unless it be the Spoon wherewith they eat their meat: not daring all the while to spit or blow their noses. The next five days after they have said Mass, though such days upon which they might otherwise eat Flesh and Fish, they are obliged to feed upon nothing else but Eggs without Butter, and Rice boiled with Water and Salt. The morning before they celebrated Mass, if the Priest have by chance swallowed a drop of Water, he must not say Mass. Their Austerities are such, that many of their Bishops never eat Flesh or Fish above four times a year; but more than that, when they come to be Archbishops, they only live upon Pulse. They have six months and three days in a year wherein they keep Lent, or particular Fasts, which you please to call them; and during all that time, as well the Ecclesiastical persons as the Laity, feed only upon Bread, and some few Herbs which grow in their Gardens. There was an Armenian of Zulpha whose superstition was so great, that he made his Horse to fast with him, allowing him but very little either to eat or drink for a whole week together. As for the poor labouring people, they only feed upon Pulse, boiled in Water and Salt: for during their chief Lent, they are permitted no more than others, to eat either Butter or Oil; nay though they lay a dying, it is not lawful for them to eat Flesh upon those days wherein that diet is forbidden. They may only eat Walnuts or Small-nuts, Almonds or Pistaches, or some such other Fruit that affords no Oil; and they have this farther liberty, to pound them, and put them among their Pulse or their Herbs, and boil them with Rice. CHAP. XI. Of their Baptism. 'tIS the custom of the Armenians to Baptise their Infants upon Sunday; or if they Baptise any upon the week days, it is only in case of necessity when they think they will not live. The Midwife carries that Infant to Church, and holds it in her arms, till either the Archbishop, the Bishop, or the Priest has said some part of the Form of Baptism. Than he that baptises takes the Infant which is naked, and plunges it in the Water, and than taking it out again, puts it into the hands of the Godfather, and goes on with the Prayers. While he reads them, with the Cotton which he has in his hand he twists a string about half an Ell long. He makes another also of read Silk, which is flat; than twisting those two strings together, he puts them about the Child's neck. They say, that these two strings, one of white Cotton, and the other of read Silk, signifies the Blood and Water which flowed from the Body of CHRIST, when he was wounded with the Lance upon the Cross. Having tied the cord about the neck of the Child, he takes the holy Oil and anoints the Child in several parts of the body, making the sign of the Cross in every place where he drops the Oil; every time pronouncing these words, I baptise thee in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. He first anoints the Forehead, than the Chin, than the Stomach, the Armholes, the Hands and Feet. As to the making this Oil, you must know, that every seven years, upon the Eve of our Lady in September, against which day they observe a small Lent of eight days, tke Patriarch makes this holy Oil; there being no person but he who has power to make it. He uses all sorts of fragrant Flowers, and Aromatical Drugs; but the principal Flower is that which the Armenians call in their Language Balassan-Jagué, we in ours, the Flower of Paradise. When the Oil is made, the Patriarch sends two Bottles to all the Covents of Asia, Europe, and Africa, without which they cannot baptise. The Ceremony of Baptism being over, the Godfather goes out of the Church with the Infant in his arms, and a Taper of white Wax in each hand. According to the quality of the person, when the Child is carried out of the Church, the Trumpets, Drums, Hautboys, and other Instruments of the Country make a hideous noise and go before the Infant to the Parents House, where being arrived, the Godfather delivers the Child to the Mother. She prostrates herself at the same time before the Godfather, kissing his feet; and while she continues in that posture, the Godfather kisses her head. Neither the Father nor the Godfather names the Child, but he that baptises gives him the Name of the Saint whose Festival falls upon the Sunday on which the Child is baptised. If there be no Saints day that Sunday in the Almanac, they take the next Name whose Festival succeeds the Sunday of Baptism; so that they have no affected Names among them. Upon the return of the Godfather with the Child home, there is a Feast prepared for all the Kindred and Friends, and him that baptised the Infant, with whom all the Priests and Monks of the Covent, at lest of the Parish, go along. The poor people were want to be so prodigal at these Feasts, as also upon their Marriages and Burials, that the next day they had not wherewithal to buy Victuals, much lesle to pay what they have borrowed for so needless an expense. But now the poor Armenians are grown so cunning to avoid the Bastinadoes which are gi'vn to Debtors upon the soles of the Feet, when they cannot pay, according to the custom of Persia; that they carry the Child to Church upon the weekdays: without any Ceremony, with tears in their eyes, pretending it to be sickly and like to dye, and so make no Feasts at all. If the Women lie in fifteen or twenty days, or two months before Christmas, they defer the baptising the Infant till the Festival, provided the Infant be healthy. Than in all the Cities and Villages where the Armenians live, if there be any River or Pond, they make ready two or three flat-bottomed Boats, spread with Carpets to walk upon, in one of which upon Christmas-day they set up a kind of an Altar. In the morning by Sunrising all the Armenian Clergy, as well of that place as of the parts adjoining, get into the Boats in their Habits, with the Cross and Banner. Than they dip the Cross in the Water three times, and every time they drop the Holy Oil upon it. After that they use the ordinary form of Baptism, which being done, the Archbishop or the Minister plunges the Infant in the River or Pond three times, saying the usual words, I Baptism, etc. and the same anointings as before: though it seems a wonder to me that the extremity of the weather does not kill the Child. The King of Persia is many times present at this ceremony when it is performed at Ispahan, riding on Horseback to the side of the River with all his Nobility. The Ceremony being over he goes to Zulpha to the Kelonter's House, where there is an entertainment prepared for him. Neither is there any place in the World where a King may be entertained with lesle charge than in Persia. For if any private person invite the King, and that His Majesty pleases to do him that Honour, 'tis but for the inviter to go to the chief of the Officers, and to carry him twenty Tomans, or three hundred Crowns, and to tell him withal, that the King has promised to accept of a small Collation with his Slave. For than the Governor is obliged to sand to the House of him that treats the King all things necessary for the entertainment. Else it were impossible to be done, in regard the King eats in nothing but in Gold Plate. At the end of the Feast the King is always presented with some European Rarity, not lesle worth than four or five thousand Crowns. Or if the person have no Rarity to present, it suffices to offer in a Basin the value in Venetian Ducats of Gold, with all the submission imaginable. Besides all this, some Presents must be given to some of the Lords and principal Eunuches of his train; and others sent to the Queen Mother, if living, and to the Sultaness, his Wives and Sisters. Thus though the entertainment may be made with little trouble, yet otherwise it proves somewhat expensive; though the Armenians of Zulpha are well enough able to bear the charge. I was twice at this Ceremony upon Christmas day in Ispahan. The first time I saw Sha-Sefi, and the second time Sha-Abas the second, who drank both so hard, that in their Drink they committed those crimes that very much stained their memories: For Sha-Sefi returning home stabbed his Wife, the Mother of Sha-Abas▪ Sha-Abas another time returning home in drink, would needs drink on, and force three women to drink with him; who finding he would not give over, stole out of his Company. The King perceiving them gone without taking leave, in a mad humour sent his Eunuches for them, and caused them to be thrown into the Fire, where the poor women were burnt; for there is no resisting nor examining the King's command. CHAP. XII. Of the Marriages of the Armenians. THE Armenians Mary their Children before either party have seen each other, nay before the Fathers or Brothers know any thing of it. And they whom they intent to Mary must agreed to what their Fathers or Parents command them. When the Mothers have agreed among themselves, they tell their Husbands, who approve what they have done. Upon this Approbation, the Mother of the Boy, with two old Women and a Priest come to the House where the Mother of the Daughter lives, and present her a Ring from him whom they intent to betrothe. The Boy appears afterwards, and the Priest reads something out of the Gospel as a blessing upon both parties; after which they give him a sum of Money according to the quality of the Father of the Girl. That done, they present the company with drink, and this is called a betrothing or affiancing. Sometimes they agreed a Marriage when the Children are not above two or three years old; sometimes two women that are friends being both with Child at one time together, will make a match between the two Children before they are born, if the one be a Boy and the other a Girl. So soon as they are born the Contract is made; and when once the Boy has given the Ring, though it be twenty years after before they are Married, he is bound every year upon Easter-day to sand his Mistress a new Habit with all the trimming belonging to it according to her quality. Three days before the Celebration of Marriage, the Father and Mother of the Boy prepare a Feast, which is carried to the house of the Father and Mother of the Girl, where the kindred of both parties meet. The Men are in one place by themselves, and the Women in another; for they never eat together at public Feasts. The Evening before the Nuptials the Bridegroom sends a Habit to the Bride; and some time after he comes to receive what the Mother of the Bride has provided for him, on her part. If the Bride has no Mother, some ancient Woman next akin dresses the Bride. At length the Bride gets upon one Horse, and the Bridegroom upon another, each Horse being sumptuously harnessed, with Bridles and Saddles of Gold and Silver, if the persons be rich: those that are poor, and have not Horses of their own, repair to the Great men, who willingly lend theirs upon such an occasion. As they set out from the Virgin's habitation, the Bridegroom goes before with a Veil of Carnation-Tiffany upon his Head, or else of Gold and Silver Network, the Meshes whereof are very close, that reaches below the Stomach. He holds in his Hand one end of a Girdle some three or four els long, and the Bride that rides behind holds the other. She is also covered with a large white Veil from head to foot, that spreads also a good way over the Horse. Under which Veil, that rather seems a large white Sheet, the Bride is hid in such a manner, that there is nothing to be seen of her but her Eyes. Two Men walk on either side of each Horse; and if they be Children of three or four years old (for so young they marry) there are three or four Men to hold them in the Saddle, according to the quality of their Parents. A great Train of young Men, the kindred and acquaintance of both parties, follow after, some a horseback, some afoot, with Tapers in their hands, as if they were going in Procession: and besides all these, the Drums, Trumpets, Hautboys and other Instruments of the Country, all attending to the Church-door. When they are alighted, every one makes way for the Bridegroom and Bride, who advance up to the foot of the Altar, still holding the Girdle in their hands. Than the Bridegroom and the Bride meet, and lean forehead to forehead. Than comes the Priest, and turning his back to the Altar, lays his Bible upon their Heads, instead of a Desk, a weight sufficiently heavy, as being a thick ponderous Folio. There he lets it lie while he reads the form of Matrimony, which Office is most usually performed by a Bishop or an Archbishop. The Form is very much like ours. The Bishop demands the Bridegroom, Wilt thou have such a one to thy Wife? than to the Bride he says, Wilt thou have such a one for thy Husband? to which they both answer with a nod of the Head. The Matrimonial Benediction being given, they hear Mass; which being ended, they return both together to the Daughter's habitation, in the same order as they set out. These Nuptials last three days: where the Women drink more than the Men. The Man goes to Bed first, the Woman pulling of the man's Breeches, though she does not lay aside her Veil till the Candle be put out. Let it be what time in the year it will, the Woman rises before day. So that there be some Armenians that in ten years after they are married never saw their Wife's faces, nor ever heard them speak. For though her Husband may speak to her, and all the rest of her kindred, yet she never answers but with a Nod. The Women never eat with their Husbands; but if the Men feast their Friends to day, the Women feast theirs the next Day. CHAP. XIII. How the Armenians Bury their Dead. SO soon as any person dies, one appointed for the Services of the Dead runs immediately to the Church to fetch a Pot of Holy-Water, which he presently pours into a great Vessel full of Water, into which they put the dead Corpse. This man is called Mordichou, or the person that washes the Dead, which Mordichou's are so much detested among the people, that it is an ignominy to eat or drink with those sort of people. Whatever the party deceased has about him at the time of his death belongs to them, though it be any excellent ●ewel; for it is the custom of the East to lie in their Breeches, Shirt, and Waistcoat, in regard they never make use of Bed clothes. So soon as the Corpse is washed, they dress it with a clean white Shirt, a pair of Breeches, a Waistcoat▪ and a Bonnet, all new, never having been worn before. Than they put the Body in a linen Sack, and sow up the mouth of it. That being done, the Priests come and take up the Body to carry it to Church, which is attended by all the kindred and friends of the deceased, with every one a Taper in his hand. Being come to Church, they set down the Corpse before the Altar where the Priest says certain Prayers; and than setting up lighted Tapers round about the Corpse, they leave it so all night. The next day in the morning a Bishop or an ordinary Priest says Mass, at the end whereof they carry the Body before the door of the Bishop's house, attended as before; at what time the Bishop comes forth and says a prayer for the Soul of the deceased. Than eight or ten of the poorer sort that are next at hand, carry the Body to the Church-vard. All the way they sing certain Dirges▪ which the Priests continued, while the Body is let down into the Grave. Than the Bishop takes three handfuls of Earth, and throws them one after another into the Grave, pronouncing these words; From Earth thou cam'st, to Earth thou shalt return, and stay there till our Lord comes. These words being said, they fill up the Grave. Those of the kindred and friends that will go back found a Collation ready; and if any other persons will go along, they are not refused. For seven days also they allow Dinners and Suppers to certain Priests and poor people, if they are persons of ability: believing no Soul departed can be saved, unless the survivors are at that expense. Whence it comes to pass, that so many of the poor people are so miserable, and Slaves to the Mahometans, by borrowing Money to defray those expenses, which they are not able to pay again. When an Archbishop or a Bishop dies, they add this farther Ceremony, that an Archbishop or a Bishop writes a little Note, and cutting open the Sack puts the Note into the Hand of the deceased, wherein are these words; Remember thyself, that from Earth thou cam'st, and to Earth thou shalt return. If a Slave dye before enfranchised, when the Body is brought into the Church, the Master writes a Note, wherein are these words; Let him not grieve, I make him free, and give him his liberty. For they believe that he would be reproached in the other World for being a Slave, for which his Soul might suffer tribulation. If the Master be dead, the Mistress does the same. If an Armenian makes away himself, they never carry the Body out of the door of the house, but make a hole in the wall, where they can most conveniently, and carry him to his Grave without any Ceremony. The night preceding the Feast of the Holy Cross, Men, Women, and Children go to the Churchyard, whither they carry good store of Food, not forgetting their Wine. Immediately they fall a weeping over the Graves of the dead, and after they have spent some time in that doleful Exercise, they all fall to eating and drinking; thus passing the whole night by turns, in blub'ring, eating, and bubbing. As for the poor people, they would think themselves undone, and the most unfortunate in the world, should they want Provision and Wine to go to the Churchyards, the night before the Feast of St. George, where they go to frolic it, rather than to pray for the Dead. There may be some few Armenians that embrace Mahometanism for worldly Interest, but they are generally the most obstinate persons in the world, and most firm to their superstitious Principles. CHAP. XIV. Examples of the Constancy of the Armenians, in maintaining their Religion against the Persecutions of the Mahometans. IT is the custom of the Armenians, that when any one of them apostatises, and desires to return again to the Church, he cannot have Absolution but at the same City or Village where he first abjured his Religion. Now it happened that a young Armenian being sent to Smyrna with a very considerable quantity of Goods, and falling to debauchery, turned Mahometan, to the end he might defraud his Father and his Brethrens of their Estate, according to Haly's Law, already mentioned. But after he had spent good part of the Goods in Debauchery, he returned to the Three Churches, where the Grand Patriarch lived, to be absolved from his Fault; but the Patriarch telling him he must go to the Bishop of Smyrna, he went accordingly; and in some few days after he had undergone the Penance enjoined him, he went to the Cadi, and with a great Resolution, Sir, said he, you know that some years since I turned Mahometan; now I come to declare before ye that I have repent, and do repent of the foul Crime I committed, when I denied the Saviour of the World, and embraced your wicked Law. The Cadi, who thought it had been at first only some evaporation of Extravagance, endeavoured to reclaim him by fair words and promises; but when he heard him persist in his resolution, when he heard him curse and blaspheme Mahomet, he caused him to be carried to the Piazza, where he was cut to pieces immediately. For no persons go with more courage and joy to suffer for their Faith, than the Armenians. In the year 1651 there happened to be a Wedding between a young Turk and a Virgin of the same Nation. To this Wedding was invited an Armenian Lady, who was a great friend of the Bridegroom's Mother. The Armenian had an only Son of about twelve years of age, that earnestly desired to go along with her; at first she refused him, knowing that after the age of five or six years, no Youth is permitted to be in company with the Turkish Women or Maids. But the Boy still pressing his Mother, and being seconded by an Aunt, who to please her Nephew, told her she might let him go in Girls Apparel; at last the indulgent Mother, overruled by the importunity of the Child, took him along with her in a female dress. Three days the solemnity of the Turkish Weddings last: but the very first day, an old Gipsy-Turk casting her Eye upon the young Armenian, and finding him too sparkish and too nimble for a Girl, suspected his Sex; and calling his Mother aside, told her, that by all the gestures and actions of the Child, she could be no Girl, but a Boy in disguise. The Mother not only denied the matter, but also seemed highly offended at the old Woman's suspicion; who as much incensed to have her judgement questioned, decoyed the Child among the Eunuches of the Family, and caused him to be searched; and finding herself in the right, spread it presently about the house. Immediately the people cried that the Chambers were defiled, that the Armenian Lady had done it in derision of their Law; and seizing Mother, Aunt, and Youth, carried them all before the Bassa, demanding Justice. The Bassa dismissed the Mother and the Aunt, but kept the Youth six or seven days, hoping the rage of the people would be over. But in vain he strove to pled for the Child, though the Father offered them half the weight of him in Gold, for the Bassa was forced to deliver him up into the hands of the married Woman's kindred; who carried the Child to the Marketplace of the City, where they stripped him stark naked; and first they flayed him from his Neck behind down to the Wast, and so left him with a Guard upon him all night. The Cadi and Moullah's exhorted the Child to turn Mahometan, and they would preserve him from further mischief. His Mother begged him to have pity upon her and himself, and to turn Mahometan to save his life. But neither tears, nor all the tender words that grief and affection could inspire, could shake the constancy of the Infant, who with a resolute utterance answered, that he had hitherto suffered, and still would suffer patiently; and that nothing grieved him, but that his Mother should exhort him to deny his Saviour. Next day the pitiless Turks came and flayed all his Breast and his Stomach, and so left him all night under a Guard, intending to have flayed him part by part every day. But the Bassa abhorring their Cruelty, came the next day with his Guards, and caused his Head to be cut of. Van is a City peopled as well with Armenians as Turks; so that it is a usual thing for the Armenian and Turkish Boys to play together. One day it unfortunately fell out, that the Boys playing one among another, and flinging Stones at each other, an Armenian Boy hit a young Turk full upon the Temples, and struck him dead. Presently the other Turkish Boys and the Rabble seized him, and carried him to the Bassa; the Father and Mother of the Child slain followed with hideous outcries, bawling for justice, or that the Boy should turn Mahometan to expiate his fault. The Armenian Parents offered a large sum of Money to redeem their Chi●d; but the adverse party obstinate against all accommodation, the Bassa was constrained to deliver the Child, giving sentence that the young Armenian should endure the same death the Turk had suffered, and no other. Immediately the Turks hurried the poor Child to the place where he had unfortunately slain his playfellow; and after the Parents of the young Turk had had the two first hits, he was presently brained by a shower of Stones from the Rabble. Yet as near death as he knew himself to be, without any disturbance at all, he exhorted his weeping play-fellows to stand firm to the Faith of Jesus Christ, for which he was going to dye. Another time an Armenian Merchant coming from the Indieses to Grand Cairo, went to the Coffee-house according to custom, being a rendezvous of all the Merchants in the Town. There falling into discourse, by reason of the heat of the weather, he took of his Bonnet made after the Armenian fashion of divers Colours, and laid it behind him, keeping his black Cap only upon his head. When the Moullah came about to hasten the people to go away according to the custom, which I have already declared, the Armenian hastily rising up, a Turk, concealing the Merchant's Bonnet, clapped his own Bonnet upon his head. Upon that all the Turkish Merchants that were there came and congratulated the Armenian Merchant, telling him, how glad they were to see that he had embraced the good Law. At which words the Armenian surprised, takes of the Turban, throws it to the Ground before all the Company, and stamped it under foot. This action of contempt so enraged the Turks, that they carried him before the Bassa, before whom it was in vain to justify himself, or to affirm that the Turban was maliciously put upon his head; for the Turks swore the contrary, and that he took it of his own accord, and therefore he must either turn Turk or dye for it. Upon his refusal they put him in Prison, and in a few days the sentence was brought him from the Mufii and Cadi, that he must either turn or be burnt alive. The severity of the sentence overpowr'd him at first to embrace the Mahometan Law. But four or five years after returning from the Indieses to Cairo, he came where the Bassa was sitting in Council with the Grandees of the Country, and getting as near the Mufti as he could, and throwing his Turban in his face; There Dog, said he, Thou wert the cause that I have worn it so long, of which I have repent, and do repent from the bottom of my heart; for I know that neither thou nor thy Law are worth a Straw. At the same time the crowd laid hold of him, and dragged him to the Piazza, where he died in the midst of the flames with an admirable constancy. A rich Merchant of Zulpha, called Cotgia Soultenon, was so well beloved by Sha-Sefi, that he often went to Dine at his house. But one day it fell out that the King having eat and drank to excess, upon his return home fell cropsick, upon which the report ran that the Armenian had poisoned him. Which report coming to his ears, fearing left the King should dye, and himself be put to cruel Torments, he took a dose of Poison and died. Which when the King, who was well again the next day, understood, he was very much troubled for his death. The same Cotiga Soultenon had a Cafer sent him from Melinda for a Slave; who being young and very apprehensive, soon learned the Persian and Turkish Languages, and was instructed in the Christian Religion, and Christened by the name of Huzod or Joseph. After his Master's death he turned Mahometan, and so continued twenty years. At the end whereof returning to Zulpha, he begged pardon of the Church; and all the rest of his days so crucified himself with Fasting, that every one pitied him; and when the Armenian Bishops told him he had done well, he made no other answer, but that he was not worthy to live upon the Earth who had denied his Saviour, only he hoped that he would have mercy upon him; and so continued his austere penance till he died. CHAP. XV. Of the Author's reception at the Court of Persia in his sixth and last Voyage, and what he did there during his stay at Ispahan. I Arrived at Ispahan the 20 th' of December, 1664. So soon as the Nazar was informed of my arrival, he sent the Kelonter or chief of the Armenians with seven or eight more to congratulate my arrival, and to assure me of all the kind Offices he could do me. The next day he sent the same Armenians with four Horses; and to tell me that the King had a desire to see what I had brought; for which purpose the Kelonter had order to furnish me with men. Thereupon I took Horse, accompanied by all the Franks that were at Zulpha. When I came to Court, I was brought into the place where all the great Ambassadors had audience, where I found attending the Nazar, and Father Raphael superior of the order of the Capuchins, ready to deliver me my Box of Jewels which I had left with him in the Covent for more security. After I had exposed my Goods upon a fair Table covered with a Carpet of Gold and Silver, and that the Nazar had disposed every thing in order with his own hand, the King entered, attended only by three Eunuches for his Guard, and two old men, whose office it was to pull of his Shoes when he goes into any Room spread with Gold and Silk Carpets, and to put them on again when he goes forth. The King had nothing on but a single pair of Drawers of Taffeta, chequered read and white, which came half way the Leg, his feet being bore; a short Cassock that came but half way his body, with a large Cloak of Cloth of Gold with hanging-sleeves down to the Ground, furred with Sable Martin. The first thing I showed was a large Candlestick of Crystal of the Rock, the richest piece of that nature that ever was seen. The next was a suit of Tapestry hang held up by several men, as I had appointed. The Nazar than caused me to advance and do my obeisance to the King, who presently knowing my Face again; O, said he to the Nazar, This is the Fringui Aga who sold me so many Rarities about six years ago, when Mahomet Beg was Athemadoulet. After that the Nazar showed him all my Rarities as they lay in order. Among the rest I besought His Majesty by Friar Raphael, to accept of a great Steel Mirror, which when he looked in, he wondered to see his Face so big. But when Friar Raphael had told him the nature of it, he caused it to be held to one of his Eunuches, which had a monstrous Hawk Nose, the sight whereof held him in laughter and divertisement for above a quarter of an hour. After that the King retired, leaving me alone with the Nazar▪ and Friar Raphael. As for my Jewels I put them up myself, and had a place assigned me to Lock them up and keep the Key, but for my large pieces of Goldsmith's work, the Nazar committed them to the trust of one of the principal Officers of the House. The next day early in the morning the Nazar sent for me and Father Raphael, and made his Secretary writ down the price of every thing, according to his demands. He had also his own Artists to prise them; but that I did not value, in regard I knew the price much better than they. After he had showed the Jewels, price and all to the King, we were several times before we could agreed; but at length he told me, that the King would give me Twentyfive in the Hundred profit for all the Stones; leaving me the Pearls, which he thought I might put of at a better price in the Indieses; which was an offer I could not refuse, and therefore I signed the Agreement according to the Nazar's desire: Which when his Majesty had seen, he bid the Nazar tell me I should be his Jeweller in Ordinary, and that for my sake all the Franks should be the better used within his Territories, and that I should have any favour of him that▪ I desired. I besought his Majesty to give me his Patent with his Seal affixed, whereby I might be privileged to Trade in his Dominions, without paying Custom for such and such Merchandise, and in such manner as I should think fitting. I also besought him graciously to grant his Protection to a Nephew of mine, whom I had left at Tauris to learn the Language, that he might be serviceable to his Majesty when I was dead and gone. Thereupon he caused my Nephew to be enrolled presently as one of his Domestic Servants▪ and ordered the Nazar to take particular care of him. The next day after my agreement with the Nazar, the King gave audience in the great Hall of the Palace to the Ambassador of the Vsbeck-Tartars. All the Lords and Officers of the Crown s●ood in the Court where the Ambassador was to pass: there were also nine stately Horses, whose Furniture was very rich, and all different. Two Harnesses were covered with Diamonds, two with Rubies, two with Emeralds, two with Turquoises, and one embroidered with fair Pearls. Had he been an Ambassador from a Monarch for whom the King of Persia had had a greater esteem than he had for the Cham of Tartary, there had been thirty Horses: for according to the value which the King puts upon the Prince that sends to him, he either augments or abates of the number of his Horses of State. Every Horse is tied by the Reinss to a Nail of Gold fastened in the Ground, with a Hammer of Gold lying by. There was another Nail of Gold behind, with a Cord tied to it, that held their hinder legs. They set also before every Horse a Cauldron of Gold, out of which they draw up Water into a gréat Manger; though all this be only for State, for they never water their Horses in that place. Out of the first Court the Ambassador entered into a large Gallery, between a long File of Musqueteers on each side. Thence he entered into a Garden through an Alley about eight Fathom broad, all paved with great Marble Stones, in the middle of which runs a Channel of Water four Foot wide, with several Water-works that spurted out of the Channel at equal distances. On each side of the Walk to the Hall where the King sat, there is a Pond almost as long as the Walk, and in the middle of the Pond another sort of Water-works. Several Officers of the Army were ranged all along the Alley; and at the end of one of the Ponds were four Lions tied; and at the end of the other, three Tigers couchant upon Carpets of Silk, having Men to guard them with Half-pikes in their hands. The Hall took up more ground in length than in breadth, being open every way; the Ceiling was sustained by sixteen wooden Pillars, of eight panels every one, and of a prodigious thickness and height. As well the Ceiling as the Pillars were all painted with Foliage-work in Gold and Azure, with certain other Colours mixed therewith. In the middle of the Hall was a Vase of excellent Marble, with a Fountain throwing out Water after several manners. The Floor was spread with Gold and Silk Carpets, made on purpose for the Place: and near to the Vase was a low Scaffold one Foot high, twelve Foot long, and eight wide, covered with a magnificent Carpet. Upon this Scaffold sat the King upon a foursquare Cushion of Cloth of Gold, with another Cushion behind him covered with the same, set up against a great Tap'stry-Hanging, wrought with Persian Characters, containing the Mysteries of the Law. On each side of the King stood several Eunuches with Muskets in their hands. The King commanded the Athemadoulet and four others to sit down by him, and the Athemadulet made me a sign to sit down; but the King knowing how little the Franks care for sitting crosslegged, ordered me to be told that I might stand upright, if I thought good. The King was clad in a Silk streaked with Gold: His Cloak was a Gold-ground with Flower of Silk and Silver, Furred with a Martin Sable, the blackest and most glistering that ever was seen. His Girdle was very rich, and upon his Bonnet he wore a Plume of Herons Feathers fastened with a transparent Jewel; in the middle of the Jewel was a Pear-fashioned Pearl, set with great Topaze's and Rubies. About half and hour after the King was sat, the Nazar and the Master of the Ceremonies brought the Ambassador, who neither himself nor any of his Train were very well clad, and caused him to stay at the foot of the steps into the Hall from the Garden. When the Ambassador had ascended the steps, he prostrated himself before the King, than advancing nine or ten paces he did the same again; after which the Master of the Ceremonies caused him to sit down, leaving between him and the King space enough for eight men. After that I observed that the Nazar went often between the King and the Ambassador, and between the Ambassador and the King; but I could not tell what they said. So that I being by that time quite tired, made my obeisance to the King, and went home to my Lodging. The next day the Nazar signified to me that it was the King's pleasure to favour me with a complete Callat, or Habit of Honour; and to pay me my money. Page. 178. This is the God worthy to be praised Persian Travels. The Kingdom belongs to God the God most high▪ The God of mercy to the Compassion al● O mahomet O▪ Haly: the Prophets. These great Characters with those that are upon the side of the names of the 12 Prophets signify. To the name of God. God who is the aid of mahomet. The King who has all power. Se●erat▪ ●afar▪ Elfeteseni, Elmaussi▪ These are the names of the four Prophets that have followed the Doctrine of Haly. This Contain the names of the 12 Prophets without their surnames. Aly Hassen Hossein Alizein Maham Jafar Moussa Aly Mahome● Haly Hassen mahome● That which is under the names of the ●2 Prophets signifies as follows. He who at this time enjoys the Kingdom The Victorious Abas the second. Page▪ 179. Persia Travels. God is my Sufficiency He that is not for Haly is no friend of mine He that is n●t at his door as the dust though he were an Angel the dust be on him▪ The Slave of Haly King of the Country A●as the 2d. 1509. this is that▪ which is on the King's seal mahomet methi son of Hali Bala of the race of Sophi. This is that. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Contained in the seal of the Aemadoulet or first Minister of State & the seal in the Original is set behind, no man daring to fix his seal on the. side of the Kings. The next day in the Morning being sent for to the Court, I found the Nazar, the Grand Treasurer, and several other great▪ Officers expecting me in the Treasury, where the Money lay ready in sealed Bags. My Sum amounted to three thousand four hundred and sixty Tomans, of which the Treasurer would have abated me a hundred and sixty for Fees. After a long contest, I gave him half, and carried away my Money; having first weighed two Bags Toman by Toman, and than weighed the rest of the Bags, Bag by Bag. CHAP. XVI. Of the Honours and Presents which the Author received from the King of Persia. THE day following one of the Nazar's principal Officers brought me the complete Calaat▪ consisting of Vest, Tunick o● Super-Vest, Girdle, and Bonnet. He also delivered me three Patents, sealed by his Majesty and the Athemadoulet, which exempted me from paying any Customs within his Kingdom. Another to the Can of Schiras, with a little Seal or Signet, commanding him to let me have three Loads of good Wine when I travelled that way. A third with his Signet, in favour of my Nephew at Tauris; wherein the King declared that he owned him as his Domestic Servant, and that he was under his Protection. The First PATENT ran thus. THE Command of him whom all the Universe obeys has been made, That the Beglerbegs of High Nature, the victorious and great Lords, Ornaments of the Kingdom, Possessors of Honour, the Judges in high place, practisers of Justice, the Viziers who preserve Reason, and have in their thoughts the removal of Vice▪ and the Commissioners who action affairs and difficulties of the Palace, the Overseers of the Roads, and the Conservators of the good Customs of the well-ordered Kingdoms of Kragon (which God preserve from all misfortune) MAY KNOW, That whereas the choicest of his Resemblers and Companions, * Aga TAVERNIER, French Merchants has brought so many Rarities of all sorts to the presence and view of the Lieurenant of the Eagles, who has all things according to his wish, has found the degree of favour and good william. And whereas We have commanded him to perfect some Business for Us, which so soon as he has finished, ●e is to bring to the holy and pure view. Therefore through what soever Road or Coast of Our Thrice-spacious Kingdom the abovenamed, shall have a desire or occasion to pass, Let not the Receivers of the Palace, out of any seeming expectance from the abovenamed, give him any trouble or molestation. But let them know, that it is necessary for them to give him all honour, and to make much of him, that he may go where he pleases. And whereas the Seal of High Nature, the Light of the Universe of Kragon, of thrice-noble extracton, the Master of the Age, has illuminated and adorned this Writing, Let them rest there, and give Credence to it. By the thrice-high Command. etc. Kragon: A King of China, so renowned for his Justice, Victory, and Magnanimity that sometimes the Kings of Persia assume that Title in their Patents, and sometimes, in honour of him, style themselves his Lieutenants. Receivers of the Palace, are Farmers of the Customs and other Subsidies. The Second PATENT. To the Governor of Schiras, THE Command of Him whom all the World aught to obey, is such, That the Illustrious and High Lord, whose Office aught to be honoured, the Governor and Prototype of Viziers and Grandees, Mirza-Mahomet-Sadée, the Visier of Fars may be assured of Royal Favours when he understands the Contents of this Command. He shall give three Loads of Wine, of that which he has in his custody, to the Cream of his Equals, Aga TAVERNIER, French Merchant, and you shall take an Acquittance. All the Grand Viziers, and Officers of Customs, and Guarders of Passes also let them not molest him at all, let them take nothing from him, let them permit him to go and come as he pleases, and let them obey him. Given the Month of Jamady-Elaker, in the Hegyra of Mahomet 1075. January, 1665. The Cream, is the Character of an honest man among the Eastern people. But to return to the Calaat. You must take notice, that the Persians' call a Calaat, any Present which one person makes to another inferior to him in dignity▪ sometimes a Vest alone, sometimes a Tunick with the Girdle only, sometimes a Turban, or a Horse, with Bridle and Saddle; to those in the Army the King sends a Sword or a Dagger, and all these go by the name of Calaat's. Secondly, you must take notice, that when the King sends a Calaat to a Governor of a Province, he names himself the person, that is to carry it. For both in Turkey and Persia, the Receiver of the King's Present is obliged to pay the Messenger, in so much that sometimes they hardly scape for a thousand Tomans. But when the Calaat is sent to any private person, the Nazar chooses out of his Domestic Servants one to carry it. I gave twenty-five Tomans into Father Raphael's hand, who ordered his business with so good a grace, and so advantageously for my Purse, that he complemented away the Messenger very well satisfied with half. The next day the Nazar sent to me to put on my Calaat, and to come and do my obeisance to the King, who was that day to go abroad. Thereupon I summoned together all the Franks, and ordered the Trumpets and Drums to be made ready as I road from the Palace home. For than the people come out to see who the King has honoured that day, who is always known by his Habit, which is still the newest and gayest of all the rest. It happened, that the King being indisposed did not go away that day; however I applied myself to the Nazar, and told him how much I was obliged to the King for the honour he had done me, and that I was resolved to show myself before the greatest Monarches in Europe in the Habit he had bestowed upon me; that they might behold the beauty and richness of my Calaat. The Nazar failed not to repeat my Compliment to his Majesty; who thereupon ordered me the Persian Cloak, with hanging-sleeves, and faced with sable Martins. Two or three days after the Nazar sent for me again to Court, whither I went, accompanied by the Zulp●ian Franks, as before. I was not sooner come to the Palace, but the Nazar met me in the great Hall, attended by two Officers, who carried the Cloak which the King had appointed for me, and presently taking the Cloak out of their hands, he put it about my shoulders, saying these words, It is the King's pleasure to honour thee entirely. It was a most magnificent piece of Silk, and very richly furred, having been valued at eight hundred Crowns. In this I was particularly beholding to the Nazar, who might have sent me my Cloak home to my Lodging as well as the Calaat; but he was pleased to put it upon my back in the Palace with his own hands, to spare me the charges of a new Present. After this the Nazar took me by the hand, and led me to the Hall, where the King was sitting upon a large Cushion, having no more than twelve Eunuches for his Guard; some with Bows and Arrows, and some with Muskets. By that time I had advanced two or three paces in the Hall, the Nazar ordered me to fall upon my knees, and touch the Ground with my forehead; than taking me by the hand, he led me within two or three paces of the place where the King was sitting, where I was ordered to make the same obeisance as before; after that he caused me to retire seven or eight paces, and there to stand. And than it was that His Majesty was pleased to tell me, that he had contrived the Models of several pieces, which he would have made in France; and asked me whether I would carry them along with me, or whether I would presently sand them into France to be made up while I dispatched my business in the Indieses? I told His Majesty, that so soon as he would be pleased to deliver them to me, I would sand them for France. After this and some other discourse I made my obeisance, and retired toward the door of the Hall. Having thus done my duty to the King, I went and kissed the Nazar's hand; and than taking Horse at the Palace-Gate, with the rest of the Franks that accompanied me, we road home with the Trumpets and Drums of the Country before us. When we came to Zulpha▪ with our Torches before us, for it was three hours after Sunset, the Men and old Women came out of their Houses to see us pass along, and several presented us with Fruits, Sweetmeats, and Wine, obliging us to drink almost at every House till we got home. CHAP. XVII. How the King was pleas▪ d to divertise himself in the Author's Company. ABout two days after betimes in the Morning I was sent for to the Court in that haste, that I had ●●arce time to make me ready. When I came to Court, I found the Nazar, Father Raphel, and two Hollanders, upon whom the Nazar had began to cast a particular eye of favour all together. After we had stayed a while, the Nazar brought us to the Room where the King was, sitting upon a low Pallet, with two Mattresses covered with a rich Carpet. He leaned his back against a large Cushion four foot long, having before him eight or ten Plates of Fruits and Sweetmeats. Before him also stood two Bottles, with long round necks of Venice Crystal stopped with Pitch, full of Schiras Wine, with a Cup of pure Gold; upon one side a kind of a very small Fat and with a handle, within three or four Fingers full of the same Wine, with a Gold Ladle that held a good Chopine of Paris. The Bottles were for the King's drinking; that in the Fat for those that the King did the Honour to drink with him. After we came in and had made our several obeisances; said the King to Father Raphael, Raphael, bia, bia, that is, come bither, come ●ither, who thereupon rising, and falling upon his knees when he came near the King; Raphael, continued the King, if thou wilt drink Wine, stay here, if not, be gone. The Friar unaccustomed to drink Wine, replied that since His Majesty did him so great an Honour, he was willing to drink a little. 'Tis very well, answered the King smiling, go than and take thy seat. Thereupon the King commanded one of the Dutchmen to fill some Wine, which he did, but with a trembling hand Heaven, knows, as never having been at such a Festival before. And I observed that having laid his Hat upon the Carpet, the King commanded him to put it on, it being a very ignominious thing in Persia to be bareheaded. Thus the great Ladle went about very smartly, considering it was but early in the Forenoon: But at length the King bethinking himself that the Franks were not used to drink without eating, gave such order, that immediately they spread before us a Sofra of Cloth of Gold instad of a Tablecloth; and over that a Leather Covering of the same length and breadth, and over that a sort of Bread as long as the Sofra; for had the Sofra been ten els long, the Bread must have been as long. This Bread is no thicker than a piece of Paper, and folds like a Napkin. It is made with a Rolling-pin, and baked upon Plates of T●●n'd Copper. This Bread is nev●r eaten, but only serves for a Tablecloth to preserve what falls from the Dishes, and what▪ every man leaves particularly upon his own Pla●e, which is all wrapped up in the Leather and given to the poor. Next to that they set upon one end of the Sofra a sort of most excellent Bread two foot long and one broad, than which never was better eaten in the World. By and by followed Boiled and Roast flesh and fish, with two Chests of Lemons of Mazandran, and Granates from Schiras. After we had made a large Breakfast, the King was pleased to put me upon a discourse of my Travels into the Indieses, and asked me what Princes I had had access to, and how many I knew by their faces? Than causing a Satchel to be brought him, he opened it himself, and showed me several portraitures in Miniature. Presently I knew Sha-Gehan, Aurenge-Zebe, and three of his Sons; the King of Golconda and Visapour; Sha-Est-Kan, and two Raja's. Among the rest he showed me a Persian Lady's Picture and gave it me; to the end, said he, that your French Ladies may see how our Persian Ladies are clad. After that he showed me the Pictures of two Venetian Courtesans, the one a Widow, and the other a Virgin, with a Parrot upon her hand clad after the French mode. Upon which the King putting the question to me which I liked best? I replied that she pleased me best who had the Parrot upon her fist. And why not the other, said the King? Because, answered I, she looks like one that had renounced the world. Thereupon the King falling into a laughter, and turning toward Father Raphael; Patri, Patri, said he, is it possible that such a Lady as this should have renounced the World? This led us into a discourse of beauty, wherein when the King demanded my opinion, I told him that women's beauty depended very much upon the Custom of the Country; for that in Japan Women with broad faces were most in request; in China small feet were admired; in the Isles of Borneo and Achen, Women the blacker their Teeth were, the more they were beloved; that in the Island of Macasser, to make their Women lovely, they pull out four of their Teeth when they are young, to put in four of Gold in their room; as I have seen a Captain of Java, who pulled out four of his fore Teeth, and set four Diamonds in their place. In short, I told his Majesty that in his own Dominions full Eyebrows which meet together were highly esteemed; whereas the Women of France pull them up by the Roots. But which, said the King, dost thou like best, the black or the fair? Sir, continued I, were I to buy Women as I purchase Diamonds, Pearls, and Bread, I would always choose the whitest. With that the King fell alaughing, and ordered me a brimmer in his own Cup, which was a great Honour indeed. From hence we fell into a more serious discourse concerning the present State of Europe, speaking very low, and the rest of the Company retiring all the while out of hearing. Only I observed that there was one Lord middle aged, and clad after the Georgian mode, who stood within five or six paces behind the King, and that many times as the King drank, he only wet his Lips, and gave the rest to that Lord to drink, which when he had done, he reti●'d again to his place. Upon inquiry I found he was the King's Uncle by the Mother's side. While we were talking of serious things the Courtesans were bid to retire out of the Hall, which they did, into a Gallery that looked upon a Garden, where they sat, where immediately a Sofra was laid before them covered w●th Fruits and Sweetmeats, and one of their Society continually poured out the Wine which they drank round without intermission: One would have thought they should have been fuddled; yet when they came in again, no man could perceive they had been drinking. After they had Danced a while, they were ordered to retire again, and the King sent for his Music, which was both Vocal and Instrumental; his Instrumental Music consisted of a kind of a Lute, a Guittar, a Spinet, and two or three Base Flutes. He had also in the Gallery where the Courtesans were, a large Ebony Cabinet eight foot high, adorned with several Silver figures, which proved to be an Organ that went alone. It was part of the present which the Muscovite Ambassadors made the King, which he ordered to be set a going, that we might hear it as we sat. Not sooner had the Organ stopped, but the Courtesans were called in again, and the King caused the Gold Ladle to go round, commanding that no man should leave a drop. When every man had done, the King was pleased to ask me which of the Curtisan's I thought to be handsomest? Thereupon I risen up, and taking a Wax▪ Candle in my hand, I went and viewed them all. The King laughed, and being very glad to see my face among theirs, Bring hither, saith he, her to whom thou hast most a fancy. In obedience to which, I picked out the eldest, as I thought, and led her to his Majesty, who caused us to sit down by him. Than the King pointing to another, And why, saith he, did you not choose yonder Girl, which is younger and handsomer; commanding them both to kiss me one after another, that I might understand the difference between the Caresses of one and the other. But I replied, that were I to choose again, I would make the same choice, believing prudence to accompany age. However I besought his Majesty to consider, that it was not for me to look upon elder or younger▪ and that though he had given me the liberty to sand the elder home to my Lodging, yet it was not in my power to accept of his favour, in regard I had a Wife, to whom I never had been unfaithful. We had thus drolled together till eleven a Clock at night▪ when the King started another Question, Whether any one present knew how to Sing? It happened that there was one Monsieur Daulier there, that Played upon the Virginals, and pretended to Sing, who immediately began a Court-Air. But his Voice being a high-pitched Voice, and for that the Persians' are altogether for Bases, the King did not like him. When I▪ perceived that, being in a merry vein, though I knew not a Note, yet having a good deep voice, and clear, I sung an old Air that came into my head, which gins, Fill all the Bowls than, fiill 'em high, Fill all the Glasses there, for why Should every Creature drink but I? The King was so pleased, that he cried out, Baricala, Baricala, as much as to say, O the works of God an expression of admiration usual among the Persians'. By this time it was very late, and the King growing sleepy, gave us leave to departed; which we did very willingly, having had hard labour for seventeen hours together. The next night the King fell a drinking again, and there was in his presence an Agi or Pilgrim newly returned from Mecca, and consequently obliged never to drink Wine after that. While the Agi stayed, there was one of the Persian Lords got so impertinently fuddled, that he twice stru●k the Agi's Turban from his head, refused to drink when the King commanded him, played the fool with the Courtesans when they were dancing, and committed so many other acts of folly, that the King incensed at such a continuation of Buffoonery, in a great fury, This Rascal, said he, has lost all his respect, and thinks he is not more my Slave; drag him out by the feet, and throw him to the Dogs to eat. Immediately four or five of the King's Officers came and dragged him out of the Hall by the feet, and every body wondered he was not thrown to the Dogs, according to the King's Command; but 'tis thought that some of the King's Woman begged for him, so that his punishment was changed. There was one of the Courtesans that gave one of her Companions a box on the ear, not in the King's presence, but in the Gallery where they were drinking together. However she did not strike so softly, but that the King heard the noise of the blow. Whereupon he commanded her that had given the blow to be had before the Deroga or Judge of the Town, whom he ordered to expunge her out of the number of Courtesans, and to put another in her place; that she should have a hundred Tomans given her, and that the Deroga should 'cause her to be married. The next day I waited on the King, and received those Models which he had bespoke me to sand into France. They were the Patterns of certain Drinking-Cups and Trenchers, with the Model of a Dagger drawn with his own hand: for he had learned to draw of a couple of Dutchmen that were in his Service. The Dagger was to be Goldsmith work enamelled. When I had received his Instructions, I took my leave of his Majesty: and than going to wait upon the Nazar at his Countryhouse, I took leave of him also, who assured me of his affection upon all occasions, and did me several kindnesses at my departure. The End of the Fourth BOOK. THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: BEING A Politic and Historical Description of PERSIA: With the ROADS FROM ISPAHAN to ORMUS. CHAP. I The Genealogy of the Kings of Persia, of the last Race. AFter that Tamerlane had extended his Conquests into Asia, and defeated the Army of Bajazet, whom he took Prisoner, together with his Wife, he returned into Persia, where at that time lived a Cheik, whose name was Aidar, a Person in high reputation for his Holiness, He was a Person of great wit, and the first in the dignities of the Law, which gained him great authority and belief among the People. He gave great honour to Tamerlane, and showed Eminent kindnesses to all the Officers of his Army; in recompense whereof, Tamerlane, who was a generous Prince, and full of gratitude, made a Present to the Cheik of a great number of Captives, which he brought along with him out of Turkey. The Cheik planted one part of these Slaves about Ardevile, and seated the other near his own residence. Now in regard he assumed to himself to be descended in a direct line from Mahomet, he covered his head after another manner than all the rest of the Persians', wearing a kind of flat Bonnet, growing broader and Broader to the top, and so plighted, as to make twelve plights of a Ruff, in honour of the twelve Prophets. In the middle, a kind of a Pyramid about a finger's length seemed to rise out of the Bonnet, but was indeed sowed to it. Such a Bonnet as this the Cheik appointed all the Slaves to wear that Tamerlane had given him, and this is that which at this day distinguishes their Successors from the other Persians'. And it is the custom, where Khans or Governors of Provinces reside, that all the Sophies both in the City and the neighbouring parts, meet in the Piazza every Friday in the afternoon, where they pray to God for the health of the King and the Can, and for the prosperity of the Kingdom; after which the Can sends them Victuals to eat, not without some other effects of his Liberality. The Sheiks Sons considering of what a number of Slaves they were Masters▪ and that the greatest part of the people, prepossesed in favour of their Father, out of the opinion they had of his Sanctity, took their part; the more powerfully to engage them, showed themselves liberal to all, and when they found themselves strong enough, revolted against Alamout King of Persia, their lawful Sovereign. After many Skirmishes, at length they gave him Battle near to Tauris, wherein Azimout was defeated, and slain by the hand of Ishmael Sophi, the Sheiks third Son, who is properly to be accounted the fist King of that Race: I mean of the Race of them that did not embrace the Alcoran, but according to the Interpretation of Haly, Mahomet's Son-in-Law. To Ishmael Sophi succeeded Sha-Tammas his Son, and to Sha-Tammas Sha-Ismael the second, who reigned but a short while; for his cruelties constrained the Nobility of the Country to set up in his room Mahomet-Coda. bendé his Brother; though little skilled in the affairs of Government or War, Many thought he was blind, but he was only dim-sighted, through the application of a hot Iron to his eyes, by the Command of his unnatural Brother in the beginning of his reign. He was the Father of Sha-Abbas, that succeeded him, who settled the affairs of Persia in a very good condition. Sha-Abbas the first, by his Valour and good Conduct gained the name of Great. When he came to his Throne, upon the North and West side he found nothing in his power but the City of Casbin; but afterwards, as he was a personage of great wit as well as courage, partly by policy, and partly by force, he recovered several Provinces to the West, and conquered the Kingdoms of Lar, Ormus, and Candahar. Of many Sons that Sha-Abbas had, not one survived but only Sophi-Mirza, a Prince of great wit, and dextrous at his Arms. All the people loved him, which made his Father jealous of him, that he waited for his death to ascend the Throne. And that which augmented his jealousy was, for that one day being a hunting, Sophi-Mirza drew the first arrow at a Boar; it being a capital crime in Persia to shoot before the King. However Sha-Abbas for the time concealed his displeasure, unwilling to fly out in fury against the Prince, in regard he had no more Sons. But Sophi-Mirza having had a Son by a Slave, which pleased him, Sha-Abbas's joy increasing as the Child grew, his jealousy also daily increased against the Father of the young Prince; so that being not longer able to dissemble his fear, he caused his eyes to be put out. Nay his jealousy went a great way farther; for he now feared the blind Prince, and having therefore resolved his death, he commanded a Lord of the Court to bring him his head. The Lord in an astonishment refused to obey the King, and besought him rather to take away his life, than to constrain him to imbrue his hands in the blood of his Prince. The King offended at him for his refusal, banished him his Court; and the next day gave the same command to another Lord, who without any scruple put it in execution, and brought him the head of his Son in a Basin of Gold. That object of pity brought him to himself; so that not being able to look upon so sad a spectacle without tears in his eyes, upbraiding the villainy of the Lord, he expelled him from his sight, forbade him his presence for ever, and sequestered all his estate, only allowing him a Mamoudi, or nine French Sous aday. The other Lord, who had so generously refused to aid him in so bloody an act, the King recalled from Exile, and bestowed upon him one of the best Governments of the Empire. Ever since that time all the Male Children of the Blood Royal are shut up in the women's Haram, where they are bred up in ignorance, having only two or three Eunuches to teach them to writ and read, and to keep them company in their recreations, whether it be in shooting with a Bow, or riding about the Gardens upon an Ass; for they never allow 'em a Horse: besides that all that time they are never permitted to see the people. In this manner it was that Sha-Abbas bred up his little Grandson, many days causing him to take Opium to tender him more stupid. So that when he came to the Throne, after his Grandfather's death, the Physicians thought it convenient that he should drink Wine, to restore his natural heat, and renew his vigour. Sha-Abbas reigned forty years, and died at the end of the year 1628. Before he died, he gave command, that he should be buried in some place unknown to all the world, and that they should set his Grandchild upon his Throne, and give him the name of Sha-Sefi. So soon as Sha-Abbas's eyes were closed, the General of the Horse, and the chief Captain of the Harquebuses, with whom the Commands were left, road in all haste to Ispahan, and coming to the Palace, desired to speak with the Mother of the Child. The Mother was in a sad affright, believing that they came to put the young Prince to death. But when they had dissipated her fears, and that she understood that they came to set him upon the Throne by the command of his Grandfather, she embraced the young Prince, and returned him into the hands of the Eunuches. When he was come out of the Haram, the two Lords, attended by several others, saluted him King, and acknowledged him for their Sovereign. At the same time they took of his clothes and tore them, which in Persia is a mark of mourning; and according to custom, put him on another plain Garment, which he wore till midnight. Than they disrobed him again, and put him on his Royal Robes, and set him upon the Throne, where all the Lords came and did him homage, and the next day he was acknowledged by all the Acclamations of the People. For when the Royal Habit is put upon the new King, the Drums, Trumpets, Timbals, Haut boys, and other Instruments, make a din in a peculiar place of the Meydan appointed for that purpose. Which is the Signal to give notice to the people to meet the next morning, to acknowledge the new King. Sha-Sefi for many years was a Novice in the art of Government. But time opening his eyes the first remarkable thing which he did, being at Casbin, was to cut of the head of Ali-Kouli-Kan, that great Captain who had conquered the Kingdoms of Lar and Ormus for Sha-Abbas; and the heads of three of his Sons. After that, returning to Ispahan, he cut of the heads of seven of the principal Lords of his Court; and by little and little took the Government into his own hands. Of those Lords whom Jam-Kan was the chief. For 'tis thought that Shakstone Abbas had left a private order with Mirza Take, and the Dowager Sultaness to rid themselves of those Lords so soon as Sha-Sefi should be settled in his Throne, and that they had placed Governors in all places wherein the King might confided. These Lords having smoked the private order of Sha-Abbas, and believing that the time of execution drew near, prevented the Athemadoulet Mirza Také; for meeting one morning before the Palace-door, they killed the Porter, and entering his Bedchamber, stabbed him before he could rise. After this execution, they went to the King, whom Jani-kan boldly told, that they had slain Mirza Také. The King at that time dissembling his anger at so bold an enterprise, and an attempt upon the Royal Authority, answered him, that he had done very well, and that he had prevented those orders which he intended to have given him. The Sultaness his Mother than governed the Kingdom, together with the Athemadoulet, from whom she received four hundred Ducats in Gold every day for her little pleasures; and held a private Council with him in her Haram, where he had free admission, as being cut close. In this Council it was, that these two persons over threw in the night whatever the Lords concluded in the day; changed the King's mind, and overruled his thoughts as they pleased themselves, by virtue of that power which they had over him. Eight or nine days after, as these Lords were sitting in Council with the King, an Eunuch entered, which was the signal for the King to get out of the way; and as soon as the King was gone, the Chamber was filled with Eunuches, that rushing in immediately fell upon Jani-Kan and his Accomplices, and cut of their heads. Their heads and bodies were immediately exposed to the view of the people in the Meydan; and for that it is not the custom in Persia to take any cognizance of what the King does, the most part of the people spurning the heads with their feet, cried one to another, See the heads of those Dogs that have disobeyed the will of the King. I told ye, that Mirza Také was clean cut, which occasions a particular story: He was Governor of Guilan in the Reign of Sha-Abbas, and having abused one of his Pages, the young Lad stole secretly to Ispahan, and made his complaint to the King; who having heard it, immediately sent him to b● Governor of Guilan, in the place of Mirza Také, and ordered him to sand him his head by one of the Officers, which he dispatched along with him. The King also, in regard the Page was very young, appointed him a person able to advice him in his affairs. In the mean while Mirza Také missing his Page, and making no question but he was gone to make his complaint to the King, which would of necessity prove his ruin, if not prevented; he resolved to divert the storm by punishing himself, and caused that part to be cut clean of that committed the crime. At the same time, and in that bad condition wherein he than was, he caused himself to be put into a Litter, and taking his Chirurgeon along with him, he gets to Ispahan by another way which was not usually travelled, for fear of meeting the Page, and causing himself to be carried into the Palace in that pitiful and languishing estate, desired to speak with the King, who was surprised at his arrival. But the Can having presented him in a plate of Gold with the undoubted marks of his repentance, besought his Majesty's pardon. Whereupon the King considering the rigour and extraordinary punishment which he had inflicted upon himself sent him back to his Government, and recalled the Page, whom he otherways gratified. And this was the man whom Sha-Abbas upon his Death▪ bed ordered that Sha-Sefi should make Athemadoulet, as being the fittest for the employment of any person in his Kingdom. Sha-Sefi not content to have rid himself of the Lords that had presumed to invade his Authority, was resolved to have the head of Ali-merdan-Kan, Governor of Candahar; of whom he was jealous, by reason of his vast richeses, his Plate being all Gold, and his House as magnificently furnished as the Kings. But the King could not bring about his design; for the Can being pressed to come to Court, and believing it was only to take away his head, to free himself from the danger, delivered Candahar to the Great Mogul, by whom he was kindly entertained, and highly cafessed. Neither was Ali-merdan-kan wealth of his own getting, but left him by inheritance, as being descended from the ancient Kings of Candahar, who were originally Tart●rs. Now whatever favours or advancement the Great Mogul bestowed upon Ali-merdan-Kan, the same did the Persian King bestow upon his two Sons: whereas all the world believed, that after such a piece of Treason committed by their Father, the King would have ripped up their bellies. This piece of policy of Sha-Sefi was very advantageous to Sha-Abbas the second, when he besieged Candahar with fifty thousand men. For the greatest part of the Mogul's Army being composed of Persians', they remembering how kindly Sha-Sefi had used the two Sons of Ali-merdan-Kan, made little resistance against the King of Persia, who entered Candahar in a small time. The Great Mogul troubled at the loss, asked Ali-merdan-Kan, by what means he might retake Candahar; who presently made answer, that it would be very easy, if he could found such another Traitor as he had been. But to return to Sha-Sefi; his Reign was very violent, of which I will give you this Example: One day the King returning from the Kelonters House in Zulpha, having drank to excess, commanded that the Sultaness should come to him; who understanding that he was in drink, made no great haste, so that the King in the mean time fell asleep▪ But waking again soon after, and not seeing the Queen, he called for her a second time● of which when she had notice, she came immediately: When she came into the Chamber, she perceived the King asleep, and in expectation of his waking, hi● herself in a Nick behind the Hang; where generally the Mattresses and Coverlets are laid by. The King waking, and not yet perceiving the Sultaness, in a great ch●se demanded why she was not yet come. The Queen-Mother, who was a Georgian Slave; and mortally hated the young Sultaness, who was the Daughter of the King of Georgia, and therefore disdained by her, took an occasion to put her out of the King's favour; and having first spoken ill of her, made a sign to the King to let him understand that the young Queen was hid in such a Nich. Upon that the King rising in a great ●ury, stabbed the poor Princess with his Dagger four or five▪ times in the belly, and hardly knowing what he had done, went to bed again. The next day, forgetful of the Fact, he called for the Queen; but when they told him what had happened, he began to be deeply sensible of his error, and sorrowed excessively; and at the same time sent an express order through his Territories, that no man should drink Wine, and that the Governors should break all the Wine-Vessels wherever they found any, and spill the Wine. But this order did not last above a year. During the Reign of Sha-Sefi, the Can of Erivan sent him a Colt, which I saw, which was begot by a Mule. Not long after the King died of a Surfeit, with excess of drinking, after he had reigned fourteen years. Sha-Abbas the second was set upon the Throne at Casbin, with the usual Ceremonies, at the end of the year 1642, and made his entry into Ispahan in the beginning of the year following. Upon the day of Solemnity all the Citizens were ordered to be in Arms, and to march out of the City, where they were filled of upon each side of the Road. In the same manner were all the standing Infantry and Cavalry ranged for five Leagues together, All the Road for two Leagues together without the City was covered with Tissues of Gold and Silver, with Carpets of Silk, and other rich Stuffs; all which costs the King nothing. For the Sha-Bander, who is like our Mayor, taketh care to tax every one what he is to furnish toward that Solemnity. The English and Hollanders went also forth to meet the King; among whom I was one. When we came near the King, Jani-Kan, General of the Cavalry, gave the King notice who we were. Whereupon we all alighted, and the King holding his Leg stretched out of his Stirrup, we all kissed his Boot. When he came where the way began to be spread with rich Carpets, he found the Grand Mufti and the Grand Cadi, attended by a great number of Moullahs', who made a Prayer after their manner. Prayers being ended, the King road on, the Athemadoulet being on the left hand, which is the most honourable, and the General of the Cavalry on the right, yet not even with him, but so as that their Horses heads reached to the Crupper of his. There was no person but the King that road over the Tissue, that Honour belonging to him alone; nor is the way spread above the breadth of the Stuff; and as soon as the King is passed over it, the people fall to scrambling, and carry away every one what they can get for themselves. About a quarter of a League from Ispahan is a Garden, with a Great Room over the Gate, where the King made a halt, thinking to have made his Entry into the City. But an ginger came to him, and told him, that the hour was past, and that he must tarry three days before the hour would prove propitious again. So that he was constrained to betake himself to the Garden of Hezardgerib till the time came, whither the Nobility also were all forced to come betimes in the morning, and to stay till the evening. The day that the King made his Entry, the way from the Garden to the City was also spread with Carpets. For three days together the Fireworks played in the Meydan; and round the Piazza from top to bottom were lights hung out; and in the principal Inns, the richest Merchants, had adorned the Doors and Windows of their Chambers, according to the Mode of the Country; and I believe it cost the Chief of the Holland Company, above nine hundred Tomans. In the year 1643, came the Prince of the Vsbecks' in person to desire aid of Shakstone▪ Abbas against his Children, who had caused his own Subjects to rebel and make war against him. His eldest Son first took Arms, and getting the advantage of a Battle, the other Brother treacherously took part with him; which nothing dismayed the Father, to whom the chief of the Nobility still adhered. Toward the end of the year 1642, the Prince lost another Battle and his left, eye, which was shot thorough with an Arrow; which constrained him, so soon as he was cured of his wound, to come and crave succour from the King of Persia; which he easily obtained. Sha-Abbas designing to receive him honourably sent above ten thousand Horse as far as Cashan; which is four days journey from Ispahan, and five or six thousand Foot two days journey from thence to meet him. Every day he was attended by different Officers. Every day they set him up a new Tent, and spread new Carpets; and every day changed the twelve Horses that were led before him, whose furniture was all over covered with Jewels. For a League and a half from the City the way was spread with all sorts of Silk Stuffs to the very Palace; and the King of Persia went himself to meet him, as far as where the Stuffs were begun to be laid. Though Sha-Abbas was very young, yet he was resolved to show, that he looked upon himself as a potent King in the peaceable possession of his own Dominions, and that he went to meet a dethroned Prince, that came to desire his Aid. For so soon as he perceived the King of the Tartars, he made a show of spurring on his Horse; and being come up to his Horse's head, he put his foot out of the Stirrup, as if he intended to have alighted, but did not. The Tartarian Prince, as old as he was, presently leapt to the ground from his Saddle to salute the Persian King, who returned him some ●light Compliments about his having alighted; at which time the Athemadoulet and other Lords remounting him, the two Kings road together upon the Silks, the King of Persia giving the left hand to the Tartar. The King of Persia very generously lent him a considerable assistance of 15000 Horse▪ and 8000 Foot, and sixty thousand Tomans in Money. The Tartar in Exchange gave him one of his Provinces bordering upon Persia, which yielded him a very good Revenue, in regard the Inhabitants were all Shepherds, or Tureomans, that breed an infinite number of cattle, wherein the wealth of that Province consists. While he reigned, he had a Present made him from the Governor of Schiras, of a Wild Ass, whose Skin was as read as Scarlet, having a Horn growing out of his forehead about a foot long. Sha-Abbas reigned about twenty-four years, and died at Te●zon, of an inflammation in his throat, which came by excessive drinking. His body by his own order was buried at Kour. So soon as he was dead, the Lords that were about him, sent advice of his death to the Prince that now reigns, by the Topigi-Basha, who is General of the Musqueteers, and Mirza Bayad the Chief of the Astrologers. So soon as they came to the door of the Haram, they desired to speak with the Mother and the Son; who believed them come upon some dismal design. But they presently confirmed them to the contrary. For as soon as the Prince came forth of the Haram, they cell at his feet, and saluted him King, declaring the death of his Father. Whereupon the Prince immediately tore his Garment according to the custom. And indeed they have another custom, that as soon as the new Prince comes after much entreaty out of the Haram, he throws himself to the ground, at the door of the Haram, and than rising and sitting upon his heels, one of the Lords that are sent, girds the Scimitar about his waste, saying these words, May it please your Majesty to remember your Slave, that had the Honour to gird you with this Scimitar. Which done, he goes and sets the Trumpets a sounding, and the Drums beating, whereupon all the people in the morning come running to the Gate of the Palace, crying out, Patsha Salamalek, I salute thee Emperor. Which is all the Ceremony used when any King of Persia ascends the Throne. For I never saw any Crown set upon the head either of Sha-Abbas or Sha-Sefi. Only in Persia they gird on the Scimitar, as in Turkey they put on the Bonnet of the Sophis, which is very richly set with Jewels, but has not the lest resemblance of a Crown. The same Ceremony of girding on the Scimitar, is used to the Mogul, the Kings of Visapour and Golconda; and they also put the Bonnet upon their heads, which is set with the richest Jewels in the possession of those great Monarches. Shakstone Sefi the second, some time after his coming to the Throne, fell dangerously sick, not having ever enjoyed a perfect health before. Now it is the custom in those Countries, that upon such an occasion all the Lords of the Court, and Governors of Provinces, give a sum of money, according to their willingness and liberality. This sum is usually in Gold, which they put into a Basin very richly set with precious Stones, and bear it three times over the King's he●d, pronouncing these words, Patsha Bashena Olson, This money is sacrificed for the health of the King's head. If the King recover all that money is given to the poor, to which the King and his Haram add very liberally. But if the King dies, the money is put into the Treasury, and the poor have nothing. The twentieth of August 1667, was the critical day of his distemper, and every one thought he would have died. Upon which all the Grandees of the Court seeing him in that condition, went to the Mosque called Babaron, which is without the City, to pray for his health, and altogether gave near a thousand Tomans to the poor. The next day they commanded the Christian Armenians to pray for the recovery of the King. Whereupon as well the ecclesiastics as the Laity went to their prayers upon the side of the River which is between Ispahan and Zulpha. They also sent their Kelonter, with fifty Tomans in Gold, to bear over the King's head; though the Armenians pronounce not the same words as the Persians', saying only, Ber●i te Sadduk, destined for Alms. Thus the danger being over in a few days, they made it their business to recover him to a perfect habit of health; but in regard the King continued in a languishing condition, and for that the Physicians could not discover the cause of the distemper, the King began to believe that it proceeded from the ignorance of the Physicians; for which reason some of them had received none of the best entertainment already. At length it came into the thoughts of some others of the Physicians, who were afraid for themselves, that in regard Persia was thus doubly afflicted, with Famine and Sickness of the King, both at one time, it must of necessity be the Astrologers fault, that missed the favourable hour when the King should have ascended the Throne. Thus being troubled at their disgrace, pretending to have no lesle skill in future knowledge than the Astrologers, who had not chosen a true time for the King to ascend the Throne, they concluded that for the perfect recovery of his health, and the restoring of plenty to the Nation, it was necessary to renew the Ceremony at a lucky hour, and to change his name. This proposition pleased the King and his Council. The Physicians and Astrologers joining together, observed the first unlucky day, which would certainly be followed by another that would prove fortunate. Now there being among the Gaures, some that pretend themselves descended from the Rustans, who were ancient Kings of Persia and Parthia, that very morning one of those Gaures setting himself upon the Throne, with his back against a wooden Figure which represented him to the life, all the Grandees of the Court came and did him homage as their King, as he had ordered them to do. This action lasted till the favourable hour was come, which happened a little before Sunset. Than it was that an Officer of the Court came behind and cut of the head of the wooden Figure, while the Gaure immediately took his heels and fled. Presently upon that the King appeared in the Hall, upon whose head when they had put the Bonnet of Sophi, and re▪ gird him with the Scimitar, he ascended the Throne, and took the name of Soliman. He was forced to act this Comedy to satisfy the Law, which contrived that he should change his Name, and take a new possession of his Throne, by ejecting a Usurper that had wrongfully claimed it. For which reason the Gaure was set up as Pretender, as laying claim to the ancient Lineage of the Persian Kings, and being of a different Religion. From that time the King recovering, and the Famine decreasing, the Physicians were in great repute, and the Astrologers were cast out of favour, except two or three of the most skilful. Sha-Soliman before his coming to the Crown, had conversed with none but Women and black Eunuches; from whom he could not learn the art of Ruling. At present he only divertizes himself with his Wives in going a hunting, very rarely troubling himself with business but relying wholly upon his Ministers of State. He will not be seen for ten or twelve days together; all which time there are no Petitions to be preferred, nor Complaints to be made. CHAP. II. Of certain particular Actions which denote the Virtues and Vices of the Kings of Persia, from Sha-Abbas the first to Sha-Soliman the present King. And first of Sha-Abbas the Great. SHa-Abbas, who was a passionate Lover of Honour, sought all ways imaginable to furnish his Empire with the supports of wealth and good Government. He would not suffer any Indian or Banian to live as a Tradder in his Dominions; they having crept in since under the Reigns of Sha-Sefi the first, and Sha-Abbas the second, who came very young to the Throne. Neither had Sha-Abbas any reason to permit them to trade in his Kingdom; for they are worse Usurers than the Jews, and seldom it happens, but that they have all the Money in the Nation, which they take up at nine or ten in the hundred, and let out again upon pawns at two and a half per Cent. a month. From such devouring Pests and Vipers as these, Sha-Abbas thought it but reasonable to preserve his people; so that before these Vermin crept into Persia, the Money was all in the hands of the Armenians of Zulpha. And indeed those Banians have been the ruin of many poor people, of which I will only bring one example among many. I was at Ispahan in the year 1662., when one of those Banians lent six or seven Tomans per Cent. a month to a poor Persian, who had uttered several pieces of Linen upon the place. Those Banians will have their Interest paid every month; but the Persian had slipped three or four, having no Money to pay, in regard his Debtor could not pay him. Thereupon the Banian dunned him perpetually, and threatened to have him drubbed till he paid it, according to the Persian custom. The Mother of the Persian troubled to see her Son haunted in that manner, one morning as he was going to the Meydan, bid him, if he met the Banian, that he should be sure to bring him home, and she would pay him his Interest, and some of the principal, with some Money that she had saved of her one. Toward evening the Banian met his Debtor, whom he readily followed home upon promise of payment. The Mother desired him to set upon the Caursi, which is the place where they make their fires, it being cold snowy weather, and set fruits before him to eat. While he thus eat and warmed himself, night came on apace, and the woman putting him in hopes of payment, spun out the time so long, that the Banian not being unaccustomed to cold weather and late hours, was easily persuaded to stay all night at the Persians' House. When 'twas time to go to Bed, the Banian threw himself upon one Quilt, and the Persian upon another. About two hours after midnight, the Mother comes softly into the Chamber, with a sharp Razor in her hand, intending to have cut of the Banians head; but unfortunately mistaking, killed her own Son instead of the Banian. The Banian having had such an escape, stole cunningly out of the House, and declaring the murder to the Divan-bequé, or the Chief Justice, He caused the woman to be apprehended, and brought before him; who confessing the fact, he commanded her to be tied to the tail of a young Mule, and to be dragged about the City till the Mule had kicked her to death. In the year 1667, eight or ten days before I departed from Ispahan, there was a Banian found buried in a Street near the Capuchins house; they had cut of his arms and legs, and so put him into the hole; but buried him so shallow that the Dogs scraped away the Earth, and discovered him; but who committed the fact, was not than known. Sha-Abbas was not only willing that all the trade should be in the hands of his Subjects, to make profit thereby, and to draw the Money into his Kingdom, but he would not suffer it to be transported when it was brought in. He saw that the Pilgrimages of his Subjects to Mecca, their Expenses and Presents carried out abundance of his Ducats of Gold; therefore more politic than religious, he strove to hinder those Pilgrimages as much as in him lay; and going himself in person to Meshed in Pilgrimage to the Tomb of Iman-rez already spoken of, over which one of the Legs of Mahomet's Camel hangs as a great Relict; and upon his return relating and giving out strange Miracles of Iman-rez, on purpose to divert his Subjects from going to Mecca. Among the rest of the cunning knacks that Sha-Abbas made use of, to know how squares went in his Kingdom, without trusting too much to his Ministers, he often disguised himself, and went about the City like an ordinary inhabitant, under pretence of buying and selling, making it his business to discover whether Merchants used false weights or measures or no. To this intent one evening going out of his Palace in the habit of a Countryman, he went to a Bakers to buy a Man of Bread, and thence to a Cook to buy a Man of Roast-meat, (a Man is six Pound, sixteen Ounces to the Pound.) The King having bought his Bargains returned to Court, where he caused the Athemadoulet to weigh both the Bread and the Meat exactly. He found the Bread to want fifty-seven Drams, and the Meat forty-three. The King seeing that, fell into a great chafe against three or four of them that were about him, whose business it was to look after those things; but especially against the Governor of the City, whose Belly he had caused to have been ripped up, but for the intercession of certain Lords. Besides the reproaches that he threw upon them for being so negligent in their Employments; and for their little affection to the public good, he laid before them the injustice of false weights; and how sadly the cheat fell upon poor men, who having great Families, and thinking to give them eight hundred Drams of Bread, by that fraud deprived them of a hundred and forty three. Than turning to the Lords that were present, he demanded of them, what sort of justice aught to be done those people? When none of them daring to open their mouths, while he was in that passion, he commanded a great Oven to be made in the Piazza, together with a Spit long enough to roast a man; and that the Oven should be heated all Night, and that they should make another fire to be kindled hard by the Oven. The next morning the King caused the Baker and the Cook to be apprehended, and to be led quite through the City, with two men going before them, who cried to the people, We are going to put the Baker into a read hot Oven made in the Piazza, where he is to be baked alive, for having uttered Bread by false weights; and the Cook is to be roasted a live, for having sold meat by false weights. Thus those two men served for an example not only to Ispahan, but to all the Kingdom, where every one dreaded the severe justice of Sha-Abbas. CHAP. III. Of what fell out most memorable in the Reign of Sha-Sefi the first; and particularly of the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, and his three Sons. IMan-Kouli-Kan was the last Can of Schiras, whose Government extended over the Province of Lar, to the Golf of Persia, under the Reign of Sha-Abbas these Khan's being the most potent in all Persia, Iman-Kouli-Kan was he who in the Reign of Sha-Abbas conquered the greatest part of the Kingdom of Lar, and the Kingdom of Ormus, with all the Coast of the Persian Golf, from Cape Jasques to Balsara. This Iman-Kouli-Kan was prodigiously rich, beloved and respected by all the world; besides he was wonderfully magnificent, his expenses almost equalling the Kings; which occasioned Sha-Abbas, who discoursed with him one day particularly upon that Subject, to tell him, that he desired him to spend every day one Mamoudy lesle than he, that there might be some difference between the expenses of a King and a Can. The noble qualities of this Iman-Kouli-Kan had gained the affections of the people; for he was magnificent and liberal; highly recompensed brave Soldiers and Students; he loved Strangers, and had a particular care to cherish Arts and Sciences. To which purpose he built a fair College at Schiras, for the instruction of Youth; and several Inns, as well in the City as upon the Roads; for the Travellers. He caused Mountains to be cut through to shorten the way; and joined others by Bridges, of such an advanturous Structure, that it is hard to conjecture how such prodigious Arches could be made over such vast Precipices and Torrents. Now in regard Iman-Kouli-Kan▪ was stricken in years, he seldom went to Court, choosing rather to continued in his Government, where he was beloved and respected by all men. But the King being young, and the Government of the Kingdom in the hands of the Queen-Mother and the Athemadoulet, who were extremely jealous of the Can, those two persons linked together in Interest for the maintenance of the King's Authority and their own, fretted to see the Khan's Court almost as splendid as the Kings; and that nothing of the Revenue of Schiras, Lar, Ormus, or any part of the Persian Golf came to the King's Coffers, as being solely at the disposal of the Can; but that on the contrary, the King was obliged to sand him Money to pay the Army. But that which troubled the Queen-Mother most of all, was the pretention of the Khan's eldest Son to the Crown, who was also a person of a daring and ambitious courage. For the Kings of Persia esteem it a great Honour to bestow upon any Can or great Lord, one of their Wives out of their Royal Haram; and Sha-Abbas had given to Iman-Kouli-Kan one of his own proper Wives, whom he loved extremely. 'Tis thought that when she left the Haram she was three months gone with Child by Sha-Abbas, for somewhat above six months after she was bedded by the Can, she lay-in of a Son, of which the King was the reputed Father, and who being born before Sha-Sefi, pretended a right before him to the Throne. By virtue of this claim, contrary to the will of Sha-Abbas in favour of Sha-Sefi, this ambitious Lord, who only passed for the Khan's eldest Son, vehemently solicited his Father to seize upon Sha-Sefi, and to make himself King, or at lest to open a way for him to the Throne. Now it happened, that one day being a hunting with the young King near Schiras, the impatient young Lord coming to his Father; Sir, said he, see now the opportunity that offers you the Throne; for I will go presently and bring you Sha-Sefi's head. But the Can holding his Son by the Arm, told him, that he would never consent to the death of his King; protesting to him, rather to dye a thousand deaths; adding withal, that it was the King's will to appoint Sha-Sefi to succeed him, as being the Son of his Son, and consequently his lawful Heir: that the young Prince was recommended to his care, and in regard he had promised and sworn, he was so far from falsifying his trust, that he would maintain his possession to the last gasp. This generous resolution of the Can broke the young Lords design upon the King's person. However the Sultaness being not ignorant of the train that was laid for the young King, and against the repose of the Kingdom, thought it her wisest way to prevent the blow, and to rid herself o● such persons as had conspired the death of the King. The Khan's two other Sons took part with him they called their elder Brother. And as for the Can himself, though he were upright in his Loyalty, yet his power, his wealth, his reputation among the Soldiery, and the affection that the people bore him, concurred together not only to tender him suspected, but guilty. The Sultaness and the Athemadoulet took counsel together, which way to divert the storm that threatened the King's head, to whom they represented, that he was not safe in his own person so long as Iman-Kouli Can and his three eldest Sons lived. The King easily believed them, and resolved to be rid both of Father and Sons together, but the difficulty was to get 'em to Court, wherein opportunity itself assisted them. For at that time Amurath the Great Turk at the head of a vast Army, was already advanced within ●he Confines of Persia, had taken Erivan, and had ruin'd Tauris. Upon the first news of this march, the King sends for all the Khans and Governors to attend his person, with all the Forces under their command. Among the rest, the Can of Schiras received the same orders; who thereupon assembled all his Troops, both Horse and Foot, who were not only the most numerous, but the best disciplined and stoutest Soldiers of all Persia. As he was upon his march to Casbin with his three Sons, the eldest having well considered of affairs; Sir, said he, We are making haste to the King, to the end our heads may the sooner fall at our feet. Perhaps my Son, replied the Can, thou mayst speak the truth; but to this day I never was a Rebel against the King, I have done whatever he commanded, and whatever may happen I will obey him till death. The Can arriving at Casbin, was by the King welcomed with great demonstration of joy. Some days after, he took a general Muster, and than made a great▪ Feast which lasted three day, to which all the great Lords and Khans that were at Casbin were called. The three Sons of Iman-Kouli-Kan were of the number; but the Father excused himself, as well by reason of his age, as also representing to his Majesty, that it better befitted him to employ his time in taking care of his affairs, and in praying for his Majesty; however if it were his Majesty's express command, he would not fail to obey; to which the King returned for answer, that the Can of Schiras was at his liberty to do as he thought fit. The third day of the Feast the King risen from his Seat, and going out of the Hall, without speaking a word to any person, went into a Room hard by. Half an hour after, three sturdy resolute Fellows with some other Ragamuffin attendants entering the Hall with their Scimeters drawn, seized upon the Kans ●hree Sons, and cut of their heads. They were put▪ into a Gold Bason, and presented to the King; who commanded the Fellows to carry them to their Father, and as soon as he had seen them, to take of his head to make the fourth. The Assassinates found him at his prayers; but being interrupted to see the heads of his three Sons, he desired leave only to conclude, which having done, with a countenance undisturbed, and without any other words or expressions in his mouth than what is usually said among the Persians', Let the Kings will be done, he submitted to a death which he might have easily avoided. The four heads were brought back to the King, to be sent into the Haram to his Mother. So soon as he had taken of the heads of the Father and the three Sons, the King dispatched away certain Chappars or Courriers, with order to the Lieutenant of the Can, to put to death all the rest of the Children. The command was obeyed, and they were all put to death, but only two that were at Nurfe whom their Nurses so well concealed, that never any tidings could be heard either of the Nurses or of the Children. After the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, the Province of Schiras, with its dependences, has been governed by a Vizir, who agrees with the King what Rent to pay him yearly. In the years 1665 and 1666, the Vizir gave him fifty thousand Tomans a year. But in the year 1667, the King abated him eight thousand Tomans, in regard he had taken from him a small part of his Government to pleasure a Favourite. Besides what the Government of Schiras pays to the King in ready Money, he is obliged every year to sand him a present of all the rarities that grow or are bred in the Province. These Presents consist in Horses, of which there is the best breed of any Province of Persia. In Granates, Oranges, and Lemons, sweet Oils and Waters of several sorts, especially Oil of Roses, with which the women rub their bodies and heads; and the water of a certain Flower that grows upon a tree not much unlike our Willows, which water is called Arak-Bilmitshe, which is a great refreshment to those that use it; besides other Oils and Essences which the Governor is obliged to present. Yet were he only obliged to present the King, the expense might be born well enough; but for fear of being displaced by any other Favourite, he is constrained to make Friends of all the other great Lords and Favourites at Court; which there is no way to do, but by continual presents. Whereas the ancient Khans, who were a kind of pretty Sovereigns in their Governments, were only want to sand a few Baskets of new Fruits in their season for the service of the King's Table. To defray this expense, the Governors are forced to tyrannize over the people; who when they come, as many times they do, two or three Villages together, to complain to the King, are forced after long waiting, to return with empty Purses home again, by reason that they who should give them admission, are the only persons that debar them from it; and patiently to submit to the Extortions of the Vizard; which is a piece of policy practised likewise by all the other Khan's and Governors of the Persian Provinces. As for Sha-Sefi himself, he was very severe, and one whose punishments often amounted to acts of cruelty. One day being a hunting, a poor Country man appeared from behind a Rock, with a Paper in his hand, being deputed by the Village to make some complaint to the King. But while the poor man cried for justice, the King without making any answer, shot two arrows into his body and slew him. That which moved Sha-Sefi to this act of cruelty, was because he had some of his Wives with him in company. For than there is no mercy to those poor people that happen to be in the way where the King chances to pass by: no not for them that are in the Country round about, where the Eunuches have order to kill all men they meet. When the King gives notice of his intention to carry his Wives into the Country, this is called Courouk; and there is nothing more troublesome nor more inconvenient in the world to the poor people that live in the Villages through which these women are to pass; for upon notice given them, they must leave their Houses for a League or two of either side. When there is a Courouk at Ispahan, let the weather be never so bad, the people must leave their Houses, and if they have no Friends in some distant quarter to retire to, they have no way but to repair to the Mountains. Such is the excess of the jealousy of the Kings of Persia; which indeed derives itself to all his Subjects, who will not permit their women to be seen by any but their own Husbands. The Persians' both men and women are so addicted to take Tobacco, that to take Tobacco from them, is to take away their lives. So that if the King should prohibit▪ Tobacco for any time, he would loose a good part of his revenue. However Sha-Sefi in a humour having once forbidden Tobacco to be taken in any part of his Dominion, his Spies (that are in every City) found in the Indian Inn two rich Merchants of that Nation smoking their noses. Immediately they were seized, bound, and carried to the King, who commanded forthwith that Justice should be done upon them in the Meidan, which was, that they should pour melted lead down their throats till they were dead. The people thought the King had only intended to have scared them, and would have reprieved them upon the place. Insomuch that four Banians went to the Athemadoulet, and offered▪ to pay two thousand Tomans into the King's Treasury, so that he would be pleased to spare the two Merchant's lives. The chief Minister made the proposal, but the King falling into a passion, and ask the Athemadoulet, whether those Indian Dogs thought that a King of Persia would cell Justice, sent a second order for the execution of the Merchants without delay. The same Sha-Sefi having given command that the Eyes of a young Lord of the Court should be put out, one of the principal Officers of the House being present, and seeing the Executioner prick the eyes of the unfortunate young man with the point of a small knife, shut his own eyes and turned away his head, as abhorring such a spectacle. The King perceiving it, and vexed to fee those signs of pity, and a dislike of an act that he approved; What, said he in a fury, art thou afraid to punish the wicked? And at the same time commanded his eyes to be pulled out of his head. It is a custom, that if any man points at the King as he passes along in the Street, or upon the Road, he must loose his hand. One day Sha-Sefi being in the Country, two Merchants of Constantinople were upon the Road, where the King and his Train were to pass. They stopped to see the King, and when he came near, one of the Merchants prayed his Friend that often had seen him, to show him which was he. The other knowing that only the King wears the Heron tops in his Bonnet, innocently lifted up his hand to distinguish him, by pointing, from the rest of the Lords that followed him. For which act two Horsemen came presently to him, and cut of his hand with a Scimitar. CHAP. IU. The tragical and memorable Story of Ralph Sadler, Native of Zurich, in the Reign of Sha-Sefi, who had retained him in his Service. RAlph Sadler, born in Zurich, was a Watchmaker by Profession, who put himself into the service of the Emperors Resident at the Ottoman Court, with whom he went to Constantinople. This man I desired to take along with me into Persia; and coming to Ispahan, he set himself to work, and made a small Watch about the bigness of half a Crown; which being a neat piece of work, the English would needs buy, to present it to Iman-Couli-Kan, paying the price demanded, which was two hundred Crowns. Iman-Couli-Kan presented it to the King; who was mightily pleased with it, in regard it was the lest striking Watch that ever had been seen by the King, who therefore carried it hanging about his Neck under his clothes, in a Gold Chain. One day the King happening to wind up his Watch, and turning the Key the wrong way, broke the Fusil, for which he was so much troubled, that he sent for the Watchmaker from Ispahan to Casbin; whither when Ralph came, he presently made the Watch as good as ever. The King thus satisfied in his work and in his person, ordered him a Pension of thirty Tomans, and Diet for him and a man, and provision for two Horses: commanding him withal to make some new pieces of work. Now a skilful workman in the service of the Persian King, has this advantage, that if he pleases the King, besides his Wages that are duly paid, the King out of his liberality bestows on him a present, which usually amounts to a third part or half his Wages; or else his Wages are raised, which is more advantageous than a present. Ralph was obliged every morning to wait upon the King at his rising, to wind up his Watch; and was so much in the King's favour, that every morning when he came out of the King's Chamber, he had a Glass of Wine presented him, as a mark of esteem. And indeed the King had such an affection for him, that to retain him in his service he often solicited him to turn Mahometan. The Ambassador of Holstein coming to Ispahan, and seeing Ralph so much in favour with the King, endeavoured to gain his Friendship. Thus Ralph often keeping company with the Ambassadors, and having one time tarried till late at night upon the debauch with them, returning home to his Lodging, where he kept a young Nestorian girl, in the Court of the House met a young Persian, Brother to one of the King's Porters. The Persian knowing himself guilty, and surprised to see Ralph so soon returned, skip't over the Wall into the Garden and fled. The next day Ralph (who knew who he was) told his Brother of it, and desired him to speak to the young Persian not to come any more to his House; for if he did, he must expect what followed. Some days after, the Ambassadors treated all the Franks; when Ralph beginning to be warm, called the young Persian to mind, and slipping home without taking his leave, opened the door softly, and found the young Persian again with his Mistress. Thereupon Ralph calling his Slaves to help him, bound his arms, and tied him to a Tree in the Court; and so leaving him there▪ went to bed. By and by one of Ralph's Servants, who knew the Persian, cell a jeering him; which so incensed the Persian, that he having his feet at liberty, and the fellow within his reach, gave him such a kick upon the bottom of his Belly, that he first swooned away, and than died. The other Slaves seeing him fall, wakened Ralph with cries, who thereupon snatching up a Pistol that was charged with a brace of Bullets, shot the Persian into the head. The Persian being thus slain, Ralph went in the morning to wind up the King's Watch; and being asked by the King, as he was want to do, what news in Ispahan, told him plainly what he had done, and the reason why. The King upon his report told him, he had done well according to the strictness of the Country. The Athemadoulet at that time was Mirza Také, who hated Ralph. For the Armenian Merchants having presented the Athemadoulet with several Watches at a time, it happened that once he sent to Ralph about thirty Watches together to be mended. For which the Athemadoulet, to gratify him, and knowing that he kept four or five Servants, and seven or eight Horses, sent him fifteen or twenty Camels load of Straw and Barley for his Horses. But Ralph slighting such a present as that, Go (said he to the Athemadoulets Servant) tell thy Master, that I am neither a Horse nor an Ass, and therefore let him eat his Present himself. Which message so provoked the Athemadoulet, that he studied 〈…〉 but revenge. Thereupon the Athemadoulet, whose business it is to attend 〈◊〉 being when he rises, and to report to him the news of the Town, told him among the rest, what Ralph had done. The King replied, that Ralph had confessed it to him already, and that he had pardoned him, in regard 〈◊〉 had reason to do as he did. But the Athemadoulet made answer, that Ralph had minced the matter; and represented the story to the King far otherwise than it was making the worst of it he could upon Ralph's side; and the more to incite the King, he put him in mind of the fair occasion he had to force him to turn Mussulman, there being no way to expiate his crime, but by turning Mahometan, or suffering the Law. The King thus overruled, sent for Ralph, told him, he was now better informed of the crime he had committed, and that he must either turn Mahometan or dye. Thereupon the King sent him to Prison. Eight days after, the King (who had a great love for him, and therefore troubled that he must be constrained to put him to death, unless he would turn Mahometan,) sent for him again, and offered him two thousand Tomans, after a powerful persuasion by words, but all signified nothing. Upon that he sent him back again to Prison. But yet remembering that he had once approved the fact, he sent for Ralph a second time, and offered him ten thousand Tomans, and a Wife out of his Haram, with all her Jewels; which Ralph refused, with the same resolution as before. The King incensed at the fierceness of his resolution, delivered him to the Brother of the party slain, to execute the Law upon him. The Holstein Ambassadors were resolved to have begged his life; but the Athemadoulet, smelling their design, would not permit them Audience. However, the King commanded all the Franks, and all the Armenian Clergy to be present at the Execution, to save all his blood, and put him in a Coffin; he commanded also, that he should be buried at Zulpha in the Armenian Churchyard, and have a Tomb made over him. Thereupon Ralph was led to the Meidan, with that triangular Instrument of Wood which the Persians' call a Palenk, about his neck. This Palenk was the cause that the Brother of the deceased, who was to be the Executioner, not only missed his first blow, but wounded himself in the Leg, while his Skein being born of by one of the sides of the triangular Instrument, by the force of the blow lighted upon himself. Whereupon the people making a great shout hindered farther execution for that time. The King being advertised thereof, remanded him to Prison, and after a few days sent for him a third time into his presence; but though the King offered him a thousand Tomans, and that the Lords urged him to turn, though it were but for a while, and in outward appearance; yet neither threats nor promises could move the Zurickian, who was thereupon executed at the end of October, 1637. All the Franks willingly contributed to raise him a Tomb; which was covered with a small Duomo, supported with four Pillars, ten or twelve foot high. The Armenians have made him a Saint; so that when they are sick of a Fever, they come and make their devotions at this Tomb; and every time they come they carry away a piece of a Stone; so that the Tomb wants repairing every year. The Athemadoulet, to the end the King might be the lesle sensible of the want of him, had told the King, that his Majesty would found no great miss of him, in regard he had a Servant who was almost as good as himself. But some few days after, the King's Watch that he always carried about him, being out of order, and Ralph's Apprentice not being able to remedy the fault; the King for madness that he had been the Watchmakers death, threw the Watch at the Athemadoulets head. There, cried he, Dog as thou art, by thy advice I put Ralph to death, the most skilful man of his Profession that ever will come into my Kingdom. Thou deservest for thy counsel, to have thy belly ripped up. But I swear by my Throne, that from this time forward I will never put a Christian to death for his Religion. And I question whether any of you would have had the same courage to have died for the Law of Haly. And indeed they have been very cautious ever since; nor has any of the Franks been put to death, though they have flown out before the King in words and actions rash enough. CHAP. V Of some particulars under the Reign of Sha-Abbas the second. SHa-Abbas the second, Son of Sha-Sefi, was no lesle cruel than his Father; and would be not lesle punctually obeyed. He had two Sisters, which he married to two of the richest Lords of his Kingdom, though of a very mean extraction. Some time after, the King understanding that they were both with-Child, ordered Physic to be given them to destroy the fruit of their Wombs. About three months after, he was told that they were big again; than he suffered 'em to be brought to bed; but commanded that they should not give the Children any nourishment, but let 'em starve to death. The same Sha-Abbas caused the tongue of one that filled him Tobacco to be cut out for a word spoken idly. For the King calling for Tobacco, one of the Pages ran hastily for it to him that had it in charge, and bid him dispatch; who answered him briskly, Gebennemé sabreijté, that is, to Hell, have a little patience. The King being informed of it, commanded his tongue to be cut out. The poor man desired him that was the Executioner, to cut it as deep as he could in his throat, and to leave it very short; by which means he spoke some words muffling, The people cried out against the Nazar, who being a person of low extraction, and advanced to that high dignity in a short time, grew so proud that he contemned all the Lords of the Court. There was no dealing with him about any business, unless he were first presented; and he paid no body without making some advantage of it. Every body had reason to complain; yet no person knew how to come at the King to make their complaints. At length they bethought themselves of making their application to two black Eunuches, who had the King's ear in the night. One was called Aga-Saron, who was the Meeter or Master of the Wardrobe; and the other Aga-Kafour, or high Treasurer. These two Eunuches seeing the King in a good humour one night, let fall certain words concerning the Nazar, and his management of affairs and thence slid into a discourse of his injustice, that caused the people to cry ●ut against him, and speak evil of his Government. Now it happened one morning that the King intending to go a hunting, the Grand Master, who had always a large train attending him, coming to the King's Tent, the Meeter denied him entrance. About the same time the King came forth, and seeing the Nazar, commanded his Officers to take of the Bonnet from the dead of that Dog that took Gifts from his people; and that he should sit three days bareheaded in the heat of the Sun, and as many nights in the Air. Afterwards he caused him to be chained about the neck and arms, and condemned him to perpetual imprisonment, with a Mamoudy a day for his maintenance; but he died for grief within eight days after he was put in prison. Jafer-Kan, being a generous Lord, and one that kept a magnificent train, was Governor of Asterabat. At first he was very mild, but at last he began to exact such sums from the people, that his oppressions were very heavy; nor were these violences of his concealed from the King's ear, who being one day drinking with some of his Lords, and seeing the Master of his Music in the Room, who was a merry droll, and had always some pleasant news or other to tell the King; his Majesty was pleased to ask him, what the people said of Jafer-Kan; adding withal, that he had made him Governor of several Provinces, and had never heard any complaint of him before, but that now he was accused of strangely tyrannising over the people. The Music Master being a mere flatterer, and knowing that Jafer-Kan was extremely beloved by the King, confidently averred, that the Governor was falsely accused, and that he had always known him apt to give than to receive. There was at the same time in the Room, an Agis called Manouchar-Kan, lately returned from a Pilgrimage to Mecca; him the King also asked, what was his opinion of Jafer-Kan, and his Government, being a person that had been long acquainted with him; to whom the Agis, thinking to please the King, returned the same answer, that the Music Master had given. Whereupon the King, who had been well informed of the Khan's behaviour, turning toward the Lords that were present, what think you, said be, of these two Flatterers, that absolutely know the contrary to what they speak? And at the same time commanded two of the Music Master's teeth to be pulled out of his mouth, and to be driven into the head of the Agis; which had like to have cost him his life, being a very old man. As for Jafer-Kan, he was disgraced for a time, but being a Person endowed with noble qualities, valiant, generous and pleasing in conversation, he was recalled to Court, and knew so well how to make his tale good, that his Majesty gave him the Government of Shemeloubostan, of which Semeran is the Capital City. Shemeloubostan signifies a Country manured to bear fruit. Nor is there any Province in Persia that so abounds in Pastures and Castles, that daily fall to ruin. Jafer-Kan being restored to favour, the King sent for several Lords of the Court to come and drink with them. He also commanded five French Artificers which he had in his service to wait upon him, a Goldsmith named Sain, two Watchmakers Lagis and Varin, and two Musket-makers Marais and Bernard. After they had heated themselves a little with Wine, the King drew a Ruby out from of his finger, which I sold him for a hundred Tomans, and a Diamond Jewel worth thirteen or fourteen hundred Tomans, which he gave to Jafer-Kan, with whom he was whispering at the same time. Now though the Nazar were at a distance, yet without doubt somewhat of the discourse was heard; insomuch that the Wine emboldening him, he told the King aloud, that if he would let him have but four thousand Horse, he would cut all that Rabble to pieces. The King bid him hold his tongue and go to sleep; testifying his displeasure at his discourse. For the Nazar conjectured that the King was talking to Jafer-Kan about the incursions which the Vsbeck Tartars often made from Meshed side. As for the Franks three of the five were gone home to sleep, Sain, Lagis, and Bernard: Maras and Varin stayed behind in the Room. But Marais being of a humour that when he was drunk he could not hold his tongue, and having heard what the Nazar said, he likewise▪ took upon him to tell the King, that if the King wanted a General, there was none fitter to make a General than Jafer-Kan, and presently began a long repetition of his praises. The King commanded him to hold his tongue, which he did for a while, but than falling again into his former impertinencies, the King commanded him to be dragged out of the Room by the feet, and that they should rip up his belly. Thereupon Marais was seized upon by the Meeter, who having a great kindness for the Franks, and knowing that the King had a singular love for Marais, delayed the execution of the King's command, pulling his clothes of very slowly; and finding that the King did not rise to go into his Haram, which is the sign of no pardon to be given, he caused him to be dragged as near the person of the King as he could, thereby to try whether the King would have compassion on him or not; while certain Lords took the boldness to implore the King's mercy in his behalf. At last when the King saw him dragged along, he commanded the Officers to let him go, and withal ordered him to put on his clothes again, and resume his place. The King of Persia's eldest Son comes very raw to the Throne; and his first divertisement is to make short journeys into the Provinces, thereby by little and little to gain the knowledge of such things as concern him. Above all things he never fails to visit the principal Church of the Armenians at Zulpha. That which makes him so curious, is his desire to see the Armenian women, who are very handsome; being also further incited thereto by the Sultanesses, who are glad of any recreation. And than he has a Courouk through all Zulpha, at what time all the men must retire to Ispahan, or to their Friends at a distance. Sha-Abbas the second went several times in that manner to Zulpha; and one day among the rest, upon the report of the beauty of the Wife of the Kelonter Gorgia Safras, Son of Kelonter Gorgia Nazar, the King having seen her, liked her very well, and desired her to go along with the Sultanesses, who carried her into the Haram, where she continued fifteen days, and than returned home with a fair Necklace of Pearls, which the King gave her when she went away. To say the truth of Sha-Abbas the second, he was a man too much given to drink, and too much governed by his passion, otherwise he was a lover of justice, and very magnificent and generous to Strangers. CHAP. VI Of the misfortune of Mahomet Beg in the reign of Sha-Abbas the second. MAhomet Beg was born at Tauris, the Son of a Tailor, who bred him a Scholar. He had a quick apprehension, and was naturally inclined to virtue; and being desirous to advance himself in the world, he had the good luck to obtain the employment of Major-Bashi, or chief of the Essayers and Refiners of Money, who has a power to visit all places where money is coined. After that, he became acquainted with the Aila Verdi Beg, or Mr. Godsgift, the King's chief Huntsman, by the title of Mert-Shekar-Bashi, who gladly presented him to the King, to whom the King was very thankful, so soon as he had found the noble Qualities of the person he had presented. Thereupon so soon as Mahomet Ali-Beg, grand Master of the King's House died, the King bestowed that Employment upon Mahomet Beg, who not only gained the favour of his Majesty, but the good will of all the Lords of the Court. He had a great respect for them all, without meddling with any of their employments, and suppressed his revengeful spirit, not finding it seasonable as yet to disclose his passions. Kalife Sultan at that time Athemadoulet happening to dye, the King conferred that place upon Mahomet Beg, who at first behaved himself in that employment to the satisfaction of all men. He applied himself particularly to the searching out of Ours; for there had a report ran among the people for many years, that if certain mountains nine or ten miles from Ispahan toward the West were well digged into, there might be found store of Gold, Silver and Copper. To which purpose he made use of a Norman, whose name was La Chapelle de Han, who vaunted at that time to have great skill in Chemistry, Ours and Minerals, for which reason he was recommended by the Governor of Ispahan to the Athemadoulet than at Casbin with the King, who presently sent him back again to the Governor to furnish him with all things necessary for his Expenses, and for the work which he undertook in the Mountains. Thither went La Chapelle, and after fifteen days toil returned to Ispahan with two or three hundred weight of earth, and set up furnaces to draw out the metal. The Athemadoulet was so wise as to give order to the Governor of Ispahan, and three or four more persons of Quality to overview the Norman, to see that he played no foul play. But though there was not so much as a half penny worth of silver in all the earth from the bottom to the top, though the Persians' watched him so narrowly as they did, he made a shift to shuffle in an Abassi among the earth, as it was in the furnace without being perceived. Nevertheless the Athemadoulet, to whom it was carried, presently found out the cheat, though he took no notice of it, hoping to make better use of the Norman in other things; only he forbade him to dig any more in that place, in regard the expense would exceed the profit. La Chapelle, who was very skilful at putting of his merchandise, and one who knew to make the best use of the lest smackering that he might perhaps have in Mechanics, and the power of Motion, had the cunning to amuse the Athemadoulet for ten years together, being a passion eaten Lover of new Inventions; and the better to insinuate himself into the King's favour assumed to himself the Invention of several Rarities which he showed the King, who thereupon allowed him a very handsome pension. Thus encouraged, he undertook to cast Canons, bring the water to the top of the King's house, and several other things, yet when all his designs failed for want of Art, and that he found he could do not more good in Persia, resolving for India, he died at Ormus. The Athemadoulet missing of Gold and Silver Ours, applged himself to the discovery of Copper Ours, wherein he was more fortunate; for in those Ours he also found veins of Azure, of which there is a great quantity consumed in painting the Grotesco Flourishes upon the Ceiling and Arches of their Houses. He also found out a Mine of Lead near yard: and being still upon new discoveries, he found out a Mine of Talk, Stone, Alum, and Coals, but of neither so good as in other Countries. He was so obstinate in the search of Metals, that if any person had an occasion to speak with him, let him be never so busy upon never so important affairs, it was enough to bring him some stones of a supposed Mine, or something rare either for Colour, Figure or Weight. He also gave full power to them that brought him any tidings of a Mine to go to the place, and to press the Countrymen from their labour to dig in the Mountains and break up rocks: and if they found nothing he cast the fault upon the ignorance of the Labourers. He also applied himself to the study of Mechanic Motions. He would have found an Invention, whereby the half Veil that hangs in the Kings Megeler, or Council Chamber, and is drawn to and from by certain Officers in the Summer, to gather the cool Air, should have been made by Engine-work. Than he took a fancy for water Engines, the most necessary thing in the world for Persia to relieve the drought of the Country, but wanting necessaries, as Beams, Rafters, Wheelwork, Cordage and Iron, he could not begin those Engines, the figures whereof La Chapelle had left him in a Book. But as Mahomet Beg was studious in these things, so was he Ambitious and Revengeful to that height that he could not observe a moderation in his resentment against those that had given him any distaste. In his height of Passion he caused several Khans to be deprived of their Provinces, and by confiscating their Estates reduced them to utmost necessity. The Can of Erivan had a Son who was a lovely and a well proportioned Gentleman, and always attended at the King's Elbow. One day that the King was drinking with some Lords, he commanded the Can of Erivans Son to carry a Gold Cup full of Wine to the Athemadoulet, who perceiving that he had enough already, made a sign with his eye to the young Lord to return it back. The young Lord passing by the King told him ingeniously that the Athemadoulet had no desire to drink, whereupon the King commanded him to go and pour the Wine into his bosom. As the one was obliged to obey; the Athemadoulet was forced to suffer, and to permit the young man to open his bosom and power down the Wine; for not daring to show his anger, he was forced to dissemble the best he could for that time. But having resolved to revenge the affront upon the Can of Erivan Father of the young Lord, who had only done what the King commanded him, he resolved to lay hold upon the opportunity that presented itself, knowing that there were several complaints come against him from the Armenians of Erivan. Thereupon the Athemadoulet sends for the Kelonter, encourages him in his suit, and gives him instructions how to proceed. To this end Mahomet Beg appoints him to meet him such an hour at the King's Stables, whither the King presently coming, the Kelonter threw himself at the King's feet, and besought him for Justice against the Can of Erivans oppressions: while Mahomet Beg failed not to heap up aggravations against the Governor, and the King, though he had heard but one side, as easily condemned him upon the Accusation of the Kelonter and his Prime Minister. Thereupon an Officer of the Kings, called Negef-Couli-Beg, a man of a quick and active spirit was commanded to go in all haste, and seize upon the Person of the Can. Who being come to Erivan found him upon his seat of Justice, confiscating and condemning to fine and Corporal punishment a near Kinsman of the Kelonters. The Messenger boldly entered into the Megeler or Council Chamber, goes directly to the Can, told him he was the King's prisoner, and gave him a blow with his fist upon the neck, about which he was to wear the Triangle of great thick pieces of wood already described, into which the neck is enclosed, while the Arms and Hands of the Prisoner are put through another piece of wood that crosses the Triangle, which is a great pain to the Prisoner. Thus was the Can carried night and day to Ispahan, but when he came there the King showed him more mercy, and allowed him his house for a prison, yet not suffering him to go to the Bath, nor to shave his hair, nor to stir out of the Apartment where his women were. These are penalties imposed upon those that fall into disgrace at Court, whom the King shuts up in their houses, intending no severer punishment. For the Can being beloved by the King was restored to his favour, and to his former charge of superintendent of the King's Mosque. Neither did this fright'n others from bearing up against the Power of Mahomet Beg, though every one had not the same success. For ill it fared with the Governor of Schiras, who was called Mirza Haddi. He was a person of great wealth and knowledge, and one day in Council took upon him to tell Mahomed Beg, that he was not of his opinion, and withal to lay before him his defects, and ill conduct. But the Prime Minister so deeply laid to heart the boldness of Mirza Haddi, that he resolved to revenge himself by all means imaginable. He suborned false witnesses, and other persons to make complaints before him of the Governor of Schiras. There was a necessity for the party accused to appear before Mahomet Beg as his Judge, but the Governor trusting to his Innocence, ne'er minded the rage of his adversary, not believing he could receive any injury from him. In the mean time Mahomet Beg informed the King what he pleased himself, and overpowering him by his authority, confiscated all Mirza Haddi's Estate, and sent him to prison to the House of the Nazar, who was called Ismaet Beg. When he came there they hung him upon Tenterhookss by the feet against the wall, and drubbed him so long; that he was forced to be carried into another Room upon a Slaves back. His Lieutenant and an Eunuch, that had been his Treasurer, were served in the same sauce, and all three put into a high Chamber that served instead of a prison. His Vizier or Lieutenant was released in a short while, but Mirza Haddi and his Eunuch were still kept close. Nor is the manner of his revenging himself upon Mir-Kassem-Beg, the Deroga, or Provost of Ispahan lesle remarkable. While Mahomet Beg was only Majer-Bashi, there was some gold Plate stolen out of the Kings Kitchin. Thereupon the Deroga sent his Officers to seize upon all the Goldsmiths in Ispahan, that knew nothing of the matter, as being utterly Innocent of the Robbery. In the mean time he put them all in prison, and locked them close up, intimating to them that he was resolved not to release them without a good sum of money. The poor Goldsmiths thus ill used, applied themselves to the Majer-Bashi; who sent his Officers to entreat the Deroga to consider that the Goldsmiths were innocent of the Robbery, and that being in some manner under the Jurisdiction of the Mayer-Bashi, as being Artificers in Gold and Silver, he aught not to refuse to discharge them at his request. But the Deroga not seeing the money come, bid the Officers of Mahomet Beg tell their Master that he knew what belonged to his employment, and further, said he, Let the Tailor's Son meddle with his own business; tell him withal, added he, that if he pleases I will show him his Sister's drawers. For a little before the Deroga had by his Spies surprised her toying in a Garden with two young Lords, from whom he squeezed a considerable sum of money. Mahomet Beg not powerful enough than to prosecute his revenge, let it sleep, but when he came to the height of preferment, he remembered the Deroga, and bethought himself which way to ruin him. Nor was it long ere an opportunity offered itself. For there being a report that the Enemy appeared about Candahar, a Frontier Town of Persia upon the Moguls Territories, the Athemadoulet advised the King to raise a good number of Soldiers about Ispahan, as being lusty nimble fellows and used to labour, and to sand them to Candahar, to be ready against all accidents. The King having an entire confidence in the Athemadoulet, ordered him to loose no time, but to commit the management of the Levies to such persons as had perfect knowledge of the plain Country. Than Mahomet Beg, studying his revenge, told the King that there was no person fit for the employment than the Deroga, Mirabel Kassembeg, who according to his cruel and covetous humour, soon abused his Commission, the thing which he, who had procured it, chief desired. For whereas the King intended that none should be enroled but those that were willing, the Deroga forced every body, especially the Sons of the richest Farmers, who rather than part with their Sons gave the Deroga his own demands to spare them. When Mahomet Beg had got matter enough against the Deroga, he underhand stirred up the Country people to make their complaint, giving them to understand that it was contrary to the King's intention to have them tormented in that manner; that his Commission was only to list those that would go of their own accord. The Villages easily encouraged, sent their Deputies to Ispahan, whom he kindly received and presented the same hour to the King. His Majesty having heard them, and Mahomet Beg having seconded their complaint, the King ordered that they should make an exact list of what the Commissioners of the Deroga had robbed them of. Mahomet Beg lost no time, but by virtue of his Authority and the King's command, sent his Officers into all the Villages to take the Oath of every Countryman to the end they should declare the truth, under the penalty of a Fine and Corporal punishment, of what had been exacted from them to the utmost Shayet. This Oath was to be put in Paper, signed by every one that made it, in these words, Let my head be confiscated to the King, and my goods to his Divan, if I do not punctually the Order of his Majesty. The account being made of all the money for which they had compounded with the Deroga, it was presented by Mahomet Beg, who aggravated the Tyranny of the Deroga, and represented to his Majesty that for thirty years he had thus devoured the Territories of Ispahan. Thereupon by the command of the King, who was than at Ispahan, the Deroga was to be carried into the Meydan, and being tied up by the heels to receive a certain number of Bastinadoes upon the feet for so many Fridays one after another; and moreover the nerves of his heels were to be cut, and his ankles to be bored through. The King's command being thus sealed, Mahomet Beg committed the execution thereof to his trusty Instrument Negef-Couli-Beg, who coming to Ispahan assembled the chief of the City, together with the Vizir or Governour, and the Deroga or Provost, who thought of nothing; being met, before they broke open the Kings Seal they made a public Prayer for the prosperity of the King; which being ended, the Vizir opened the Letter and read it with a loud voice. When the Vizir came to read the Sentence against the Deroga, he was seized with astonishment, at what time Negef-Coult-Beg coming to the Deroga, and striking him upon the Neck with his fist, threw him down under his Horse's feet, and caused him to be bound according to custom. Immediately he was hurried to the Piazza, where he received so many Bastinadoes upon the soles of his feet that his nails fell of. The next Friday they brought him to the same place, where they repeated the same Execution, and bored his ankles. The Deroga being very ancient, his pains put him into such a condition as moved Negef-Couli-Beg himself to compassion, who wrote presently to Court, that the continuance of so much torment, would infallibly be the death of the old man. Upon that the King ordered that there should not more be done to him; only that he should be shut up in the inner part of his House with his Wives, depriving him of his employment, but leaving him his Estate. But Mahomet Beg, not having yet completed the revenge he sought, was resolved after he had thus tormented him to deprive him, also of his Estate. To which purpose he advanced to the Office of Deroga, a Georgian Renegado who was called Padada-Beg, whom he taught all the tricks imaginable to pick the peoples-pockets. The design of Mahomet Beg in this, was to let the King understand, that if the new Deroga could heap up such a sum of money in five or six months, what a prodigious sum must Mir-Kassembeg have heaped up in so many years. In short, the new Deroga instructed and encouraged by Mahomet Beg, levied unjustly such a vast number of fines, committed so many extortions and rapines upon the people, that at the end of six months the people began to tumult at the Palace gate. The Divan-Bequi, who is the first Minister of Justice, took the people's part; whereupon Mahomet Beg perceiving he had been too hasty in his design to be revenged upon the Divan Bequi, who had crossed his designs, one morning caused several files of Musqueteers to be drawn up at the Kings Haram. The King surprised at the sight, Mahomet Beg told him that his Majesty was not safe so long as the Divan Bequi stirred up the people to Rebellion: which so incensed the King, that he caused the Groom Porter to go immediately and pull out the Divan Bequi's eyes, which was immediately done; nor did the old man say any more, but with his face all besmeared with his own gore, desired the servant upon whose arms he leaned, to turn him toward Mecca that he might pray for the prosperity of the King. All his goods were confiscated and brought into the Treasury; but Mer Kassembeg still enjoyed his, thought he was forced to spend the remainder of his days in his own house. Thus Mahomet Beg preserved himself still in the King's favour, and had removed all those persons from the Court that had no kindness for him, and was indifferently safe, till Mir-Tchekar-Bashi another favourite, whom the King highly loved, began to make head against him. These two haughty spirits would not give an inch one to another: and both equally strove to possess the King's favour, to have the disposal of Affairs. Mir-Tehekar-Bashi, who had brought Mahomet Beg into Favour, being the elder pretended a respect due to his years, and Mahomet Beg pretended more due from him by reason of his place. During this contest ran a report of a rebellion upon Georgia side. Whereupon the Athemadoulet persuaded the King to fend Mir-Tehekar-Bashi, lately made Koular Agasi or General of the Slaves toward Georgia, that so he might remove his Rival from Court. The Favourite sets forward with a flying Camp, but not finding any Enemy that opposed him, wrote back to the King that he saw no appearance of an Enemy, and that therefore it was a needless▪ thing to tyre the Soldiers in a Country where there was no face of War, and begged his Majesty's leave to return. The Athemadoulet on the other side laboured to hinder his return by preaching to the King the advantages of the stay of those forces in those parts. In this interim the Vsbek Tartars had made inroads upon the Frontiers of Carassan, and had slain several of Manoutcheks people, who was governor of the Province. Mahomet Beg who was his Kinsman, gave the King to understand that the Can of Corassan had behaved himself valiantly, but concealed the defeat of the Can. On the other side the Koular Agasi sent Letter upon Letter to the King, but perceiving that none of them came to the King's hands, he sent to Ispahan one of his discreetest and most trusty servants, who coming to Court intermixed himself among the rest of the Lackeys. The Athemadoulet spying an unknown face, and being always mistrustful, demanded who he was? To whom the Messenger answered that he was a poor Soldier upon the frontiers of the Kingdom, who because he could not get his pay there was come to Court to see if he could there get any recompense for his service: upon which reply the Athemadoulet took no farther notice of him. Presently after, the young man meeting the Meter told him he had Letters of importance to deliver into the Kings own hard, of which the Meeter giving notice to the King, the messenger was immediately called in. The King having read the Letters which discovered to him what the Athemadoulet had concealed from him touching the no necessity of keeping forces upon the Frontiers of Georgia, and the loss which the Can of Korassan had received, transported with choler against his prime Minister, sent for him, and after he had most bloodily reviled and reproached him, he was within a little of killing him with his own hands. But the Nazar and some other Lords there▪ present took the boldness to represent to the King the long services which Mahomet Beg had done the Kingdom, and that since his Majesty had raised him from the dust to the highest honours of the Kingdom, it would not be for his honour to destroy at one blow a person that he had loved, and might still be useful to him. This discourse somewhat appeased the King, so that he only gave him in custody to the Nazar. Three days after the King exiled him to Kom, with all his Family, not permitting him to shave himself▪ go to the Bath, or to come abroad. This Exilement lasted for several years. But my Letters from Persia in the year 1674. informed me that Sha-Solyman, the present King, has restored him to his Premier Dignity, and that he still governs as Athemadoulet, the King finding no man more capable than himself. CHAP. VII. Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the King of Persia, in the reigns of Sha-Sefi I and Sha-Abbas II. BEtween Cape Jasque, and Cape Guadel which are the two most Southern points of Persia, there lies a mountainous and marshy Country, which extends itself from the Ocean toward the Province of Kerman, and in several places is inaccessible. It is possessed by three petty Princes, the one a Mahometan, the other two toward the East both Idolaters. The first is the most potent of the three, and nearest to the Province of Ormus. He also assumes the title of Prince of Jasque, as his Ancestors did before him. Now after Sha-Abbas the first had conquered Ormus, he went about to have made himself master of all the coast that extends itself beyond Cape Jasque; but meeting with resistance, he only obtained that the Prince of the Country should acknowledge the King of Persia for his Lord, and that as his Vassal he should pay him an annual tribute. And indeed during the reign of Sha-Abbas, who knew how to make himself feared, the Prince of Jasque paid his tribute very orderly. But Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather very young, this tributary Prince shook of his yoke, and refused to pay. Which not being regarded in the reign of Sha-Sefi, the Prince of Jasque thought to do the same in the reign of Sha-Abbas the second. But at length after he had refused to pay for some years, the Can of Ormus pretending the Country to be under his Jurisdiction, and that the King's honour was concerned in the Prince's refusal, incited Sha-Abbas to sand forces against him to reduce him to obedience. The King granted the Commission to him that had undertaken the business: who presently gathering together an Army of 20000 men, the most part Horse, thought to have surprised his Enemy. To which purpose that he might take the nearest way, he marched directly toward Cape Jasque. But as it was the shortest cut, it was the most dangerous▪ insomuch that the Can, who hunted all the way he marched, according to the custom of Persia, had the misfortune to fall into a bog, where he was stifled, together with 20 or 30 horsemen more. The death of the Can being divulged, the Army retreated back again: but as soon as the King received the news, he sent the Brother of the deceased Can to succeed him. In the mean while the Rebel Prince believing within himself, that he was not to be thus at quiet, and expecting to be attacked by the new Can, stood upon his guard. And indeed the new Can marched with all the speed he could, and entered the territories of the rebellious Prince, but being beaten was forced to make more haste back again to Ormus, with the loss of an abundance of men. The Prince of Jasque puffed up with this success, did not believe that the Persians' would be so hasty to come again: and thereupon he resolved upon a Voyage for Mecca to give the Prophet thanks for his Victory. To which end he embarked at the nearest place he could to Cape Jasque, thence to make sail toward Arabia. But the Governor of Can understanding his design by his spies, waylaid him by Sea, took him and▪ brought him to Ormus. At that time the heats being excessive, the Governor was retired, according to custom, to the Mountains some ten or twelve Leagues from the City, whither the Prince was carried and brought to the Khan's tent. But while the Can was expecting the return▪ of the Messenger which he had sent to the King for orders what to do with the Prisoner, the Prince's wife hearing of her husband's misfortune, and being a woman of a manlike courage, taking along with her about five or six hundred horse, with little noise and by long marches she at length fell unawares upon the Can about midnight, killed him with her own hand, cut in pieces the greatest part of his men, whom she found asleep, carried away ten or twelve of his wives, and set her husband at liberty in spite of the Persians', who had not time to rally themselves. The news of this defeat coming to Court, the King being highly incensed, sent away the third Brother to be governor of Ormus, with special command to the Governors of Schiras, Lar and Kerman forthwith to raise 30000 horse to revenge the affront and reduce the Rebel. The Can of Ormus marched at the head of that Army, and gave Battle, but the Prince being succoured by the other two Idolatrous Princes his neighbours, the Persians' were again beaten. Only the Prince of Jasque lost his Lieutenant General, a valiant Captain, and a very good Soldier. The King understanding that the Lieutenant General was the Khan's Prisoner, gave him leave to do with him what he would, in revenge of his Brother's death: who thereupon devised the most cruel torments that ever were heard of. For he first caused the body of the Lieutenant General to be larded with lighted Candles, and than setting him upon a Camel ordered him to be led softly about the streets every day in the very heat of noon. A torment almost insufferable, which the heroic Indian nevertheless endured with an invincible courage. After the Can had tormented him in this manner three days together, the chief of the Holland Company and other strange Merchants abhorring so much cruelty, begged of the Can to surcease his rigour, who readily granted them their request. CHAP. VIII. Observations upon the reign of Sha-Soliman the present King. ALi-Couli-Kan had been three or four times exiled from the Court, for speaking with two much liberty. For he was bold and could not keep his tongue between his teeth. For which reason he was called the King's Lion, who was want to chain him up when he had no occasion for him, and to let him lose when he had any business for him to do. The last time he was exiled, he was kept five or six years in a Fortress out of which he had never stirred: But one day, having a smooth tongue, he over-persuaded the Commander to give him leave to go a hunting with him. When he returned, with the help of some of his servants, he fell upon the Commander, and gave him so many Bastinadoe's upon the feet, that he had like to have killed him: telling him withal, that it was to teach him his duty, not to let a man go that the King had committed to his charge. Sha-Sephi, though very young, hearing of this, and desirous to see Ali-Couli-Kan, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Grandees to hinder his return, commanded him to be set at liberty, and that he should have a better allowance to live upon. Two or three days after, the King sitting in Council, the whole Assembly was amazed to see Ali-Couli-Kan enter, who approaching his Majesty with a profound reverence, told him, that the Lion being now let lose was humbly come to kiss his hands. Thereupon the King fell a laughing, and casting a favourable glance upon him told him he had done well. Nor was it long ere the King finding him not lesle pleasant in conversation, than a valiant and expert Captain, made him Generalissimo of his Armies, as he had been in the reign of Sha-Abbas. When the Court saw Ali-Couli-Kan so well received, every one than laboured to testify their joy for his return. They sent him Horses, Mules, Camels, rich Carpets, and every thing fit to furnish a Lords house. But all this while he wanted money, which because he could not meet with among the Persians', he was forced to have recourse to the Armenians, of whom he desired to borrow sieve or six hundred Tomans. As for the Kalemer he would have had the sum lent, but the rest would not. Thereupon the King taking a walk to Zulpha, Ali-Couli-Kan put it into his head to go and see the great Cathedral belonging to the Armenians, where several Bishops with several Monks reside. The King entering into the Church, where the Bishop stood ready at the head of the Clergy to receive him, and seeing all things new and strange, as coming but lately out of the women's Haram, asked his favourite what sort of people those were clad in such an extraordinary manner. Ali-Couli-Kan told him they were Devils, Devils! said the King, What! added he, dost bring me into a house of Devils? The King thus incensed against the Armenians, resolved to force 'em to turn Mahumetans. But Ali-Couli-Kan, being a Georgian, repenting that he had raised the King's indignation to so high a pitch, and not believing it would be any advantage to him for the Armenians to turn Mahumetans, contented himself only with frighting them, which was enough to bring the Armenians upon their knees, and to make them come and beg the Intercession of his authority. Which favour, as he ordered it, cost the Armenians ten thousand Tomans to the King, and four or five thousand Tomans to his Favourite. The 23. of September 1677. the King made a Cavalcade, than which there could be nothing imagined more magnificent. All the richest Furniture was brought out of the Exchequer into the Meydan. The golded buckets to water the Horses. The golden Fat out of which they take the water, together with buckles, harness and nails of gold, to which the Horses are tied. After the King had played at Mall, as I have already described, and had also shot at the Goblet upon the top of the Mast in the middle of the Meydan, he went and sat in the Divan, which is over the Gate called Ali Capi, where he had the pastime to see Lions, Bulls, Bears, Tigers and Rams fight. But that which was most admirable, was to see a man stand upright upon the Saddle while the horse ran full speed, which he did three times the whole length of the Meydan. The first time, 'tis true, he fell but the two last times he stood firm. One day the same Ali-Couli-Kan▪ presented two handsome Youths to the King, which had both delicate voices. The King hearing them sing, was very much troubled that he could not make use of them in his Haram, which Alli-Couli-Kan observing, sent for a French Chirurgeon, and promised him a great reward if he could cut the youths and save their lives. The Chirurgeon for lucre of a large recompense, cut them both and cured 'em very well. Which done, Ali-Couli-Kan, presented the two youths to the King, who was surprised to see them, but was well pleased that he had got two such new attendants in his Haram. But see the reward of such a wicked action. Ali-Couli-Kan died soon after. The Chirurgeon never was paid: and being advised to present a Petition to the King by the Meeter, the Meter asked him whether he would turn Mahometan: which when the Chirurgeon denied to do, the Meeter bid him be gone like a Rascal, telling him withal that he did not think the Religion of the Christians had permitted such acts of villainy. The two youths were born at Cashan, and had both Fathers and Mothers, and were promised in Marriage. When their Parents heard of it, they came to Ispahan, to weep over their Children. Which the King observing, to appease their sorrow, gave them a Pension during life. CHAP. IX. Of the Government of Persia. THE Government of Persia is purely Despotic or Tyrannical. For the King has the sole power of life and death over all his Subjects, independent from his Council, and without any Trials or Law-proceeding. He can put to what death he pleases the chief Lords of the Kingdom, no man daring to dispute the reason, nor is there any Sovereign in the world more absolute than the King of Persia. The King deceasing and leaving Male Issue behind him, the Eldest ascends the Throne, while his Brothers are kept in the Haram, and their eyes are put out: and if there be the lest suspicion of any contrivance against the King, they are forthwith put to death without any farther examination. And not only they, but the Children also of the King's Brothers and Sisters. I remember when I first travelled into Persia, they were not so rigorous, but were contented to move a read hot iron to and from before their eyes. But Sha-Sefi perceiving his command had been negligently executed, and that the poor unhappy Princes had some sight left them he ordered their eyes to be digged out of their heads. Sha-Sefi's cruelty went yet farther, for he spared not his Eldest Son Sha-Abbas, the lawful Heir to his Throne, ordering one of his Eunuches to move an Iron before his eyes, no man being able to tell the reason. But the Eunuch compassionating the young Prince, did indeed move an Iron, but not a read hot Iron before his Eyes, and teaching him to sergeant himself blind, preserved his sight till his Father lay upon his deathbed: at which time his Father was very penitent, for having put out the eyes of his Eldest Son, to whom the Throne of right belonged. The Eunuch seeing the King so sadly afflicted and ready to give up the ghost, assured him that he would restore the Prince to his sight, and to comfort him at his death, brought the Prince with perfect eyes to the bed side. The sight of which prolonged the King's life till next day; and gave him time to command all the Grandees of the Court to obey Sha-Abbas his Eldest Son, as his lawful Successor and their King. But to return to these blind Princes; There were several at Ispahan when I was there: and I knew one particularly, who is still alive, and is a person of excellent natural parts, As blind as he is, he is a great lover of Curiosities, and has built him a House in Ispahan, which is worthy a man's sight. He is overjoyed when any person brings him any rarities out of Europe, feeling them in his hands, and causing his Eunuches, which are very apprehensive, to tell him the meaning of every thing. He is a great admirer of Clockwork and Watches, and can tell by his finger when a Watch is right in the Case. To know what a Clock it is, he has little points set up in the Dial-plate, and a half hand, to the end he may not be deceived which part of the hand points to the hour. By means of certain figures which he makes of soft wax, and sets in order upon a Table, he will cast up an account very exactly. Several other good qualities I admired in him; and it grieved me to see a man reduced to that miserable Condition, only because he was of the blood Royal of Persia. Though the Employments of the Kingdom generally fall from Father to Son, yet the King if he pleases may bequeath the Governments of Provinces or any other dignities to any of his Goulams' which are his Slaves, if he found them capable, and thinks they may be fit for his service. The Father to leave the Employment to his Family, labours by degrees to introduce his Son, and to obtain the Survivorship for him. But if the Father die, and leaves the Survivorship to an Infant, there is generally a person of Age and Experience sent along with him. Some there are also that obtain employments by presenting the Favourites at Court. The State of Persia is distinguished like most of the European States, into three Bodies. The first is that of the Sword, which answers to the Nobility, and comprehends the King's household, the Khans, and all the Soldiery. The second is that of the Quill, comprehending all those that belong to the Law and the Courts of Justices. The third is composed of Merchants, Handicraftsmen and Labourers. CHAP. X. Of the first of the three Orders or States of Persia, which comprehends the King's Household, the Khans or Governors of Provinces, and the Soldiery. THE Premier Minister of the Kingdom is called Athemadoulet, or the support of Richeses. His office is the same with the Grand Vizirs in Turkey, and may be compared to the ancient Mayors of the Palace in France. In regard all the affairs of the Kingdom pass through his hands, he aught to be rather a Gown-man than a Soldier: and herein he only differs from the Grand Vizier, who is always to be at the head of the Army, and for every slight fault or distaste is subject to be strangled by the Grand Signior. Whereas in Persia where the Government is milder, the Prime Ministers generally dye in their beds, or if they are Deposed, they are only exiled to some frontier City, where they live as private men. When the King is young, the Prime Minister has a hard game to play, for than the Favourite Eunuches and the Sultanesses disannul and cancel in the night whatever orders he makes in the day time. The Nazar or Seer has the charge of all the King's goods, of his breeds of horses, of his moveables, of his clothes and Plate: much like the grand Master of the King's House in France. The Mehter, who is always a white Eunuch, is the first Gentleman of the King's Chamber, and follows the King with a kind of bag hanging by his side full of handkerchiefs. And as he is always at the King's elbow, if he have the King's ear, it is easy for him to befriend or do unkindnesses, as his inclination leads him. During the minority of the King, some of these Mehters have been known to govern the Kingdom. The Mir-Akhor-Bashi, or Grand Esquire, has the Charge of the King's Stables, which as well as the Gate of Ali-Capri, are a place of Refuge, and whoever saves himself therein, let it be for Murder or Debt is safe. All the Horses in the King's Stable are marked with a hot iron upon the left hip, and those that belong to private persons upon the right. Those that the King gives to them that serve in his Armies, have the King's mark, and are not to be sold, but they may be chaffered away. If any of those Horses happens to dye in a Horseman's hands, he must flay of the King's mark, and carry it to the under Officers of the General of the Cavalry, to have a nother, otherwise he would be forced to buy another at his own expenses. Those people by laying the skin in the water, know, though by what art I cannot tell, whither the Horse died of age or sickness, or whither he were maliciously killed. For in times of Peace there are some Horsemen that will kill their Horses, to save the Charges of keeping any more than themselves: than at the next Muster they bring the skin of their Horse, with the mark on, to the Officers, and get another, unless they be found out. Nor are their Horses only marked, but their Scimitars, Muskets, Bows and Quivers, all which they must show to the Commissioners every Muster. Sha-Abbas, the second being at Casbin in the year 1654., took a general view of his Cavalry, which lasted for ten or twelve days. For the King sitting in the Portal of one of his Gardens, with his Officers standing about him, every day caused so many troopers to ride by him: which were all stout active men and well mounted. Every Soldier galloped singly by him; and coming just under the King, he shot an Arrow against a Butt of Turf that was thrown up upon his left hand, and when the Muster was over, the King advanced the Pay of every Horseman, who according to the sentence of the Judges had shot nearest the mark. I was than at Casbin, and I remember one Soldier, who quite contrary to what the other Horsemen did, walked his Horse along by the King, and never-shot, but only laid his hand upon his breast, and than upon his forehead, which is the Ceremony of Salutation used by the King. He was a very homely fellow, with a flat tawny countenance: so that his behaviour and his presence offending the King, in a chafe he commanded that ●lack rascal to be cashiered out of his service. Immediately they took away his Horse and his Arms, and were going about to have drubbed him, but that the General of the Cavalry made them a sign to let him alone. Immediately the General gave the King to understand that he was one of the best Soldiers in the Army: as he had signally made it appear at the Sieges of Erivan and Candahar. Upon that the King caused his Horse and Arms to be restored him again, and commanded him to ride by him as the rest of the Soldiers had done. When he came against the Butt, instead of obeying the King's command, he turned his Horse to the right and left, without saying a word. The General fearing he would offend the King again, bid him shoot. What shall I shoot at? Sir said he. Against the place where all the rest have shot, answered the General. Than the Soldier shaking his head and smiling, 'Tis not my way, said he, to spend my Arrows against a wall; for I know how to make use of 'em better against the body or head of the Enemies of my King. I would than shoot thrice before another could shoot once. At the same time he draws out two Arrows out of his Quiver, one of which he held in his mouth, and put the other to his bow: and than setting spurs to his Horse he out-rid the Butt for the nonce, to shoot backward, which he did, and hit the very middle of the white, than turning his horse's head and passing the Butt as before, he shot the second Arrow into the same hole, whence they had pulled the first Arrow. Than the General approaching near the King, told him that by what he had heard and seen, he might well believe that Horseman to be as brave a Soldier as any in the Army: which his Majesty confessed, and from three Tomans advanced his pay to 15 Tomans. The Mir-Shikar-Bashi, or the Grand Master of the Hunt, who is also employed as Grand Falconer. He has under him a thousand Officers, and a great number of Birds of prey, and managed Hawks. The Seguan Bashi receives the orders of the Grand Master of the Hunt. He has charge of the Dogs, Lions, Leopards, and other Beasts for Chase. The Kindar Bashi, who has charge of the King's Saddles. The Zinkan-Courlshisi is the chief of the Querries, that hold the King's stirrup, when he gets a Horseback. The Kelege-Courlshisi carries the King's sword. The Oriaje-Courlshisi carries his Bow and Arrows. The Vakanviez is as it were the chief Secretary of State: an employment never conferred but upon a Favourite. He also reads all Petitions and Papers that are represented to the King. The Kasnadar-Bashi is he that keeps all the Money which is in the King's Coffers, whom we call the High Treasurer. The Ishik-Agasi-Bashi is the Grand Master of the Household, who has several Officers under him. The Mehmender-Bashi is the Master of the Ceremonies. The Hakim-Bashi is the King's chief Physician, by whose allowance all the Physicians of the Kingdom are licenced. The Munedgin-Bashi is the chief of the Astrologers. The Divan-Bequi is the chief Justiciar, as well in Civil as in Criminal causes, and he keeps his Court either in Ali Capi, or in the King's House, where his Majesty sometimes presides himself when he pleases. Before him as being and Officer of great Authority, all the Criminals in the Kingdom make their appeal, and he makes out process against the Khans and other Grandees of Persia. The Deroga is much like the Lieutenant Criminal in France, from whom it is lawful to appeal before the Divan-Bequi. He has an eye upon Robberies, Batteries and Murders, and he has power to suppress Houses of Debauchery. If he catch any debauched persons, he has power to give them the Bastinado, or to fine them: and most commonly he spares corporal chastisement to punish their purses. The Sofragi-Bashi is he that spreads the Sofra before the King. The Chirakgi-Bashi is he that has charge of the Wine: chief the Schiras wine, which is particularly kept for the King, who seldom drinks any other. Nor can any particular person in Schiras make Wine till the Court be first served, and that with the leave of the Chirategi-Bashi; there being none but the Franks and Jews that make it. The Mesheal-Bashi is the chief of the Torchbearers; who furnishes the Court with Candles, which are all of Wax. To this Mesheal-Bashi belong all the fines of those that play at Cards or Dices, the Law of Mahomet forbidding all Games of hazard. This Officer has several inferior Officers under him, who go from place to place to spy where they can found any persons at play: and he has power to break open any house, unless the Master be of great Quality. The Kahuergi-Bashi is he that has care of the Kahué, the Rose-water, and other distillations which the Persians' drink; as Bilmishe, made of the buds of brown Sallows. The Kara-Setashe is the King's Chirurgeon, or Barber, who lets him Blood, and shaves his Head; and cannot part with his place to another. The Capigi-Bashi is the great Porter, who has under him several other Officers. The Melikultugagear is he that has charge of the Stuffs for the King's Household, and puts them out to the Tailors. He takes an account of the shreds and old habits, which serve to make clothes for the Soldiers, deducting for them out of their pay. The Gelander-Bashi is the chief of the Footmen. The Mir-ahe, or the Prince of the Seals, is the Superintendent of the Seals▪ and for profit, is one of the best employments in the Kingdom. He has the sale of the Canal-water to the Countrymen; for which he makes the Farmers pay a severe rate. The Karkrone is the House for the Royal Manufactures, where the Gold and Silver-Carpets are made, as also those of Silks and Worsted, together with Tissues, Velvet, and Taffeta's. There are other Workmen that make Coats of Mail, Bowes, Arrows, Scimitars, and other Arms. In other Apartments are Limners that paint in Water-colours; Lapidaries, and Goldsmiths, that only make Silver-Rings. For in regard the Persians cannot say their Prayers when they have any Gold about 'em, they never wear Jewel or Ring of Gold, because it would be troublesome to pull 'em of, and lay 'em up so many times a-day. And therefore the King of Persia causes all his Jewels to be set in Silver, as we set all our Stones in Gold. As for working Goldsmiths, they have none in Persia; all their Gold and Silver-Plate being wrought by the Copper-smiths in round figure, for they have not the art to frame an Oval. The Nakkashe-Bashi is the Sergeant-painter, who only works in miniature; they cover their Pictures with a Varnish made of Mastich steeped in a certain Oil that distils from a Rock that points upon the Caspian-Sea not far from Shamatri. It distils out of the Rock at first like water; but afterwards it thickens till it become as thick as Salad-oil, preserving still its whiteness. There are also three other Rocks not far from the former, from whence this Oil distils; but it is thicker, and of darker colour. The Negeach-Bashi is the chief of the Joiner's. The Embardar-Bashi has the charge of the King's Granaries, and other Provisions, having several Officers under him. The Odondar-Bashi is the Master of the Woodyard. The most part of these Officers have their diet in the King's House, or else an allowance of Diet from thence. The Tushemal-Bashi is the Clerk of the Kitchen. He order what shall be served up to the King, and when the Table is cleared, he sticks his Knife in the best dish, and orders it to be carried home to his own House. Now for the Officers of War, the principal are; First, the Sepeh-Salar, Generalissimo of the King of Persia's Armies, who is never constituted but in time of War; which being ended, his employment ceases. His place in Council is immediately next to the Athemadoulet. Now in regard the Militia is divided into three sorts, there are also three Generals. The three Bodies of the Militia are the Corschis, the Goulams', and the Tufenlegis. The Corschis are descended from a foreign race, which have still a great repute for their Valour. These people live in Tents, like the Turcomans; and they sand their Youth betimes to the King. They furnish their Youth also with all necessaries, and maintain them till they come to be taken notice of by the King. They are all Horsemen, well paid, and well looked to, and are many times advanced to the Supreme Dignities of the Kingdom. They are generally called Kesel-Bashi, or Red-heads, because that formerly they wore read Bonnets. It is said that the King has about 22000 of these Corchis in pay, all good Soldiers, that do wonders in Battle. Sha-Abbas the first did what he could to abolish this Militia, and to set up the Goulams' in their stead. His hatred against them was only because he thought them too powerful; for he was want to say to his Favourites, that nothing but the Puissance of the Corchis, could oppose the Royal Power, Thereupon he took away some of their Privileges, and gave them to the Doulams'; but he could not bring about his design any farther. The General of the Corchis is called Corschi-Bashi, and aught to be one of their Body; nor can the King impose another upon them. The Mim-Bashi commands a thousand Men, the Yux-Bashi commands a hundred, and the Om-Bashi commands ten. The Corschi-Bashi has 150 Tomans a year; the Mim-Bashi sixty-two; the Yuz-Bashi thirty, and the Om-Bashi fifteen. The pay of every Horse man is from nine to fifteen Tomans a year. Besides, every year the King makes a general Muster, and than he gives to the Corschis a third part more than their usual pay; however, to some more, to others lesle, either according to favour or merit. When the King has resolved to put a great Man to death, he commits the execution of his command to a Corschi. The Gouler-Agasi is General of the Goulams', or Slaves. For indeed they are either Slaves, or the Sons of Slaves of all sorts of Nations, who do the King very good Service. They are for the most part runagade Georgians; and there are about 18000 of these Goulams', being all Horsemen whose pay is from five to eight Tomans a year. The Corschis are very good Husbands; but the Goulams', as soon as they have received their pay, fall a drinking and swaggering; whereas the other, if he has a Piastre to spare, will buy a Sheep with it: For in regard they live in Tents, their Richeses consists in Flocks. The greatest part of the Court of Persia is made up of these two Bodies. The Goulams' have this peculiar to themselves, that they are very rarely known to revolt. For being all Slaves, and of different Nations, there are no ties of Affection or Kindred between them: And if the King has an occasion to punish any of them, the chief of their Body is to execute his orders. The Goulams' carry no other Arms besides a Bow and Arrows, with a Skein. Though some wear Coats of Mail, and Headpieces: others Vambraces and Battleaxes. These Horsemen never entrench in the Field like ours in Europe, nor have they any Field-Marshals to assign them quarters. For after the chief have taken up the best places, the rest set up their Tents as near as they can to the Pavilion of the General. The Tufenkgiler-Agasi is the General of the Tufenkgiss, who compose the third Body of the Militia. This part of the Soldiery was but lately instituted, being composed of men taken from the Plough, as being most fit for labour. They are Footmen with only a Scimitar and a Musket. But when they march, they have a Horse or a M●le between three or four, to carry their Baggage and Provisions. Their pay is not above four or five Tomans a year. And for their Officers, their pay is more or lesle according to their Quality and Command. They are in no, great reputation, being laughed at by the old Soldiers, as being a company of poor Countrymen, that dare not look an enemy in the face. Not but that the Infantry of Persia is able to do good service; though, as numerous as they are, the King never makes use of them, but in case of necessity. When he marches in person, he sends for eight or ten thousand, which he sends for out of what Province best pleases him, and they prove very useful to the Army, as Sutler's. This Infantry is composed of the Countrymen that live in Tents, abiding in the Mountains all the hot Summer, and betaking themselves in the Winter to the hot countries'. Every Tribe or Family knows how many men it aught to set out. And there is not a Footman that has not his new-Suit in his Chest, and his Musket and Scimitar in very good order. They are well trained, and well disciplined; for every three months the Governor of the Province takes a view of all the Soldiers in his Province, and causes them to be exercised in his own presence. They are ordered to shoot at a mark, and they that hit it, are sure to have some reward from the Governor. When the King sends for any part of his Infantry, they presently know who is to lead 'em; and they are lusty, and well cl●●, never putting on their best clothes but when they muster, or march into the Field. They pay to the King little or nothing: for of all their cattle great and small, they pay but one in the hundred to him, and one Abassi, or 18 Sous of our Money. The Eshek-Agasi, or chief of the Keshekshiss, who are the King's Guards, and carry a Musket with a very wide bore. They were but lately instituted by the Athemat-doulet, when he intended to destroy the Divan-begui. This Officer has about 2000 men under him, of which he disposes every night a certain number, round about the Palace. When the King sits in Council, he stands there with a Battoon in his hand, and throws himself to the ground when the King beckons to him to come and receive any command from his mouth. The Topigi-Bashi is the Master of the Ordnance, and chief of the Sea-affairs, but he has little to do in either employment. For, as for the Cannon, there are only some two or three pitiful Guns in some of the Frontier-towns: And for Ships, there are none in Persia but what come from Europe or the Indieses to Ormus or Balsara. The Persians' themselves have no other Ships than some few large Barks in the Persian-gulf, and in some parts of the Caspian-Sea, where they keep a Fleet against the Vsbeck Tartars, the Kalmouks, and other people. As for the Khans or Governors of Provinces, they are generally chosen out of the body of Corschi's and Goulams'; who are handsome persons, and generally much more Valiant than the natural Persians'. For the natural complexion of the Persians' is not good, as may be seen by the Gaures, the original, Inhabitants of the Country, who are for the most part tanned, and ill-shaped. So that there is hardly a Persian, from the King to the meanest of his Subjects, who is not a Georgian, or sprung from the loins of Georgians, For they fetch a great number of Slaves out of Georgia; by the frequent Marriages of which women, the Georgian Valour and Beauty are become Natives of Persia. The Khans or Governors of Provinces are as so many petty Kings, feared and respected by all the people. And when they are settled, they are never deposed, but upon repeated complaints of their excessive Tyranny. There are some of these Governments that yield the Can seven or eight thousand Tomans. But they are bound to present the King every year at Nourons, or New-year-tide. Under the Khans there are also Governors of lesser quality, who are also immediately preferred by the King, and cannot be deposed by any person but himself. If they abuse their Authority, the complaints brought against him are first carried to the Can, which, if they concern the Government of the Kingdom, the Can is bound to inform the King thereof. But if the complaints are not considerable, than the Can may do Justice himself, and make the Sultan's know their duty. There is yet a third sort of Governors, called Asephs, who are the King's Lieutenants in places where he had Khans in former times; or where he aught to have them still, but only to save charges. For in the Provinces where Khans Govern, they and their Officers, almost equalling in name and number the Officers of the King's Household, devour all the profits of the Province, but what the Can is obliged annually to pay. By what I have wrote as well concerning the King's Household, the Governors of his Provinces, and the Officers of his Army, it may be easily concluded that the King of Persia's Court is the most magnificent and glorious of all the Courts of Asia; and besides, that it is the most Polite and Civil of all the Orient. CHAP. XI. Of the second Order, containing all those that belong to the Ecclesiastical Law, and their Courts of Justice; and, in general, of all the Gownsmen; such as are chief the Officers of the Chamber of Accounts. THE second of the three Estates of Persia comprehends the Gownsmen, such as are the Doctors of the Law, the Officers of Justice, and those of the Chamber of Accounts. As the Athemat-doulet is the Prime Minister in Temporals, the Sedre is the Prime Minister in Spirituals, and the Highpriest of the Law. However, he does not pretend to take place before the Athemat-doulet either in Council, or in the public Ceremonies. There is this difference between the Sedre and the Mufti in Turkey, that in Persia, Ecclesiastical Dignities are no bar from Civil Employments; so that the Sedre is many times made Athemat-doulet. The Dignity of Sedre is not limited to one single person, but may be divided between two, in regard there are two sorts of Legacies, the one from the King's of Persia, the other from particular persons. Therefore for the more careful Superintendency over these two sorts of Legacies, there are sometimes two Sedres appointed. The one is called Sedre-Kras, particular or peculiar Sedre who manages all the Revenues of the Royal Foundations, and distributes them to the Mullaks and Students according to their merit. The other is called Sedre-el-mankoufat, who has the management of private Foundations. In the year 1667 the King created two Sedres, and married them to two of his Sisters. The Sedre has two men under him, whose Authority is almost equal to theirs. The one is called Sheik-el-selom, and the other Cadi: and these are they that decide all controversies in Religion, judge of Divorces, make Contracts and public Acts. These two Dignities are in the King's nomination: and in all the principal Cities of the Kingdom there are two of these Ecclesiastical Judges for all matters that concern the Law. To every Mosque there belongs a Pichnamaz, who is always first there before Prayers begin; and he teaches the people to Pray by learning of him, having their eyes always fixed upon him to that end. This Pickanmaz is the same with him whom the Turks call Iman. The Moullahs are the Doctors of the Law, as are the Hodgia's in Turkey, and they are well paid out of the Legacies given to the Mosques, for reading every Friday, and interpreting there Alcoran to the people. He that reads, sits in one Chair; and he that interprets, in another, somewhat lower upon the lefthand of the Reader. They are also bound to teach the Sciences to all those that require it: And as a mark of Sanctity, they wear a great white Turban, with a single Chamlet-habit of the same colour. Their gate is grave, and their discourse very serious; yet all this is but pure hypocrisy. When they light into any considerable company of people, they presently rise, and exhort 'em to go to Prayers. At the same time they wash their heads, their hands, and their feet, and spread a felt upon the ground, or if they are poor, a single mat. Upon this, at one end, the Maulla knelt, at the other lies a flat Stone about the bigness of the palm of a man's hand, which was brought from Mecca. Which Stones the Moullahs always carry about 'em; for being commanded while they are at their devotions often to kiss the ground, they rather choose to kiss a Stone brought from so holy a place, than the profane Earth. They have a kind of a Mariner's compass, which directs them punctually where Mecca stands, to the end they may know which way to turn when they say their Prayers. The Prayer which the Moulla's make, seems to be accompanied with a great deal of zeal, and they take great notice all the while whether the company be attentive or no. Some Persians' are so superstitious, that a Vizir of Schiras suffered his leg to rot of, because he would not let a Christian Chirurgeon touch him, for fear of being defiled. There belongs also to every Mosque a Montevelis, who looks after the repairs of the Building, and the Provision of what belongs to the Mosque; together with a Movazen, who cries morning and evening from the top of a Tower, That there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his Prophet. Colleges, the Persians' call Medrese; where there are a great number of Scholars bred up at little charge, out of the Legacies left to the Foundations. They allow them a Chamber without any Furniture, they being to provide a Coverlet and a Mattress for themselves, They have no certain Masters, but sometimes they go for their instructions to one, sometimes to another, seldom to the Principal of the College, who is called Monderes, and is generally the greatest Blockhead of them all. But there are several other persons in every good City that are forward to teach the Sciences to purchase honour to themselves. For which reason they are very liberal, to get a great company of Followers together, who are as so many Trumpets to publish the wisdom of their Akroom or Doctor. But when their Liberality ceases, the Trumpets want breath at the same time. Now as to their manner of studying, the Student first reads two or three lines, and than the Doctor Expounds. Than another reads two or three lines more, and so one after another; every one rising up out of respect after he has done reading, and standing upright till the Doctor bids him sit down again. One of these Doctors shall teach all manner of Sciences in one day; for he is not learned that cannot talk of all. And certainly had the Persians' those advantages of Books, and that method of study which we have in Europe, they would prove to be men of great understanding: for with those little helps they have, they will give a good account of their own Theology, of Logic, Physic, and the Mathematics, wherein they strive to reach the bottom of things as deep as they can. Their Books are for the most part the works of an ancient Persian Author, whose name was Kodgia Nesir in the City of Thouss, in the Province of Korassan. 'Tis very probable he was well skilled in the Greek and Arabic, having translated into Persian several Books out of those two Languages. They have some pieces of Aristotle which are accounted the best in the West: The Almagestes of Ptolemy, which they call Magesti, some tractates of Euclid, some fragments of Archimedes: the Optics of Ehne, Heister, and other excellent Books. Some have affirmed that they have been skilled in the doctrine of Sines and Tangents for above this 800 years: and indeed they are very curious at this day in Mathematical Instruments. They have also a great inclination to Poetry, the chief grace whereof they believe to consist in design of accidents, and high comparisons observing thime as we do. As for Physic, they have Galen, whom they call Galenous; Averro, whom they call Abovalt, or great Father; and Hermes Trismegistus, whom they call Ormous. The most considerable of their Historians is Ronze el Sapha, who wrote a Chronology from the Creation of the World to his time; wherein there are abundance of fables, but little truth. He says that the World was inhabited by Devis for an infinite number of years before the Creation of Adam, and that God for their enormities deprived them of their power upon earth, and gave it to man to manage. Their Books, though deer, are very common, and every Tradesman buys 'em, being very ambitious to learn the Sciences themselves, and to encourage their children to do so too. They sand them betimes to the School, which they call Meklebe, of which there are several in every Quarter. They make a hideous noise in their Schools, repeating their Lessons altogether aloud, while the Master corrects every Boy that does not keep along with the Cry. As for the children of persons of Quality, they have Tutors at home, never stirring out of doors till they are 18 years of age, unless it be to go a hunting or a shooting now and than. Hence it comes to pass, that the Children are discreet, civil and modest; so that you shall never hear an ill word come out of their mouths. In the Chamber of Accounts are many Officers, whom I look upon as Gownsmen. All the Books and Registers pass through their hands, particularly such Papers as concerned the King's Revenue. All which are registered in the Chamber of Accounts at Ispahan, which is called Defter Krone. As to the Fee-Lands called Moulkerbar, which belong to particular persons, they own to the King a certain annual Rent, which the Governors of Provinces exact with a severe extortion. The Mestempti and the Memaleck are they that value the Rent of all Lands in Demesh, which is one of the principal charges of the Defter Kroon. They also take cognisance of all the King's Farns, Quitrents, Provisions and Expenses of Receivers and Collectors. There is also a Mestempti to value Legacies. The Nazar controls the Mestempti and the Memalek, and his hand is required to all Papers of dispatch. The Deroga or Provost of the Defter-Kroon is to prosecute and punish all that are guilty of false Receipts, or of Exaction. Into this Office are delivered all the Grants and Assignations of the wages of the King's Officers. Every man comes and receives his own, or sends for it to those places upon which this Money is assigned. In every Village or Borough there is a Reis, or chief of the place, to whom the Officers apply themselves for their Money: For should they terrify the Countryman, he would run quitè away, and pay nothing. The greatest cheat in this Chamber of Accounts, is, that in regard the Officers keep the Roll of the Officers wages, they will give them divers Bills to receive little parcels at several places distant from one another, till the Sum be made up; to which trouble rather than the King's servant will be put, he will give a good gratuity to the Officer to pay him all together. But because the Officers are not able to satisfy all that come, there are certain Thahsilders or hoarders up of Rent, who buy for ready Money as cheap as they can, such Bills as private men come to receive at the Chamber; and when they have got a good number together, they go and receive them altogether at the Chamber, and make great advantage. By this misgovernment of the Defter-Kroon, several persons are very much oppressed. For he that has but 30 Tomans a year, shall be forced to give a good share out of it to have the rest in ready Money; which has been often the ruin of the Persian Army, through the abuses and defalcations put upon the poor Soldiers. During the Reign of Sha-Abbas the 1; and toward the beginning of the Reign of Sha-Sefi his Son, the Exchequer was better regulated; but when the Persians' come to be at Peace with their Neighbours, the King and his Lords have minded nothing lesle than the payment of the Soldiery. The greatest part of the Lands in Persia belong to the King, and are only farmed by private persons. The rest of the Lands are measured, and every Land pays so much a measure. The King also has a vast income by the Merchandizes that pay Custom and Toll. The Port of Bander Abassi alone brings him one year with another, when lest, besides accidents, near upon 20000 Tomans. CHAP. XII. Of the third Estate of the Kingdom, comprehending the Tradesmen and Merchants: as also of the Trades, Manufactures, and Commodities of Persia. THe Commerce of Persia, as in all other Kingdoms, consists in the Trade of the Country and Foreign Traffic. Only with difference, that the Country Trade is in the hands of the Persians' and Jews, the foreign Traffic in the hands of the Armenians only, who are as it were the Kings and the Noble men's Factors to cell their silk. As for the Handicraft trades, there are some Corporations that pay a certain yearly duty to the King, as Shoemakers, Cutlers, Smiths, and others. Some are free, as the Joiner's and Mason's; though he get by their labour as much as others pay him in money. For when the King requires twenty Masons for a work which is in haste, the Marmar Bashi who is their Chief, summons them together, and they that gave most are excused. For when the King requires twenty, he summons forty: and thus every man lives by his calling. The practice is the same with the Chief of the Joiner's, and all other Trades, who are Officers paid by the King, and never work unless they please themselves, commanding all that are under their Jurisdiction. As for Carpenters and Joiner's work, the Persians' know little what belongs to it, which proceeds from the scarcity of Wood, that does not allow them materials to work upon. So that for Chains, Tables and Bedsteads, there are no such things to be seen in Persia: the Joiner's business being only to make Doors and Frames for Windows, which they make very neatly of several pieces of wood joined together, so that a man can hardly put a Tennis Ball through the holes where they put the glass. Nor can it be expected that the Persians' should work like other Europeans, having no other Tools than a Hatchet, a Saw, and a Chisel, and one sort of Plainer, which a Frenchman brought among them. Their nobler Arts are Writing, for Printers they know none. All their Books are written, which is the reason they so much esteem that Art. There was an Armenian who had set up a Printing-Press at Ispahan, and had Printed the Epistles of St. Paul, the seven Penitential Psalms, and was going about to Print the whole Bible, but not having the way of making good Ink, and to avoid the ill consequences of the Invention, he was forced to break his Press. For on the one side the Children refused to learn to writ, pretending they wrote the Bible themselves, only to get it the sooner by heart: on the other side many persons were undone by it, that got their living by writing. The Persians' use three sorts of hands, the first is called Nestalick, or the Set hand; the second Shakeste or Divanni, which is their Court-hand: the third Neskre, or the Running-hand, very like the Arabic. They writ with small Indian Reeds; and say, that to writ well a man aught to lean so slightly upon his Pen, that should a fly stand upon the other end it would fall out of his hand. When they writ they hold their Paper in one hand to turn it according to the motion of the Pen, otherwise they could not make their dashes large and free, as the Character requires. They make their Paper of Cotton Fustian, very course, brown, and of no strength, for the lest folding tears it. They sleek it with a sleek stone, and than rub it over to make it more sleek. Their Ink is made of Galls and Charcoal pounded together with Soot. The Persians' reckon four Languages among 'em. The Persian called Belick, that is, sweet and pleasing. The Turkish, called Sciascet, or the Rodomontado Language. The Arabian, to which they give the Epithet of Feschish or Eloquent: and the fourth, called Coba●et, or the Speech of the Country people. The Persian in use among the Gentry is composed almost of all Arabia words: by reason that the Persian is very barren. But the Gibberish of the Country people is so corrupt that they in the City can hardly understand 'em. The Arabian is the Language of the Learned, in which tongue their Books are written. The Language of the Court is Turkish, but much more soft and elegant than at Constantinople. As for the Persian Language, it is spoken in the Courts of the Great Mogul, and the Kings of Golconda and Visapour, in all which Courts a Noble man would take it for an affront to be spoken to in the Indian Language. As for their Painters they only paint in miniature, and for Birds and Flowers they will draw them indifferently: But for figures and stories they know not what belongs to any such thing. The Persians' are most excellent Artists for manufactures of Gold, Silk and Silver, of which their rich Carpets and Tissues are made: nor do their Gold and Silver Manufactures ever grow black or loose their lustre by long wearing or lying by. There are abundance that work in Silk stuffs of all sorts, and others that make Bonnets and Girdles of Gold and Silk. Others there are whose business it is to fasten flowers of Gold and Silver to their Taffatas, with gum water, of which the women make Shifts and Drawers. And now they begin to make such large quantities of Taffatas, that they care not for the stuffs which are brought out of India, though they be much finer. They also make great quantities of Linen Cloth of all sorts of colours, upon which they fasten several flowers with gum water, and some figures, though the Law forbidden it. Which they learned to do upon the Armenians carrying out of Europe some ill-favoured cuts and pieces in distemper which they bought here without judgement: these pieces they hung before their doors, and those hollow places in the walls where they put their Quilts and Carpets when they rise. The Persians' are excellent Artists at Damasquing with Vitriol, or engraving Damask-wise upon Swords, Knives, and the like. But the nature of the Steel which they make use of, very much contributes to their Art, in regard they cannot perform the same work neither upon their own nor ours. This steel is brought from Golconda, and is the only sort of steel which can be damasked. For when the workman puts it in the fire, he needs no more than to give it the redness of a Cherry, and instead of quenching it in the water as we do, to wrap it in a moist Linen cloth: for should he give it the same heat as to ours, it would grow so hard that when it came to be wrought it would break like glass. I speak this to undeceive those people who think our Scimitars and Cut-lasses are made of steel of Damaseus, which is a vulgar error; there being no steel but that of Golconda that can be Damasked. The Persians' are also excellent Artists at making Bows and Arrows, and such other weapons as are used in that Country. As for Bridles and Saddles their Artists far exceed ours, especially in their sowing, which they do so neatly and with so much art with a kind of backstitch, that it looks almost like an embroidery. There are an infinite number that live by dressing Seal-skins and Goatskins, the first to make boots for the Gentry and better sort of Merchants, the latter for the poor people. There is also a sort of earthen ware made at Kerman which is very fine, and being broken looks as white within as without. It does not endure heat so well as Porcelain, which has this quality, that if you pour never so hot liquor into a Porcelain cup, neither the foot nor the brims atop will be any thing the warmer. There are abundance of poor people that get their living by mending glass Tobacco-pipes, for when they are broken they join them together again with a certain mastic made of lime, and the white of an egg, than with a Diamond-pointed piercer they make holes in the glass, and bind the pieces together with a thin Latten-wire. The most considerable commodities of Persia are the Silks which come out of the Province of Guilan. But there is not so much transported out of Persia as men imagine. For formerly great quantities of Velvets, Tissues and Taffatas were transported out of Persia into these parts, but now we make them better and cheaper in Europe. There is also a vast quantity of flat silk transported out of Persia into Turkey, Muscovy and Poland, which the women use in embroidery: for the Colours being lively, they embroider their shifts, handkerchiefs, vails, and other linen with it. The Seal-skins and Goatskins which are dressed in Persia are transported by the Hollander into India and Japan. Great quantities also of both are transported into Muscovy and Poland. The Ronas, that famous Root, of which I have already spoken, is transported over all India, where there is also a great vent of Persian fruits pickled in Vinegar, as also of their sweet waters. Their Pistaches grow in great abundance about Casbin; Almonds from the Territories of Yesd and Kerman, Raisins from several parts of the Kingdom, especially from Schirus: And their purgative Prunes, which they call Alonbacdra, from the Frontiers that border upon Tartary. Great store of Quinces can died, and boxes of Marmalade made at Balsara, are thence transported into India, where they are bought up by the Mahometans and Portugueses. For the Banians will eat none, for fear they should by accident bury a fly in their stomaches. Great store of dried Fruits are brought out of the Country of the Medes, and transported to Tooat, to Diarbequir, Nineveh and Dagdat. Among the rest a sort of small Apricocks, very pleasing to the taste, which being boiled in water make a pleasant syrup, and are the only diet for the sick in those parts. There are also great store of painted Calicuts made in Persia, which being course, are only worn and made use of by the poor, so that there is very little transported out of the Country, but what is carried into Turkey. The Persians' also make a great deal of money of their cattle; and to begin with their Camels, they cell vast numbers of them into Armenia and Anatolia. But the Governors of the Provinces are very unwilling to part with them; which very much abates the trade. For the Turks very highly esteem the Persian Camels, as being stronger than their own. They also cell great store of Horses and Mules; but that trade is not so considerable, the chiefest part being only sent into India. As for their Sheep, 'tis a wondered thing to see what prodigious numbers come out of the Province of the Medes and the Higher Armenia, and the Foreign Merchants come as far as Tauris and Hamadan to fetch thew away. They drive them as far as Constantinople and Adrianople, and the greatest part of the Mutton which is spent in Anatolia and Romania comes out of Persia, which very much enriches Persia with ready money. But when Lamb is in season, as we travel with the Caravans, we meet at every turn with flocks after flocks, the lest of which consists of a thousand Lambs: and in regard there are some of those Lambs that are weary, and lag behind, we buy them at a cheap rate, the Shepherds that are not able to carry them, being glad to be rid of 'em. Formerly the Merchant Fuellers brought some Turquoises of the old rock out of Persia; but for these 15 years last passed there have been none found. The last time I was there I could only meet with three, which were but reasonable. As for those of the new rock, they are of no value, because they do not keep their colour, but turn green in a little time. CHAP. XIII. Of the Justice and Policy of the Persians'. THe Justice of the Persians' is very exact and very speedy. Suits are determined upon the place without any need of Advocates or Proctors. Not but that the Officers of Justice are easy to be corrupted, but in their unjust exactions, which they carry as secretly as possibly they can, they are sooner satisfied than the Turks: and if their injustice be discovered, upon complaint to the King they are punished without mercy. The Khan's do Justice in their Provinces, as representing the King's person. Besides that, the King has a Divan Begui in every City, and the Can places under him a Deroga, who is like the Lieutenant Criminal in France. He has under him an Aatas, who is a kind of Captain of the watch; who goes about the streets in the night to hinder disorders, and carries all people to Prison that he finds abroad at unseasonable hours, if they cannot give a good account of themselves. There is also a Kelonter, that is, the chiefest or greatest, who seems to resemble the Tribune of the People among the Romans, or the Provost of Merchants in France. The Kelonter is only responsible to the King, who places one in every City, and it is his business to defend the People from the injustice and oppressions of the Governors. Murder is severely punished, nor will money save the Criminal. When the Murderer is taken, they carry him before the Divan Begui, who makes quick work. For he delivers him to the Parents or kindred of the person slain, who carry him to the place of execution, and without any compassion torture him to death. I remember the Can of Schiras had a Favourite, who falling in love with a young Persian Gentleman, would needs endeavour to have the use of his body. One day meeting upon the Road together, and lying at night under the same Tent, the Favourite about midnight came to his bed side, and after many solicitations would have forced him. But being violently resisted, the Favourite for madness to see him disappointed, and liable to be discovered, stabbed the young Gentleman to the heart, and fled to the Mountains. The Murder being divulged, the Mother, Widow and Sister of the young man repaired to the Can for Justice, who willing to save his Minion, offered them money: but they scorning his proffer, threatened to complain to the King. The Can being thereupon constrained to pursue his Favourite, at length took him and sent him to Ispahan, telling them that he would not judge of the Affair, but refer it to the King. The Mother, Widow and Sister immediately followed the Murderer to Ispahan; and demanded Justice of the King with that eagerness, that though the King had an inclination to have spared the Khan's Favourite for his Master's sake, he was forced to abandon him, and to bid them pay themselves with his blood. Immediately he was carried to the Meydan, where the Widow first stabbed him to the heart with a Dagger, than the Mother took her turn, and after the Sister; and than holding a Cup to receive his blood, drank every one a cup full to quench the thirst of their revenge. Nor are they so exact in the punishment of Murder only; for they punish disorders in houses of Debauchery with a proportionable strictness, of which I will give the Reader two examples. A young Hollander, coming to Ispahan, presently put himself into a Persian habit; and going in the evening to a house of good fellowship, met with certain Persians', with whom he happened to quarrel, and being well beaten for his pains, thought it not convenient to stay any longer where he had been so ill entertained. Thereupon the Dutch Interpreter went and complained to the Athemadoulet, who informed the King. The King immediately sent for the people that had beaten the Hollander, and asked them why they abused a stranger? To which the others made answer that they saw no stranger, but only a man clad after the Persian garb. Whereupon the King told the Interpreter, that if the Dutchman had worn his own Country habit, his Subjects durst not have abused him, but as the case stood, he had no reason to punish 'em. One day it happened that there was a great hubbub in one of those houses of debauchery, where the woman had prostituted her own Daughter. The King informed of it, commanded the Mother to be thrown headlong from a Tower: and that the Daughter should be torn a pieces by his dogs, which he keeps, a purpose for such chastisements. Above all things there is an extraordinary care taken for the security of the Highways. For which purpose guards are set at convenient distances, who are ready to pursue upon the lest noise of a Robbery, and who examine people whence they come and whither they go. If they answer not as they should, or trip in their Answers, they carry them before the next Governor. Those Radars are so possed over all Persia, that you need no more than sand to the places where they keep station, to know what is become of any person that has committed a crime. For it is impossible to scape, all the Passes are so well guarded. If any one endeavours to travel through the Mountains or unfrequented roads, than the Radars who are in all places, seize such persons upon suspicion, for not taking the direct road. As the Caravan was one day setting out from Tauris for Ispahan, a poor fellow took an occasion to rob a Cloak-bag during the hurly-burly of packing up, and stead cross the fields not knowing his way: the Merchant missing his goods, complained to the Governor, who having sought for him in vain, sent order to the Guards of the Highways, to make a strict examination, and to sand the person to him so soon as they had seized him. In a short time the Thief was constrained to forsake his Cloak-bag and to come a thwart the fields for water. Who being examined by the Radars why he came alone by such a by way, and not knowing what to answer, was carried to the Governor. He was soon convicted and condemned to death, for Thiefs found no mercy in Persia. Only they are variously put to death. For sometimes they are tied to a Camel's tail by the feet, and their bellies ripped open. Sometimes they are buried alive all but their heads, and starved to death: in which torment they will sometimes desire a Passenger to cut of their heads; though it be a kindness forbidden by the Law. But the most cruel punishment of all, is when they set Thief a Horseback, with his extended Arms fastened to a long stick behind: than larding him with lighted Candles, they suffer the Candles to burn into his very bowels. Another and I met two in this misery, who desired us to hasten their deaths, which we durst not do, only we gave them a Pipe of Tobacco according to their desire. As for those that steal in Cities, they tie them by the heels to the tail of a Camel, and rip up their bellies: and than as the Camel drags the poor creature along the streets, while one goes before him crying, The King has punished him for such a crime. If yet he be not dead, they hung him upon the next tree. The Radars have little wages, which makes them use their Rhetoric to get what honestly they can out of the Travellers, to whom they tell long stories of their care for the security of the highways. If it hap that a Merchant be robbed, the Governor of the Province is to make good to the Merchant whatever he has lost, according as he shall make out by his Oath or his Book. Nor dare the Governors deny satisfaction, fearing a complaint at Ispahan. I myself was robbed of two Bales of goods, between Lar and Schiras, to the value of 1400 Piastres, but upon complaint to the Governor upon my own oath and showing him my Book, he paid me all my loss in gold, and gave me a present in wine besides. The Posts or Shappars are those that carry the King's dispatches to the Governors of Provinces. When they are sent any whither, the King's Esquire finds them a Horse, and a man that runs to the end of the Stage, to bring him back again. If these Curriers meet a Horseman upon the road, they have power to dismount him, if their own be not so good, or be tired: and the Horseman must either run after his Horse, or sand some body to the end of the Stage. Sometimes these Curriers abusing their power, within a quarter of an hour after they have changed their Horse, if they meet another better mounted, they will take away his Horse too. Nor dares the Horseman resist, though he be never so much too strong, for there is no pardon for them that lay so much as a finger upon one of these Shappars; at other times they will pretend to take away a man's Horse only to get money. But they are forbidden to deal so by the Franks; and I have passed by them, when they have said nothing to me. Their Government in relation to Belly-timber is the best in the world For there is a Mohteseb, who is the chief of the Government, whose business it is to set a rate upon all sorts of Provision, being assisted by three or four more Assessors. Every first day of the week there is a public Proclamation of tax upon the weight of every thing. Which Assessors in the evening advice together against the next day whether to raise or abate the price before set. This order was established by the great Sha-Abbas, and was in his reign more punctually observed than it has been since. By the by observe, that all provisions of belly-timber are sold by weight and not by measure: so that you may sand a Child to Market; for if the Commodity be not weight, 'tis well if the buyer be satisfied with having his money again. For if the seller be discovered to cell by false weights, they are led about the streets with a Taktekolas, or a Bonnet like a Beehive upon their heads, and a Bell about their necks to expose 'em first to the laughter of the people; after that they are fined, and receive so many drubs upon the soles of their feet. If this good order were not observed in Persia, the poor would suffer very much. For the handicraft tradesmen that work all day in shops remote from their houses, where their wives are continually shut up, eat nothing at noon but a little fruit in season: and than in the evening when they leave work, they go to the Market and buy for their Families boiled or roast meat, of which there is great plenty. Therefore are they so exact, jest so many poor labouring men should be deceived. One day a Baker of the City came to the Can, complaining that the Judge of the Government had set too low a price upon bread, so that he should be a great joser. To whom the Can made answer, that 'twas not his business to altar the price: bidding him go to the Magistrate that was concerned. But the Baker believing the Can could do any thing, sent him a present of fifty Tomans. The Can seeing the ill design of the Baker to oppress the poor people, and the ill opinion he had of him as a seller of Justice, commanded him to be carried to the Piazza, and there to be drubbed upon the soles of his feet till he paid the other fifty Tomans, which the Can forthwith distributed to the poor, and caused the price of bread to be abated instead of raising it. CHAP. XIV. Of the Manners and Customs of the Persians'. THe Manners and Customs of the people are usually correspondeut to their Religion. The Persians' never preserve the name of their Predecessors, but like the Jews, for distinction sake, say, such a one, the Son of such a one. When they Circumcise a Child and give him a Name, they writ three or four Names like Lots in Paper, which are drawn by a Child, and which the Child draws, that is the Name of the Child. The women that are barren, swallow that which is cut from the Child, believing it will make them conceive. The Persians' are generally very inquisitive after the time to come, consulting their Astrologers like Oracles: The King has always two or three by him, to tell him the good or bad hour. There is an Almanac which is sold every year in Persia, which they call Tacuim; but is indeed an Ephemerideses, containing the Longitudes and Latitudes of the Planets, the Conjunctions and Oppositions; and other such things. This Tacuim is full of predictions about War, Sickness and Famin. It sets the proper seasons to put on new clothes, to let blood, to Purge, or travel, with many other instructions of the same nature. They give great credit to this Tacuim, and they that can get one, govern themselves in all things according to the Rules there set down. Others to know the success of their affairs, go to a Doctor of the Law, and desire him to open the Alcouran, and to tell them the Alcouran is the Book of the Law, so entitled for its excellency, as we say, the Bible. issue of their business▪ Thereupon the Doctor muttering some strange words, opens the Book, and if he meets with affirmative commands, he declares the undertaking shall prospero. If negatives, he dissuades from the enterprise. I remember a Gardener belonging to the Capuchin Friars, would needs go to one of those Moullahs, to know whether he should get by an Ox that he was about to buy. Whereupon the Moullah assured him he should reap great profit by his bargain: but quite contrary, the Ox died upon his hands within three days, to the great astonishment of the Gardener. When a Capuchin taxed the Moullah for the falsities of his pretended Art, the Moullah replied, that God knew that the Gardener would spend his Money upon lewd Women, and therefore took from him the means and support of his debauchery. They also use a sort of divination, which is called Rambé, by even or odd, the Masters of which mystery, called Rammals, keep Shops on purpose to delude the people. When they see people coming, they have persons suborned on purpose; who holding out their hands shut, ask the Rammal what he thinks they have in their hands. The Rammal at first seems to be at a stand; throwing certain Dice, called Kiabetain, the specks whereof are some even, some uneven; but when there are people anough gathered together, he tells point by point how many specks his fellow-Cheat has in his hands. Who counterfeiting astonishment, encourages the poor silly creatures that stand gazing, to spend something for a lie which they cell them. They also make use of the Faal; which is to open a Book, and by numbers even or odd, to prognosticate good or bad fortune. In their interpretation of dreams, the Interpreter foretells the future to him that inquires conformable to what he says he saw in his dream. He has a great Book lying before him, full of little Pictures and Grotesque-work, wherein he strives to show the people some Phantasm or Apparition, which they will tell you they saw in the night. These cheats are usually practised about the Palace, where all the idle people flock together; as also upon the Road to Zulpha, where they lie upon the Road to catch the silly Passengers. The Persians' are mightily addicted to ill language, and foul-mouthed reproaches. So that when two men fall out, instead of fight with their fists, they fight with their tongues, and curse one another. But they never blaspheme God: for if they should hear one swear, or wish themselves at the Devil, they would cry out in an astonishment, Is not that Fellow a fool to give himself upon trust to the Devil, and renounce▪ Paradise? When they would affirm any thing to be true, all their Oaths are Ser-azire-sha, By the King's beloved head; or, Erva pigumbir, by the Spirit of the Prophet. I remember once at Galata, walking with some of the French Embassador's Servants, we saw two Turks at Cuffs; after they were parted, one of them gave the other a thousand curses; to which, the other replied no more than only this; I wish, said he, thy Soul may have no more repose in Paradise, than the Hat of a Frenchman has in this World, alluding to our manner of salutation, and putting of our Hats so often as we do. The Persians' are naturally great Dissemblers and Flatterers; and they make it their study to acquire esteem and applause. They love to give and receive Presents: more especially to present the King. Which Presents are valued, and according to the estimate, they must sand ten per cent. to the Sergeant Porter, and five per cent. to his Deputy: which, if they do not pay willingly, they are forced to pay: which I saw the Deputy of the Holland-Company forced to do. The Luxury and the Expenses of the Persians' is excessive, as I have in several places observed. And though it be against the Law of Mahomet to make use of Gold or Silver-plate, which sets aside that metal only for Commerce and for Money; none but the poor observe that Law, for the rich make no scruple to transgress it. The Persians' are very much accustomed to make mutual Visits one to another at their solemn Festivals, and to wish one another good cheer, and a merry season. The more noble sort stay at home to expect the Visits of their▪ Inferiors; after that they get a Horseback, and return their Visits. The Courtesans continued their Visits all the year long, and going to the Nobleman's Houses, stay in the great Hall till they come out of their Harams. Wither, when the Noblemen come, they lay their hands upon their stomaches, and bow, which is their manner of saluting the Company that tarries for them. After some few Compliments, they get a Horseback, attended by all their Visitants, who accompany them to the King's House, in expectation of some kindness, by virtue of their favour. The favours which the King usually does to such people, is to sand them to the Governors of Provinces with a Hawk or a Culaat, with order that the said Governors remember the Sergeant Porter. The Can being advertized that the Calaat is coming, he rides forth of the City to meet it, attended by all his principal Officers, the chief of the City, and the greatest part of the Inhabitants. The Jugglers also must give their attendance, together with the Drums and Trumpets, and all the Music-makers. They rendezvouz usually in a Garden one or two leagues from the City, where the King's Messenger stays with the Calaat. So soon as the Governor perceives him, he makes a low obeisance, and a Prayer for the King; giving God thanks for that the King is pleased to preserve him in his memory: than he puts on the Calaat, which is according to the quality of the Governor: sometimes the Robe alone; sometimes Robe and Cloak: sometimes Robe, Cloak, Girdle, and Bonnet; to which, if he be a Grandee, are added the Scimitar and Dagger: which method is also observed toward Ambassadors. When the Can has put on the Calaat, he returns to the City with all his Retinue, goes to the King's House; for the King has a House in every City,) kisses the Columns of the Gate, and makes certain other Prayers for the prosperity of the King: At length he rides home, where he makes a great Feast, showing the Calaat to all persons that come to him, who by way of compliment cry Moubarek-bashet, that is, may it be blest, and prove a good omen. The Persians' are not much addicted to play: for besides, that the Law forbids it; the Meshaldar-Bashi has a power to fine and punish Gamesters, as I have said already. For which reason he has spies, to which the meaner sort of people dare not refuse entrance into their Houses: but the richer sort laugh at 'em; and will give 'em nothing. Among the Persian Games, there is one game at Cards which the Persians' call Gengefé. We have but four distinct marks upon ours, but they have eight. They also play at a kind of Chess, and at Trictrac; which two Games are most in use. The Shopkeepers play in the Streets with little Marbel-bowls, not much unlike our Childrens Bowling-stones. But as for Bowling-greens, or Tennis-Courts, they know not what they mean. Neither the Persians' nor any of the Eastern People accustom themselves to walk as we do. And therefore when they see us walking to and from together in a Garden-Ally for two or three hours together, they are amazed. They only spread a Carpet in the fairest place of the Garden, and set themselves down to contemplate the verdure of the place: and if they rise, 'tis only to pull the fruit from the trees. For they love to eat what they gather themselves, never caring for what others have handled. The Men never dance, only the Women of Pleasure, which are always sent for to their Feasts; where they dance open-faced, and show a thousand postures to divertise the Company. Their jugglers are every jot as good as ours; but whereas ours make use of Balls, they show their tricks with large Hen▪ eggs. Their Dancers upon the Ropes far exceed ours. I have seen some of them that have tied a Rope to the top of a high Tower, and fastened the other to the ground, and than walking up to the top with their counterpoises in their hands, have laid themselves upon the Rope upon their backs, and have slid to the bottom with a swiftness like lightning. The Persians' are altogether as superstitious as the Turks. Before they say their Prayers they are obliged to wash: every one having a Reservatory for water in his own House, which is always full of water. They plunge their heads in the water, wash their mouths, rub their foreheads; and if a man shows them any nastiness in the Vessel, there's water enough, they cry, for purification; though, if it be Pond-water, it must be four or five foot deep. But if it be Running-water, the lest quantity in the World serves to purifyings 'em, and tender 'em fit to pray: while they ground their belief upon this maxim of the Law of Mahomet, that if it should run through Pishkill, or Camels-dung, it would be sufficient for purification. There is one sort of washing appointed by their Law, which is, to go to their Baths after they have been with their Wives; and there are some so superstitious as to go there every day. These Baths are round Chambers, so close, that there is no light but what comes from little round windows made in the top of the roof. In the first place, there is the Krofiné, which is a Chamber seven or eight foot square; where, in the middle of the Room, is a great Copper plate, in the form of a flat Basin, and underneath they make a fire of Brushes or Horse-dung: so that the Plate heats all the water which is in the Chamber: When it is hot enough, a servant belonging to the Bath goes up to the Terras, and winds a horn, to give notice to them that have a mind to come. Should a Persian or a Mahometan miss once in eight days, he would feel an itching all over his body not to be endured. For the pores, which the heat of the Bath had opened, coming to be shut, the vapours of the body not able to get out, prick and tickle the skin. The Men go early in the morning, and stay till two hours after Sunrising: At the entry of the Bath is the place where they undress; and when they are stripped all but the secret parts, which they cover with a napkin, they pour hot water upon their shoulders: and than comes a man and rubs of all the sweat and filth of the Body with a corpse Cloth; after which they plunge themselves into a Reservatory of hot water, which they call Kolletain. But these common Baths are very dangerous, and many people of both Sexes have got the foul Disease, who were never addicted to impurity. There are also in Persia hired people, which they call Saka's, whose business it is to give water to the people as they go along the Streets. Their Barbers are very neat, and surpass ours for lightness of hand; for a man can hardly feel their Razors. They have also a Knife to pair the nails of the hands and feet, which they do very dextrously. As for their Beards, those that belong to the Law cut it with Seissers, but they leave it not so long as the Turks do, by much. But the Courtiers and Soldiers shave all of, except from their upper-lips, where they take it for a mark of great honour to wear long Moustaches, which they say is the ornament of the face. The habit of the Persians' is a Robe which they call Gabaye, that comes down a little below their knees. This is of very fine quilted Cloth, well cottoned in the Winter, but much thinner in the Summer. These Linens would be very cheap, but that the Persons of Quality change their Robes every day. Their Sleeves are long, and close to their arms, and reaching as far as the wrist. The Robe is fit to their Bodies as far as the Waste; but than it is made wide and lose▪ Over this they wear a noble Girdle of Silk, adorned at the end with flowers of Gold, over which they wear another Girdle of fine Kerman wool. The richer sort are so vain as to wear three Girdles, two of Silk, and one of Kerman-wool, which is tied uppermost. Under the Robe or Vast they wear a short Waistcoat of flowered Fustian quilted, their Shirts being of Silk of divers colours. They use as little Soap in Persia as they can▪ for Soap is very rare in Persia. When we come out of the Indieses, we are forced to bring with us Linen enough to serve us for six months, and than carry it back again; for they wash much better in India than in Persia. Their breeches being of Silk, come down to their Ankles, without any codpieces. Their Sesse, or Bonnet, which we call a Turban, is made of a piece of fine Silk mingled with Gold, being in form much like our large Pompions: the top thereof is a little flat; and here it is that the end of the Silk being garnished with flowers of Gold and Silver, ends in a kind of Posy. These Bonne● are very heavy, especially those that are for the most part nothing but Gold and Silver. The meanest of those is worth 200 Crowns; but there are some which the King and the great Lords wear, that are worth four or five hundred. You shall seldom meet an Officer of any Quality that does not wear a rich Jewel in his Bonnet. The Courtiers and Soldiery wear their Daggars upon their stomaches, stuck in their girdles. The meanest Soldier inlays the handle and sheathe of his Dagger; but the Grandees have them all beset with Pearls. There was in the handle of Sha-Abbas the Second Dagger, a Diamond of above sixty Carats, which, with some other Stones that belonged to it, was valued at 13000 Tomans, or 200000 Crowns. Over their Vest they wear a Justicoar, much like ours. It is fastened at the top with a button: and most usually they have nine tufted buttons before set by three and three at an equal distance: but they only serve for ornament. This Justicoar is either of Cloth, or Tissue; which in Winter is lined with Martin's, or else with a grey Lambskin that comes from Korasan. And indeed the Persians' love diversity of colours in their habits: for their Justicoar is of one colour, their Vest of another, their Breeches of another; and their Shoes, especially the women's are green, red, yellow, or violet. The Girdle and Turban are always of stripped Stuff, unless it be the Moullahs, which are always plain. Besides all this, in the Winter they wear a long Cloak down to their heels, with sleeves of the same length, lined with rich Furs. The Persons of Quality, and some of the meaner sort of people make not more of Cloth of Gold and Silver, than we do of Druggets. A man that has but seven or eight Tomans a year, shall spend five in clothes; which excess in habit is crept down among the Rabble, so that a man can hardly tell the Servant from the Master. And it is a Proverb among the Persians', Corbebé Lebas, fine clothes make Men esteemed at Court. Neither Sha-Abbas the Second, nor his Grandfather Sha-Abbas the First, would allow of this disorder, but that Men should go clad according to their conditions. For one day, seeing one of his Servants with a pair of Cloth of Gold-breeches, demanded what wages he had? but when he understood that it was nothing near sufficient to maintain him at that rate; to deter others from the like vanity, he ordered him so many Bastinadoes upon the soles of his feet, that he died in a few days. Others say that the Fellow being surprised at the King's Question, made him answer, that being troubled with the Gout, he had been advised to wear that sort of Stuff for its warmth. To which the King replied, that he had been told a very bad remedy, and that he would show him a better and a shorter way to cure the Gout, and so commanded him to be drubbed, as before is related. In regard it is very cold in Persia, they make use of three sorts of Furs. The Lamb and Fox's skin for the meaner sort, together with the Cat's and Fox's skin. But the third sort, which is the Martin's Fur, is for Grandees of the Court, and other Persons of high Quality. They have also a way to make Cassocks that will keep out the rain, the wind, and the cold, which are made of Kerman-wool, as our Feltmakers make their Hats. And now I have said 'tis cold, give me leave to tell ye how they warm themselves. In all Houses there are little Chambers, in the middle whereof there is a square hole about a foot deep, and three or four foot long, according to the bigness of the Chamber. Over the hole is a thing like one of our Tabourets, which covers the hole with a large Carpet, to keep in the heat of that which is kindled in the hole; so that being placed under the Tabouret as far as the waist, though as cold as ice before, in a minute you shall be almost in a sweat, and be ready to fall a-sleep, if you take not a great care. All the Nobility have Chambers with Chimneys, where they set the Wood upright; the Mantletree comes forward, low, and semicircular. It is two or three foot deep, and as many wide, to avoid smoking. They are full of their Compliments, which they call Travezea: and their manner of salutation is quite different from ours. For they never uncover their heads, but bow, and lay their right-hand upon their breasts. When they come into the company of their Betters, they fall upon their knees to set themselves upon their heels, which is a mark of respect. The Women in Persia are very richly habited; but their habit is all of a piece, though little different in shape from the Mens. It is open before and comes not down below the calf of the leg. Their Girdle is not tied fast, but hangs carelessly: their Sleeves are also close to their arms, and reach to their wrists. Upon their heads they wear a little Bonnet raised like a little spire, and adorned with precious Stones, according to their Quality; from which Bonnet falls a veil behind, which is very graceful. They wear Breeches like the men, and their Shoes are almost like theirs. The Women of Ormus wear only a single pair of Breeches with a shift over them. The Armenian Women wear besides, a little Justicoar without sleeves, and upon their heads, a fine Linen-coif tied under their chins. Their hair is gathered into a long tress, to which they sometimes add more, which is false, to make a long lock, that is done up in a Velvet or Satin-case embroidered, and hangs behind down to the waist. Handsome Women are very plentiful in Persia, as well the tawny as the white. For the Merchants that bring both from all parts, choose the handsomest they can pick out. The white Women are brought from Muscovia, Poland, Cirassia, Mengrelia, Georgia, and the Frontiers of Tartary. The black from the coast of Melinda, and the Red-Sea. The Persian Women are seen by none but their own Husbands. They are very idle in their Houses, not so much as looking after any thing of Housewifery. Indeed every thing is at the Husband's disposal, so that the Women are rather Slaves than Wives. They spend their time in taking Tobacco, after several fashions. When they go to the Baths, she's the Woman that wears the best Clotheses, and brings the best Collation. They that have Slaves, 'cause 'em to rub their arms, their legs, and their thighs, till they fall asleep; having no other divertisement in their voluptuous Prison. The higher a man is in dignity, the more he glories in having a great number of Wives and Slaves; and his absolute power keeps them in order either willingly, or by constraint. There are two sorts of Eunuches for the guard of the Sultanesses and the Wives of the Nobility: Some are white, but they never come near the Women, but are ordered to guard the first doors of the Haram. The others are black, frightful to look upon, and flat-nosed: who attend only upon the Women. If there be a necessity for a Woman of Quality to go abroad, the Eunuches go before and behind with Battoons in their hands, to make the Corrouk, and drive all the people out of the way. When the King goes into the Country, if any one be asleep in the highway, and be perceived before he wakens, he is immediately cut to pieces as he lies. In the time of Sha-Abbas the Second, one of the Fellows that helped to set up the women's Tents, being weary, fell asleep in one of them upon the ground. When the Women came, they, seeing a man asleep, set up a shrieking; upon which, the Eunuches coming in, wrapped up the Fellow in the Carpet as he lay, and carrying him into the Fields, buried him alive, Carpet and all. CHAP. XV. Of the Diseases of Persia, and the manner of curing them. THE Persian Children are seldom sick of the small-Pox, but in lieu of that, they are very subject to Scald-pates, till ten or twelve years old. Which, it may be, proceeds from their shaving so young, and so often: for they shave at five or six months old, and two or three times a week. As to the Pox, the Persians' would be more troubled with it, but that the dry Air of the Country is an enemy to it: besides, they never lie twice with the same Woman, without going to the Bath to sweated out the venom of that distemper. As for the Gout, or Gravel, the Persians' know not what it means: But the Armenians are troubled with the latter, especially those that in their youth accustomed themselves to drink more Wine than Water. To those that are troubled with the Colic, they usually prescribe the eating of Horseflesh; and I have seen many cured by that means. Generally the Persians', especially the rich, or those that have wherewithal to live handsomely, are much lesle subject to Sickness than the people of Europe. Some take the reason to be, because of their China▪ drink which they drink every Spring, boiling an ounce in three pints of water, and so continuing the Dose for ten or twelve days one after the other: all which time they keep a very moderate diet, and eat no fruit for a month together. This drink causes the Patient to sweated; and the sweat being wiped of, dies the Linen, nay the very walls of the Chamber of a yellow colour. As for any method of Physic, they have none in Persia. For the Dysentery, they take sour Curdled-milk, with Rice unbruised boiled in water, to which they add a little Rhubarb powdered. At the beginning of a Disease they forbidden Bread, and instead thereof prescribe Rice boiled in Hen-broth, or sometimes in fair water. For diet is the chief Remedy which the Physicians prescribe in all Diseases, and accounted most sovereign. Indeed the remedy is well prescribed in many distempers; however it is by them never prescribed according to reason or method, but only according to custom; whereby it often comes to pass that they forbidden that which is good, and prescribe that which is bad. If the Patient be so poor as not to be able to sand for a Physician, two or three men set him upon an Ass, with a Scarf about his neck, which denotes him to be a sick person, and so lead him to the Physician; who presently feels his Pulse, lets him Blood, and by and by taking his Pen in his hand, in a small piece of Paper prescribes more Hogwash at one stroke, than three men's bells are able to contain. When a Physician is called to a Consolation, he pretends not to take any Money: But his Atar or Apothecary finds a way to have the Doctor satisfied for his pains. They never permit the Sick to change their Linen, how nasty soever it be. When they come home to the Patient, though they found him ready to expire, they tell the Servants that he will certainly recover; but than, on the other side, they go to the Parents or Kindred of the Patient, and tell them that the Patient is in a desperate condition, and cannot live. By this means they save their credit; for hap what will, the● have told truth either of the one side, or the other. CHAP. XVI. Of the division of Time among the Persians'. THE Persians' divide the natural day into four parts. The first is from Sunrising to Noon; the Second from Noon to Sunset: The third from Sunset till Midnight; and the fourth from Midnight till Sun-rise. At Midnight, Morning, and Sunset, they make a most horrible din in every great City, of Kettledrums, Hautbois, Latten-Basons, and other Instruments: upon which there are certain men hired to play for a quarter of an hour together, in some place where they may be heard all over the City. They have also great Cornets, about seven foot long, with deep mouths, which may be heard above half a league. But these Cornets are never used but in Cities where the Khans or Governors reside. These Instruments are also always employed at their great Solemnities; as also when the King creates any new Officer or Governor. These Instruments have also a privilege to play at all Houses where they understand there is a Male-child born. The meaner sort dare not refuse 'em; but the Nobility value not their privilege of a straw. The Persians' in the computation of time make use of Lunar-months. The first Mouharrem, the second Cepher▪ the third Rebia-el-Avel, the fourth Akner, the fifth Gemadil-Avel, the sixth Gemadil-Akner, the seventh Regeb, the eighth Shaabon. the ninth Ramezan, the tenth Shaval, the eleventh Zikadé, the twelfth Zilhagge. And every Month gins from the first appearance of the Crescent. In their Astronomical Accounts, and the Calculations of the Longitude and Latitude of the Planets for the composing their Almanacs, they make use of Solar-months, thus called: Azar 31 day. Onzon 30 days. Ajar 31. Harizon 30. Temouzé 31. Ab 31. Eiloul 30. Techrion-el-Avel 31. Techrion-el-ilani 30. Ranon-el-Avel 31. Kanon-Elsani 31. Shaabat 28 or 29, answering to our February. The first month Azar gins upon our eleventh of March: so that it answered to our month of March before the Gregorian Reformation. Therefore they call this month Mah-Roami, or the Roman month. They also make use of the Egyptian months, which are thus called, Terverdin, Erdi-be-hoct, Kourdad, Tir, Mordad, Sheriver, Mohré, Abon, Azer, Dei, Bahmen, Espendarmouzé. The first month, Ferverdin, gins with the Vernal Equinox, every month not containing above 30 days, adding the five which remain to the end of the year, which they call Kramsi Mousterelzé. The day of the Vernal Equinox is the first day of the year, which they call Neozonze, and is one of their Principal Festivals. For that day all the Grandees appear at Court, and present the King according to their quality. If they can meet with nothing that is rare, they present him in Ducats of Gold, and there are some that present him to the number of ten Thousand. They also give God thanks for preserving them to see the new year, and for preserving the fruits of the Earth from bad seasons, for the Corn is by that time well come up. Upon this first day of the year, if a Persian has not money to buy him a new habit, he will go and mortgage his own body to have one. So proud and luxurious are the Persians' from the highest to the lowest. CHAP. XVII. Of the Feasts and ordinary Diet of the Persians'. THe Persians' are nothing eager after delicacies or dainties; both the nobler and the meaner sort being very temperate in dyet. In regard that wood is so scarce and dear about Ispahan, they never eat boiled meat above once a day: and as for their Dinner which they call Shate, it consists of bread, cheese-curds, milk, burnt wine, melons and other fruits in season, to which the rich add wet and dry sweetmeats: At night their usual food is Pilaw and roast meat. They buy their Provision from hand to mouth, especially the Mahometans, which is a double charge. But for the Armenians, they live thriftily, and buy at once a good quantity of provisions to last for so long time. Muttons, Kids, Pullet's and Pigeons, are the usual diet of the Persians'; for as for Beef they very rarely eat it. The King and the great Lords will eat a piece of a Hare sometimes when they have been a hunting: but when they have killed a wild Boar, they sand it always to some Christian, in expectation to be presented for the honour done him. They have no diversity of Victuals or made Dishes in Persia, their diet being more proper to satisfy▪ hunger, than to please a nice palate. Mutton and Lamb would be very good in Persia, if they knew how to roast it our way. But the Persians' roast only at an oven, which is a hole made in the ground two foot and a half broad, and five or six foot deep. They burn nothing but bushes, and a kind of Turf mixed with the dung of cattle, and dried in the Sun. There are several roasting Cooks at Ispahan, that roast a whole Sheep at a time where he that comes to buy may have as much cut out as he pleases. Other Cooks shops are only for boiled meat or rice: their fruits which they pickle up in Vinegar being the only sauce which they have. As for their Bread it is very white, for they have wheat enough to furnish the whole Kingdom. They bake every day, making up their Dow in the form of a thin Cake, strowed over with Sesamum. They bake these Cakes in their Ovens in the ground, covering the batch over with little round flint stones, that are quickly hot and retain the heat. At Ispahan they make a great fire in an earthen pot, and when it is hot they spread the Dow against the sides of the pot. The Armenians make a sort of bread as thin as Paper, which they bake upon a thin Iron plate which is as thin as Paper. Their Plate and Dishes are of read Copper tinned within side. For they are forbidden to make use of Silver by the Law of Mahomet. Nor does the King use any other than Gold Plate, of which he has great store. They have also a sort of Porcelain made at Kerman. To eat their broths they make use of wooden▪ spoons: for as for their rice, which is thick, they take it up in their fingers, and wipe their hands upon their handkerchiefs. The first thing set upon the Table is the Pipe, the Tobacco, and the dish of Coffee; and indeed thus it is that they begin all their debauches. They suck and smoke of their Tobacco through water in a long glass bottle, by which means it comes cool into their mouths: else they would never be able to take it all day long as they do. They sing very little in their Cups: but they recite a vast number of wicked Verses, which they rehearse with a great deal of gravity. They are so accustomed to take Tobacco, both men and women, that a poor tradesman that has not above five Sous to spend, will lay out three of them in Tobacco. If they had none, they say that they should not have damaque, that is, gladness in their hearts. Many will confess that their excessive taking Tobacco is hurtful; but if you tell 'em of it, they answer in a word, Adedehoud, 'Tis the custom. Besides their Tobacco they have also Opium made of Poppies, cut as they grow, out of which they draw the juice and make it into Pills. They take no more at first than the head of a pin, increasing their dose by degrees, till they come to take the quantity of half a walnut. When they are come to that pitch they dare not give over, for fear of endangering their lives, or addicting themselves to drink wine. In their youth you shall see these Theriakis or takers of Opium, with pale pensive and dejected countenances, and the use of their speech almost lost: If they omit to take for a day together this ill continued drug that heats their brains, and causes them to act ridiculously and to talk▪ idly, when it has done working, they are as cold and stupid as before, which obliges 'em to take it▪ again. For this reason they are short lived: or if they do live till forty, they complain heavily of the pains that proceed from the cold venom of the herb. They that have a mind to kill themselves, swallow a large piece, and drink Vinegar after it, to prevent the relief of any other Counterpoison, and so they die smiling. They have another sort of drink to make themselves merry, which thy call Kokemaar, composed of boiled Poppy seed. They take it in broth, and there are particular houses called Kokemaar Krone, where people meet to divertise those that see the ridiculous postures which that intoxicating drink causes them to show. Before it works they quarrel with one another, and call one another all to naught, but never fight. When the drug gins to work, they grow friends; and some are for making compliments, others for telling a long tedious story, wnich renders them very vain. They have also another sort of liquor, which is called Bongue, very bitter, being made of the leaves of Hemp and some other drug mixed with it, It makes those that use it shamefully foolish and ridiculous, which is the reason the Law has forbidden that and not the former. The Vsbecks' have brought into Persia, the Custom of taking in Pipes Tchouherse, which is the flower or rather the woolly substance which is found in hemp-closes. This fills the heads with strange conceits, sometimes pleasant and sometimes furious; those that take it being quite besides their senses for two or three hours. Their Feasts are thus ordered: The guests come in the morning to the house whither they are invited and all the day long they spend their time in taking Tobacco and telling stories. Between whiles they have Sweetmeats, Coffee, and Fruits set before them. In the evening the Sofra is spread, and the table served with boiled and roast. If the person that treats be of any quality, he has a kind of a Governor of his house, that sits upon his heels with a Ladle or great wooden spoon in his hand. Than the Inviter makes his compliments to the chief of his guests, assuring him that the entertainment is only provided for him, only at his command he is ready to let the rest share with him. The Compliments being thus passed, the Governor of the House with his great Spoon puts rice and meat upon the little plates, which the servants present by equal portions to every one of the guests. Than they fall to, taking out the rice by handfuls, and the meat with their fingers. Sometimes they mix curdled milk with their rice and meat, and making up a lump of all together as big as a Tennis ball, put it all in their mouths at a time, which is the reason they never sit long at Table; one making room for another till they have all done: for as soon as one has done, another comes into his place without any farther Ceremony. They have several Liquors in the room in Porcelain Vessels, but at meals they only drink to drive down their meat and to prevent thirst. When all is done, they bring a Basin with an Ewer full of hot water to wash their hands and faces. After which the Inviter compliments his guests, and every one returns home; at which time the servants are very diligent to bring every man his shoes, in hopes of some little piece of silver. The Armenians entertain their friends in the same manner, only that they begin their Feasts with a cup of strong water, and some sweetmeats, after which they give a couple of hard Eggs to every one of the guests. The Persians' also have soon done, but the Armenians eat swift, and a long time without drinking, which they never do till the end of the meal. After they have given thanks and taken away the cloth, than they fall to drinking to excess. He that gives the entertainment never thinks he has done well, till his guests are not able to found the way out of the room, and the more they tumble about the room, the lesle he thinks he has spent his money in vain. To conclude, the Persians' are very Gentle, and afford their victuals with a freewill to all that will come and eat with them at Supper time: admiring at the custom of the Franks, who shut their doors when they sit down to their meals. CHAP. XVIII. Of the Marriages of the Persians'. THE Persians' betrothe their Children very young, that is at nine or ten years; but among the Armenians there are some married and lie together at five or six. The Law of Mahomet allows them but four lawful Wives, whom they call Nekha. But there are others whom they call Amoutha or hired women, and of whom they may have as many as they can keep, and for so long time as they please, which is ratified by the allowance of the Judg. They may also enjoy the Slaves whom they purchase. The Children both of the one and the other are accounted lawful, and inherit all alike, without the distinction of Elder or Younger; but two Daughters can have but the share of one boy. When the woman's time that was hired is out, the man dismisses her, and she is obliged to stay forty days before she engage again, that it may appear whither she be with Child or no. The man gives to the woman that he marries a Dowry assigned upon his Estate, and sends her money and silks to make her clothes. The maid also sends something to him, but very little, and all by the interposition and intercourse of the women. For the two parties never see one another. Upon the wedding day, they sand to the Bridegroom's house, by the sound of Drums and Trumpets, certain Horses and Men laden with the Bride's goods, which is many times done out of vainglory, and more for show than substance. The Bridegroom is led a foot, attended by several women with Tapers in their hands, and a noise of Drums and other Instruments marching before them. Being come to the door of the Bridegroom's House, if he have promised a larger Dowry to the women than he is able or willing to give, he keeps his door shut. The Parents of the Maid knock, and he declares he will not have her at that price. But at length after some contests on both sides they agreed, and the Virgin enters with her Mother and all her Kindred. Than the Moullah reads the conditions of Marriage; which being done, the women retire into the inner part of the House, the men feasting by themselves, and the women by themselves. This is all that is done upon the Wedding-day, but the following days are not always so pleasing, and it often follows that both parties do not agreed, or that the husband misuses his wife. Than the women that requires separation, requires the Dowry promised her by her husband: which the man ofttimes refuses, and if she persists in her demand, is many times so severely used by him, that she is constrained to cry, I'th' Devil's name let me go, I demand nothing of thee. Than they both repair to the Casi, or Cheit-Lesloon, who is a Doctor of the Law, and in his presence they discharge one another. This they may do by their Law three times. After that, the same woman can never return to her Husband again. The Children derive their Nobility from the Father, whither he be born of a Slave, or an Amoutha, or a Legitimate wife. The Nobility of the Persians' which is called Negabet, is founded upon their being descended from Mahomet. They who claim that extraction, have the title of Mirabel or Prince: and their Daughters carry the appellation of Mirza or Princess. They are very numerous and very poor. But the title of Mirabel without a good Estate or high Employment signifies little or nothing. CHAP. XIX. Of the Death and Burials of the Persians'. 'TIs the Custom among the Persians', that when the Patient lies very dangerously ill, they light several fires upon the Terrace of the House, togive the People notice to pray for him. So soon as the breath is out of his body, the whole house rings with cries and lamentations, especially of the women who tear their hair, and show such antic postures, that a man would think them possessed▪ In the midst of their tears they make long repetitions of the worthy actions of the deceased, and every foot they set up a yelling. Than they go and advertise the Casi, that such a one is dead; to whom the Casi answers Sorchoama Salamet-Bashet. May your head be in safety. In the mean while he seals a Licence to the Mourderehour, to take the body and wash it in a house which is built on purpose near a running water. After that come a great number of Moullah's, with the Ensigns of the Mosque, which are long staffs like Pikes, at the end whereof are thin plates of Iron and Latin, so weak that they bend downward with the lest motion: the bodies of the staves being wrapped about with certain pieces of Taffeta. These Mullahs tear their throats crying out Alla, Alla, Alla, repeating nothing else, and dancing sometimes upon one foot and sometimes upon another; and because they that bawl loudest get the most money, they put their thumbs in their ears with their fingers upon their cheeks, and tear their throats with all the force they have. The body being washed, the clothes of the deceased belong to the Mourderchour. When they carry the Beire, it is the custom that every one that meets it, proffers their shoulders to help carry, while the others case themselves; for which the Kindred of the deceased make some acknowledgement. If he be a person of Quality, all his Horses are bridled and saddled, and others perhaps borrowed: One carries his Turban, another his Scimitar, another his Bow, another his Arrows, another his Buckler, and whatever else is of any use to set forth his Quality and his Courage. The biggest Churchyard that belongs to Ispahan, is Calreston; but there is not one handsome Tomb in it. The Armenians lay a great stone over the grave, and the rich set up an Arch with four Pillars, under which they eat and drink in the shade when they visit the Tombs of their Ancestors. Their graves are six foot long, six foot deep, and two foot wide, wherein they lay the bodies with their faces turned toward Mecca; and than they set up two tiles of each side his face to keep the earth from falling upon it. If he be a rich man, or have been a stout Soldier, they bury with him his Turban, Scimitar, Bow and Arrows, and set Victuals by him; which part of the hole being made up with bricks, the rest is filled up with earth. The Moulla's alone return to the house of the deceased, where they have meat set before 'em, and are also farther paid for their singing and bawling. A while after the Kindred coming to visit the Heir, discourse him upon the contempt of the world, tell him that it is but as a Caravan, some of which arrive sooner at their Journeys end than others. Eight days after the Heir returns their visits. As for the Grandees they order in their Wills that their bodies shall be either carried to Mecca or Meshed. As well the Persians' as the Turks▪ believe that as soon as the grave is filled, that the two Angels Neguir and Manguer, revive the dead as far as his waist; ask him the reason of Faith, and which way he said his Prayers, and that according to his merits they use him well or ill. As for the torment of Souls before the Resurrection, that only consists in a grief for not having arrived to those perfections and Sciences to which they might have attained▪ and consequently for not having attained to that perfection which God required of them. Otheres hold that the Souls of the unfortunate are tormented with Dreams and Visions; but that the Souls of the happy always enjoy the sight of pleasing objects; till the Saheb-el-zaman, or Master of time shall come to cónfirm the Law of Mahomet, who shall kill Dedgar, who is like our Antichrist, with his own hand; at which time all than alive shall dye in an instant, and than shall hap the general Resurrection, which they call Moavedet-hechre. That the same Bodies and Souls shall unite to appear at the day of Judgement before the Throne of the great Judge of the world; and that to go thither they must pass over a bridge called Polserat, sharper than the edge of a razor, which nevertheless the Mussulmen shall pass over without any danger with the swiftness of a bird. But that misbelievers shall fall as soon as ever they set their feet upon it, and shall fall into a torrent of fire among a thousand Devils armed with Cramp Irons, Pincers, and tenterhooks. So that it is a kind of a Proverb among the Persians', if a man cannot obtain of another the Justice of his bargain, or to yield to right, Well, says he, before those passest Polserat, thou shalt restore it me double, for I will take hold of thy Coat, and hinder thee from getting over till thou hast given me satisfaction; But the craftier sort laugh at this, and make answer with a smile, Well, well, we will venture stumbling as we pass over Polserat. The Porter of Paradise whom they call Rursuen shall open them the gate. There they shall sit upon the banks of the great Kausser, which is a fountain where their Prophet shall give them of the water to drink out of a Ladle, and that afterwards they shall have a great number of women created on purpose for them, with all sorts of most delicious food. And for fear of souling this place of recreation and holiness with the excrements of eating and drinking, they say, that those things shall always evacuate in a perfumed sweat, and that they themselves shall always remain in that condition. Others more refined, and not believing material enjoyments, affirm that Beatitude consists in the perfect knowledge of the Sciences; and for the senses they shall have their satisfaction according to their quality. CHAP. XX. The Author departs from Ispahan to Ormus, and describes the Road to Schiras. I Set forth out of Ispahan the 24. of Feb. 1665. in the afternoon, and stayed a League from the City, in a field whither some of my friends would needs accompany me. About ten a clock at night, I set forward again, and travelled till break of day; and than I came to a place where the Radars kept guard half a league from a great Town called Ispshaneck, which you are to cross. About ten a clock in the forenoon I came to Mahiar, where there is a very good Inn. But the Land between this and Ispahan is all very barren and without wood. The 26 th', three hours after midnight, I set forward through a dry Plain, which gins to grow more fruitful, about a Leagues from Comshe a great City, where I arrived by eleven a Clock in the morning. In it are several Inns, and indifferent handsome ones, considering that they are built only of Earth. This City is composed of a row of Villages that extend about half a League in length. About three quarters of a League on this side the City stands a neat Mosque with a pond full of fish. But the Mullahs will not permit you to catch any, saying that they belong to the Prophet to whom the Mosque is dedicated. However because it is a shady place in the Summer, Travellers rather choose to lie by this pond, than to shut themselves up in the City. The 27 th' I travelled from four in the morning till ten in the afternoon, through a plain sowed with store of grain, and lodged in an Inn called Maksonb●gui. The 28 th' I departed two hours after midnight, and after eight hours' travel through a barren plain, I arrived at Yesdecas, a little City built upon a rock in the midst of a great Valley, and lodged in an Inn at the foot of the Rock. The same day in the morning I passed on to a neat house with fine Gardens called Amnebad; built by Iman-Kouli-Kan, Governor of Schiras. The first of March, I departed an hour after midnight, and a little after I crossed a short mountain, but so rugged and so craggy, that they have given it the name of Kotel-Innel-tebekeni, that is the Mountain that breaks the Horse's shoes. The next day we passed by a scurvy Castle called Gombessala; than travelling through a flat Country, I came by ten in the morning to Dehigherdou, or the Village of Walnuts. I endured very sharp weather all the morning, for all that Country, and that which I travelled the next day, is very cold at some times of the year. The second day, I travelled from midnight till ten a clock in the morning, through the Snow over a barren Plain to come to Cuzkuzar, where there is a new Inn well built. The third, I road a horseback from five in the morning till noon, first over the same Plain by a Lake side in a very bad way covered with snow that hide the holes; than passing a tedious long and rugged mountain, I descended to a Village called Asepas, where there is to be seen an old ruin'd Castle upon the point of a Hill. The Inhabitants were all Georgians by descent, but now turned all Mahometans. I met with wine and fish, in regard of the many Rivulets, but the Caravansira is old, and ill provided. The fourth, setting out by daybreak, I road over a Plain, which Sha-Abbas the first gave the Georgians to till, and in eleven hours I came to Ondgiom, a large Village upon a River, over which there is a fair stone-bridge. The fifth, I got a horseback by two a clock in the Morning, and had two leagues in the first place of deep miry way; afterwards I passed a steep Mountain, craggy and dirty. I passed through a Village called Iman-Shade, from the name of one of their Prophets that lies buried there, and gave the Mountain its name, being all covered with bitter Almond-trees. I travelled sometime between rude and craggy rocks, after which I met with a small River, which runs to Main, a little City where I lodged in a fair Inn. The sixth, I departed three hours after midnight, and travelled through a large Plain encompassed with high and rugged Mountains; upon one of which that is divided from the other, stood a Castle which they say was ruin'd by Alexander the Great, of which at present there does not remain the lest sign or footstep. I crossed the river of Main over two stone Bridges, and than came to Abgherme; a place that stands in a Plain where there is an Inn half built; so called by reason of a Spring of hot waters that rises not far from it. In the morning I passed over a fair and long Causey, called Pouligor, being above 500 paces long, and 15 broad divided also by certain Bridges, to give the water free passage, by reason the Country is very full of marshes. At the end of this Causey stands an Inn very well built, but the gnats that haunt it will not suffer it to be frequented. I passed along by the foot of a Mountain, and after three hours' travel, I stopped a while at an Inn that stands at the foot of another steep and craggy mountain. I arrived at Schiras about six a clock at night. But here give me leave before I enter the City, to make two observations, the one touching the Road from Ispahan to Schiras, the other concerning the ruins of Tche-elminar. As to the Road from Ispahan to Scbiras, observe that in winter time when the Snow is fallen, when you come to Yesdecas, you must of necessity leave the direct road, because it is impossible to pass the streights of those Mountains, which I have mentioned. Therefore you must keep the left hand road eastward, through the Plains, taking a guide along with you. This way, which is the longer by two days journey, was formerly unknown, because of a River, that in one place beats upon a steep rock, and closes up the passage, But Iman-Kouli-Kan with a vast expense of time and money, caused a way to be levelled out of the Rock about 15 or 20 foot above the River, which he secured to the waterside with a Wall three or four foot high. This way continues for half a league, and than you come to lie at a great Village in a Plain, where you take Guides to show you the Fords of the River. Having passed the River, you cross over several fertile Plains watered with great store of Rivers. Than you ascend a Mountain, from whence you have but a league and a half to Tche-elminar. At the point of the Mountain, upon the right-hand of the great Road, are to be seen twelve Pillars still standing, that form a kind of a square. In the spaces of the Mountain are a great number of Niches, that are opposite to the Pillars, and were certainly the places where the ancient Persians' put their Idols. Thence you come to Tche-elminar; where are to be seen a great many old Columns, some standing, and some lying upon the ground, and some ill-shaped Statues, with little foursquare dark rooms. All which together, easily persuades me, who have well considered the principal Pagods of India, that Tche-elminar was only a Temple formerly dedicated to Idolatrous worship. And that which confirms my opinion, is, that there is no place more proper for an Idolatrous Temple than this, by reason of the abundance of water. Besides, that the dark Rooms could be no other than the Chambers for the Priests; and where the Rice and Fruits that were the feigned nourishment of the Idols, were the better secured from gnats and flies. Leaving Tche-elminar, you come to lie at a Village half a league farther, where is very good Wine. From thence to Schiras is a hard days journey; especially when the Snow gins to melt: for than the Road looks like a little Sea. CHAP. XXI. Of the City of Schiras. THE City of Schiras lies in 78 degr. 15 min. of Longitude, and 29 deg. 36 min. of Latitude. It is seated in a plain that extends itself about four leagues from the North to the South, and from the West to the East about five leagues. Upon the Southeast there is a Lake of salt water four leagues in compass: leaving the Plain as you travel to the South, you pass between two Mountains, which are not so close, but that they leave room for certain pleasant Valleys a league and a half wide. The Soil about Schiras is good, and fruitful; and it is particularly famous for the most excellent Wines of all Persia. As for the City itself, there is nothing handsome in it: for it looks rather like a Town half ruin'd than a City. Formerly it was begirt with walls of Earth, which are now utterly decayed. The Houses are of the same Earth dried in the Sun, and whitened over with lime; so that when it happens to rain, when the Earth comes to be well moistened, the Houses fall of themselves. Only the College which Iman-Kouli-Kan built, and some of the Mosques are of Brick: and the best of those Mosques is called Sha-Shiranue, which out of a particular devotion is kept somewhat better in repair. However, there is nothing in it worth taking notice of. Upon the North-east side, the City runs within a quarter of a league of the Mountain: and from a Stone-bridge, as you go out of the City to the foot of the Mountain, is a long Street in a straight line, where there stands a Mosque, built by Iman-Kouli-Kan. Without, it appears fair enough; but within, it falls to ruin. There is an Octogonal Piazza before the Gate, and in the middle of the Piazza an Octogonal Vase, which is filled by a little stream that runs through the Street from the Mountain. Both sides of the Street from the Mosque to the Mountain are walled in: and at certain spaces are great Gates one against another, with rooms over them; the Windows whereof open into the Gardens behind the walls: all along by which, runs a row of Cypress▪ trees in a direct line: and in the middle of the Street about two hundred paces on this side the Mosque, is another Vase, which receives the same water as it ●●ns from the Mountain. This Street was made by Iman-Kouli-Kan, after he h●d cut the Mountain at the end of it, to shorten the way from Schiras to Ispahan. There are in Schiras three or four Glass-houses, where they make great and small Bottles, to transport the Sweet-waters that are made in the City. There are also made the several sorts of Vessels wherein they pickle their fruits of all sorts, which they sand in great quantities into India, to Sumatra, Batavia, and other places. There is no Silk made, nor any other manufacture in Schiras: only there are some few Chites or Painted-clothes made there, which nevertheless are very coarse, and in use only among the meaner sort. As you go out of the City upon the Northwest side, you meet with a long Alley or Walk, in three parts whereof are placed three Stones, which they call Mills. At the end of this walk is a Garden called Bay-Sha, or the King's Garden. Over the Gate whereof is a great Room half ruin'd: and at the end of a large Walk planted with Cypress-trees, stands a neat piece of building, but altogether neglected. Upon the lefthand whereof is a great Pond paved with Freestone, being all the beauties of the Garden: which, it is true, was full of Fruit-trees, Roses and Jasmins; yet, for want of order, it looked like a Wilderness. From the Garden to the Hill is a Plain of two leagues long, and one broad; which is all but one large Vinyard belonging to several persons. Beyond the Vineyard rise very high Mountains, from whence fall several little Springs that form a River, which is called Bend-Emir, from the name of a Town where the biggest Spring rises. This River of Bend-Emir waters the whole Vineyard of Schiras; where it never reins from Spring till Autumn: which is the reason that in the Summer there is no water in the very Channel next the City. Their Wines are the best in Persia; but there is not so great a quantity made as people imagine. For, of all this great Vineyard, and in all the places round about the City for four or five leagues together, good part of the Grapes are dried, and a greater quantity pickled: and of the Wine, there are many Vessels full, which are burnt for the benefit of the poor Travellers, and Carriers, who found it a great refreshment to drink it with water. Their Wine, as all other things, is sold by weight and not by measure. In the year 1666, a most plentiful year for Wine, the Provision of the King's House amounted to 50000 Mens of Keukné▪ or the ancient Men containing nine pound of ours, at sixteen ounces to the pound, (being the only weight for Wine,) and the King allows as much to the Franks, as for his own Household. The Jews of Schiras, who boast themselves of the Tribe of Levi, made above a hundred and ten thousand Mens, it being their chiefest livelihood; but the Governor of Schiras knows how to share with them in their profit. The whole account of Wine made at Schiras amounts to 200025 Mens, or 4125 Tuns, at three hundred pints to the Tun. In Schiras is an ancient Mosque, wherein is the Sepulchre of a Sadi, whom the Persians' esteem the best of their Poets. It has been a very fair one, accompanied with a large Building, which was once a College; but it runs to ruin, as do also many other Edifices within the City. Just against this Mosque you descend by a pair of Stairs into a large Well, at the bottom whereof is a Vase full of Fish, which no body dares to touch, it being Sacrilege to rob the Sadi of what belongs to him. A little beyond this Mosque, upon a high Rock, stand the ruins of a Castle; and upon the top of all the Rock is a square Well cut out of the Rock. It is very deep, and ten or twelve foot broad: formerly, they told me, their Adulteresses were all thrown into it. There is one wondered Well in this City; which is 15 years rising, and 15 years falling; that is, the water is one fifteen years rising to the top, and another fifteen years sinking to the bottom. There are in Schiras two or three Bazars well built, through the midst whereof the water runs in a Channel. To the South-west, a good league from the City, there is a little Hill divided from the great Mountain, upon which Hill are three Gates to be seen, the remainder of an Idolatrous Tempel. There were four Gates, but the South-Gate is rumbled down: the rest are standing, composed of three Stones: Upon both the Stones that make the Jaums, there are two figures in half Relief, with their faces one looking upon another, with their arms extended; one holding in his hand a Pan, out of which issues a flame of fire; and the other a Towel folded up. The other Statue holds as it were a Purse in one hand, and a bowl of Fire in the other; the Figures being as big as the Life, only their faces are spoiled; and as for the other doors, they are both the same. Two Musquet-shot from thence, in a plain, riseth a little Mountain, from the North-side of which fall many Springs that meet in a large Pond full of Fish. Some high Trees grow there, to shade the Habitation of a Dervi's that lives there. The place is pleasant, and all the Springs together fill a Channel large enough to water the neighbouring Fields. Here it was that certainly the ancient Idolaters came to wash, and thence went to the Temple to say their Prayers, and make their Offerings. Half a league beyond, at the foot of a Mountain, is a place about 500 paces in compass, whence there fall a good number of Springs that meet in a Pond, environed with high Trees, and full of Fish. In one corner of the Mountain stand Figures, cut out of the Rock much bigger than the Life. The two which are uppermost look one upon another; and that upon the lefthand carries a large Turban, such as the Grand Vizier of Constantinople wears when he goes to the Divan. From his Turban to the middle of his Forehead, he was bound with the Tresses of his own hair, the ends whereof were fastened together with large Buckles behind in his neck. His habit was a Robe after the ancient fashion, with a kind of a Cutlace by his side. Nor did the opposite Statue much differ from this, only instead of a Turban, he wore a kind of Mitre upon his head. The two other Statues underneath the former, stretched forth their arms one to the other: the one representing a Man, the other a Woman. The Man seemed to present the Woman a Nosegay of Flowers; but in truth it was a difficult thing to discern them, in regard they were both covered with a Figtree that grew just before them out of the Rock. About two thousand paces farther, there is a Lake of salt water about ten leagues in compass, which is filled by several Springs that fall from the Mountains: and here it is that the people make a great quantity of Salt. There runs into it also a salt River, over which you cross upon a large stone-Bridg about three miles from Schiras, in the way to Bander-Abassi. Half a league from the City are two remarkable Wells: the one upon the top of the Mountain, the other upon the descent, cut out of the Rock: both of an extraordinary depth. There is no water in either, because they are half full of Stones, which they that come to see the Wells, throw into 'em. There are also to be seen the Ruins of a Castle formerly built there for the Guard of the Highways. But since Iman-Kouli-Kan made the new way, the caused all those Fortresses to be defaced, as being expensive to the King, and burden some to the Merchant, from whom the Guards exacted Toll in those places. Now all the ways are free, and the Merchants travel securely. About half a league from the City, toward the North, upon the brow of a high Mountain, stands a little Mosque, like a Hermitage: and fifteen foot below it gushes out a fair Spring, which is the best in the places near to Schiras. Near to it is a little place encompassed with a Pale, with four Pillars that uphold a Ceiling. Here it is that a Dervis sits, and entertains all them that come to visit him, to whom he presents Tobacco, according to the custom of the Country. This place is one of the best Prospects in all Syria, from whence you behold one way all the plain of Schiras, and all the City from one end to the other, with the Gardens. But people go not thither for the fair Prospect, or to visit the Dervis, but to admire a Cypress-tree not above three or four paces from the Prospect, planted among the Rocks; and of that bigness, that four men can hardly fathom it: it is proportionably high, and is looked upon to be the fairest Cypress-tree in all Persia, where so many grow besides. This Tree is fed by the Spring which I have mentioned, falling some eight or ten foot below into a Cistern, which is always full; whence through a Canal it runs into a Garden in the plain some seven or eight hundred paces from the Mountain. In this Garden are to be seen the remains of a Palace of one of the ancient Kings of Persia: yet what is still to be seen, does not declare it to have been very magnificent. The King was called Padsha quieshel, the Scald-pated King. A thing not to be wondered at, in regard there are few Persians' but such as either have or have had scald heads. Two leagues from Schiras, to the South-west, at the foot of the great Mountain, stands a Hermitage, called Pir-Bouno, where three or four Dervis live, as being a pleasant place; for the Dervis always choose out the most delightful places to pitch their Tents in: where they sit smoking their Pipes with that gravity, that if the King himself should come by, they would not stir to give him reverence. That which adds to the pleasure of that Hermitage, is a fair Spring of water that refreshes the Garden, and the number of fair Trees that are about it. About a quarter of a league from the City, toward the West, is to be seen a Churchyard encompassed with Walls; in the middle whereof, looking toward Mecca, stands a Monument very much frequented by the Dervis, and other devout people, who say their Prayers there, it being the Sepulchre of Hougia-Hafiz, for whom they have a very great veneration. The year of his decease is set down upon his Tomb; being in the year 1381: and he purchased that great esteem among the Persians', for having composed a great Book of Morality, and for that he was also one of the best Poets of his time. He has left one great Poem behind him in the praise of good Wine; which has caused many to aver, that Hougia-Hafiz was no good Musulman, in regard he has so highly praised a thing which is so strictly forbidden by the Law of Mahomet. Near to the Churchyard is a fair Garden, which men go to see for the beauty of the Cypress-trees, which are its chief ornament. They are to be admired for their height and bigness, among which, there is one that was planted by the hand of Sha-Abbas the Great himself, in the year 1607; and it may well deserve to have been planted by the hand of a Monarch; for it was bigger than the rest that had been planted above a hundred years before. Without the City, upon the North-side, at the foot of the Mountain, is a Garden belonging to the ancient Kings of Persia, called Bag-Firdous. It is full of Fruit-trees, and Rosetrees in abundance. At the end of the Garden, upon the descent of a Hill, stands a great piece of Building, and below a large Pond affords it water. The rich Inhabitants of Schiras have been formerly very curious to have fair Gardens, and have been at great expenses to that purpose. But neither at Schiras, nor at Ispahan, is there any thing that may compare with those lovely Paradises of France and Italy. There are many Inns in Schiras, but the Franks generally lodge at the Convent of the Carmelite Friars; and they that would be more private, lodge at another House that belongs also to the same Friars, which they would feign cell, as being a charge to 'em at this time. CHAP. XXII. A continuation of the Road from Ispahan to Ormus, from Schiras to Bander-Abassi. THE sixth of March, by eight of the Clock in the morning, I departed from Schiras; and after six hours' travel through the plain that continues fertile for a league together beyond the City, I came to an Inn called Badaadgi. The water is bad, being as it were lukewarm. Here cold weather gins to cease. The next day I set out by break of day, and came to a large and well-built Inn, only it stood remote from any Town. It is called Mouzafferi, and is the only place in Persia where I met with black Saligots, or Water-nuts, as big and as good as ours in Dauphine. The Country breeds nothing but Goats and Sheep: and about two leagues of runs a River along by the Mountain to the West. The 18 th' I departed by daybreak, and travelled eleven hours through a stone-country, covered with bitter Almond and Turpentine-Trees. I lodged in a fair Inn, called Paira, near to a River that comes from the West, and makes the Country fertile. There is some Wood in the Valleys, and some Villages appear on the other side of the River toward the South. The 19 th' I set out by four of the Clock in the morning, and travelled along a Valley, wherein were many Villages receiving the benefit of the River last mentioned. About eight in the morning I stopped at an Inn built in an Octogonal form, a good league from the River, with several Villages between. The name of the Inn is Kaffer. The 20 th' I set out two hours after midnight, and travelled till ten in the morning through a dry Valley. By the way I met several Shepherds and Herdsmen, who were forsaking the hot Countries, and driving toward Schiras for coolness. They that travel upon their own Horses, and would see one of the richest parts of Persia, and some Antiquities, setting out from Kaffer, instead of following the Caravan-road, take the right-hand way by the side of the River, that runs a league and a half from the same Inn. When you have passed the River, the way is very straight, and lies for two leagues together through a steep Rock, the Mountain upon the right, and the River upon the left, where there is not room in some places for two Horses to ride abreast. All along this way, toward the top of the Mountain, are little paths that lead to Caverns, some of which are so large, that they will contain two or three thousand men. Having passed this way, you come into a Plain called Dadivan, four or five leagues in circuit; the greatest part of which is planted with Orange-trees, Citrons, and Granats. Some of these Orange-trees two men can hardly fathom, being as high as our Walnut-trees; and this is one of the most delicious situations in all Persia. I have travelled through it several times, and sometimes only to divertise myself. The rest of the Plain is sowed with Rice and Wheat. You set up your Tents under these Trees, and than the Country people bring Provision of several sorts, especially Partridges, Hares, and wild Goats. The River that crosses the Plain is full of Carp, Barbels, Pikes, and Creyfish. I remember one time a Countryman carried me down to the water, and before my face took up a Fish with his hand. He was so nimble at it, that having caught one which he did not think big enough, he threw it back again, and took up another. Now in regard that Travellers generally stay about ten or twelve days in that place, the Tumblers that live thereabouts, fail not to come and give you a Visit, to show ye some of their tricks, and to taste your Schiras Wine. The English and Hollanders usually spend the end of the Summer in this Plain, for the benefit of the River, and the Trees: which become so large and fair, by means of the River, which the Countrymen bring in by Canals, and shut it up in Ponds, among the Trees, to water their Grounds; which is all the good this River does in Persia: for all the rest of its course is through cragged Rocks, and salt Marshes. The 20 th' of March, by ten in the morning, I came to an Inn which was called Moushek, which is a-lone-House at the foot of a Rock. There is a Spring about five hundred paces from it, but the water is hot, and has a sulphury taste; so that the Ca●tel will hardly drink it. Therefore you must go to a Cistern about two Musquet-shot from the Inn, where there is one newly set up, instead of another that was there before, into which a Jew once chanced to fall in, and was therefore broken by the superstitious Mahometans. Three quarters of a league from Moushetz are two roads that lead to Lar, the one for the Camels, the other for the Horses and Mules. The first is the longest by three days journey, and is called the Road of the Desert; for after you have passed a great Town inhabited only by Camel-Masters, where you lie the first night, between that and Lar, you shall meet with nothing of Houses but only Herdsman's Tents, that feed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another. Upon the Camels Road there are another sort of Fowl like the great Partridges in their bodies, but their legs and feet resemble those of wild Ducks. The Camels take this Road, because it is impossible for them to pass the Mountain Jarron, over which the Horses and Mules are hardly able to travel. I set out from Moushek the 21 th' of March, at two in the morning, and having travelled till eight through a plain, but stony Country, I came to the little City of Jarron, which is rather to be called a Forest of Palm-trees that bear excellent Dates. I lodged in an Inn five hundred paces from the City, and stayed there two days. The 24 th', setting out presently after midnight, I travelled a good hour, and than I began to mount the steep Mountain of Jarron, which is very high, and very long; but the descent is the most dangerous that ever I saw in all my Travels; and besides that, the Moon did not shine. Being at the top, after you have descended three or four hundred paces, you meet with a Bridge of one Arch, that reaches from one Mountain to another; a ●old p●ece of Architecture, not enough to be admired▪ being raised at the charges of Iman-Kouli Can for the benefit of Travellers. Being come to the bottom of this, you must pass two others as steep in their ascent as in the descent; upon the top of one of which stands a Cistern, which, though it be very large, is generally emp●●ed by the end of the Summer. Upon these Mountains there is such an infinite quantity of Partridge that a man cannot miss that will but shoot. By eight in the Morning I came to an Inn which is called Shakal, which is alone House in a Desert Country, but stored with bitter Almond-trees, and Turpentine-trees. Appoaching n●er to the Inn, you meet with two or three Cisterns, which are a great comfort to Travellers, water being very scarce upon this Rood. There are at Shakal nine or ten Radars for the Guard of the Road, who are also Masters of the Inn: So soon as you are alighted, they ask you if you will eat any Kid, being sure of their blow, and having no more to do but to go to the Mountain and fetch one, where they swarm. There are store of Partridges, which are almost as big as Pullet's; of which you may easily kill as many as you please. The 25 th' I travelled five hours, from morning till noon. An hour after I took Horse, I met with a Mountain▪ the descent whereof was very sleep▪ They call it the Mountain of H●shen, at the ●oot whereof is a Fountain of encellent water. A good league farther you meet with a fair Inn called Movezeré, in the midst of a pleasant Grove, where there is an excellent Spring of water; but because there is no food to be had, you must go as far as Detad●mbé, a Village seated in a plain. A quarter of a league on this side, upon the top of a Mountain, appears the ruins of an old Castle; the Village itself being surrounded with Palm-trees. The Inn is a good one, provided with a very good Cistern. The 25 th' I travelled through a plain for three hours, and s●opt at Banarou, a little City well built at the soot of a high Mountain; upon which appars the remains of a large Castle. Benarou is the Frontier Town of the Province of Fars, bordering upon the Province of Lar. The 26 th' I departed an hour after midnight, and travelled till nine in the morning, partly through the Plain, and partly through the Mountains, where I saw an old Tower for the guard of the Road. I stayed at Bihry, a little City seated upon a plain, that borders upon a high Mountain. The Inn is new, and very magnificently built by the Mother of Aimas, Can of Lar, when the great Sha-Abbas took this Country from the Gaures, whom he constrained to turn Mahumetans. The 27 th' I set out at four of the Clock in the morning, and about seven I passed through a Village seated in a small plain. A league from thence I lodged in an Inn called Pai-Cotali; that is to say, the foot of the Mountain, as being built at the foot of the Mountain. From thence to Lar is not above four or five hours travelling; but the way is very bad, and several swift Torrents are to be passed over. You may take another Road from Bihry, upon the right-hand toward the West; it is the shorter way by two or three leagues: but so bad, and so narrow, that in many places two Horsemen cannot ride abreast, being for the most part all Rocks and Precipices. Lar is the Capital City of the Province of the same name, which formerly bore the title of a Kingdom. It is but of an ordinary bigness, enclosed on both sides with high Mountains, being built round about a Rock, upon which there stands a Castle of Freestone, wherein the King keeps a Garrison. The whole Country is very hot, nor have they any water but Rain water, which they preserve in Cisterns, and which sometimes causes a wide Torrent that runs by one side of the City, and falls from a Cascade two stories high, made of Freestone. In the City and parts adjacent, grow a great number of trees, especially Date trees and Tamarisk. The Gardens also and Mountains are full of Orange trees. There are but two Inns in Lar, the one within the City, which is not a very good one; the other at the end of the City towards Ormus, which would be convenient, but that it is always afloat when the Rains fall; for which reason the Franks generally lie at the Hollanders House at the end of the City. And there is a necessity for staying at Lar, to change the Camels; for the Camels that come from Ispahan can go not further; every City having their particular privileges. Which sometimes proves prejudicial to the Merchant, in regard the Governor will delay the change of the Camels till he is presented. The Fortress of Lar takes up the whole surface of the top of the Rock; and there is but one way to climb it up, with great difficulty. It is more long than broad; and the four corners are fortified with four Bastions, or Bulwarks, between which are raised several Towers, for the Soldier's Lodgings. That Fortress is the Royal Prison, whither the King sends such Prisoners as he takes in war, or surprises by stratagem. I met with two there, one a Prince of Georgia, the other of Mengrelia. The two Princes had each of them a Toman a day allowed them, and ten or twelve Servants to wait upon them. Upon one of the corners of the Castle, toward the West, was built a Banqueting House with three or four Chambers. In the middle of the Court stands the Magazine, full of Bows and Arrows, Bucklers and Muskets, enough to arm fifteen hundred men. For the Inhabitants of the Province, but more especially of the City of Lar, are accounted the best Musqueteers in Persia, and the best at making the Barrels of Muskets, all but the Breach, which they know not how to order so well as we. The Governors' House answers to the great Road; but there is nothing at all of neatness without, only before the door there is a good handsome Court, about sixty paces square, and closed in with Walls, which leads you into two large Bazars of good Stone, very well arched. The most part of the Inhabitants of Lar are Jews, who are famous for several Silk Manufactures, especially for making neat Girdles. The Countrymen wear upon their heads a kind of a felt of fine wool, and very well wrought. It resembles a Cap not yet shaped, with four Corners behind, and cut on the sides; and these sorts of Caps are made at Kerman. There are an infinite number of Cisterns, as well within the City, as in the parts adjacent; and all but little enough, in regard that sometimes it does not rain for three years together. When the Rains fall they do not fill their Cisterns the first day, but rather cover them quite up, till the earth be well soaked. Now for the distribution of this water they take an excellent course; for they never keep open above three Cisterns at a time; and when they do open them, the Governor or some other person appointed for that purpose, is present; so precious is water in that place, though never so bad. The water thus standing in the Cisterns sometimes for many years together, breads worms, so that whither you strain it, or boil it, there will appear a kind of foulness in it, which is the seed of these worms. And this corruption it is that breeds worms in the legs and feet of men; which puts me in mind, that after my return to Paris, the fifth time of my travelling, I had one came out of my left foot an Ell an a half long, and another from under the ankle of my right foot half an Ell long. The first of April I set out from Lar by five in the morning, and travelled till three in the afternoon, through a barren stony Country, except it were only one Village called Tcherkah, near to which I met with some Corn-land, and several Palm-trees. I lodged at a little Inn called Shamzenghi. It is low, built like a Cross, with four doors to receive the cool winds every way. All the Inns are built in this fashion between this and Bander, and near to one another for the ease of Travellers. As for the Beasts, they lie without, for they have no Stables. All the Houses from Lar to Ormus are built after one manner. For there is a kind of a Pipe, like a Chimney, that runs from the bottom to the top to gather wind. The second I left Shamzenghi about four in the afternoon, because the heat is cooled by a gentle breeze toward the evening. Three hours I travelled through a barren Plain, afterwards over most fearful Rocks, and about ten at night I came to Cormout, a great Village well stored with Palm-trees. From Lar to Cormout is the worst way in all Persia. For many times there is no water to be found. The third, I parted from Cormout a little after midnight; and having travelled seven hours in very bad way, full of great stones and filthy puddles, I came to a new Inn called Tenquidalen. In the middle of it is a little vase of running water, fed by a little stream that falls from the Mountain. But the water being something brackish, they have since that built a very fair Cistern. They also broached the Mountain to bring the water into a Plain, which was barren before, but is now fruitful, and beautified with two good Villages. This was done by a rich Merchant, whose Children enjoy the Revenues of both. The fourth, I set forward an hour after midnight, and travelled through an uninhabited Country, full of wide Torrents when the rain falls. There are but two small Inns upon the Road, and about eight in the morning I arrived at that which they call Gourba-Sarghant. It was built with the Money which a Merchant of Ormus left for that purpose; whose strength failed him in that very place, for want of a resting place. This Inn is not far from a Village that stands upon the Mountain to the North. The fifth, setting out a little after midnight, I travelled till seven in the morning through a dry and desert Country, yet stored with Lentisk trees, and lay at a good Village called Cavorestan, where the people were mowing large Fields of Barley. Here, if the Inn be full, you may lie at the Countrymen's Houses, who are accustomed to entertain Travellers, and get well by it. This place is famous for water-Melons, as big as our Pumpkins; and are the best in all Persia. The meat is very read, and as sweet as Sugar, which is a great refreshment to Travellers. The Kelonter of the place gave me two Radishes, one weighing 30, the other 45 pounds, and were very good meat. The 6 th' I set out after midnight, and travelled till it was day through plains of Sand, over which it is impossible to found the way without a guide. About three a Clock in the morning I crossed over two Bridges joined together by a long Causey. Before I came to the first, I road over another for a good quarter of a league, which Causey runs on a great way to the second Bridge, under which flows a salt River; the shore of which is full of moving sands; so that before those Bridges were made, it was dangerous to ●oard it without a guide. This Caus●y and the two Bridges were made and built by a Persian, whose name was Aly; who wanting employment at home, applied himself to the King of Golconda, who liked him so well, that he made him General of his Army. Being thus advanced, he also turned Merchant, and trading first with one Vessel, than with two, got a great Estate. At length, all that he had thus got in forty years, to get himself a name in Persia, he employed in making this Causey and the two Bridges. These Bridges are both built over a River that comes from toward Kerman, and is swelled by other streams that fall from the Mountains with a great noise and discharges itself into the Persian Gulf, near to Bander Congo; but becomes brackish by passing through Mountains that are nothing but Salt. From the great Bridge to Guitchi is one of the most pleasant Countries in all Persia, being a continued Grove. Guitchi is a place accommodated with two Inns, one a very fair one, and convenient; the other very ill seated, by reason of the dust that continually annoys it standing upon a sandy ground. It stands near ten or twelve Arabian Tents; so that as soon as you come to the Inn, the Arabian Women presently bring Milk and Butter, and other refreshments. A league and a half from Guitchi you meet with two Roads, one upon the lefthand that seems more beaten, the other upon the right. There a man may easily be deceived that has no guides. For the lefthand way is a dangerous passage, and a kind of a continued Labyrinth among Rocks and Precipices. The right-hand way, which is the best, is all upon the sand to Bander-Abassi, and is usually a days journey. You meet with two Inns by the way, the last of which is called bend Ali, built by the Seaside. From Bend-Ali to Bander-Abassi, is but a little more than two leagues through a Country abounding in Palm-trees. CHAP. XXIII. Of the Island of Ormus, and of Bander-Abassi. ORmus is an Island in 92. d. 42. m. of Longitude, and in 25. d 30. m. of Latitude. It lies at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, two good Leagues from the firm Land. There is neither tree nor herb that grows in it: for it is all over covered with Salt, which is very good and as white as snow. And as for the black shining Sand-dust of Ormus, it is very much used for standishes. Before the Portugueses came to Ormus, there was a City where the Kings of Ormus, who where also Kings of Larr, resided. When the Portugals took it there were in it two young Princes, Sons of the deceased King, whom they carried into Spain. Where, in regard they were handsomely proportioned, though some what swarthy, the King entertained them very kindly, and gave them an honourable allowance. One day that he had showed them the Esc●●ial, and all the chief pieces of Architecture in Madrid, the King asked them what they thought of living in Spain. To whom they answered, that they had seen nothing but what was worthy admiration, but than fetching a deep sigh, and perceiving the King desirous to know the meaning of it, they gave him to understand that it was for grief that they must never more sit under their own Tree. For near to the City of Ormus was a Bannians tree, being the only tree that grew in the Island. The Portugals being masters of the Island from an ill-built City, reared it to that height of Magnificence which that Nation admires; so that the very bars of their doors and windows were all guilt. The Fortress was a noble thing, and in good repair: and they had also a stately Church dedicated to the Virgin, where they were also want to walk. For other place of promenading they had none. Since the Persians' took it, the Castle indeed stands in good repair, with a Garrison 〈◊〉 it: but the City is gone to ruin; for the Dutch carried most of the stones away to build Battavia. Between the Island of Ormus, and the Continent the Sea is not very deep, for the great ships that sail in and out of the Gulf, pass by the other side of the Island. As for the Fortress which stands upon a point of the Island, it is almost ●ncompass'd with the Sea, and lies right over against Persia. Bander-Abassi, so called because the great Sha-Abbus the first brought it into reputation, is at present a City reasonably well built, and stored with large warehouses, over which are the lodgings of the Merchants. While the Portugueses kept Ormus, though they lived in the City, all the trade was at Bander-Abassi, as being the most secure Landing-place upon all the Coast. About 15 years ago it was an open town, but because it was an easy thing than to get into the Town, and rob the Customhouse in the night, it has been since enclosed with walls. To this place come all the ships that bring Commodities from India for Persia, Turkey, or any part of Asia or Europe. And indeed it would be much more frequented by the Merchants from all Regions and Countries. But the Air of Bandar is so unwholesome and so hot, that no strangers can live there, in probability of health, unless it be in the months of December, January, February and March; though the Natives of the Country may perhaps stay without prejudice to the end of April. After that they retire to the cooler Mountains, two or three days journey of, for five or six months, where they eat what they gained before. They that venture to stay at Gomron during the hot weather, get a malignant Fever, which if they scape death, is hardly ever cured. However it bequeathes the yellow Jaundice during life to the party. March being passed the wind changes, and blowing at west south west, in a short time it grows so hot and so stifling, that it almost takes away a man's breath. This wind is by the Arabians called El-Samiel, or the poisonous wind, by the Persians' Bade▪ Sam●our, because it suffocates and kills presently. The flesh of them that are thus stifled feels like a gluey fat, and as if they had been dead a month before. In the year 1632. riding from Ispahan to Bagdat, I and four more Persian Merchants had been stifled but for some- Arabians that were in our Company. For when they perceived the wind, they caused us to light, lie down upon our bellies and cover ourselves with our Cloaks. We lay so for half an hour, and than rising we saw our horses were in such a sweat, that they were hardly able to carry us. This happened to us two days journey from Bagdat. But this is observable, that if a man be in a Boat upon the water when the same wind blows, it does no harm though he were naked at the same time. Sometimes the wind is so hot that it burns like Lightning. And as the Air of Gomron is so bad and dangerous, the soil is worth nothing: For it is nothing but Sand, nor is the water in the Cisterns very good. They that will be at the charge fetch their water from a fountain three leagues from Bander, called the water of Issin. Formerly there was not an herb to be seen: but by often watering the ground, Lettuce, Radish and Onions have begun to grow. The People are swarthy, and wear nothing about them but only a single shirt. Their usual diet is dates and fish. Which is almost the diet of their cattle, for when they come home from browsing the barren bushes, they give them the heads and guts of their fish boiled, with the kernels of the Dates which they eat. The Sea of Bander produces good Soles, good Smelts and Pilchards. They that will have oysters must have 'em caught on purpose, for the people eat none. Upon Land they want neither for wine of Schiras nor Yesd; nor for Mutton, Pigeons and Partridge, which are their ordinary diet. There are two Fortresses, one upon the East, the other toward the West. The Town increases in trade and building, and fills with inhabitants, who build their houses with the remaining ruins of Ormus. The reason why the Trade is settled rather at Bander Abassi, than at Bander Congo, where the Air is good and the Water excellent, is because that between Ormus and Congo lie several Islands, which make the passage for ships dangerous, besides that the often change and veering of the wind is required: neither indeed is there water enough for a Vessel of 20 or 25 guns. Than the way from Congo to Lar is very bad. From Bander Abassi, to Lar it is very good, and provided with good Inns. From the day that a Merchant takes up money at Gomron, he is bound to return it in three months, and the change goes from six to twelve per Cent. When the Goods come to Ispahan or any other place, the Merchant is not to touch them, till she has paid the money which he borrowed, unless the Creditor will trust him farther. Some Turkish and Armenian Merchants take up money at Gomron to pay it at Suratt; where they take up other money for Ispahan; at Ispahan for Erzerom or Bagdat, paying the old debt with the new sums▪ which they take up in each place. The money taken up at Erzerom is paid at Bursa, Constantinople or Smyrna. Money taken up at Bagdat is paid at Aleppo. I always made account, that to take up money at Golconda for Ligorn or Venice, at change for change, the money returns at the cheapest rate, to 95 per Cent. but more oftentimes it amounts to a hundred. Persian Travels Page 257 the Road over the Mountain the Road from Ispahan the Road from Ispahan Pagod Pagod the Inn ne'er to W is interred Monseur de Lalin Bandar Abassi The Bannians Tree Bandar Congo The Island of Guesmich A Villio A Villig the Isle of Ormus Larec The Platform of Gomrom or Bandar Abassi of the Island of Ormus & the Neighbouring Isles THE PERSIAN GOLPHE A promontory of the happy Arabia CHAP. XXIV. Of the Road by Land from Casbin to Ispahan to the Frontiers of the Territories of the Great Mogul, through Candahar. The Persians' count the distances of places by agates, that▪ make a large Province League. THe most usual road from Ispahan to Candahar, which the Merchants choose in regard of the plenty of water which they me●t with, lies thus, From Ispahan to Sakunegi. agates 7 From Sakunegi to Mouchena de Radar. 10 From Mouchena de Radar to Nanni. 8 From Nanni to Danaraquie. 15 From Danaraquie to Basabad. 15 From Basabad to Abiger. 9 From A●iger to Biabanact. 5 From Biabanact to Caseni. 5 From Caseni to Samagi. 10 From Samagi to Sadarou. 15 From Sadarou to Chechme-cha. 8 From Chechme-cha to Karte. 14 From Karte to Tabas, ville. 4 From Tabas to Espaque. 7 From Espaque to Teoque. 7 From Teoque to Talkeave. 6 From Talkeave to Cors. 10 From Cors to Tesaitan. 9 From Tesaitan to Berjan. 7 From Berjan to Moti. 7 From Moti to Sarbicha. 5 From Sarbicha to Mont. 7 From Mont to Dourat. 12 From Dourat to Chechmeband. 6 From Chechmeband to Zela. 10 From Zela to Fara, ville. 10 From Fara to Tecourmazetan. 6 From Tecourmazetan to Siabe. 6 From Siabe to Bacou. 4 From Bacou to Dilaram. 6 From Dilaram to Chaquilan. 4 From Chaquilan to Dexkak. 4 From Dexkak to Griche, ville. 12 From Griche to Kouskienogout. 10 From Kouskienogout to Candahar. 12 All this while the Men ride upon Horses, and the goods are carried by Camels. The City of Candahar is the chief of one of the Conquered Provinces of Persia▪ having been often the occasion of war between the Kings of Persia and India. At length Shakstone Abbas became Master of it, the Prince that than reigned there, choosing to put himself under the Protection of the King of Persia rather than of great Mogul: but upon this condition, that the Governor should be always one of his race. And therefore Alimerdan-Kan was the Son of the last Prince of Candahar. That Prince left behind him such a ●ast Treasury, that his Plate was all of Gold, and he had so much Gold in his Coffers, that when he went to the Great Mogul he would not accept of any thing for his maintenance, but contented himself with one of the highest Dignities in the Empire, which he enjoyed till his death. At Jehanabad he built a most neat House, with a fair Garden upon the River. He got his wealth in some measure, for the greatest part came by Inheritance, by the great advantages which he made of the Caravans that than passed oftener through Candahar than they do n●w adays. For by delaying the Merchants at the Customhouse, and by treating them himself, and receiving treatments from them again, he caused them to spend their Provision▪ which they were forced to recruit again at Candahar. The Grand Shakstone Abbas left the peaceable Possession of Candahar to Sha-Sefi his Grandchild. In whose time Alimerdan-Kan delivered it up to the Grand Mogal. S●a Abbas the Second retook it in the year 1650. Whereupon Sha-gehan sent his eldest Son to drive him out. But though his Army consisted of three hundred thousand men, yet the place▪ was so well defended that he lost the best part of his Army before it. The next year Sha-jehan sent another Army under the Command of Sultan-Sujah, but he had no better success than his Brother. Thereupon Begum Saheb, Sha-jehan's eldest Daughter, and passionately beloved by him even to Incest, bearing the greatest sway in the Kingdom, and having a Vast Treasure, raised an Army at her own charges, and made Aurergzeb Commander of it. After many assaults, Aurengzeb discoursing with his Generals one day who should have the honour if he took the City, and being told that his Sister would have the honour in regard she had raised the Army, the Prince either jealous of his Sister, or else▪ not loathe to give occasion of being envied by his Brothers, assaulted it not more, and when the rains came, raised his siege. A. The Principal Citadel. B. Another Citadel. C. The Mountain that reached to the next Citadle, which Sha' Sefi cut away after he took the City. D. The Governors' House. E. The Lodgings for the Officers and Soldiers. F. The Piazza of the City. G. The great street. H. The two Causeys that lead to the City. I. The Path that leads from the Mersh to the City. K. The lesser way that leads from the City to the Citadel. Thus I have finished the most considerable Observations as well in reference to Turkey as to Persia. I have been curious to understand things▪ and have lo●kt which a strict eye upon them: and I am obliged to inform the Reader, that he must not travel into Asia, in expectation of mending his experience in any of the nobler Arts of Painting, Sculpture, Goldsmith's work, or Turning. As for the Coverlets, Embroideries, Tissues of Gold and Silver, which are made in Persia, and which we admired formerly in France, all these give place to our new manufactures. Insomuch that the Persians' themselves admire the rich goods of Europe, and when we carry any thither, they are in mediately bought up by the King and the Nobility. They neither understand any thing of Architecture: nor is there any thing in all Asia that equals the Richeses and Beauty of the Louvre, or of any other of the King's houses in France, which infinitely excel in workmanship all the magnificence of the Eastern Monarches. Which has made me with astonishment admire that so many Travellers have ascribed to Persia and other Regions of Asia, those beauties for which they were never beholding either to Art or Nature. For if all they have said had been true, those wonders could never have escaped my sight; and I dare assure the Reader that I have described the naked truth of things as really they are. The End of the Relations of Persia: and of the first Part of Asian Travels. Page. 258. Persian Travels. The Platform of the famous Fortress of Candahar which is the Best Place in all Asia▪ THE INDEX TO THE Persian Travels. A. ACcident that befell the Author at Balsara. 64, 65. Aleppo described, 57 Alexandretta, 55. The Road dangerous for Ships, ib. Ali-Kouli-Kan his Story, 218, 219. Allachars,— vid. Philadelphia. Almanac Persian, 234. Almerdan-Kan delivers up Candahar to the Mogul, 198. His answer to the Mogul, ib. Amadan described, 75, Amadie, 108. Amasia, 4. Anna, 111. Antioch, 56. Aphian Carassar, 37. Arabian Princes exact from the Caravans, 59, 61, 63. Aras anciently Araxes, 9 Arbele Plain, 73. Archbishop of Armeni, 16. Ardevol described, 24. Armenians, their behaviour at Church, 13. Removed by Sha-Abbas, 16. Their Religion, ib. Their custom before meals, 18. Great Traders▪ 159. Their Languages, ib. Their Marriages 172▪ Their Christen, 171, etc. Their Burials, 173. Artaxate, 13. Asiaticks idle. Asparagus wild, 8. Assaque, 114. Astracan, 116. Astrology admired by the Persians', 234. Athemadoulet, vid. Officers. Athens, 121. Aydar, 195. B. BAgdat described, pag. 84. Balsara, 88 Baker, how punished, 234. Bander-Abassi, 255. Bannians expelled by Sha-Abbas, 220. Baptism of the Armenians, 171. St. Bartholomew, 16, 17. Bassa of Cyprus, 81. Bedovins, what; and how they live, 66. Beauty among the Arabs, 112. Betlis, 105. Bey, what, 105, 106. Bishop Armenian buried, 18. Books Persian. 227, 229. Bread, how made in the Desert, 62. Bufalo's;— fight of Bufalo's, an Armenian sport, 12. C. CAchan, pag. 30. Calaat, how received by the Khans, 236. Camels, their breeding, nature, and several sorts. Camel-drivers, a rude sort of people, 48. One killed by a Cafer, ib. Great cheats, 50. Candahar described, 258. Candy, remarks upon the Trade of it, 118. Carriage what, 11. Where paid, 38. Caravans, where they set out, 2. Constrained to stop, 8, 9, 11. Caravanseras, the order among them, 45. Casbin, 26. Cazerom, 65. Ceremony of the Taper among the Armenians, and the occasion, 12. At the Enthronement of the King, 200, etc. Chamber of the King's Accounts, 227. Charkliquen described, 6. Children of the King's of Persia, how bred, 196. Chimneys, how made in Persia, 238. Chio, 119. Christians of St. John, and their opinions, 90, etc. Chrysostom's Rock, 6. Churches, the three Churches, 10, 11. The richness of the Armenian Churches, 12, 13. Circassia, 126. Customs of the people, 129. Civility of two Arabians very remarkable, 111. Coffeehouses inspected by Sha-Abbas, 154. Colleges Persian, 227. Comania, 126. Customs of the people, 129. Combat between two Bulls, one called Ali, the other Mahomet, 29. Comouks, their Customs and Feasts, 128, etc. Constancy of the Armenians in defending their Religion, 174. Corgia Petrus his Wealth, 159. Corinth, 121. Coron, ib. Corou, 31. Covents Armenian, 16. Courriers Arabian use Dromedaries for speed, 61. Coins of Persia, 50, etc. Courtesans, how distinguished, 86. Customers of Bagdat, 83. Curds, a strange sort of Arabs, 106. Customs of Persia, 234. Cycladeses Islands, 120. Cyprian Birds, 80. Cyprus described, 79. D. DAnger of leaving the Caravan, pag. 6. Darius, 73. Debauchery punished, 232. Dengbe, 26. Dervichs, the strange reverence they gave to Sultan Amurat, 60. Desert described, 61. Diarbequir described, 104. Diet of the Persians', 241. Diseases of Persia, 239. Their Cure, 240. Disposition of the Persians', 235. Domenico Santis, the story of him, 72, etc. Dromedaries, see Courrier. Duties, where paid, 9, 10, 14, 18, 20, 59, 106, 107, 112, 115, 116. E. ECclisia, 17. Ambassadors expenses born in Persia, 14. Ambassadors Indian, the story of him, 65. Emirs of Arabia, 63, 64. Ephesus, 34. Erivan described, 13. Betrayed; retaken by the Persian, 14. Etzerome described, 8. Euphrates, 8, 58, 71. Exchequer Persian, 227. Ezekiel the Prophet, his Sepulchre, 86. F. FEast of Hozen and Hussein, 161. St. Francis of Paolo ' s Miracle, 113. Franks in Alexander' ss Army, 14. Seat themselves near Erivan, ib. Funerals at Bagdat described, 85, 86. Inconvenient to the poor, ib. Funerals of the Persians', 244. G. GAlleys of the Grand Signior; their demands when out at Sea, 54. Their present condition, 122. Gaming not allowed, 236. Gaures, their Religion and present condition, 163. Their Original and Prophets, 164. Their Books, 165. Their Baptism, Marriages, Feasts, Fasts, and Funerals, 166. Their adoration of Fire, 167. Their Manners and Customs, ib. Beasts which they love or hate, 168. Genealogy of the Persian Kings, 195. Georgia, the present state of it, 123. Gezire, 108. Godfrey of Bologne ' s Arms, 55. Gorno Fortress, 68 Government of Persia, 219. Grand Signior's power over his Bassa's, 8. Gregory, St. martyred, 13. Gulf Persian, 95. Guni, 114. H. HAbit of the Persians', 237. Halicarcara. 10. Haly not much resorted to by the Persian Pilgrims, and why, 62. St. Helena, 22. Hizargerib the fairest Garden of Persia, 157. Highways, how secured in Persia, 233. Strangers bound to hire Horses from Alexandretta to Aleppo, 55. Horses Arabian, 65. I. JAfer-Kan, the Story of him, 210. Janisary strikes out an Armenian Bishop's eye, 10. Jasque, the Prince there of Rebels. Jealousy of the Persians', 239. Iman-Kouli-Kan, the story of his death, 204, etc. Ionas Whale, 54. Ispahan fully described, 148, etc. St. Judas, 86. Justice of the Persians', 232. K. KAffa the City, 113. Kaguisgan Fort, 10. Kalmouches, what sort of people, 127. Khans of Persia, 14. Civil to strangers, ib. 225. Can of Erivan, betrays the Town, and teaches the Grand Signior to drink, 14. The Can of Kerman kind to the Author, 41. Can of Can, his sad end, 30. Kars described, 9 Keckmish, 49. Besieged by the Hollander, ib. Kerman described, 41. Kilet, 82. King of Persia's favours, 236. Kom described, 28. L. LAke of Antioch, 56. Launce that pierced the side of Christ, 13. Languages used in Persia, 229. Lar described, 253. Latitudes of the chiefest Cities of Persia, 135. Locusts, 65, 81. Longitudes of the principal Cities of Persia, 135, etc. M. MAhomet-Ali-beg, the story of him, 42, etc. He punishes his own Son, 44. Mahomet-beg, his misfortune, 212. Revengeful, 213, etc. Malta, the great Ceremony of the grand Muster upon Lady-day, 78. Manners of Persia. See Customs. Marante, 20. Market-price, how settled, 55, 234. Marriages of the Persians', 243. Meal, the strange nature of Persian meal, 27. Mengrelia, the present State of it, 125. Messina described, 2. Milo Island, 120. Mirza-Ibrahim, 23. Mirza-Take, his story, 197. Modon, 121. Money of Persia. See Coins. Monuments Turkish, 3, 4, 24, 25. Mother kills her own Son instead of a Bannian, 202. Moulla's, 226. Moussal described, 71. Murder committed in the Desert, 112. Punished in Persia, 232. N. NAcksivan described, 16. Names and Employments of the Officers of the King's House, 221, etc. Of the Military Officers, 223. Naxis, 120. Nazar; vid. Officers. Nemrod, or the supposed Tower of Babble, 86. Nibia described, 3. Niniveh, 71. Noah, where he lived, 16. His Wife, where buried, 20. Nogays, their Customs, 132, etc. O. OFficers of the King's Household, 221. Military, 223. Ecclesiastic and Judicial, 226. Ormus, 255. Ozeman, 4. P. PAros Island, 12. Passage of the Author from Niniveh to Babylon, 82. From Bagdat to Balsara, 87. From Balsara to Ormus, 94. Passengers; see Travellers. Patras, 121. Patriarch of the Armenians, 11. Feasts the Caravan, 12. Pearls of great beauty and value, 95, 144. Persia, its extent and Provinces, 141. The Flowers and Fruits and Fruits thereof, 144. The Beasts of service, 145. Fish and Fowl there, ib. Buildings, 147. Persians', their Superstition, 24. Their manner of Entertainment, 5. Their Civility, 77. Their extravagancy in Apparel, 238. Their Religion, 160, Their Feasts and Diet, 241. Artists, wherein, 230. Commodities of the Countries, ib. Their Manners and Customs, 234. Philadelphia now Allachars. 31. Places of privilege, 24. Plains of Salt, 31, 39 Polia or Folis, 4. Policy of the Persians', 232. Pointing at the King of Persia, loss of the hand, 207. Porter of the King of Persia beloved by him for his whiskers, 47. Printing not used; and why, 229. Proverb in Persia about living happy, 44. Q. Quitros' Haven, 114. R. RAdars; what, 233. Rafedi's; what, 85. Severely chastised for Superstition, ib. Restoration for Robbery, how made, 233. River that peutrifies, 15. Relics Armenian, 17. Roads from France to Constantinople; ●. From Constantinople to Ispahan; 3. From the borders of Persia to Erivan; 10. From Erivan to Tauris; 15. From Tauris to Ispahan through Tauris and Casbin; 24. From Tauris to Ispahan through Zangan and Sultain; 26. From Smyrna to Ispahan; 32. From Kerman to Ispahan; 41. From Paris to Ispahan another way; 53. From Aleppo to Ispahan through the great Desert; 60. Through Mesopotamia and Assyria; 66. From Niniveh to Ispahan; 72. From Smyrna to Ispahan; 102. From Aleppo to Tauris through Diarbequir and Van; 103. Through Gezire; 108. From Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert and Kengavar; 109. From Constantinople to Ispahan by the Euxin- Sea; 113. From Warsaw to Ispahan over the black Sea; and Ispahan to Moscow; 115. From Ormus to Schiras; 245. From Ispahan to Ormus, from Schiras to Bandar-Abassi; 251. From Casbon to Ispahan, and so through Candahar to the Frontiers of the Mogul, 257. Robbery committed upon the Author near Tocat, 40. Robbery; how punished, 233. Rock of a strange nature; 107. S. SAdler Ralph; his sad story; 207. Salmastre; 208. Samatra, a place of Devotion among the Mahometans, 83. Santorini, a remarkable Island; 79. Sardis; 37. Sava; 28. Schiras; 66. Described: 247. Seal of the King of Persia, 179. Sedre, his Office, 226. Sefi Kouli-Kan Governor of Babylon; his death, 84, 85. Sem the Son of Noah, 15. Sexava, 28. Sha-Abbas, 158. Sends to Henry 4 th' of France, ib. To Spain, ib. His answer, ib. He turns Merchant, ib. Kind to the Capuchins; 157. His madness in drink; 172. He punishes the Baker and Cook; 203. Sha-Abbas the second, 209. Shambe; the Inhabitants mad at 18 years of age; 17. Shappars', what; 233. Their privileges, ib. Sha-Sefi destroys the Turks Army; 20. His madness in drink, 198. His cruelty, 206. Shaoux; what they are, 47. Sherazoul, 73. Sidi Fatima, 29. Sinopus, 118. Smyrna largely described; 32, etc. Sophiana; 20. St. Simon; 86. St. Stephens; 17. Story of four Frenchmen; 95. Students Persian; 227. Sultan Amurat makes his entry into Aleppo; 6. Sultain described; 27. Superstition of the Persians'; 236. T. TAmerlane; 195. Tartars eat raw Horseflesh; 7. Lesser Tartars; 132. Tauris described; 20, 21, etc. And the places adjacent; 23. Temple of Ephesus. See Ephesus. Teren; 108. Thievery punished, 233. Tigris; 71. Time, how divided by the Persians', 240. Tocat, 5. Tocia, 4. Tower of Babble, vid, Nemrod. Travelling very secure in Persia, 18, 233. Travellers, how to behave themselves, 47. The treachery of a Janisary, 35, etc. Turkey, bad travelling in Turkey▪ 1 Turks, their Superstition, 9 Turquoises, 144. V VAn, 106. Voyage, The Author's Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta, 78. The Author's first Voyage, 95. From Paris to Smyrna, 99 W. WAter bitter, 61. Scarce in Persia, 156. Women of Bagdat, 86. Of Arabia, ib. Of Persia, 239. Wool of Persia very fine, 40. Writing Persian, 229. Y. YEsde described, 44. Yesdecas, 66. Z. ZEo Island, 120. Zulpha described, 19, 155, 157, etc. THE SIX TRAVELS OF JOHN BAPTISTA TAVERNIER, BARON of AUBONNE, THROUGH Turkey and Persia TO THE INDIESES, During the space of Forty years. Giving an Account of the present State of those Countries, viz. Of their RELIGION, GOVERNMENT, CUSTOMS, and COMMERCE. AS ALSO The Figures, Weights, and Value of the MONEY and COINS severally currant therein. The Second Part: DESCRIBING INDIA and the ISLES Adjacent. Made English by J. P. LONDON: Printed in the Year, 1684. THE FIGURES Of the PIECES of Gold, Silver and Copper: AND OF The Sorts of Shells and Almonds that pass for MONEY over all ASIA. The Money of Arabia. Larin, Figure 1. Half-Larin▪ Fig. 2. The Author not having given an account of the weight or fineness of the Coins he treats of, but having only expressed their value in French Liures, it is thought fit for the better reduction thereof into English Coin, to advertise, That Three French Liures make a French Crown, which passes in Exchange from 54 pence to 58 pence halfpenny; so that a French Livre may be in value as the Exchange goes, from 18 pence to 19 pence halfpenny. And twenty Sous make a Livre. THIS Money (Fig. 1.) is called Larin, and signifies the same with our Crowns. The Five Pieces are as much in value as one of our Crowns; and the Ten Half-Larins as much. Only the Five Larins want in weight Eight Sous of our Crown. This is that which the Emirs, or Princes of Arabia take for the Coining of their Money; and the profit which they make by the Merchants that travel through the Desert, either into Persia or the Indieses. For than the Emirs come to the Caravans, to take their Tolls, and to change their Crowns, Reals, or Ducats of Gold, for these Larins. For they must of necessity pass that way. And they must use very smooth words to boot; for there is nothing to be got by rough Languages. If they see the Merchants will not change their Money, than will they refuse to take their Toll; but making as if they had not time to cast up the account, they go a hunting, and leave the Merchants fifteen or twenty Days without saying any thing more to them; while they in the mean time spend their Provisions, not knowing where to get more. If the Caravan goes on without paying their Tolls, these Arabian Princes will either cut them in Pieces, or take away their Camels, or rob them of all they have, as they have several times done. In one Journey that I made, one of these Princes kept us one and twenty days; after which we thought ourselves happy to be quit of him, when we had given him whatever he demanded. If these five Larins did but weigh as much as the Crown, or Real of Spain, the Merchants would never be much troubled. But when they come to Persia, or the Indieses, they must carry their Money to the Mint, as I have said in another place, and loose above eight Sous in a Crown, which amounts to 14 per Cent. As for what remains, the Larins are one of the ancient Coins of Asia; and though at this day they are only currant in Arabia, and at Balsara, nevertheless, from Bragdatt to the Island of Ceylan, they traffic altogether with the Larin, and all along the Persian Gold; where they take 80 Larins for one Toman, which is 50 Abasses. The Money currant under the Dominions of the Great Mogul. ALL the Gold and Silver which is brought into the Territories of the Great Mogul, is refined to the highest perfection before it be coined into Money. The Roupy of Gold weighs 2 Drams and a half, and 11 Grains, and is valued in the Country at 14 Roupies of Silver. We reckon the Roupy of Silver at 30 Sous. So that a Roupy of Gold comes to 21 Liures of France; and an Ounce of Gold to 58 Liures, and 4 Deneers. This Gold is like that which we buy at 54 Liures an Ounce. And if you bring this Gold in Ingots, or Ducats of European Gold, you shall have always 7 and a half profit; if you can scape paying any thing to the Custom-houses. The Half-Roupy comes to 10 Liures 10 Sous; and the Quarter-Roupy to 5 Liures 5 Sous. As I have said, you must reckon the Silver Roupy at 30 Sous, though it weigh not above 3 Drams; whereas our pieces of 30 Sous weigh 3 Drams, and half 4 grains; but the Roupy is much the better Silver. In a word, they that understand Traffic well, and carry hence Gold or Silver to the Territories of the Great Mogul, get always 7 or 8 per Cent. profit, provided they take care to eat the Custom-houses. For if you pay them, the 7 or 8 per Cent. which you might make profit, goes to them; and so the Roupy comes to 30 Sous, the Half to 15, and the Quarter to 7 and a half, the eighth Part to 3 Sous and 9 Dinars. As for their Copper Money, sometimes 'tis worth more, sometimes lesle, as Copper comes to the Mint. But generally the biggest sort is worth 2 Sous of our Money, the next 1 Sous, the next to that 6 Dinars. As for their Shell Money, the nearer you go to the Sea, the more you give for a Pecha, for they bring them from Mnldi8es. Fifty or sixty of these make a which is that piece of Coin that is worthbut 6 Dinars. For their Money of Mamoudi's, half Mamoudi's, and Almonds, all that sort of Money is only currant in the Province of Guzeratt, the principal Cities whereof are Surat, Barocha, Cambaya, Broudra and Amadabat. Five Mamoudi's go for a Crown, or a Real. For small Money they make no use of these Shells, but of little Almonds, which are brought from about Ormus, and grow in the Deserts of the Kingdom of Larr. If you break one of the Shells, it is impossible to eat the Almond, for there is no Coloquintida so bitter; so that there is no fear jest the Children should eat their small Money. They have also those little pieces of Copper which are called Pecha, 6 Deneers in value. They give 20 for a Mamoudi, and 40 Almonds for a Pecha; sometimes you may have 44, according to the quantity which is brought. For some years the Trees do not bear, and than the price of this sort of Money is very much raised in that Country; and the Bankers know how to make their benefit. Fig. 1. The Roupy of Gold. Fig. 2. The Half-Roupy of Gold. Fig. 3. The Quarter-Roupy of Gold. Fig. 4. The Roupy of Silver. Fig. 5. Another Roupy of Silver. Fig. 6. The Half-Roupy of Silver. Fig. 7. The Quarter-Roupy of Silver. Fig. 8. The Eighth part of the Roupy of Silver. Fig. 9 Four Pecha's of Copper. Fig. 10. Two Pecha's of Copper. Fig. 11. One Pecha. Page. 2. Money of Arabia Larin & half Larin Travels in India. Money of the Great Mogul depiction of currency N. 3. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 1. depiction of coin N. 1. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of cowrie shell depiction of cowrie shell depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin The Money of a King and two Rajas N. 1. depiction of coin N. 1. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin Fig. 12. The Shells. Fig. 13. A Silver-Mamoudi, which is the Money of Guzerat. Fig. 14. Half a Mamoudi. Fig. 15. The Almond. I have marked two sorts of Roupies, the one square, the other round. The square one is as they coined it anciently; the round ones are as they make them at this day. The Money of a King and two Raja's, all three Tributaries to the Great Mogul. MAton-cha is a Tributary to the Great Mogul; yet he has power to coin Money. When you are at Agra, the Territories of this King lie to the North; and before you can come at them, you must pass over very high and cragged Mountains. 'Tis a good Country, where are all things necessary for the support of human life, except Rice, which is a great inconvenience to the Inhabitants, who being all Idolaters, are deprived thereby of their chiefest delicacies, in regard they feed upon nothing so hearty as upon Rice. They have excellent Corn and Grapes, but they make no Wine, though they make some Aqua vitae. They want neither Oxen nor Cows; but their Horses are little, weak and ill-shaped. All the Trade which these people have with their Neighbours, is in Copper, whereof they have two extraordinary Ours, from whence they furnish the greatest part of the Mogul's Territoriés; out of which they have Salt in exchange, not having any of their own. This Salt costs them dear, in regard it is four months' travel to the place where they fetch it, that is to say, from the Territories of Maton-cha to the Indian Coast towards Bacaim. They travel upon Oxen, and the same Oxen carry their Copper. There must be also some Ours of Lapis-Lazuli and Garnets' in that Country, in regard they bring several from thence. Fig. 1, and 2. is the Money of Maton-Cha. Fig. 1. is the Silver-Money, which weighs not above one dram and 19 grains, and is of the same goodness as the Roupy. The half-Roupy goes for 15 Sous, and this for 16 Sous, which is six and a half per Cent. more. But certain it is, that the more Northward you travel that way, Gold and Silver is more scarce. Fig. 2. These pieces▪ of Copper go for the value of a Pecha of the Great Mogul; they are heavier by half, but the Copper is not so good as that of Pegu or Japan. Fig. 3, and 4. is the Money of the Raja of Parta Jajoumola. The Raja of Parta Jajoumola, is one of the great Raja's on the other side of the Gagens. His Territories are directly North of Patna, nigh to the great Moguls to whom he is Tributary, and bordering upon the King of Bantam. He is bound every year to sand an Ambassador with twenty Elephants to the Governor of Patna, who sends them to the Great Mogul. The greatest part of his revenue consists in Elephants, Musk and Rhubarb. He lays also a great Imposition upon Salt, as well that which is spent by his own Subjects, as upon that which is carried abroad. This is all Sea-Coast Salt, which comes from the Territories of the Great Mogul, and is brought from the Sea-Coast to Ganges, and so over Ganges is carried as far as the fiftieth and five and fiftieth Degree. They lad above 150000 Oxen; and for every burden they pay a Roupy at the Salt-Pits, and no more afterwards through the whole Kingdom. Had this Raja of Parta Salt of his own, he would never be Tributary to the Great Mogul. Fig. 5▪ and 6. is the Money of the Raja of Ogen. The Raja of Ogen is also a Tributary to the Great Mogul; his Country lies between Brampour, Seronge and Amadabat; and it is one of the best Soils in the Indieses. His Silver Money passes nowhere but in his own Country, not being suffered in the Moguls. His Silver Money goes for a quarter of a Roupy, at 7 Sous 6 Dinars; but the Silver▪ is base. His Copper Money goes for 6▪ Dinars, and is currant in the Mogul's Dominions as far as Agra. For his smaller Money he makes use of those Shells whereof we have already spoken. Pieces of Gold called Pagods, which are currant in the Territories of the King of Golconda, the▪ King of Visapour, the▪ Great Raja of Carnatica, the Raja of Velouche, and at the Diamond Ours. ALL the Pieces of Gold represented in the Plate of Golconda-Money, pass through all these Countries at the same value, and are about the weight of our half Pistol; but the Gold is of a base Metal, so that an Ounce is not worth above 42 or 43 Liures; not going for more than four Roupies. Page. 5. Travels in India Pieces of Gold called Pagods. N. 1. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N 7 depiction of coin N 8 depiction of coin N 9 depiction of coin N 10. depiction of coin N. 11. depiction of coin N 12. depiction of coin N 13. depiction of coin N 14. depiction of coin N. 15. depiction of coin N 16. depiction of coin N 17. depiction of coin English & Holland money. N. 1 depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N 3. depiction of coin N 4 depiction of coin N 5. depiction of coin N. 6 depiction of coin N 7. depiction of coin N 8. depiction of coin Fig. 1. The old Pagod. Fig. 2. The King of Golconda's Pagod. Fig. 3, and 4. The King of Visapour's Pagod. Fig. 5, and 6. The Raja of Carnatica's Pagod. Fig. 7, and 8. The Raja of Velouche's Pagod. Fig. 9, 10, 11, and 12. are the Half-Pagods of those Kings and Raja's. Fig. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17. are little Pieces of Gold called Fanos, which are of different value. There are some whereof six go to a Crown; others from ten to fifteen; and some are very base metal. This is the Money that passes all along the Coast of Coromandel; from Cape Comorin as far as Bengala. And they have very little other than that, besides the Pecha of Copper, and the Shells, which pass for small Money. The Money which the English and Hollanders Coin in the Indieses. Figure 1, and 2. is the Money which the English coin in their Fort St. George, or else at Madrespatan, upon the Coast of Coromandel. They call them Pagods, as those of the Kings and Raja's of the Coutry are 〈◊〉 They are of the same weight, the same goodness, and pass for the 〈◊〉 Value. Formerly the English never coined any Silver or Copper Money; for in some parts that border upon the Indians, where they have Factories, as at Surat, Maslipatan, or at Bantam, they found it more profitable to carry Gold from England, than Silver; Gold lying in lesle room, and not being so troublesome; besides, that by carrying Gold they more easily escape the▪ paying those Customs, which the Kings impose upon Gold and Silver. But since the present King of England married the Princess of Portugal, who had in part of her Portion the famous▪ Port of Bombeye, where the English are very hard at work to build a strong Fort, they coin both Silver, Copper and Tinn. But that Money will not go at Surat, nor in any part of the Great Mogul's Dominions, or in any of the Territories of the Indian Kings; only it passes among the English in their Fort, and some two or three Leagues up in the Country, and in the Villages along the Coast; the Country people that bring them their Wares, being glad to take that Money; otherwise they would see but very little stirring, in regard the Country is very poor, and the people have nothing to cell but Aqua vitae, made of Coco-Wine and Rice. Fig. 3 and 4. is the Gold Money which the Hollanders coin at Pelicate, which is a Fort that they possess upon the Coast of Coromandel. Those pieces are also called Pagods, and are of the same weight with the others; but for the goodness, I think they are better by two or three in the hundred, than those of the Kings and Raja's of the Country, or which the English make. I made this observation, being at the Diamond-Mines, and in other parts of the Indieses where there is any great Trade. For the first thing they ask you is, Whether you have any Pagods of Pelicate; and if you have, you speed much better in your business. Fig. 5, and 6. is a Roupy of Silver, which the Hollanders coin at Pelicate, being of the same weight with those which the Great Mogul, or the Kings of Golconda and Visapour make. It has in the middle upon one side the makr of the Holland Company, to distinguish it from others. The Hollanders Roupies of Silver are quite contrary to their Pagods of Gold, which are more esteemed by the Indians than those of the Princes of the Country. For they make far lesle account of these Roupies of Silver; and if you pay any great sum in these pieces, though the Silver be as good as the others, you must loose one half per Cent. Fig. 7, and 8. is the Hollanders small Copper-Money, wherewith they ordinarily pay their Soldiers. It has upon one side the mark of the Company. And indeed the Hollanders, who mind nothing but their profit, had great reason to obtain leave to coin Money; for bringing only Gold from Japan, from Macassar only Gold in Powder, and from China Gold in Ingots, and selling all these to the Bankers, they found that they lost five or six per Cent. which proceeded from the mistrust of the Changers, and the chief of the Factories belonging to the Company. Now they eat that loss, and make the same profit which the Bankers did, coining all these Metals into money. Though in every Voyage which they make to Japan, they generally loose one Vessel by storm; yet some years they make sieve or six Millions of Liures profit, all freights discharged, and hazards escaped. But that profit is quite lost, since their loss of the Island of Formosa. The Money of the King of Cheda and Pera. THis Money is of Tin, and is coined by the King of Cheda and Pera. He coins no other Money than Tin▪ Some yearssince he found out several Ours, which was a great prejudice to the English. For the Hollanders and other Merchants buy it, and vend it over all Asia. Formerly the English brought it out of England, and furnished great part of Asia, where they consumed a vast quantity; they carried it also into all the Territories of the Great Mogul, as also into Persia 〈…〉 for all their Dishes are of Copper, which they 'cause to be Tinned over every month. Among the meaner sort of people, there is little to be seen but this Tin-money, and the Shells called Cori; which I have spoken of already. Page. 7. Travels in India The Money of the King of Beda and Pera. N 1. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N 5. depiction of cowrie shell N. 5. depiction of cowrie shell N 4. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin Money of the King of Achen. N 1 depiction of coin N 2. depiction of coin N 5 depiction of coin N 6 depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N 4. depiction of coin N 7. depiction of coin N. 8. depiction of coin N 9 depiction of coin N. 10 depiction of coin Money of the King of Siam; N 1 depiction of coin N 2. depiction of coin N 3 depiction of coin N 4 depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N 7. depiction of coin N 8. depiction of coin Fig. 3, and 4. is a piece that goes at the value of four Dinars. Fig. 5, and 6. are their Shells, whereof they give fifty for the little piece of Tin. The Money of Gold and Tin of the King of Achen. With the Money in Gold Coined by the King of Macassar, and the Celebes. And the Silver and Copper Money of the King of Camboya. FIg. 1, and 2. is the Money in Gold coined by the King of Achen, in the Island of Sumatra. In goodness it is better than our Lovis; an Ounce being well worth fifty Franks. This piece weighs 10 Grains, and would be worth sixteen Sous and eight Dinars of our Money. Fig. 3, and 4. is the small Money made by the same King, being of Tin, and weighs eight Grains. The Tin being good, I value it at 16 Sous a pound; and than 75 of these pieces is worth one Sous of ours. Fig. 5, and 6. is the Money in Gold of the King of Macassar, or the Celebes. This piece weighs twelve Grains, and the Hollanders take it for a Florin of our Money; which comes to 23 Sous and eight Dinars. Fig. 7, and 8. is the Silver Money of the King of Camboya; being good Silver, and weighs thirty two Grains. The piece comes to 24 Sous of our Money; nor does the King coin it at any higher rate. He has a great quantity of Gold in his Country, but he never coins it into Money; for he trade's with it by weight, as he does with his Silver, according to the custom of China. Fig. 9 and 10. is the Copper Money of the King of Camboya. The King of Java, the King of Bantam, and the Kings of the Molucca Islands coin no other Money, but pieces of Copper after the same form and manner. As for their Silver Money, they let it pass as it comes out of other Countries, without melting it down. In Bantam, in all Java, in Batavia, and the Molucca's, there is little other Money stirring, but Spanish Reals, Rixdollars of Germany, and Crowns of France; the greatest part being Half-Reals, Quarters and eighth Parts. But in Batavia they use besides for small Money, Shillings, double Sous and Sous, as in Holland. The Money in Gold, Silver and Copper, of the King of Siam. FIg. 1, and 2. is the Money in Gold, coined by the King of Siam; and weighs 18 Grains more than our Half-Pistol. The Gold is of the same Goodness, and may be worth 7 Liures and one Sous of our Money. When the Merchants, that trade in that Country, bring thence either Gold or Silver, 'tis for want of other Commodities, as Silk, Musk, Sandal, Wood, Gum, Lake, Elephants teeth, and other things. For by carrying out Gold or Silver, they reap but two in the hundred profit. Fig. 3, 4, 5, and 6. is a piece about the bigness of a large Hazelnut, slatted on the four sides, like a semicircle, three sides whereof are open like a Horse-shoe; and upon two sides are certain of their own Letters. There is no Money in the East so strangely coined as this. It weighs three Drams and a half, and 25 Grains, and is as good as our Silver at three Liures and 10 Sous the Ounce. It amounts to 32 Sous and 4 Dinars of our Money. Fig. 6, 7, and 8. is the Copper Money of the King of Siam; and they give two hundred of these pieces for one piece of Silver. For their small Money, they make use of certain Shells that are gathered upon the Seashore, which they bring from Maldives. The Gold and Silver Money of the Kings of Asem, Tipoura, Arakan and Pegu. ALL the Silver Money coined by the Kings whom I have named, is in goodness equal to our Crown, rating it at three Liures ten Sous the Ounce, as we rate our Crowns here. Fig. 1, and 2. is the Silver Money of the King of Asem; it weighs three Drams and four Grains, and comes to 23 Sous of our Money. Fig. 3, 4. is the Silver Money made by the King of Tipoura Chatermani. In the language of the Country, he is called Dieu Ara-gari, which is stamped upon one side of the Money, and upon the other Chatermani Roy de Tipoura. His Country gins about twelve days journey from Daca toward the North-West. This Money weighs two Drams and a half, and twentytwo Grains; and is in value twentytwo Sous. Fig. 5, 6. is the King of Arakan's Money. It weighs two Drams and a half, and 15 Grains, which makes 21 Sous of our Money. This King coins no Gold; but he trafficks in Gold uncoined. The Metal is very base, and not worth above 14 Carats, a Carat being the third part of an Ounce. The King however holds it at a high rate, to keep it from being carried out of his Country. In all Bengala this King is known by no other Name but the King of Mogue. Fig. 7, and 8. is the King of Pegu's Silver Money, and weighs two Drams and a half, and twelve Grains, which may come to about 20 Sous, and six Dinars of our Money. Fig. 9, and 10. are the King of Pegu's Fano's, or little pieces of Gold, and weigh not above 7 Grains to boot. Fifteen of these little pieces pass for the value of a Real, or one of our Crowns, the Gold being coarse. Fig. 11, 12. are the Kings of Asem's Fano's; they weigh also 7 Grains; but they are a much base Metal than those of Pegu, for twentytwo of them amount but to the value of our Crown. Lumps or Pieces of Gold and Silver which go for Money in the Kingdom of China, and the Kingdom of Tunquin. YOU are first to take notice, that in all the Kingdom of China, and the Kingdom of Tunquin, there is no Money coined, either Gold or Silver; that their small Money is Copper, and that they make use in payments only of Lumps or Pieces of Gold and Silver, which have every one their particular weight, as is here represented. The Pieces of Gold marked Fig. 1, and 2. are by the Hollanders called Goltschut, that is to say, a Boat of Gold, because they are in the form of a Boat. Other Nations call them Loaves of Gold; and there are but two different sizes of them. The Gold is of such a goodness, that an Ounce in France would not be worth lesle than 42 Franks. The great Pieces come to twelve hundred Gelder's of Holland Money, and thirteen hundred and fifty Liures of our Money. The other Piece, which weighs but half as much, is in value according to its proportion. ●age. 8. Money of the King of Asem. Travels in India. N. 4. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 4. depiction of coin N 12. depiction of coin N 11. depiction of coin N 10. depiction of coin N 9 depiction of coin N. 8. depiction of coin N. 7. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin China Pieces N*1* N*1* depiction of currency N*2* N*2* depiction of currency N*3* N*3* depiction of currency N*3* N*3* depiction of currency N 4 depiction of coin Page. 9. Travels in In●●● The japonners Call these pieces as well Silver as Gold Coupent. N. 1. Peice of Gold. depiction of currency N. 2. Peice of Gold depiction of currency N 3. Peice of Gold. depiction of currency N 4. Peice of Gold. depiction of currency N 5. depiction of currency N 6. depiction of currency N 7. depiction of currency In great payments they make use of Ingots, that come to a hundred Franks in value; and they have little Pieces of Silver that are not worth above a Sous. When they buy any Commodity, if they have not whole Pieces enough to make up the sum, they have always instruments ready to cut of so much from a great Piece as will perfect the Payment. When the Chineses transport their Golden Loaves, or their Boats, into other Countries, the Merchants cut them in the middle, not daring to trust the Chinese, who have often deceived, them and none have been more cheated than the Hollanders. For they have a way to stuff their loaves of Gold, insomuch that you shall sometimes found in the middle a third part of Copper or Silver. In all sorts of Bargains the Chinese are so cunning, that there are few strangers whom they do not overreach; especially, in Batavia, the Hollanders when they come first. They carry their weights always along with them, being like a Roman Beam, or a Stelleer, about eight Inches long, with which they weigh all the Gold and Silver which they receive. As for the small Money both in China and Tunquum, it is of Copper. It is made as in Fig. 4. They also thread these pieces, there being a hole in the middle, 12, 25, 50, and 300 upon a string; because they will not put themselves to the trouble of telling them, when the number exceeds a dozen. The Gold and Silver Money of Japon. ALL the Gold that comes from Japon, is of the same goodness; somewhat better than our Lovis; and is about that goodness for which we pay about 50 Franks the Ounce. Fig. 1. This piece of Gold weighs one Ounce and six Drams, at fifty Franks the Ounce, comes to 87 Liures and 10 Sous▪ Fig. 2, and 3. Every one of these pieces is of Gold, and every one weighs a third part of the great one; which is half an Ounce, and 48 Grains; and comes to 29 Liures, 3 Sous, and 4 Dinars. Fig. 4. This, as it is marked is the backside of the three pieces of Gold. Fig. 5, and 6. are pieces of Silver of the same weight; every one weighing 4 Grains lesle than our pieces of 30 Sous, though it go nevertheless for the same value. As for the Silver, it is the same in goodness with our Money. However, in the Territories of the Great Mogul, whither the Hollanders carry all their Silver, their Bars, and Japon pieces, to coin them into Money, sometimes they cell them to the Bankers, where they have no convenience of coinage, as at Surat and Agra; and these Bankers, give them from two to three in the hundred more than they will give for our Crowns, Rixdollars, or Spanish Reals. Fig. 7. is the backside of the two Silver pieces. The Portraiture of the Silver Ingots of Japon, which go for Money. I said before, that all the Silver that comes out of Japon, is equal in goodness to our Crowns. Fig. 1. An Ingot of this form weighs seven ounces, at three Liures ten Sous the ounce: the whole comes to twenty four Liures, and ten Sous. Fig. 2. Weighs two ounces, three drams and an half: the whole comes to eight Liures, ten Sous, and seven Dinars. Fig. 3. Weighs one ounce, half a dram, and twelve grains: the whole comes to four Liures, five Sous, and five Dinars. Fig. 4. Weighs one ounce, eight grains: the whole comes to three Liures, ten Sous, and an eleven Dinars. Fig. 5. Weighs seven drams, one quarter, and seven grains: the whole comes to three Liures, eight Sous, and eight Dinars. Fig. 6. Weighs two drams and an half, and twenty four grains: the whole comes to one Livre, five Sous, and one Denier. Fig. 7. Weighs two drams, twenty four Dinars: the whole comes to one Livre, nine Dinars. Fig. 8. Weighs one dram and an half, and twenty four grains: the whole comes to sixteen Sous, and four Dinars. Fig. 9 Is the Copper-Money which they thread by fifteen, thirty, fifty, to the number of 600. which is the value of a Tell in Silver. Over all Japon they reckon by Tells: and the Hollanders reckon, that a Tell makes three Gelder's and an half of their Money, which comes to four Liures, and five Sous of ours. Fig. 10. Is the backside of the Copper-piece. Money that represents the Figures of the twelve Signs; and which were Coined during the twenty four hours, that Gehanguir, King of the Indians, permitted Queen Nourmahall, his Wife, to Reign in his stead. Page. 10. Travels in India▪ Silver Ingots of japan. N ● depiction of ingot N. 3 depiction of ingot N. 2 depiction of ingot N. 4 depiction of ingot N 5 depiction of ingot N. 6. depiction of ingot N 7 depiction of ingot N. 8. depiction of ingot N 9 depiction of coin N. 10 depiction of coin Money representing the 12 Signs depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin depiction of coin Perhaps the Reader may be curious to know from whence this Illustrious Queen of the Indians descended: and therefore for his satisfaction, I will tell him in a few words. Her Father, a Persian by Nation, a man naturally Ambitious, and who in his own Country was no more than a bore Captain of Horse, without any hopes of rising to any higher preferment, travelled into the Indieses, to serve the Great Mogul, who was than Gehanguir, with an intention of raising his Fortune in a strange Country. Gehanguir had than many Enemies, the Kings of Golconda and Visapour being in Rebellion against him, and several Raja's having taken their part. So soon as he came to kiss the King's Hands, the King took a liking to him, and gave him immediately the Command of the five hundred Horse. And because he was very well skilled in Astrology, (which is a Science to which the Asiaticks are very much addicted) the King esteemed him the more, and in a short time made him General of his Army. But afterwards, forgetting his duty, and the benefits he had received, he joined with Sultan Kosrou, Gehan-guir's eldest Son; and having gained a great part of the Army, they conspired together to depose the King, and set up his Son in his stead. There was at that time in the Court, an Eunuch of great wit, who did more mischief to the Army in his Closet, than he could have done in the Field. This Eunuch, so soon as intelligence was brought of the Rebellion, told the King, that if his Majesty pleased, he would deliver Kosrou and the Persian General into his hands in a short time, without so much as striking one stroke, or losing one man. He was as good as his word in part, for he so ordered his business, by his politic contrivances, that the General was brought to the King, who would not presently put him to death. Sultan Kosrou escaped that bout, and continued the War many years against his Father, who at length took him in Fight, and caused his eyes to be pulled out. The King detaining the General in custody, his Wife and his Daughter found a way to save his life, as you shall hear. The Daughter of the Persian General, who was his only Child, was about fourteen years of Age, the most accomplished Beauty at that time in all the Kingdom; she was most rarely educated, and could both writ and read the Arabian, Persian, and Indian Languages. The Mother and the Daughter went every day to Court, to hear what would become of the General; and understanding at length, that the King intended either to put him to death, or to banish him, they came to the Haram, and casting themselves at his Majesty's feet, they humbly begged pardon, the one for her Husband, the other for her Father; which they easily obtained; the King being surprised at the Beauty of the Virgin, to whom he afterwards surrendered his Affections. All the Court was astonished afterwards, how the General and his Wife could keep, so private, a Daughter that was so incomparably fair, that it should not come to the King's knowledge. At length he loved her so tenderly, that not being able to deny her the liberty of Reigning one whole day in his place, he gave her leave to share with him afterwards in the Government. And she it was, that gave motion to all the most important Affairs of State; the King excusing himself to the Grandees of his Court, who wondered why he let the Queen bear so great a sway, by telling them that she was fit for the Government, and that it was time for him to take his ease. Fig. 1, and 2. is as all the rest are, the backside of the Twelve Signs. Fig. 1. is the backside of the Ram, and Fig. 2. of Cancer. Both of them signify the same thing; it being the Name of the King, Queen, and City where they were stamped. These two were coined at Amadabat. The Gold, Silver, and Copper Money which the Portugals coin in the East Indies. THe Gold which the Portugals Coin in Goa is better than our Lovisse's of Gold, and weighs one grain more than our half Pistol. At the time when I was in Goa, this piece was worth four Roupies, or six Franks. They hold it up at so Page. 12. 13 Travels in India. Portugal Money. depiction of coin depiction of coin Muscovie Money. N. 1 depiction of coin N. 2. depiction of coin N. 3. depiction of coin N. 4 depiction of coin N. 5. depiction of coin N. 6. depiction of coin high a rate, to the end the Merchants, who come from all the Coasts of India thither with their Wares, may not transport it out of the Country. This piece is called St. Thomas. Formerly when the Portuguez had the Trade of Japon, Macassar, Sumatra, China and Mosambique, which they still preserve; and is the place whither the Indians bring the Gold of the Abassins' and Saba, it was a wondered thing to see the quantity of Gold which the Portuguez Coined, and the several pieces of workmanship which they framed in Gold, and sent into Foreign Countries, even to the West-indieses, by the way of the Philippine Islands. But now they have no other places but only Mosambique to furnish them with Gold, they keep up those Pieces called St. Thomass' at a very high rate, jest they should be carried out of the Country, as I said before. They have also Silver Pieces, which they call Pardos', which go for the value of 27 Sous of our Money: As also a great quantity of small Copper and Tin-Money, not much unlike that of the Kings already mentioned, which they thread upon strings in particular numbers. The Gold and Silver Money of Muscovy. I Have observed in my Relations, that in all parts of our Europe, where they Coin Money, there are great Sums transported all over Asia, where they go currently. But for the Money of Muscovy there is great loss in transporting it any where else; because the Prince enhances it to so high a value. The pieces as well of Gold as Silver are very good Metal; for the Gold in worth is somewhat higher than our Lewis. Fig. 1 and 2. This piece of Gold weighs 14 Grains; and to take the Gold at 48 Grains the ounce, would amount to 20 Sous, one Denier, and one halfpenny of our Money. But going in Muscovy for 24 Sous, there would be nineteen and an half loss to transport it any where else. Fig. 3 and 4. Is a piece of Silver that weighs eight Grains; and to take an Ounce of Silver at three Liures ten Sous, it comes to a Sous of our Money. But in the Country you have but fifty of these pieces, or at most sometimes fifty two for one of our Crowns, or a Real of Spain, or an High-German Rixdollar. Fig. 5 and 6. Is a piece of Silver also which only goes in Muscovy. But I cannot tell in what Province it is Coined, in regard there are no Arms upon it, and that the most knowing persons, to whom I shown them, could not tell me what the Characters meant; which makes me think it is very ancient. The piece weighs 25 Grains, which comes to three of our Sous, one Denier, and one halfpenny. This is all that I could collect of most certainty, concerning the Money and Coins of the East, during the long course of my Travels. Nor do I believe that any person has undertaken, before me, to writ upon the same Subject. If any one of my Readers desires to see the real Pieces themselves, as well in Gold and Silver, as in Tin, Copper, Shells and Almonds, he may, without question, obtain the Favour from Monsieur, the first Precedent, to whose Study I devoted them all, together with certain Medals, of which that Supreme Senator, most skilful in Antiquity, has great store, being still curious in searching after what is rare. The end of the Coins. The EMPIRE of the Great mogul TRAVELS IN INDIA. The First Book. What Roads to take, in Travelling from Ispahan to Agra, from Agra to Dehly and Gehanabatt, where the Great Mogul Resides at present: And how to Travel also to the Court of the King of Golconda; to the King of Visapour, and to many other Places in the Indieses. CHAP. I The Road from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron: Where is particularly described the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Suratt. IN this Relation of my Indian, I will observe the same Method as in the Recital of my Persian Travels; and begin with the Description of the Roads, which lead you from Ispahan to Dehly and Gehanadatt, where the Great Mogul Resides at present. Though the Indieses stretch themselves front Persia for the space of above 400 Leagues together, from the Ocean to that long Chain of Mountains that runs through the middle of Asia from the East to the West, and which was known to Antiquity by the Name of Mount Caucasus, or Mount Taurus; yet there are not so many ways to travel out of Persia into the Indieses, as there are to travel out of Turkey into Persia; by reason that between Persia and the Indieses there are nothing but vast Sands and Deserts, where there is no water to be found. So that you have but two Roads to choose, in going from Ispahan to Agra. The one is partly by Land, and partly by Sea; taking Ship at Ormus. The other altogether by Land, through Candahar. The first of these two Roads is amply described, as far as Ormus, at the end of my first Book of my Persian Travels. So that I am now only to speak of the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Suratt. There is no Sailing at all times upon the Indian as upon the European Seas: You must observe the proper Seasons, which being elapsed, there is no more venturing. The Months of November, December, January, February and March, are the only Months in the year to Embark from Ormus to Suratt; and from Suratt to Ormus: But with this difference, that there is no stirring from Suratt after the end of February; but you may Sail from Ormus till the end of March, or the fifteenth of April: for than the Western-winds, that bring rain along with them into India, begin to blow. During the first four Months there blows a North-east-wind which carries them from Suratt to Ormus in fifteen or twenty days. Than veering a little to the North, it serves as well for those that are bound for Suratt as those that are bound from thence. Than the Merchants generally provide for a Voyage of thirty, or five and thirty days. But if they would Sail from Ormus to Suratt in fourteen or fifteen days, they must take Shipping either in March, or at the beginning of April; for than the Western-wind blows full in their Stern▪ The Vessels which Sail from Ormus run within sight of Mascate upon the Coast of Arabia, bearing of to Sea for fear of coming too near the Persian Coast. They that come from Suratt, do the same thing, to make the Entry of the Gulf. But neither the one nor the other touch at Mascate, to avoid paying Customs to an Arabian Prince, who took that place from the Portugals. Mascate is a City situate just by the Seaside, over against three Rocks that make the Entry into the Harbour very difficult, and at the foot of a Mountain upon which the Portugals have three or four Forts. It is observed that Mascate, Ormus, and Balsara, are the three places in the East where the heat is most insupportable. Formerly only the Hollanders and English understood this Course of Navigation; but some years after the Armenians, Mahometans, Indians, and Banians, have built them Vessels. But it is not so safe to Embark in them, for they neither understand the Sea so well, nor are they so good Pilots. The Vessels that Sail to Suratt, which is the only Part in the Empire of the Great Mogul, Sail within sight of Diu, and the Point of St. John, and come to an Anchor afterwards in the Road of Covali, which is not above four Leagues from Suratt, and two from the Mouth of the River toward the North. They transport their Wares from one place to another, either by Wagons, or in Boats. For great Vessels cannot get into the River of Suratt till they have unladen, by reason of the Sands that choke it up. The Hollanders return as soon as they have landed their Wares at Covali, and so do the English, it not being permitted to either to enter into the River. But some years since, the King has given the English a place to Winter in, during the rainy Seasons. Suratt is a City of an indifferent bigness, defended by a pitiful Fortress, by the foot whereof you must pass, whether you go by Land or by Water. It has four Towers at the four Corners, and in regard there are no Platforms upon the Walls, Guns are planted upon wooden Scaffolds. The Governor of the Fort only commands the Soldiers in the Fort, but has no power in the City, which has a particular Governor to receive the King's Customs, and other Revenues through the Extent of his Province. The Walls of the Town are only of Earth, and the generality of the Houses like Barns, being built of Reeds, plastered with Cowdung, to cover the voided spaces, and to hinder them without from discerning bet●●●● the Reeds what is done within. In all Suratt there be but nine or ten Hou●●●hich are well built: whereof the Cha-bander, or chief of the Merchants, has two or three. The rest belong to the Mahometan Merchants; nor are those, wherein the English and Hollanders devil, lesle beautiful; every Precedent, and every Commander, being careful to repair them; which they put upon the account of their Companies. However, they do but hire those Houses; the King not suffering any Frank to have an House of his own, for fear he should make a Fortress of it. The Capuchin Friars have built them a very convenient Convent, according to the Model of our European Houses, and a fair Church; for the building of which, I furnished them with good part of the Money. But the Purchase was made in the Name of a Maronite Merchant of Aleppo, whose name was Chelebi, of whom I have spoken in my Persian Relations. CHAP. II. Of the Customs, Money, Exchange, Weights and Measures of the INDIANS. TO avoid Repetitions, which cannot be shunned in the Course of long Travels; it behoves me to let the Reader understand what belongs to the Custom-house, Money, Exchange, Weights and Measures of the Indians. When your Commodities are unladen at Suratt, you must carry them to the Custom-house adjoining to the Fort. They are very severe, and very exact in searching the People. Particular Merchants pay from four to five per Cent. at the Custom-house for all sorts of Ware. But for the English and Holland-Company, they pay lesle: But I believe if they did but cast up what it costs them in Deputations and Presents which they are obliged every year to sand to the Court, they would not pay much lesle for their Wares, than particular Merchants. Gold and Silver pay two in the hundred, and when it is brought into the Custom-house, the Master of the Mint comes and takes it, and Coins it into the Money of the Country. They agreed with him upon the day wherein he will undertake to return the new Pieces: And for so many days as he makes them stay after that, he pays them Interest, according to the proportion of the Silver which he receives. The Indians are very subtle and crafty in matters of Money and Payments; three or four years after the Silver is coined, it loses half per Cent. and goes at the same rate as old Silver; for, say they, it is impossible but that it should loose in passing through so many hands. You may carry all sorts of Silver into the D●●inions of the Great Mogul. For in all the Frontier Cities there is a Mint, where it is purified to the highest perfection, as is all the Gold and Silver in India, by the King's Command, and coined into Money. Silver in Bars, or old Plate, which is bought without paying for the fashion, is the Silver by which you shall loose least: For as for coined Silver, there is no avoiding the loss of the Coinage. All their bargains are made, with a condition to pay in coined Silver within the present year. And if you make payment in old Silver, you must resolve to loose according to the time since it was first Coined. In all places far remote from Cities, where the vulgar People have no great knowledge in Silver: and where there are no Changers, they will not receive a piece of Silver, without putting it into the fire, to try whether it be good or not; And this is the common practice at all Ferries and Passages over Rivers. In regard their Boats are only made of Osier, covered over with an Oxhide, and by consequence are very light; they keep them in the Woods, and will not take them upon their shoulders, till they have received their Money. As for their Gold, the Merchants have so many cunning tricks to hid it, that it seldom comes to t●●●●owledg of the Customers. They do all they can to shifted of paying the Custo●●nd that, so much the rather, because they do not run so much hazard as at the Custom-house of Europe. For in the Indian Custom-houses, if a man be caught in the fraud, he is quitted by paying double; ten in the hundred, instead of five: the King comparing the venture of the Merchant to a game at Hazard, where he plays quit or double. The King had granted to the English Captains, that they should not be searched when they came ashore. But one day one of the English Captains going to Tata, one of the greatest Cities in India, a little above the Mouth of the River Indou, as he was going to pass the River, he was stopped by the Officers of the Custom-house, who searched and rifled him, whatever he could allege to the contrary. They found Gold about him, of which he had already carried of several quantities, at several times, that he had gone from his Ship to the City; but they quitted him, upon paying the usual Custom. The Englishman, vexed at such an affront, resolved to revenge himself; which he did after a very pleasant manner. He caused a sucking-pig to be roasted, and putting it together with the dripping, and sauce, in a China-platter, covered with a linen-cloth, he gave it a Slave to bring along after him to the City; imagining what would fall out. As it passed before the Custom-house, while the Governors or the Cha-bander, and the Mint-Masters were sitting in the Divan, they failed not to stop him; and as the Slave went forward with the Plate covered, they told his Master that he must come into the Custom-house, and that they must see what he carried. The more the Englishman cried, that the Slave carried nothing that paid any Duties, the lesle he was believed; so that after a long debate he took the Plate from his Slave, and carried it himself into the Divan; the Governor and the Cha-bander, gravely asked him, why he would not be obedient to the Laws? Upon which the Englishman, replying in a great heat, that he carried nothing which paid any duty, threw the Pig among them with such a fury, that the Sauce and Pig flew all upon their Garments. Now in regard that Swines-flesh is an abomination to the Mahometans, who believe every thing defiled that touches it; they were forced to change their Clotheses, take down the Tapestry of the Divan, to pull down the Divan itself, and build another, not daring to say any thing to the Englishman; for the Cha-bander, and Mintmaster are very observant to the Company, by whom they reap a great deal of profit. As for what concerns the Heads of the Companies, as well English, as Dutch, and their Associates, they have so great a respect for them, that they never search them at all, when they come ashore; though they will not stick to conceal their Gold, like particular Merchants, and to carry it about them. The Trade of Tata, formerly very great, gins now to decay, because the Mouth of the River grows more dangerous, and full of shallowss every day more than other, the Sand-hills having almost choked it up. The English finding they had learned the trick of rifling their clothes, studied out other little ways and contrivances to conceal their Gold: And the fashion of wearing Periwigs being newly come out of Europe, they hide their Jacobus', Rose-Nobles, and Ducats in the Net of their Periwigs, every time they came ashore. There was a Merchant that had a mind to convey some Boxes of Coral into Suratt, without the knowledge of the Customers. He Swum than into the Town, some days before the Ship was unladen, when it might be done securely before the Customers had any suspicion of any thing. But the Merchant repent him afterwards, the Commodity being spoiled. For the Water of Suratt River being always thick and muddy, there clung to the Coral, which had lain a long time in the Water, a slime like a white crust or skin, which was difficult to be got of; so that after the Coral was polished, he lost by it above twelve per Cent. I come now to the Money which goes for currant through the whole extent of the Great Mogul's Dominions; and to all the sorts of Gold and Silver, which is carried thither in Ingots to make profit thereof. In the first place you must observe that it is very profitable to buy Gold and Silver which has been wrought, to melt it into Ingots, and to refine it to the highest purity: For being refined, you pay not for the Portage of the Alloy, which was mixed with it before: And carrying the Gold and Silver in Wedges, you pay neither to the Prince nor to the Mint what they exact for Coinage. If you carry coined Gold, the best Pieces are Jacobus', Rose-Nobles, Albertus', and other ancient Pieces, as well of Portugal, as of other Countries, and all sorts of Gold that have been coined in former Ages. For by all those old Pieces the Merchant is sure to gain. You may also reckon for good Gold, and which is proper to be carried thither, all the Ducats of Germany, as well those coined by the several Princes, as by the Imperial Towns, together with the Ducats of Poland, Hungary, Swedeland and Danemark; and indeed all sorts of Ducats are taken to be of the same goodness. The Venetian Ducats of Gold formerly passed for the best, and were worth four or five of our Sous, more than any others; but about a dozen years ago they seem to have been altered, not going now for any more than the rest. There are also Ducats which the Grand Signior Coins at Cairo, and those of Sally, and Morocco: But these three sorts are not so good as the others, and are not worth so much as they by four Sous of our Money. Over all the Empire of the Great Mogul, all the Gold and Silver is weighed with Weights, which they call Tolla; which weigh nine Dinars, and eight grains of our Weights. When they have any quantity of Gold and Silver to cell, the Indians use yellow Copper-Weights, with the King's mark, to avoid cozenage. And with these Weights they weigh all the Gold and Silver at once, provided it amount not to above a hundred Tolla's. For the Changers have no other weights, but from one Tolla to a hundred; and a hundred Tolla's come to 38 Ounces, 21 Dinars, and 8 Grains. As for the Gold and Silver which is not coined, if there be much, they essay it; and having put it to the Touch, they bid to the utmost value to outvie one another. In regard there are some Merchants that have above forty or fifty thousand Ducats at a time, the Indians weigh them with a weight which is just the weight of a hundred Ducats, which is also marked with the Kings Mark; and if the hundred Ducats weigh lesle than the weights, they put in so many little stones till the Scales are even; and after all is weighed, they make good to the Changer the weight of those little stones. But before they weigh these Gold-Coins, whether they be Ducats or other Pieces, they put the whole quantity into a Charcoal-fire, till they be red-hot; and than quench the Fire with water, and take them out again. This they do to found out them which are false, and to melt of the Wax and Gum, which is cunningly dropped upon them to make them weigh the more. But because there are some Pieces so artfully hollowed and stopped up again, that you cannot perceive it, though they have been in the fire, the Changers take the Pieces, and bend them; by which they know whether they be good or not; and those which they suspect they cut in pieces. After they have viewed them all, they refine those which they do not take to be good, and pay for so much as proves to be good, as for good Ducats. All this Gold they Coin into that sort of Money which they call Roupies of Gold; except those Ducats, which are stamped only upon one side, which they cell to the Merchants that come from Tartary, and other Northern Parts, as from the Kingdoms of Boutan, Asen, and other remote parts. With these Ducats the Women of those Countries chief adorn themselves, hanging them upon their Head-attire, and fixing them upon their foreheads. As for the other Ducats, that have no figures, they are not so much as enquired after by the Northern Merchants. As for all the other Pieces of Gold, there are great quantities of them Sold to the Goldsmiths, to the Gold-wyar-drawers, and in general to all that work in Gold. For if they could put their Metal unmade into Roupies, they would never Coin; which they can only do at the Coronation of their Kings, to throw Silver Roupies among the People; or to cell them to the Governors of the Provinces, and other Grandees of the Court, who than want great quantities of them to present to the new King at his first coming to his Throne. For they have not always Jewels or other things rich enough to present him, as well at that time, as at another Festival, of which I shall speak in due place, when they weigh the King every year. At such times I say, they are very glad of Gold Roupies; as also to present to such Favourites at the Court, by whose interest they hope to gain higher Commands, and more considerable Governments. In one of my Travels, I found by experience the virtue of these Roupies of Gold. Cha-jehan, Father of Orang-zeb who now Reigns, had given to one of the Lords of his Court, the Government of the Province of Tata, whereof Symdi is the Metropolis. Now though the very first year of his Government, there were very great complaints made against him, by reason of the Tyranny which he exercised over his People, and his great extortions, the King suffered him to continued four years, and than recalled him. All the People of Tata were over joyed▪ believing the King had called him away, only to put him to death; but it fell out quite otherwise; for the King caressed him, and gave him the Government of Halabas, more considerable than that which he had quitted. This kind reception, which he had at the King's hands, proceeded from this, that before he came to Agra, he had sent before him a present of 50000 Roupies of Gold, and about 20000 Roupies of Gold more to Begum-Saheb, who had than the whole Power in her hands; as also to other Ladies and Lords at the Court, to support his Reputation. All the Courtiers are very desirous to have a great quantity of Gold; because it lies in a little room, and than because they covet, as a great Honour, to leave vast Sums behind them, to their Wives and Children, of which the King most not know. For as I shall tell you in another place, when any great Lord dies, the King is Heir to all his Estate; his Wife having no more than his Jewels. But to return to our Roupies of Gold; you must take notice, that they are not so currant among the Merchants. For in regard one of them is not worth above fourteen Roupies, which make one and twenty Liures of our Money, at thirty Sous the Rupee, and that there are few of these Roupies of Gold to be had, but in the Houses of Great Men; when it falls out that they make any payment, they will put them at a Rupee of Silver, or at lest at a fourth part of a Rupee more than it is worth, which will never turn to the Merchant's profit. Cha-Est-Kan the King's Uncle, to whom I had sold a parcel of Goods at 96000 Roupies, when he came to pay me, asked me what Money I would be content to take, whether Gold or Silver. Before I could return him an answer, he added, that if I would leave it to him, I should take Gold Roupies: Nor did he give me this advice, but because he believed it would turn to his advantage: I told him I would be ruled by him; thereupon he caused his Servants to tell me out so many Roupies in Gold, as made up the just Sum which was due: But he would force me to take the Rupee in Gold for fourteen Roupies and an half in Silver, though among the Merchants they went but for fourteen. I was not ignorant of it; but I thought it best to receive my Money according to the Prince's humour, in hopes he might make me amendss another time, either for the whole, or part of what I might loose. I let him alone two days, after which I went to him again, and told him I had tried to put of his Roupies at the price I had received them; so that in the payment of 96000 Roupies, I had lost 3428 and one 16 th'. the Rupee of Gold which he forced me to to take at fourteen Roupies and an half of Silver, being worth but fourteen. Thereupon he fell into a passion, and told me he would see as many Lashes bestowed upon the Changer, or Holland-Broker, whose fault soever it were; that he would teach them to understand Money; that they were old Roupies, and were worth more by a sixteenth part of a Silver Rupee, than the Roupies which were coined at that time. In regard I knew the humour of the Asiatic Princes, with whom there is no contesting. I let him say what he pleased; but when he came to himself, and began to put on a smiling look, I desired him that he would be pleased to let me return the Sum which I had received, the next day; or else that he would be pleased to pay me what was wanting, and that I would take a Rupee at 14 and one 16 th'. since he assured me they were worth so much. The Prince for a while gave me a scurvy look, not so much as speaking one word. At length he asked me, whether I had still the Pearl, which he had refused to buy. I told him I had, and immediately pulled it out of my Bosom, and gave it him. The Pearl was large, and of a good Water, but ill-shaped; which was the reason he refused it before. When I had given it to him, well, said he, let us talk not more of what is past; how much will you have, in a word, for this Pearl? I asked him seven thousand Roupies, and indeed rather than I would have carried it into France, I would have taken three. If I give thee, said he, seven thousand Roupies for this Pearl, I shall make thee amendss for the loss thou complainest of in the first bargain. Come to Morrow, and I will give thee five thousand Roupies, and that's very fair: Thou shalt have also a Calaat and an Horse. I made my obeisance to him, and desired him to give me an Horse that should be young, and fit for service, because I had a great journey to take. The next day he sent me a Robe, a Cloak, two Girdles, and a Cap; which is all the Apparel that the Princes are want to give to those to whom they intent any Honour. The Cloak and Robe was of Satin purfled with Gold; the two Girdles stripped with Gold and Silver; the Cap was of Calicut, died into a Flame-colour, with stripes of Gold: The Horse had no Saddle, but was covered with a green Velvet foot-cloth, edged about with a small Silver-fringe. The Bridle was very straight, with Silver-studs in some places. I believe the Horse had never been Backed; for so soon as I brought him to the Holland-House, where I than lodged, a young man got upon his Back; but he was not sooner on, but the Horse fling and pranced at that rate, that having kicked down an Hutt that stood in the Court, he had like to have killed the Hollander. Finding that such a Resty-Horse was not for my turn, I sent him back to Cha-Est-Kan, and relating the Story to him, I told him I did not believe that he desired I should return into my Country to bring him back some rarities which I had promised him, as he made me believe he did. All the while I talked, he laughed, and afterwards sent for the Horse which his Father in his life time used to ride upon. It was a tall Persian Horse, that had formerly cost five thousand Crowns, but was than twenty eight years old. They brought him bridled and saddled, and the Prince would needs have me get up in his presence. He had one of the most stately walks that ever I knew in a Horse: and when I alighted, well, said he, art thou satisfied? I dare say, that Horse will never give thee a fall. I thanked him, and at the same time took my leave of him; and the next day, before my departure, he sent me a great Basket of Apples. It was one of the six that Cha-jehan had sent him, as they came from the Kingdom of Kachemir; there was in the Basket also a great Persian Melon: All this might be worth a hundred Roupies, which I presented to the Holland Commanders Wife. As for the Horse I road him to Golconda, where I sold him for five hundred Roupies, as old as he was, being a good lusty Beast. To return to our discourse of Money, I will add this to what I have said already, that you must never carry Louis', of Gold to the Indieses, nor Spanish nor Italian Pistols, nor any other sort of Money coined within these few years; for there is great loss by it; for the Indians refine all, and count only upon the refinings. Lastly, every one strives to steal the custom of their Gold; and when the Merchant has got the knack of concealing it, he may gain five or six of our Sous in every Ducat. I come now to the sorts of Silver Money; which you must distinguish into money of the Country, and Foreign Money: And first of the Foreign Coins. The Foreign Silver Coins which are carried into the Indieses, are the Rixdollars of Germany, and the Reals of Spain. The first are brought by the Merchants that come from Poland, from the Lesser Tartary, and the Borders of Muscovia. The others by those that come from Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo, and the greatest part by the Armenians, who cell their Silk into Europe. All these merchant's endeavour to convey their Silver through Persia without being discovered; for if the Customers found it out, they will be forced to carry their Silver to the Mint-Masters to be coined into Abassi's, which is the King's Coin; these Abasses being carried into India, are again coined into Roupies, whereby the Merchant loses ten and a quarter per Cent. as well by reason of the coinage, as by paying the King's duties in Persia. To let you understand in a few words, how they came to loose this ten and a quarter per Cent. from Persia to the Indieses, and sometimes more, according to the nature of the Reals, which they usually carry into Persia; you must call to mind, what I have already said concerning the Money and Exchanges of Persia, in the first Volume. I observed, that a Real in Persia goes for 23 Chaez, which make three Abasses, and a quarter; and that sometimes, when Silver is scarce, they will give a Chaez and a half for one. That the Abassi is worth four Chaez, and the Toman fifty Abassi's, or two hundred Chaez. If you carry six Tomans and a half to the Indieses, you have for every Toman twenty nine Roupies and a half; and consequently for six Tomans and a half, a hundred and ninety-one Roupies and a quarter. If you carry to the Indieses Reals of Sevile, for a hundred you shall have from 213 to 215 Roupies. If you carry Mexican Reals; for a hundred you shall have no more than 212. So that when for a hundred Reals you have but two hundred and twelve Roupies, you gain ten Reals and a quarter, in an hundred Reals; but by the Sevillian Reals you profit eleven per Cent. There are three or four sorts of Spanish Reals, and they give for a hundred according to their goodness, from 218 to 214 and 215 Roupies. The best of all are those of Sevil for when they are full weight, they will give for a hundred, 213 Roupies; and sometimes 215, according as Silver is either scarce or plentiful. The Real of Spain aught to weigh three Drams, seven Grains and a half more than two Roupies. But the Silver of the Roupies is much better. For the Roupy is in weight eleven Dinars and fourteen Grains; but the Sevil Real, like our white Crown, is but just eleven Dinars. The Maxican Real goes at ten Dinars and twenty-one Grains. For the Spanish Real, that weighs seventy-three Vals, you have four Mamoudi's and a half, and one Mamoudi is worth twenty Pecha's; but they must be very good, and as I have said already, seventy-three Vals in weight: eighty-one Vals making an Ounce, one Val coming to seven Dinars. For the Rixdollars of Germany, in regard they are heavier than the Reals, they will give you for an hundred, as high as an hundred and sixteen Roupies. Where you are to take notice, that in giving for an hundred Reals, or an hundred Rixdollars, two hundred and fifteen, or two hundred and sixteen Roupies, it seems that every Roupy aught to be worth lesle than thirty Sous. But if the Merchant count the Portage of the Silver, and the Customs, he will found that every Roupy will stand him in more. But that the Merchant may make his profit, he must take notice, that all the Reals of Mexico, and those of Sevil, are in weight one and twenty Dinars and eight Grains, that is, five hundred and twelve Grains; and for those that are no better than our white Crown, they are to be in weight one and twenty Dinars and three Grains, which makes five hundred and nine Grains. All Dollars and Reals are weighed, a hundred at a time, and when they are wanting in weight, they add little stones, as when they weigh Gold, according to what I shall tell you by and by. We come now to the Money of the Country. The Indian Money is the Silver Roupy, the Half, Quarter, Eighteenth and Sixteenth part. The weight of the Roupy is nine Dinars and one Grain; the value of the Silver is eleven Dinars and fourteen Grains. They have also another sort of Silver Money, which they call Mamoudi's, but this goes nowhere but in Surat, and in the Province of Guzerat. The Indians have also a sort of small Copper Money, which is called Pecha; which is worth about two of our Liards, a Liard being the fourth part of a Sous. There is also the Half Pecha, Two Pecha's, and Four Pecha's. According to the custom of the Province where you Travel, you have for a Roupy of Silver more or lesle of these Pecha's. In my last Travels, a Roupy went at Surat for nine and forty Pecha's. But the time was, when it was worth fifty, and another time, when it went but for six and forty. At Agra and Gehanabat, the Roupy was valued at fifty-five and fifty-six Pecha's. And the reason is, because the nearer you go to the Copper Ours, the more Pecha's you have for a Roupy. As for the Mamoudi, it is always valued at forty Pecha's. There are two other sorts of small Money in the Dominions of the Great Mogul, which are little bitter Almonds and Shells. These little bitter Almonds, which are brought out of Persia, are only made use of in the Province of Guzeratt; as I have observed in the first part of my Relations. They grow in dry and barren places amongst the Rocks, and the Tree, that bears them, is almost like our Bastard Spanish-Broom. They call these Almonds Baden: Nor is there any Coloquintida so bitter. They give for a Pecha sometimes thirty five, and sometimes forty. Over all the Empire of the Great Mogul and in other parts of India the Idolaters, though they differ in their languages, make use of these sort of Cifers' 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 100 .. 1000 ... 10000 .... 20000 .... 100000 ...... 1000000 ...... As for sergeant Silver, there is very little amongst them. If you receive one false Rupee in a Bag from any particular Person, 'tis better to cut it to pieces, and loose it, than to speak of it; for if it should come to be known, there might be danger in it. For you are commanded by the King's Law to return the Bag where you received it; and to return it from one to another, till you can found out the Counterfeiter; who if he be apprehended, is only sentenced to loose his hand. If the Counterfeiter cannot be found, and that it be thought that he who paid the Money is not guilty, he is acquitted upon some small amercement. This brings great profit to the Changers. For when there is any Sum of Money received or paid, the Merchants ●ause him to look it over, and for their pains, they have one sixteenth of a Rupee in the hundred. As for the Money which is paid out of the Sarquet, or King's Exchequer, there is never any found that is counterfeit: For all the Money that is carried in thither, is exactly viewed by the King's Bankers▪ The Great Lords have also their particular Bankers. Before they put up the Money into the Treasury, they throw it into a great Charcoal-fire, and when the Roupies are red-hot, they quench the fire, by throwing water▪ upon it; and than take out the Money. If there be any Piece that is white or that has the lest mark of Alloy, it is presently cut in pieces. As often as these Roupies are carried into the Treasury, they mark the Pieces with a Puncheon, which makes an hole, but not quite through; and there are some Pieces that have seven or eight holes made in that manner, to show that they have been so many times in the Exchequer. They are all put, a thousand Pieces together, in a Bag, sealed with the Seal of the great Treasurer, and the number of years superscribed, since▪ they were coined. And here you are to take notice, whence the Treasurer's profit arises, as well that of the King's Treasurer, as that of the particular Treasurers of the Great Lords of the Kingdom. When there is any bargain made, they agreed for new Roupies coined the same year: but when they come to receive the payment, the Treasurers will make it in old Roupies, wherein there is a loss of six per Cent. So that if they will have new Silver, the Merchants must compound with the Treasurer. In my fifth Voyage, I went to visit Cha-Est-Kan according to my promise, to let him have the first sight of what I brought along with me. So that as soon as I arrived at Suratt, I sent him word; and received his Orders to meet him at Choupart, a City in the Province of Decan, to which he had laid Siege. Coming to him, in a little time, and a few words, I sold him the greatest part of what I had brought along with me out of Europe: And he told me that he expected every day, that Money should be sent him from Suratt to pay the Army, and to pay me also at the same time for what he had bought of me I could not imagine however, that so great a Prince as he, that commanded so great an Army, had not store of Money by him; but rather conjectured, that he had an intention to make me some abatement, upon those Pieces which he would put upon me in payment, as he had served me before. It fell out, as I foresaw. But for Provisions for myself, my men, and my Horses, he took such order, that there was great plenty brought me, night and morning, and for the most part he sent for me myself, to his own Table. Ten or twelve days thus passed away, and not a word of the Money that I expected: So that being resolved to take my leave of him, I went to his Tent. He appeared to be somewhat surprised, and looking upon me with a frowning-brow▪ wherefore will you be gone, said he, before you are paid? or who d▪ you think, shall pay you afterwards, if you go away before you receive your Money? Upon these words, with a countenance as stern as his, my King, replied I, will see me paid. For his goodness is such, that he causes all his Subjects to be paid; that have not received satisfaction for such Goods as they fell in Foreign Countries. And what course will he take, answered he in a great choler: with two or three stout Men of War, said I, which he will sand either to the Port of Suratt, or towards the Coasts to wait for the Ships that come from Mocca. He seemed to be nettled at the reply, but not daring to give any more way to his choler, he ordered his Treasurer immediately to give me a Letter of Exchange to Aurengaebad. I was the more glad of that, because it was a place through which I was to pass in my way to Golcanda; besides that, it would spare me the carriage and the hazards of my Money. The next day I had my Bill of Exchange, and took jeave of the Prince, who was nothing displeased, but told me, that if I returned to the Indieses, I should not fail to come and see him, which I did in my sixth and last Voyage. When I came to Suratt, he was at Bengala, where I sold him all the rest of my Goods that I could not put of either to the King of Persia, or great Mogul. But to return to the payment of my Money, I was not sooner arrived at Aurenggabat, but I went to found the great Treasurer; who not sooner saw me, but he told me, he knew wherefore I came; that he had received Letters of advice three days before, and that he had already taken the Money out of the Treasury to pay me. When he had brought me all the Bags, I caused my Banker to open them, who saw them to be Roupies, by which I was to loose two in the hundred. Upon that I thanked the Treasurer very hearty, telling him, I understood no such dealing, and that I would sand and complain of him to Cha-Est-Kam; and declare to him that he should either give order that I should be paid in new Silver, or else let me have my Goods again, which I presently did. But not receiving▪ an answer so soon as I knew I might have done, I went to the Treasurer, and told him, I would go myself, and fetch away my Goods. I believe he had received order what to do, for seeing I was resolved to go; he told me he was very unwilling I should put myself to so much trouble, and that it would be better for us to agreed among ourselves. After many contests about the two in the hundred, which he would have made me loose, I was contented to abate one, and had lost the other, had I not happily met with a Banker who wanted Silver, and had a Bill of Exchange to pay at Golconda; so that he was glad to make use of mine, and gave me a Bill to be paid at Golconda, being my full Sum, at fifteen days sight. The Changers to try their Silver, make use of thirteen little pieces, one half Copper, and the other Silver, which are their Says. The manner how their thirteen Say-pieces are filled; the upper-half being Copper, and the lowerhalf Silver. See here the differences of the thirteen Goodnesses of Silver. THe first, which is the lowest goodness, they take at fifteen Pecha's to the Molla, which makes of our Money nine Sous, two Dinars. The second, at eighteen Pecha's, which make ten Sous two Dinars. The third, at ten Pecha's, which make twelve Sous, six Dinars. The fourth, at thirteen Pecha's, which make fourteen Sous, six Dinars. The fifth, at sixteen Pecha's, which make fifteen Sous, ten Dinars. The sixth, at nineteen Pecha's, which make seventeen Sous, six Dinars. The seventh, at thirty-three Pecha's, which make nineteen Sous, two Dinars. The eighth, at thirtyfive Pecha's, which make twenty Sous, ten Dinars. The ninth, at thirty-eight Pecha's, which make twentytwo Sous, six Dinars. The tenth at forty Pecha's, which make twenty-four Sous, ten Dinars. The eleventh, at forty-three Pecha's, which make twenty-five Sous, ten Dinars. The twelfth, at forty-six Pecha's, which make twenty-seven Sous, six Dinars. The thirteenth, at forty-nine Pecha's, which make nineteen Sous, two Dinars. Here it will not be amiss to give you an hint, how far the cunning extends, not only of the Cheraffs or Changers, but of all the Indians in general; and it shall suffice to give you one example, which is very particular, and of which our Europeans make no account: Which is this; that of all the Gold, which remains upon the stone upon which they make the Essay, and of which we make no reckoning, they are so far from losing the lest atom of that small matter, that they fetch it all of, by means of a Ball made half of Blackpitch, and half of Soft-wax, with which they rub the stone that carries the Gold; at the end of some years the Ball will shine, and teen they get out all the Gold that sticks to it This Ball is about the bigness of one of our Tennis-Balls; and the Stone is such a one as our Goldsmiths generally use. Thus much of the Custom-houses and Money currant among the Indians. It remains to speak of their manner of Exchange. As all the Goods which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogul, and some part of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour are brought to Suratt to be transported into several parts of Asia and Europe; the Merchants, when they go from Surat to buy Commodities in the several Cities where they are made, as at Lahor, Agra, Amadabat, Seronge, Brampour, Dasa, Patna, Banarous, Golconda Decan, Visapour, and Dultabat, take up Money a● 〈◊〉 and are discharged at the places where they go, by giving kind for kind. But when it happens that the Merchant is short of Money in those places, and that there is a necessity▪ for him to take up Money to complete his Markets, he must than return it at Suratt within two Months, paying Monthly for the Change. From Lahor to Suratt the Exchange goes at six and a quarter per Cent. From Amadabat, from one, to one and an half. From Seronga, at three. From Brampour, from two and an half, to three▪ From Daca, at ten. From Banarou, at six. From the three last places they make their Bills of Exchange only to Agra; and at Agra they make others for Suratt, the whole at the same price as I have set down. From Golconda, from four to five. And for Goa the same. From Decan at three. From Visapour at three. From Dultabat, from one to one and an half. Some years the Exchange rises from one to two per Cent. by reason of certain Raja's or petty Vassal Princes that disturb Trade, every one pretending that the Mechandizes aught to pass through his Country, and pay Toll. There are two particularly between Agra and Amadabatt, the one called the Raja of Antivar, and the other the Raja of Bergam, who very much molest the Merchants for this very cause. But you may avoid passing through the Territories of these Princes, taking avother road from Agra to Suratt, through Seronge and Brampour. But they are fertile Lands, divided with several Rivers, without Bridges or Boats, and it is impossible to go that way, till two Months after the rains are fallen. Which is the reason that those Merchants who must be at Suratt when the season permits them to take the Sea, are forced to pass through the Territories of these two Raja's, because they can pass that way at all times, even in the time that the reins fall, which only knit and harden the Sand. Nor are you to wonder that the Exchange runs so high; for they that trust out their Money, run the hazard, by obligation, of losing their Money, if the Merchants should be robbed. When you come to Suratt to Embark, there is Money enough. For it is the greatest Trade of the Grandees of the Indieses to venture their Money by Sea from thence for Ormus, Balsara, and Mocca; nay even as far as Bantam, Achen, and the Philippine Islands. For Mocca and Balsara, the change runs from 22 to 24 per Cent. And to Ormus, from 16 to 20. And to the other places which I have named, the change runs proportionable to the distance. I have but one word to say of their Weights and Measures; I have given you in the Margin the fifth part of an Ell of Agra, and the fourth part of an Ell of Amadabat and Suratt. As for their Weights, the Men is generally 69 Pound, and the Pound 16 Ounces. But the Men which they weigh their Indigo withal, is but 53 Pound. At Suratt they talk of a Serre, which is one and three fourth's of a Pound, and the Pound is 16 Ounces. CHAP. III. Of their Carriages, and the manner of Travelling in India. BEfore you set forward upon the road, it will be convenient to speak of their Carriages and manner of travelling in India, which, in my opinion, is more commodious than any thing that has been invented for ease in France or Italy. Quite otherwise it is in Persia, where they neither make use of Asses, Mules, or Horses, but transport all their Wares to the Indieses upon Oxen, or in Wains, their Countries being so near to one another. If any Merchant carries an Horse out of Persia, 'tis only for show; or to walk in his hand, or to cell to some Indian Prince. They will lay upon an Ox's back 300, or 350 pound weight, and it is no wondered thing to see ten or twelve thousand Oxen at a time all laden with Rice, Corn and Salt, in such places where they exchange those Commodities: Carrying Corn where only Rice grows, Rice where only Corn grows, and Salt where there is none at all. They make use of Camels sometimes, but very rarely, they being particularly appointed to carry the luggage of great Personages. When the season requires haste, and that they would speedily convey their Merchandise to Suratt to ship them of, they load them upon Oxen, and not in Wains. And in regard that the Territories of the Great Mogul are very well manured. the Fields are fenced with very good Ditches; and to every Field there belongs a Pond to preserve the water. This is this great inconvenience for Travellers; that when they meet with these numerous Caravans in straight places, they are forced to stay two or three days till they are all past by. They that drive these Oxen, follow no other Calling as long as they live, nor do they devil in houses; yet they carry their Wives and Children along with them. There are some among them that have an hundred Oxen of their own, others more or lesle; and they have always one, who is their Chief, that takes as much state as a Prince, and has his Chain of Pearl hanging about his neck. When the Caravan that carries the Corn, and that which carries the Salt hap to meet, rather than yield the road, they frequently enter into very bloody Disputes. The Great Mogul considering one day that these quarrels were very prejudicial to Trade, and the transportation of necessary Provisions from place to place, sent for the two Chiefs of the Caravan, and after he had exhorted them, for the common good and their own interest, to live quietly together, and not to quarrel and fight when they met, gave to each of them a Leck, or an hundred thousand Roupies, and a Chain of Pearl. That the Reader may the better understand the manner of Travelling in the Indieses, he is to take notice, that among the Idolaters of that Country there are four Tribes, which are called Manari's, each of which may consist of an hundred thousand Souls. These people live always in Tents, and live only upon the transporting of Merchandise from Country to Country. The first of these Tribes carry nothing but Corn. the second Rice, the third Pulse, and the fourth Salt, which they fetch from Suratt, and all along from as far as Cape-Camorin. These Tribes are also distinguished in this manner: Their Priests, of whom I shall speak in another place, mark the foreheads of the first, with a red-Gum, about the breadth of a Crown; and than they draw a streak all the length of his nose, sticking grains of Wheat upon it, sometimes ten, and sometimes twelve. Those of the second Tribe are marked with yellow-Gumin the same place, with grains of Rice. Those of the third are marked with a grey-Gum, down to the shoulders, and grains of Millet. Those of the fourth Tribe carry tied about their necks a Bag, with a great lump of Salt in it, weighing sometimes eight or ten pounds, (for the heavier it is, the more they glory in carrying it;) and with this Bag they thump their stomaches, as a sign of repentance every morning before they say their Prayers. They have all in general a little line or twist, like a Scarf, about their necks, at the end whereof hangs a little Silver-box, like a Relique-box, wherein they enclose a little superstitious writing which their Priests give them; they tie them also about their Oxen and other cattle, which are bred in their Herds, for which they have a particular affection, and love them as tenderly as children, especially if they have no children of their own. Their Women wear only a piece of Calicut white or painted, some six or five times doubled from their wastes downward. From their wastes upward they cut their flesh into several forms of Flowers, as they do that apply Cupping-glasses, which they paint in various colours with the juice of Grapes, that their skin seems to be all made of Flowers. Every morning, while the men load the Beasts, and that the Women fold up the Tents, the Priests that follow them, set up in the most convenient place of the Plain where they lodged a certain Idol in the form of a Serpent in wreaths, upon a Perch six or seven foot high; to which they come all in files to worship, their Women going three times about. After the Ceremony is over, the Priests take care of the Idol, and load it upon an Ox particularly appointed for that purpose. The Caravan of Wagons seldom exceeds the number of an hundred or two hundred at most. Every Wagon is drawn by ten or twelve Oxen; and attended by four Soldiers, which the Person that owes the Merchandise isobliged to pay- Two of them march upon each side of the Wagon, over which there are two Ropes thrown across, the ends whereof they hold in their hands, to the end, that if the Wagon come to lean on one side in illway, the two Soldiers on the other side may keep it from overturning by pulling the Ropes with all their strength. All the Wagons that come to Suratt, either from Agra, or any other parts of the Empire, and which return through Agra, or Janabatt, are bound to carry back the Lime that comes from Barocha, which, after it is tempered, and laid on, becomes as hard as Marble. I come now to the manner of travelling in India, to which purpose they make use of Oxen instead of Horses, and there are some, whose pace is as easy as the amble of our Hackneys. But you must take a care, when you either buy or hire an Ox to ride upon, that the horns be not a 'bove a foot in length. For if they be longer, when the flies begin to sting, he will chafe, and toss back his horns, and strike them into the stomach of the Rider, as oftentimes it has happened. These Oxen are rid like our Horses, and instead of Snaffles or Bits, they have only a Rope drawn through the muscly part of the muzzle or nostrils. In firm ground where there are no stones, they never shoe their Oxen; but only in rough places, where not only the stones, but the heat will waste and chop the hoof. Whereas in Europe we tie our Oxen by the horns, the Indians only put a thick truss upon their necks, that keeps fast a Choler of Leather four fingers broad, which they have nothing to do but to put about their necks when they fasten them to the Wagon. They use also for Travel little Coaches, but very light, that will hold two persons; but generally they ride alone for more ease, carrying only their necessary Cloak-Bags along with them; with a small Vessel of Wine, and a small quantity of Provisions, for which there is a proper place under the Coach, where they tie the two Oxen. These Coaches have their Curtains and Seats like ours, yet are not hung: But in my last Travels I caused one to be made after our manner; and the two Oxen that drew it, cost me near upon sixhundred Roupies. Nor is the Reader to wonder at the price; for there are some of these Oxen that are very strong, and that will travel upon the trot twelve or fifteen leagues a-day for sixty days together. When they have gone half the days journey, they give them two or three Balls, as big as one of our two-penny-loaves, of Wheat kneaded up with butter and black-sugar. The hire of a Coach comes to a Rupee a-day more or lesle. From Suratt to Agra is forty days journey, and you pay for thewhole journey from forty to forty-five Roupies. From Suratt to Golconda, being almost the same distance, the same price is observed; and by the same proportion you may travel over all the Indieses. They who have more to spend, for their own ease make use of a Pallanquin, wherein they travel very commodiously. This is a sort of little Couch six or seven foot long, and three broad, with balisters round about it. A sort of Cane, called Bambouc, which they bend like an Arch, sustains the covering of the Pallanquin, which is either of Satin or Cloth of Gold; and when the Sun lies upon one side, a Slave that goes by the side, taketh care to pull down the covering. Another Slave carries at the end of a long stick a kind of Target of Osier, covered over with some gentle stuff, to preserve the person that is in the Pallanquin from the heat of the Sun, when he turns and lies upon his face. The two ends of the Bambouc are fastened on both sides to the body of the Pallanquin between two sticks joined together like a Saltire or St. Andrews-cross, every one of those two sticks being five or six foot long. There are some of these Bamboucs that cost two hundred Crowns; I myself have paid an hundred and twenty. Three men for the most part apply themselves to each of these two ends to carry the Pallanquin upon their shoulders; some on the right, and some on the left, and they go swifter than our Sedan-men, and with a much more easy pace, as being that which they practice from their youth. You give to every one for all things not above four Roupies a Month; but it stands you in above five if the journey be long, and exceed sixty days labour. Whether it be in a Coach, or Pallanquin, he that will travel honourably in the Indieses, must take along with him twenty or thirty armed men, with Bows and Arrows some, others with Muskets; and they have the same rate with those that carry the Pallanquin. Sometimes for more magnificence they carry a Banner, as the English and Hollanders do, for the honour of their Companies. These Soldiers are not only for show, but they watch for your defence, keeping Sentinels, and relieving one another, and are very studious to give content. For you must know, that in the Towns where you take them into service, they have a Chieftain, that is responsible for their fidelity, who for his good word has two Roupies apiece of every one. In the great Villages there is generally a Mahometan that commands, of whom you may buy Mutton, Pullet's, or Pigeons. But where there live none but Banians, there is nothing but Flower, Rice, Herbs and Milk-meats to be had. The great heats in India enforcing the Travellers, that are not accustomed to them, to travel by night, and rest in the daytime; when they come into any fortified Towns, they must be gone▪ before Sunset, if they intent to travel that night. For night coming on, and the Gates being shut, the Commander of the place, who is to answer for all the Robberies that are committed within his Jurisdiction, will let no person stir forth, telling them that it is the King's order, to which he must be obedient. When I came to any of those Towns, I brought my Provisions, and went out again in good time, and stayed in the Field under some Tree, in the fresh air, till it was time to set forward. They measure the distances of places in India by Goseling, and Costs. A Goseling is about four of our common leagues, and a Coste is one league. It is now time to travel from Surat to Agra, and Janabat, and to observe what is most remarkable upon the Road. CHAP. IU. The Road from Surat to Agra, through Brampour and Seronge. I Am no lesle well acquainted with all the principal Roads that lead to the chief Cities in India, than those of Turkey and Persia; for in six times that I have travelled from Paris to Ispahan, I have gone twice for one from Ispahan to Agra, and many other places of the Great Mogul's Empire. But it would be tiresome to the Reader to carry him more than once the same way, on purpose to make a relation of every particular journey, and the accidents that accompany them: And therefore let it suffice to give an exact description of the Roads, without particularising the distinct times that I went. There are but two Roads from Surat to Agra, one through Brampour and Seronge, the other through Amadabat. The first shall be the Subject of this Chapter. From Surat to Barnoly, costs 14 Barnoly is a great Borough-Town, where you are to ford a great River; and this first days journey you cross a mixed Country, part Wood, through Fields of Wheat and Rice. From Barnoly to Bahor, costs 10 Bahor is also a large Village upon a Lake, about a league in compass. Upon the side whereof is to be seen a good substantial Fortress; though there be no use made of it. Three quarters of a league on this side the Village you ford a small River, though not without great difficulty, by reason of the Rocks and Stones that hazard the overturning of the Coach. This second days journey you travel almost altogether through Woods From Balor to Kerkoa, or as it is called at this day, Carvansera de la Begum, costs 5 This Carvansera or Inn is very large and commodious; being built out of Charity by Begum-saheb the Daughter of Cha-jehan. For formerly the journey from Balor to Navapoura was too great: And this place being upon the Frontiers of those Raja's that sometimes will not acknowledge the Great Mogul, whose Vassals they are, there was no Caravan that past by which was not abused; besides that it is a wooddy-Country. Between Carvansera and Navapoura you ford a River; as also another very near to Navapoura. From Kerkoa to Navapoura, costs 75 Navapoura is a great Town full of Weavers; but Rice is the greatest Commodity of that place. There runs a River through the Country, which makes it very fruitful, and waters the Rice, that requires moisture. All the Rice which grows in this Country has one peculiar quality, that makes it more particularly esteemed. The grain of it is lesle by one half, than the grain of the common Rice; and when it is boiled no snow is whiter; but besides all that, it smells of Musk; and all the Grandees of the Indians eat no other. When they would make an acceptable Present to any one in Persia, they sand him a sack of this Rice. This River which passes by Kerkoa and those other places I have mentioned, empties itself into the River of Surat. From Navapoura to Nasarbar, costs. 9 From Nasarbar to Dol-medan, costs. 74 From Dol-medan to Senquera, costs. 7 From Senquera to Tallener, costs. 10 At Tallener you are to pass the River, which runs to Baroche; where it is very large, and empties itself into the Golf of Cambaya. From Tallener to Choupre, costs. 15 From Choupre to Senquelis, costs. 13 From Senquelis to Nabir, costs. 10 From Nabir to Badelpoura, costs. 9 At Badelpoura it is, where the loaded Wagons pay th● duties of Brampour; but the Wagons that carry nothing but Passengers pay nothing. From Badelpoura to Brampour, costs. 5 Brampour is a great City, very much ruin'd, the Houses being for the most part thatched with straw. There is also a great Castle in the midst of the City, where the Governor lies; the Government of this Province is a very considerable command; and is only conferred upon the Son or Uncle of the King. And Aurengzeb, the present King, was a long time Governor of this Province in the Reign of his Father. But since they came to understand the strength of the Province of Bengala, which formerly bore the Title of a Kingdom, that Province is now the most considerable in all the Mogul's Country. There is a great Trade in this City, and as well in Brampore, as over all the Province, there is made a prodigious quantity of Calicuts very clear and white, which are transported into Persia, Turkey and Muscovia, Poland, Arabia, to Grand Cairo, and other places. There are some which are painted with several colours, with flowers, of which the Women make Veils and Scarves; the same Calicuts serve for Coverlets of Beds, and for Handkerchiefs. There is another sort of Linen which they never dye, with a stripe or two of Gold or Silver quite through the piece, and at each end from the breadth of one inch to twelve or fifteen, in some more, in some lesle, they fix a tissue of Gold, Silver, and Silk, intermixed with Flowers, whereof there is no wrong-side, both sides being as fair the one as the other. If these pieces, which they carry into Poland, where they have a vast utterance, want at each end three or four inches at the lest of Gold or Silver; or if that Gold or Silver become tarnished in being carried by Sea from Surat to Ormus, and from Trebizan to Mangala, or any other part upon the Black-Sea, the Merchant shall have much ado to put them of without great loss. He must take care that his goods be packed up in good Bales, that no wet may get in; which for so long a Voyage requires great care and trouble. Some of these Linens are made purposely for Swathbands or Sashes, and those pieces are called Ornis. They contain from 15 to 20 els; and cost from an hundred to an hundred and fifty Roupies, the lest, not being under ten or twelve els. Those that are not above two els long are worn by the Ladies of Quality for Veils and Scar●s, of which there is a vast quantity vended in Persia and Turkey. They make at Brampour also other sorts of Cotten-Linnen; for indeed there is no Province in all the Indieses which more abounds in Cotton. When you leave the City of Brampoure, you must pass another River, besides that which I have mentioned already. There is no Bridge, and therefore when the water is low, you ford it; when the reins fall, there are Boats attending. From Surat to Brampour it is 132 Costs; and these Costs are very short in the Indieses; for you may travel one of them in a Coach in lesle than an hour. I remember a strange tumult at Brampoure, in the year 1641, when I returned from Agra to Surat; the cause whereof was thus, in short: The Governor of the Province, who was the King's Nephew by the Mother's-side, had among his Pages a young Boy that was very beautiful, and of a very good Family, who had a Brother in the City that lived as a Dervich; and for whom all the Town had a very great veneration. One day the Governor, being alone in his Chamber, did all that lay in his power, by virtue of Gifts and Caresses to have had the use of his Body; but the Boy detesting his abominable purpose, made his escape from him, and came and told his Brother. The Dervich, without deliberating what Counsel he had to give his younger Brother, gave him a Sword, such a one as he might easily hid under his Garment; and told him, that if the Governor urged him any more, that he should make a show of complying with him, but that when he went about to do the fact, he should be sure to run him into the Guts. The Governor, who knew nothing of what the Page had revealed to his Brother, ceased not every day to court him to consent to his infamous lust; and being one day alone with him in a small Apartment of a Banqueting-house, at the lower end of his Garden, he sent for his Page to fan him, and to keep of the Flies, after the fashion of the Country; for it was about noon, when every one goes to sleep. Than did the Governor begin again to press the young Page; and finding that he made no resistance, he thought he should suddenly accomplish his design. But the Page seeing him ready to commit the act, stabbed him three times into the Belly, before he could open his mouth to cry out for help. That done, the Page went out of the Palace, without any disturbance in his countenance; so that the Guards believed that the Governor had sent him out upon some errand. The Dervich understanding by his Brother what had passed, to save him from the fury of the people, and to discover the Infamy of the Governor, caused the rest of the Derviches his Companions, to take the Banners of Mahomet, that were planted round the Mosque; and at the same time with loud cries encouraged all the rest of the Derviches, Faquirs, and others that were good Mahumetans, to follow him. In lesle than an hours time he had got together an infinite multitude of the Rabble, and the Dervich marching at the head of them, they made directly to the Palace, crying out with all their might, Let us dye for Mahomet, or let us have that infamous person delivered up into our hands, to the end the Dogs may eat him after his death, not being worthy to be interred among the Musselmen. The Guard of the Palace was not in a condition to resist so great a Multitude, so that they must have been forced to have yielded to their fury; had not the Deroga of the Town, and some five or six Lords, found a way to make themselves to be heard, and to appease them, by representing to them, that they aught to have some respect to the Nephew of the King; by that means obliging them to retire. That night the Body of the Governor was sent to Agra, with his Haram; and Cha-jehan, who than reigned, being informed of the accident, was not much troubled, because he is Heir to all the goods of his Subjects; and at the same time he bestowed upon the Page a small Government in the Province of Bengala. From Brampour to Piombi-sera, costs Before we go any further, you must take notice, that wherever you mee● with the word Sera, it signifies a great Enclosure of Walls and Hedges, within which are about fifty or sixty Huts, covered over with Straw. There are some men and women that there put to sale Flower, Rice, Butter, and Herbs, and make it their business to bake Bread and boil Rice. If there be any Mahometan in that place, he will go to the City, and buy a little piece of Mutton, or a Fowl; and those that cell Victuals to the Travellers, always cleanse the Hut which they take up, and put into it a little Bed with girths, to stay a Mattress or Quilt upon, which the Travellers carry along with them. From Piombi-sera to Pander, costs 3 From Pander to Balki-sera, costs 6 From Balki-sera to Nevilki-sera, costs ● From Nevilki-sera to Consemba, costs 5 From Consemba to Chenipore, costs 3 From Chenipore to Charava, costs 8 From Charava to Bich-ola, costs 8 From Bich▪ ola to Andy, costs ● At Andy you must pass a River that falls into Gunges, between Banarou and Patna. 1 From Andi to Onquenas, costs 4 From Onquenas to Tiquery, costs 5 From Tiquery to Tool-meden, costs 4 From Tool-meden to Nova-sera, costs 4 From Nova-sera to Ichavour, costs 4 From Ichavour to Signior, costs 5 From Signior to Chekaipour, costs 3 From Chekaipour to Dour-ay, costs 3 From Dour-ay to Aser-kaira, costs 3 From Aser-kaira to Telor, costs 3 From Telor to San-kaira, costs 3 From San-kaira to Seronge, costs 13 Seronge is a great City, the most part of the Inhabitants whereof are Banian Merchants, and Handicraft-trades-men from Father to Son, which is the reason that there are in this City several Houses of Stone and Brick. There is also a great Trade for all sorts of painted Calicuts, which are called Chites, which is the clothing of all the meaner sort of people both in Persia and Turkey: Of which in other countries' also they make use, for Coverlets for Beds, and Table-napkins. They make the same sort of Calicuts in other countries' as well as at Seronge, but the colours are not so lively; besides, that they wear out with often washing. Whereas those that are made at Seronge, the more you wash them, the fairer the colours show. There runs a River by the City, the water whereof has that virtue, that it gives that beauty and liveliness to the colours. And all the while the reins fall, the Workmen will make these prints upon their Cottons, according to the Patterns which the Foreign Merchants give them; for when the waters are ceased, the water is the thicker; and the oftener they dip their Calicuts, the better the colours hold. There is also made at Seronge another sort of Calicut, which is so fine, that when a man puts it on, his skin shall appear through it, as if he were naked. The Merchants are not permitted to transport it. For the Governor sends it all to the Seraglio of the Great Mogul, and to the principal Lords of the Court. Of this, the Sultanesses, and great Nobleman's Wives make them Shifts and Garments in hot-weather: And the King and the Lords take great pleasure to behold them in those Shifts, and to see them Dance with nothing else upon their Bodies. From Brampore to Seronge is an hundred and one costs, which are longer than those from Surat to Brampore; for the Coach is a full hour, and sometimes five quarters, going one of these costs. In these hundred leagues of the Country you travel whole days journeys along by most fertile Fields of Corn and Rice, being lovely Champaign, where you meet with very little Wood; and from Seronge to Agra, the Country is much of the same nature: And because the Villages lie thick together, your journey is the more pleasant; besides, that you may rest when you please. From Seronge to Madalki-sera, costs. 6 From Madalki-sera to Poulki-sera, costs. 2 From Poulki-sera to Kasariki-sera, costs. 3 From Kasariki-sera to Chadolki-sera, costs. 6 From Chadolki-sera to Callabas, costs. 6 Callabas is a great Town, which was formerly the Residence of a Raja, who paid Tribute to the Great Mogul. But when Orang-zeb came to the Crown, he not only cut of his, but a great number of the heads of his Subjects. There are two Towers near the Town, upon the highway, and round about the Towers are several holes, like windows; and in every hole, two foot distant one from another, there is fixed a man's head. In my last Travels in the year 1665, it had not been long since that Execution had been done; for than all the Heads were whole, and caused a very ill smell: From Callabas to Akmate, costs 2 From Akmate to Collasar, costs 9 Collasar is a little Town, all the Inhabitants whereof are Idolaters. As I passed through it upon my last Travels, there were brought to it eight Pieces of Artillery, the one carrying 48 pound-Bullet, the rest 36. Every Piece was drawn by 24 Yoke of Oxen. A very strong Elephant followed the Artillery, and when they came to any bad-way, where the Oxen were at a stand, they brought up the Elephant, who heaved the Cannon forward with his Trunk. Without the Town, all along the highway, there grows a vast number of great Trees, which they call Mangues; and in many places near the Trees are to be seen little Pagods, with every one an Idol at the door. The Elephant passing by one of the Pagods, before which I was lodged, at the door whereof there stood three Idols about five foot high; so soon as he came near one, he took it up in his trunk, and broke it in two pieces; the next he took, he threw it up so high, and so far, that he broke it in four pieces; and carried away the head of the third along with him. Some thought that the Governor of the Elephant had taught him what to do, and made signs to him, which however I did not observe; nevertheless the Banians were very much offended, though they durst not say any thing; for there was a Guard of above two thousand men that convoyed the Artillery, all Soldiers of the King, and Mahometans, besides Franguis, or Franks, English and Hollanders that were Cannoneers. The King sent this Artillery to his Army in Decan, being at Wars with the Raja Seva-gi, who the year before had plundered Surat; of whom I shall have occasion to speak in another place. From Collasar to Sansele, costs 6 From Sansele to Dongry, costs 4 From Dongry to Gate, costs 3 Gate is a straight passage of the Mountains, a quarter of a League in length, the descent whereof leads from Surat to Agra. At the entry thereof you see the ruins of two or three Castles, and the Road is so narrow, that two Wagons can hardly go a breast. They that come from the South to go to Agra, as from Surat, Go●, Visapore, Golconda, Maslipatan, and other places, cannot avoid these streights, there being no other Road but this, especially if you take the Road from Amadabat. Formerly there was a Gate at each end of the straight, and at that end which is next to Agra, there are five or six Shops of Banians, that cell Flower, Butter, Rice, Herbs and Pulse. In my last Travels I stayed at one of these Shops, to tarry for the Coaches and Wagons, all the Passengers alighting at the foot of the Streights. Not far of there is a great Magazine full of sacks of Rice and Corn; and behind every sack lay a Serpent thirteen or fourteen foot long, and proportionable in bigness. A Woman▪ that went to fetch Corn out of one of those sacks, was bitten by one of those Serpents, and perceiving herself wounded, ran out of the Magazine, crying out Ram, Ram, that is, O God, O God; whereupon several Banians, men and women came running to her relief, and bound her arm very hard above the wound, thinking to stop the venom from running any higher. But all in vain, for immediately her face swelled and turned black, and she died in lesle than an hour. The Ragipov's, who are the best Soldiers among the Indians, and are all Idolaters, came in just as the woman was expiring, and about four of them entering with their Skains, and Half-pikes in their hands into the Magaziu, killed the Serpent. The people of the Village took and threw it without the Town, and immediately there came a great number of Birds of prey, which lighting upon the Carrion, devoured it in lesle than an hours time. The Parents of the woman took her body, carried it to the River, washed it, and than burned it. I was forced to stay two days at that place, because there was a River to pass, which instead of falling, swelled at that time, by reason of the rains that fell for three or four days together: So that I was constrained to go half a league lower before I could cross it. They always endeavoured to ford this River; for otherwise they must be compelled to unload the Wgagon into the Boats; and also to carry the Goods in their arms for above half a league, which is worse way than can be imagined. The people get their live by the Passengers, from whom they extort as much as they can, there being none but they that know the ways: Otherwise it would be an easy thing to make a Bridge, there being no want either of Wood or Stone near at hand. For the passage is nothing but through Rocks, that lie between the Mountain and the River; so that the waters when they swell, overflow all the Road, insomuch that nobody can pass it, but they who are very well acquainted with it. From Gate to Nader, costs 4 Nader is a great City upon the descent of a Mountain, at the top whereof is a kind of Fortress; all the Mountain being encompassed with walls. The greatest part of the Houses, as in all other Cities of India, are thatched with straw, one Story high; but the Rich-man's Houses, are two Stories, and terraced. Round about the City are several great ponds to be seen, which were formerly encompassed with hewn-stone, but now are not at all looked after: yet there are very fair Monuments about them. The same River which we passed the day before, and which we repass four or five Costs on this side Nader, encompasses three parts of the City and Mountain, like a Peninsula, and after a long winding-course which it takes, falls at length into Ganges. At Nader they make a great quantity of quilted-Coverlets, some white, others embroidered with Flowers of Gold, Silk and Satin. From Nader to Barqui-sera, costs 9 From Barqui-sera to Try, costs 3 From Try to Govaleor, costs 6 Govaleor is a great City ill-built, like all the rest, after the manner of the Indians; it is built all along the side of a Mountain that lies upon the Westside of it; and which at the top is encompassed with Walls and Towers. There are in this Enclosure several Ponds made by the reins; and what they sow there is sufficient to keep the Garrison: For which reason it is esteemed one of the best in the Indieses. Upon the descent of the Hill, which looks towards the North-east, Chajean built an House of Pleasure; from whence there is a Prospect over all the City, and indeed it may serve for a Garrison. Below the House are to be seen several Idols cut out of the Rock, representing the shapes of their Gods: And among the rest, there is one of an extraordinary height. Since the Mahometan Kings became Masters of this Country, this Fortress of Govaleor is the place where they secure Princes and great Noblemen. Cha-jehan coming to the Empire by foul-play, caused all the Princes and Lords whom he mistrusted, to be seized one after another, and sent them to the Fortress of Govaleor; but he suffered them all to live, and enjoy their Estates. Aurengzeb his Son acts quite otherwise; For when he sends any great Lord to this place, at the end of nine or ten days he order him to be poisoned; and this he does that the people may not exclaim against him for a bloody Prince. So soon as he had in his clutches Prince Morat-Bakche his youngest Brother, whom he engaged to take Arms against his Father Cha-jehan; and who being Governor of the Province of Guzerat, took upon him the Title of King, he sent him to this Fortress, where he died. They have made him a most magnificent Monument in the City in a Mosque, which they built on Purpose, with a great Piazza before it all surrounded with Vaults and Shops over them. For it is the custom of the Indians, when they rear any public building, to make a great Piazza before it, where they keep their Markets, with a Foundation for the Poor, to whom they give Alms every day, as being to pray to God for him that raised the Fabric. Five Costs from Govaleor, you ford a River which is called Lan●ké. From Govaleor to Paterki-sera, costs 3 From Paterki-sera to Quariqui-sera, costs 10 There is a Bridge at Paterki▪ sera, consisting of six wide Arches; and the River you go over is called Quarinado. From Quariki-sera to Dolpoura, costs 6 At Dolpoura there is a great River which is called Chammelnadi, to which there belongs a Ferry-Boat: The River itself falls into the Gemena between Agra and Halabas. From Dolpoura to Minasqui-sera, costs 6 At Minasqui-sera there is a River which is called Jagounadi. You pass it over a very long Bridg, built of Stone, the name whereof is Jaoulcapoul. From Minasqui-sera to this Bridge, costs 8 Not far from this Bridge it is, that they view the Merchant's Goods, that when they come to Agra they may not be deceived of their duties. But more particularly to see whether among the Casks of Fruits pickled in Vinegar, in pots of Glass, there be no flasks of Wine. From the Bridge Jaoulcapoul to Agra, costs 4 So that from Seronge to Agra it is an hundred and six Costs, which are ordinary leagues; and from Surat to Agra, 339. CHAP. V The Road from Surat to Agra through Amadabat. FRom Surat to Baroche, costs 22 All the Country between these two Cities is full of Corn, Rice, Millet, and Sugarcanes. Before you enter into Baroche, you must Ferry over the River which runs to Cambaya, and falls into the Golf that carries the same name. Baroche is a great City, to which there belongs a Fortress, of which there is no use made at this time. But the City has been always very famous, by reason of the River, which has a particular quality to whiten their Cottons; which are brought thither from all parts of the Great Mogul's Territories, where they have not that convenience. In this place are made a great quantity of Baffa's, or long and large pieces of Cotton. These Cottons are very fair, and close woven; and the price of these pieces is from four to an hundred Roupies. You must pay Custom at Baroche for all Goods that are brought in and carried out. The English have a very fair House in the City; and I remember once, that coming thither one day in my return from Surat to Agra with the Precedent of the English, presently the Mountebanks came about him, and asked him if he would see any of their tricks. The first thing they did was to light a great fire, and to heat certain Ironchains red-hot, and wind them about their bodies, making as if they felt a great deal of pain, but in truth receiving no harm at all. Than they thrust a piece of a stick into the ground, and asked the Company what Fruit they would have. One told them, he would have Mengues; than one of the Mountebanks hiding himself in the middle of a Sheet, stooped to the ground five or six times one after another. I was so curious to go up stairs, and look out of a window, to see if I could spy what the Mountebank did; and perceived, that after he had cut himself under the armpits with a Razor, he rubbed the stick with his Blood. After the two first times that he raised himself, the stick seemed to the very eye to grow. The third time there sprung out branches with young buds. The fourth time the Tree was covered with leaves; and the fifth time it bore flowers. The Precedent of the English had than his Minister with him, having brought him from Amadabat to christian the Commander of the Hollander's Child, to which he had promised to be Godfather. The English Minister Protested that he could not give his consent that any Christian should be a spectator of such delusions. So that as soon as he saw that those Mountebanks had of a dry-stick, in lesle than half an hour, made a Tree four or five foot high, that bore leaves and flowers as in the Springtime; he went about to break it, protesting he would not give the Communion to any person that should stay any longer to see those things. Thereupon the Precedent was forced to dismiss the Mountebanks, who wander about the Country with their Wives and Children just like Gipsies; and having given them to the value of ten or twelve Crowns, they went away very well contented. They that are curious to see Cambaya, never go out of their way above five or six Costs, or thereabout. For when you are at Baroche, instead of going to Broudra, you may go directly forward to Cambaya, from thence afterwards to Amadabat. But whether it be for business, or out of curiosity, the latter Road is never to be taken; not only because it is the longest way, but because of the danger in crossing the mouth of the Golf. Cambaya is a great City at the bottom of the Golf that bears its name. Here it is that they shape those fair agates, that come from the Indieses, into Cups, Hafts of Knives, Beads, and other sorts of Workmanship. In the parts adjacent to the City, they also make Indigo of the same nature of that of Sarquess; and it was famous for traffic at the time when the Portugueses flourished in India. There are to be seen at this day, in the Quarter next the Sea, very fair Houses, which they had built, with very rich Furniture, after the Portugal manner; but now they are uninhabited, and fall to decay every day more and more. There were than such good Orders observed in Cambaya, that two hours after day was shut in, every Street was locked up with two Gates, which are still to be seen; and still they continued to lock up the principal Streets, as also the Streets that lead into the Town. One of the chief reasons why the Town has lost the greatest part of its Trade is, because that formerly the Sea run close up to Cambaya, so that little Vessels easily anchored by it; but afterwards the Sea daily lost in that part, so that a small Ship could not ride within five or six Leagues of the City. There are a great number of Peacocks in the Indieses, especially in the Territories of Baroche, Cambaya, and Broudra. The flesh of the young ones is white and well-tasted like ours, and you shall see vast numbers of them all day in the Fields, for at night they roost upon the Trees. 'Tis a hard matter to come near them in the day, for as soon as they perceive themselves hunted, they fly away as swift as a Partridge among the Bushes; so that it is impossible for any man to follow them without tearing his clothes all to rags; therefore are they only to be taken in the night time, to which purpose they have this invention. They approach the Tree with a kind of a Banner, upon which there is a Peacock painted to the life on both sides; at the top of the stick are fastened two lighted Candles, the brightness whereof amazing the Peacock, causes him to stretch out his Neck toward the end of the stick, to which there is a Rope tied with a sliding knot, which he that holds the Banner draws, when he finds that the Peacock has put his Neck into it. But you must have a care of killing either Bird or any other Animal in the Territories, of which the idolatrous Rajahs are Masters; which is nothing dangerous to do in those parts of the Indieses, where the Governors are Mahometans, and give liberty to Fowl or Hunt. It happened one time that a rich Persian Merchant, passing through the Territories of the Raja of Dantivar, shot a Peacock upon the road, and killed it, either out of rashness, or ignorance of the Customs of the Country. The Bannians incensed at the attempt, which is accounted among them a most abominable sacrilege, seized upon the Merchant, and all his Money to the value of 300000. Roupies, and tying him to a Tree, whipped him in so terrible a manner for three days together, that the Man died. From Cambaya you go to a little Village distant some three Costs, where there is a Pagod, to which all the Indian Courtesans come to make their Offerings. This Pagod is full of a great number of naked Images, among the rest, there is a large Figure of one that seems to resemble Apollo, with his privy parts all uncovered. When the old Courtesans have got together a good sum of Money in their youth, they buy young Slaves, whom they teach to Dance, and sing wanton Songs, and instruct in all the mysteries of their infamous Art. And when these young Girls are eleven or twelve years old, their Mistresses sand them to this Pagod, believing it will bring them good fortune, to offer and surrender up themselves to this Idol. From this Pagod to Chiidabad you have six Costs. This is one of the fairest Houses of the great Mogul, with a wide Enclosure, wherein he has vast Gardens, and large Ponds, with all the pleasures and curiosity whereof the Genius of the Indians is capable. From Chiidabad to Amadabad you have but five Costs; and so I return to Baroche, and the common Road. From Baroche to Broudra, Costs 22 Broudra is a great City standing in a fertile Soil, wherein there is a vast Trade for Calicuts. F●om Broudra to Neriade, costs 18 From Neriade to Amadabat, costs 20 Amadabat is one of the greatest Cities in India; and where there is a mighty Trade for Silk-Stuffs, Hang of Gold and Silver, and others mixed with Silk, for Saltpetre, Sugar, Ginger candid and raw; Tamarinds, Mirobolans; and flat Indigo, which is made at a great Town, not far from Amadabat, called Sarquess. There was in that place a Pagod, which the Mahumetan's have pulled down, and built a Mosque in the place. Before you enter into it, you must cross three large Courts paved with Marble, and encompassed with Galleries; nor must you enter into the third Court till you have pulled of your shoes. The inside of the Mosque is adorned with Mosaick-work, the greatest part whereof is of agates of divers colours, which they fetch from the Mountains of Cambaya, not above two days journey of. There are several Sepulchers of the ancient Idolatrous Kings, that look like little Chapels, of Mosaick-work, built upon a Vault that is under the Sepulchre. There runs a River from Amadabat toward the Northwest, which during the rainy-seasons that continued three or four Months together, is very wide and rapid, and does much mischief every year. It is so with all the other Rivers in India; and after the rains are fallen, you must stay six weeks or two months before you can ford Amadabat-River, where there is no Bridg. There are two or three Boats; but they are of no use, when the stream is so swift; so that you must stay till the waters are fallen. But the people of the Country will not stay so long; for to cross from one River to another, they only make use of Goatskins, which they blow up and fill with wind, and than tie them between their stomaches and their bellies. Thus the poor men and women swim cross this River, and when they would carry their children along with them, they put them in certain round pots of Earth, the mouth whereof is four fingers wide, and drive the Pots before them. This puts me in mind of a Passage, when I was at Amadabat in the year 1642, which is too remarkable to be omitted. A Countryman and a Countrywoman one day passed the River as I have related, and having a child about two years old, they put it into one of these Pots, so that there was nothing but the head appeared. Being about the middle of the River, they met with a little bank of Sand, where there lay an huge Tree, which the stream had carried thither; whereupon the Father shoved the Pot toward that part, to rest himself awhile. When he came near the Tree, the trunk whereof lay somewhat above the water, a Serpent leapt out from among the roots, into the Pot where the Infant was. The Father and the Mother frighted at the accident, and having almost lost their senses, let the Pot go a-drift where the stream carried it, and lay almost dead themselves at the bottom of the Tree. About two leagues lower, a Banian and his Wife with a little Infant, were washing themselves in the River before they went to eat. They descried the Pot a-far-off, with the half of the Infant's-head that appeared above the hole. The Banian immediately swims to the relief of the child, and having stopped the Pot, drives it to the shore. The Mother followed by her own, comes presently to take the other child out of the Pot, at what time the Serpent that had done no harm to the other child, shoots out of the Pot, and winding about hers, stings it, and infuses its venom into the Infant, so that it died immediately. However, the accident being so extraordinary, did not trouble these poor people; who rather believed it to have happened by the secret disposal of their Deity, who had taken from them one child, to give them another for it, with which opinion they presently comforted themselves. Some time after, the report of this accident coming to the ears of the first Countryman, he comes to the Banian to tell him how the mischance had happened, and to demand his child of him; the other Indian affirming that the child was his, and that his God had sent it him, in the place of that which was dead. To be short, the business made so loud a noise, that it was at length brought before the King, who ordered, that the child should be restored to the Father. At the same time there happened another very pleasant accident in the same City of Amadabat. The Wife of a rich Merchant Banian, named Saintidas, never having had a child, and manifesting her eager desire to have one, a servant of the House took her aside one day, and told her, that if she would but eat that which he would give her, she should be with child. The woman desirous to know what she was to eat, the servant told her it was a little fish, and that she should eat but three or four. Now the Religion of the Banians forbidding them to eat any thing that has life, she could not at first resolve to yield to his proposal; but the servant having promised her that he would so order the matter, that she should not know whether it were fish or not that she eat, she resolved to try his receipt, and went the next night to lie with her Husband, according to the instruction which she had received from the Servant. Some time after, the woman perceiving that she was big, her Husband happened to die, and the kindred of the deceased would have his Estate. The Widow opposed them, and told them that it behoved them to stay, till they saw whether the Child she went withal, would live or no. Her kindred were surprised to hear such news that they so little expected, and taxed her for one that either lied or jested with them; knowing that the woman had lived fifteen or sixteen years with her Husband, yet never had been with Child. Seeing therefore that her kindred still tormented her, she went and threw herself at the governor's feet, to whom she related all that had past; who thereupon ordered that the kindred should stay till the woman was delivered. Some days after she had lain-in, the kindred of the deceased Merchant, who were Persons of Credit, and gaped after so fair an inheritance, affirmed that the child was not Legitimate, and that she had it not by her Husband. The Governor, to understand the truth of the matter, calls for the Physicians; who concluded, that the Infant should be carried to the Bath, saying, that if the Receipt which the Mother had made use of, were real, the sweat of the Child would smell of Fish; which was done accordingly, and the Experiment proved true. Thereupon the Governor ordered that the Child should have the Estate, the Merchant being so proud to be his Father: But the kindred, troubled that such a fat Morsel had escaped their mouths, appealed to the King. Upon their relation of the story, the King wrote to the Governor to sand him the Mother and the Infant, to the end the Experiment might be made in his presence: which having the same success as before, the kindred surceased their claim, and the Estate remained remained to the Mother and the Infant. I remember also another pleasant Story which was related to me at Amadabat, where I have been ten or twelve times. A Merchant with whom I often dealt, and who was very well beloved by Cha-Est-Kan, Governor of the Province, and the King's Uncle, had the reputation never to have told a lie. Cha-Est-Kan, after the three years of his Government were expired, according to the custom of the Great Mogul, and that Aurengzeb, the King's Son was come into his place, retired to Agra, where the Court than was. One day, discoursing with the King, he told him, that he had seen many rare things in the Government, with which his Majesty had honoured him, but that one thing above all the rest had astonished him, to have met with a Rich Merchant that had never told a lie, and yet he was above threescore and ten years of age. The King surprised at a thing so extraordinary, signified to Cha-Est-Kan, his desire to see the person, and commanded him to sand for him to Agra, which he did. The Old-Man was very much troubled, as well in regard of the length of the way, it being a journey of 25 or 30 days, as for that he was to make a Present to the King. In short, he provided one, esteemed at fourty-thousand Roupies, to carry Betlé in, enchased with Diamonds, Rubies, and Emeralds. When he had made his obeisance to the King, and given him his Present, the King asked him only what was his name, to whom he replied, that he was called the man that had never told a lie. Than the King asked him who was his Father? Sir, said he, I cannot tell; his Majesty satisfied with an answer, stopped there, and unwilling to trouble him any farther, commanded an Elephant to be given him, which is a very great Honour, and ten thousand Roupies to bear his charges home. The Banians have a great Veneration for Apes, and there are some which they breed up in their Pagods to worship. There are three or four Houses in Amadabat which they make use of for Hospitals for Cowes, Oxen, Apes, and other sick or maimed Beasts; and they carry all they can found thither to preserve them. This is also very remarkable, that every Tuesday and Friday, all the Apes in the places adjoining to Amadabat, of their own accord come to the City, and get upon the tops of their Houses, where they lie, during the excessive heats. And therefore upon those days the People never fail to set ready in their Terraces, Rice, Millet, Sugarcanes in their seasons, and other suchlike things. For if the Apes did not found their provision when they came, they would break the Tiles wherewith the rest of the House is covered, and do a great deal of mischief. And you must here take notice also, that the Ape never eats any thing which he does not very well like the scent of beforehand; and before he swallows anything, he lays up his Magazine against future hunger; filling his bags with provision, which he keeps till next day. I have said, that the Banians have a particular Veneration for the Ape; of which I will give you one Example, among many, that I could bring. Being one day at Amadabat, at the House belonging to the Hollanders, a young man of that Nation newly arrived to serve in the Factory, not knowing the custom of the Country, and seeing a great Ape upon a Tree in the Court, would needs show a piece of activity, or rather a trick of youth, to kill the Ape with a small Gun. I was at the Table than with the Dutch-Commander; and we not sooner heard the blow, but we heard as soon a loud noise of Banians, that wait upon the Holland-Company, who came to complain bitterly of him that had killed the Ape. They would all have been gone; so that the Commander had much ado, and made many excuses before he could appease them, and oblige them to stay. In the Neighbourhood about Amadabat, there are a great number of Apes. And this is observable, that where there are a great number of those Animals, there are very few Crows. For as soon as they have built their Nests and laid their Eggs, the Apes get upon the Trees and throw their Eggs to the Ground. One day returning from Agra, and departing out of Amadabat with the English Precedent, who came hither about some business, and was returning to Surat, we passed through a little Forest of Trees, called Mangues, some four or five Leagues from Amadabat; there we saw a vast number of great Monkeys, male and female, and many of their females holding their young ones in their Arms. We had each of us our Coach, and the English Precedent causing his to stop, told me he had an excellent and very neat Harquebus, that was presented him by the Governor of Daman, and knowing I could aim well, he desired me to try it, at one of those Apes. One of my Servants, who was born in the Country, making me a sign not to venture, I endeavoured to dissuade the Precedent from his design; but it was impossible; so that I took the Harquebus, and killed a female Monkey, who lay stretched out upon the Boughs, letting her little ones fall to the ground. But it fell out as my Servant had forewarned me. For immediately all the Monkeys that were upon the Trees, to the number of sixty, came down in a great fury, to have leaped into the Precedents Coach, where they would soon have strangled him, had we not prevented them by closing the Shutters, and had we not had a great number of Servants, that which much ado kept them of. And though they came not to my Coach, yet I was very much afraid of myself; for they pursued the President's Coach above a League, and they were stout lusty Monkeys. From Amadabat to Panser, costs 13 From Panser to Masana, costs 14 From Masana to Chitpour, costs 14 Chitpour is a very good City, so called by reason of the great Trade for painted-Calicuts, which are called Chites: Near which, some four or fivehundred paces toward the South, there runs a small River. Arriving at Chitpour in one of my Voyages, I pitched my Tent under two or three Trees at the end of a wide-place near the Town. A little while after I saw four or five Lions appear, which were brought to be tamed; which they told me took them up five or six months; and their way to do it, is this: They tie the Lions at twelve paces distance one from another by the hinder-legs, with a Rope fastened to a great wooden-stake set deep in the ground, with another cord about the neck, which the Master holds in his hand. These stakes are planted in the same Line, and in another Parallel they stretch out another Cord as long as the space, which the bodies of the Lions so disposed of, as I have described, take up. The two Cords which hold the Lion tied by the two hinder-feets, give him liberty to spring out as far as that long Cord; which is a mark to those that stand to provoke and incense the Lions, by throwing stones and pieces of wood at them, not to venture any farther: The people run to see the sight, and when the Lion, provoked, gives a spring towards the Cord, the Master holds another in his hand, tied about his neck, that pulls him back. Thus they accustom the Lion by degrees to be familiar with the people, and at my coming to Chiapour, I saw this Divertisement without stirring out of my Coach. The next day I had another, meeting with a knot of Faquirs, or Mahometan Dervichs. I counted fifty-seven, among whom, he that was the Chief or Superior, had been Grand Esquire to Cha-jehan-guir, having left the Court, when Sultan Boulaki, his youngest Son, was strangled by Order of Cha-jehan; there were four others, who next to the Superior, were chief of the Company, who had been also great Lords in the same Cha-jehan's Court. All the clothes those five Derviches had, were only four els of Orange-colour-Calicut to hid what modesty will have hid before and behind, and every one of them a Tigers-skin over their shoulders tied together under their chins. They had led before them eight fair Horses-saddled and bridled; three whereof had Bridles of Gold, and Saddles covered with Plates of Gold, and the other five had Bridles of Silver covered with Plates of Silver, and a Leopard's-skin upon every one. The other Derviches had only a Cord for their Girdle, to which was fastened a piece of Calicut only to cover their private parts. Their hair was tied in wreaths round about their heads after the manner of a Turban. They were all well-armed, the most part with Bows and Arrows, some with Muskets, and others with Half-pikes, with another sort of weapon which we have not in Europe; that is to say, a sharp piece of Iron like the side of a Platter without a bottom, which they wind eight or ten times about their necks, and carry like a Calf's Cauldron. They draw out these Iron-Circles as they intent to make use of them; and they will throw them with such a force against a man, that they shall ssy as swift as an Arrow, and go very near to cut a man in two in the middle. They had every one, besides all this, an Hunting-Horn, which they wind, making a prodigious noise when they come to any place, and when they go away; together with a Grater or Rasp, being an Iron-Instrument, made like a Trowel. This is an Instrument which the Indians carry generally about them when they travel, to scrape and make clean the places where they intent to rest; and some of them, when they have scraped all the dust together into an heap, make use of it instead of a Mattress or Pillow to lie easily upon. There were some of them that were armed with long Tucks; which they had bought either of the English or Portugals. Their Luggage consisted of four great Chests full of Persian and Arabian Books, and some Kitchen-householdstuff: They had also ten or twelve Oxen to carry their sick. When the Derviches came to the place where I lay with my Coach, having about fifty persons with me, as well of the people of the Country, as of my own servants; the Chief or Superior of the Troop seeing me so well-attended, enquired what Aga that was; and desired me to let him have that place which I had taken up, as being the most convenient in all that place, for him and his Derviches to lodge. When they told me the quality of the Chief, and the four Derviches that attended him, I was willing to be civil, and to yield to their request; and thereupon I left them the place free. After they had well-watered the place, and laid the dust, they lighted two fires, as if it had been in the frost and snow for the five principal Derviches, who sat and chased themselves before and behind. That very evening, after they had supped the Governor of the Town came to compliment the principal Dervichs, and during their stay, sent them Rice and other things, which they are accustomed to eat. When they come to any place, the Superior sends some of his Crew a begging into the Towns and Villages, and what Alms they get, is presently distributed equally among them; every one of them taking care to boil his own Rice. What is over and above they give to the Poor in the evening; for they reserve nothing till next day. From Chilpour to Balampour, costs 12 From Balampour to Dantivar, costs 11 From Dantivar to Bargant, costs 17 Bargant is in the Territories of a Raja, to whom you pay duties. In one of my journeys to Agra, passing through Bargant, I did not see the Raja, but only his Lieutenant, who was very civil to me, and made me a Present of Rice, Butter, and Fruit in season. To make him amendss, I gave him three Sashes of Gold and Silk, four Handkerchiefs of painted Linen, and two Bottles, the one full of Aquavitae, and the other full of Spanish▪ Wine. At my departure he sent a Convoy of twenty Horse four or five leagues along with me. One evening being about to lodge upon the Frontiers of the Territories of the Raja of Bargant, my people came to me and told me, that if we took the Road through Bargant, we should go near to have all our throats cut, for that the Raja of that place lived altogether upon Robbery. So that unless I hired an hundred more of the Countrypeople, there was no likelihood of escaping those Freebooters. At first I argued with them, and taxed their Cowardice, but fearing to pay for my rashness afterwards, I sent them to hire fifty more, for three days only, that we crossed the Raja's Country: for which they asked me every one four Roupies, which is as much as you give them for a whole Month. The next day as I was about to set forward, my Guard came and told me they would leave me, and that they would not venture their lives, desiring me not to writ to Agra to their Captain, who was responsible for them, that they had left me against my william. Three of my servants also did as they did, so that I had no body left with me, but a man that lead an Horse in his hand, my Coachman, and three other servants, and so I set forward under the protection of God. About a league from the place which I had left, I perceived some part of my Convoy following me. Thereupon I stopped my Coach to stay for them, and when they came near, I bid them advance if they intended to go along with me. But seeing them fearful, and unresolved, I bid them go about their business, telling them I had no need of such Cowards as they were. About a league from thence I discovered upon the brow of an Hill about fifty Horse, four of which came riding up to me; when I perceived them, I alighted out of my Coach, and having with me some thirteen Spit-fires, I gave to every one of my men an Harquebus. The Horsemen approaching, I kept my Coach between them and me, and had my Gun ready cocked, in case they should assail me. But they made me a sign, that I should fear nothing; only that the Prince was a-Hunting, and had sent to know what Strangers passed through his Territories: I made answer, that I was the same Franguy that had passed by five or six weeks before. By good luck, the very same Lieutenant to whom I had made the Present of Aquavitae and Spanish-Wine, followed those four Horsemen.▪ And after he had testified how glad he was to see me, he asked me if I had any Wine; I told him I never travelled without that: For indeed the English and Hollanders had presented me with several Bottles at Agra. So soon as the Lieutenant was returned to the Raja, the Raja himself came to me, and told me I was welcome; and bid me rest myself in a shady-place which he pointed to, about a league and an half from the place where we were. In the evening he came, and we stayed together two days to make merry; the Raja bringing alone with him certain Morris-dancers, without which the Persians' and Indians can never think themselves hearty merry. At my departure the Raja lent me 200 Horse, to convoy me to the Frontiers of his Territories, for three days together; for which I only gave them three or four pound of Tobacco. When I came to Amadabat, the people would hardly believe that I had had so kind a reception from a Prince, that was noted for abusing strangers that past through his Country. From Bargant to Bimal, costs 15 From Bimal to Modra, costs 15 From Modra to Chalaour, costs 10 Chalaour is an ancient Town upon a Mountain, encompassed with Walls, and very difficult to come to. There is a Lake at the top of the Mountain, and another below; between which and the foot of the Mountain lies the Road to the Town. From Chalaour to Cantap, costs 12 From Cantap to Setlana, costs 15 From Setlana to Palavaseny, costs 14 From Palavaseny to Pipars, costs 11 From Pipars to Mirda, costs 16 From Dantivar to Mirda is three days journey, being a mountainous Country the belongs to Raja's, or particular Princes that pay tribute to the Great Mogul. In recompense whereof the Great Mogul gives them Commands in his Armies; by which they gain much more than they lose by the tribute which they pay. Mirda is a great City, but ill-built. When I came thither in one of my Indian-journeys, all the Inns were full of Passengers, in regard that Cha-jehan's Aunt, the Wife of Cha-Est-Kan, was going that▪ way to marry her Daughter to Sultan Sujah, the second Son of Cha-jehan; I was forced to set up my Tent upon a Bank, with Trees on both sides: But I was not a little surprised two hours afterwards, to see fifteen or twenty Elephants loof, that tore down the boughs as far as they could reach, breaking of the huge Arms of Trees, as if they had been but small faggot-sticks. This spoil was done by the order of the Begum, in revenge of the Affront which the Inhabitants of Mirda had put upon her, who had not waited on her, and made her a Present as they aught to have done. From Mirda to Boronda, costs 12 From Baronda to Coetchiel, costs 18 From Coetchiel to Bander-Sonnery, costs 14 From Bandar-Sonnery to Ladona, costs 16 From Ladona to Chasou, costs 12 From Chasou to Novali, costs 17 From Novali to Hindoo, costs 19 From Hindoo to Baniana, costs 10 These two last places are two Towns, where, as in all the Country round about, they make Indigo-Plate, which is round; and as it is the best of all the Indigo's, so is it double the price. From Baniana to Vettapour, costs 14 Vettapour is an ancient Town where they make woollen-hanging. From Vettapour to Agra, costs 12 From Surat to Agra is in all, costs 415 If you could divide your journeys equally into thirteen Costs apiece, you might go to Surat in thirty-three days; but because you rest, and stay at some places, it is generally thirtyfive or forty days journey. CHAP. VI The Road from Ispahan to Agra, through Candahar. I Have made an exact description of some part of the Road, and brought the Reader as far as Candahar; it remains, that I carry him from Candahar to Agra; to which there are but two ways to go, either through Caboul, or through Multan. The latter way is the shorter by ten days journey. But the Caravan never goes that way. For from Candahar to Multan you travel almost all the way through Deserts; and sometimes you travel three or four days without meeting any water. So that the most ordinary and beaten Road, is through Caboul. Now from Candahar to Caboul, is twenty-four days journey; from Caboul to Lahor, twentytwo; from Lahor to Dehly, or Gehanabat, eighteen; from Dehly to Agra, six; which with the sixty days journey from Ispahan to Farat, and the twenty from Farat to Candahar, makes in all from Ispahan to Agra, an hundred and fifty days journey. But the Merchants that are in haste, take Horses, three or four together in a company, and ride the whole journey in sixty, or sixty-five days at most. Multan is a City where there is made a vast quantity of Linen Calicuts, which was all transported to Tuta, before the Sands had stopped up the mouth of the River, but since that, it is carried all to Agra, and from Agra to Surat, as is the greatest part of the Merchandise which is made at Lahor. But in regard carriage is so dear, very few Merchant's traffic either to Multan or at Lahor; and many of the Workmen have also deserted those places, so that the King's Revenues are very much diminished in those Provinces. Multan is the place whither all the Banians come, that trade into Persia, where they follow the same Trade as the Jews, and outdo them in Usury. They have a particular Law among them, which permits them to eat Fowl upon certain days in the year; and not to have more than one Wife among two or three Brothers, the eldest whereof is accounted the Father of the Children. This City also breeds abundance of Dancers, of both Sexes, that spread themselves all over Persia. I come now to the Road from Gandahar to Agra, through Caboul and Lahor. From Candahar to Charifafar, costs 10 From Charifafar to Zelate, costs 12 From Zelate to Betazy, costs 8 From Betazy to Mezour, costs 6 From Mezour to Carabat, costs 17 From Carabat to Chakenicouze, costs 17 From Candahar to Chakenicouze, a Frontier Town of the Indieses, is a Country under the command of several Princes, that acknowledge the Persian Emperor. From Chakenicouze to Caboul, costs 40 In all these forty Costs of way, there are but three pitiful Villages; where sometimes, though very rarely, you have Bread and Barley for your Horses; but the surest way is to carry provision along with you. in the Months of July and August, there blows a hot Wind in those parts, that takes away a man's breath, and kills him upon the place; being of the same nature with those Winds, of which I have spoken in my Persian Relations, that blow at certain seasons near Babylon and Moussul. Caboul is a large City, very well fortified; and is the place where those of Vsbek come every year to cell their Horses. They reckon, that there are bought and sold, every year, above sixty thousand. They bring also out of Persia, great numbers of Sheep, and other cattle; it being the general Concourse of Persians', Tartarians, and Indians. There is also Wine to be had; but Provisions go of at a very good rate. Before I go any farther, I must take notice of one thing in particular, concerning the people called Augans, who inhabit from Candahar to Caboul, toward the Mountains of Balch, a sturdy sort of people, and great Robbers in the nighttime. It is the custom of the Indians to cleanse and scrape their tongues every morning with a crooked piece of a root, which causes them to voided a great quantity of Phlegm and Rheum, and provokes vomiting. Now though those people that inhabit the Frontiers of Persia and India practise the same thing; nevertheless they vomit very little in the morning, but when they come to eat, as soon as they have swallowed two or three bits, their lungs begin to swell, and they are constrained to go forth and vomit; after which, they return again to their Victuals with a very good appetite. Should they not do so, they would not live above thirty years; and besides, they would be troubled with the Dropsy. From Caboul to Ba●iabe, costs 19 From Bariabe to Nimela, costs 17 From Nimela to Alibova, costs 19 From Alibova to Taka, costs 17 From Taka to Kiemri, costs 6 From Kiemri to Chaour, costs 14 From Chaour to Novechaar, costs 14 From Novechaar, to Atek, costs 19 Atek is a City situated upon a point of Land where two Rivers meet together. 'Tis one of the best and strongest Garrisons the Great Mogul has; into which there is no stranger permitted to enter without a Passport from the King. Father Roux the Jesuit and his Companion, going this way to Ispahan, and not having the King's Passport, were forced to return back to Lahor, where they embarked upon the River for Scimdi, from whence they passed into Persia. From Atek to Calapane, costs 16 From Calapane to Roupate, costs 16 From Roupate to Toulapeca, costs 16 From Toulapeca to Keraly, costs 19 From Keraly to Zerabad, costs 16 From Zerabad to Imiabad, costs 18 From Imiabad to Lahor, costs 18 Lahor is the Metropolis of a Kingdom, built upon one of the five Rivers that descend from the Mountains of the North to swell the River Indus; and give the name of Peniab to all the Region which they water. This River at this time flows not within a league of the Town, being subject to change its▪ Channel, and many times does very great mischief to the adjoining Fields, through the rapid deluges which it makes. The City is large, and extends itself above a league in length. But the greatest part of the Houses, which are higher than those of Agra and Deli, fall to ruin, by reason of the excessive rains that have overflowed a great number of them. The King's Palace is an indifferent fair one, is not, as formerly it was, upon the River, which is fallen of above a quarter of a league from it. There is Wine to be had at Lahor. I must observe by the by, that after you have past Lahor, and the Kingdom of Kakemir, that lies upon it toward the North, none of their Women have any hair upon any part of their bodies, and the Men but very little upon their chins. From Lahor to Menat-kan, costs 12 From Menat-kan to Faty-abad, costs 15 From Faty-abad to Sera-dakan, costs 15 From Sera-dakan to Sera-balour, costs 15 From Sera-balour to Sera-dourai, costs 12 From Sera-dourai to Serinde, costs 17 From Serinde to Sera-Mogoul, costs 15 From Sera-Mogoul to Sera-Chabas, costs 14 From Sera-Chabas to Dirauril, costs 17 From Dirauril to Sera-Crindal, costs 14 From Sera-Crindal to Guienaour, costs 21 From Guienaour to Dehly, costs 24 Before you go any farther, you are to take notice that all the way from Lahor to Dehly, and from Dehly to Agra, is a continual walk set on both sides with fair Trees; an object most pleasing to the sight▪ But in some places the Trees are decayed, and there is no care taken to Plant others in their stead. Dehly is a great City near the River Gemma, which runs from the North to the South, afterwards from the West to the East; and after it has passed by Agra and Kadione, empties itself into the Ganges. After Cha-jehan had built the new City of Gehanabad, which is called by his own Name; and where he chose rather to keep his Court, than at Agra, because the Climate is more temperate. Dehly is almost come to ruin, and indeed is nothing but an heap of Rubbish; there being no other Houses remaining but only for poor people. The Streets are narrow, and the Houses of Bambouc, as over all the rest of the Indieses. Neither are there above three or four Lords of the Court that reside at Dehly, where they set up their Tents in great Enclosures, and in the same manner lodged the Reverend Jesuit that was at Court. Gehanabad, as well as Dehly, is a great City; and there is nothing but a single Wall that make the separation. All the Houses of particular men consist of great Enclosures, in the midst whereof is the place for Lodgings. The greatest part of the Lords do not live in the City, but have their Houses without, for the conveniency of the water. As you enter into Gehanabad from Dehly, you meet with a long and broad Street, on each side whereof are Vaults, where the Merchants keep shops, being only platformed at the top. This street ends in the great Piazza before the King's House; and there is another very fair and large Street, that runs toward another Gate of the same Palace, in which live the great Merchants that keep no Shops. The King's Palace takes up above half a league circuit: The Walls are of fair cut-Stone with Battlements. The Moats are full of water, paved with Freestone. The great Gate of the Palace has nothing in it of magnificence; no more than the first Court, into which the great Lords may enter upon their Elephants. Having passed that Court, you enter into another long and large passage, with fair Porticoes on both sides. Under which are several little Chambers, where part of the Horse-Guard lies. These Porticoes are raised some two foot above the ground, and the Horses which are tied without, feed upon the steps. In some places there are great Gates that lead to several Apartments; as to the women's Lodgings, and to the Seat of Justice. In the midst of the passage runs a Cut full of water, leaving a fair Walk on each side, where, at equal distances, are little Basins or Fountains. This long Passage carries you into a great Court, where the Omras, that is to say, the great Lords of the Kingdom, such as the Bassa's in Turkey, and the Khan's in Persia, keep Guard in Person. They have low Lodgings round about the Court, and their Horses are tied to their doors. From this second Court you pass into a third, through a great Portal; on one side whereof there is a little Hall, raised some two or three steps high from the ground. This is the Wardrobe where the Royal Garments are kept; and from whence the King sends for the Calaat, or a whole Habit for a man, when he would honour any Stranger or any one of his own Subjects. A little farther, under the same Portal, is the place where the Drums, Trumpets, and Hautboys are laid up; which they sound and beaten a little before the King enters into his Judgment-Seat, to give notice to the Omrah's; and they make the same noise when the King is ready to rise. Entering into the third Court, you see the Divan before you, where the King gives Audience. This is a great Hall raised some four-foot-high above the superficies of the Court, with three sides open. Thirty-two Pillars sustain as many Arches; and these Columns are about four-foot-square, with Pedestals and Mouldings. When Cha-jehan first begun to build this Hall; he intended to have enriched it, and inlaid it all over with those Stones that seem to be naturally painted, like those in the Great Duke of Tuscany's Chapel. But having made a trial upon two or three Pillars, about two or three-foot-high, he found that there would not be Stones enough, of that sort, in the World to finish the work ' besides the vastness of the Sum it would come to. So that he left of his design, containing himself with a Painting of several flowers. In the middle of this Hall, next to the side which looks toward the Court, there is a Throne erected upon a kind of Theatre, where the King gives Audience, and pronounces Judgement. The Throne is a little Bed with four Columns, about the bigness of one of our Field-beds, with a Canopy, Backpiece, Bolster and Counterpoint, all embroidered with Diamonds. Besides all this, when the King comes to sit upon the Throne, they throw over the Bed a Coverlet of Cloth of Gold, or some other richly-embroidered Silk; and he ascends by three little steps, two-foot-broad. On one side of the Bed is erected an Vmbrello upon a Staff, as long as an Half-Pike. Upon one of the Pillars of the Throne hangs one of the King's Weapons; upon another his Buckler; upon another his Scimitar; and than his Bow and Quiver of Arrows, and other things of the same nature. Below the Throne there is a place▪ some twenty-foot-square, encompassed with Balusters which at some times are covered with Plates of Silver, at other times with Plates of Gold. At the four Corners of this small enclosure sit the four Secretaries of State, who as well in Civil as Criminal Causes, do the duty of advocates. Many Lords stand about this Balust rade; and there is also the Music placed, that plays all the while the King is in the Divan. This Music is so sweet and soft, that it never takes of the mind from the seriousness of business at that time managed. The King being sat upon his Throne, some great Lords stand by him; generally it is some one of his own Children. Between eleven a Clock and Noon, the Nahab, who is the chief Minister of State, like the Grand Vizier in Turkey, makes a report to the King of what has passed in the Chamber where he Presides, which is at the Entry of the first Court; and when he has done speaking, the King riseth. For you must take notice, that from the time that the King is sat upon his Throne, till he rises, no person whatsoever is permitted to stir out of the Palace; and yet I can say that the King dispensed with my performance of this Law so generally observed by all the Court: The occasion whereof was thus in short. Being one day going out of the Palace, while the King was sitting in the Divan, upon some urgent business that would admit of no delay, the Captain of the Guards held me by the arm, and told me I should go not farther; I contested and argued the Case with him for some time, but finding his usuage to be very boisterous, I lifted up my Cane, and had certainly struck him in my passion, had not two or three of the Guards that saw all the passages, held my hand. Happily for me at that time, the Nahab, who was than the King's Uncle, came by, and being informed of the ground of our quarrel; ordered the Captain of the Guards to let me go. After that he made a report to the King how the matter stood; and toward evening the Nahab sent me one of his Servants to tell me, it was his Majesty's pleasure, that I might come in or go out of the Palace, though he were sitting in the Divan, as I pleased myself; for which I went the next day, and returned thanks to the Nahab. Toward the middle of the same Court there is a small Channel some five or six inches broad, where while the King is sitting upon the Seat of Justice, they that have business are to stand. Further it is not lawful for them to go, till they are called; and Ambassadors themselves are not exempted from this custom. When an Ambassador, comes as far as this Channel, the Master of the Ceremonies calls out toward the Divan where the King is sitting, that such an Ambassador craves Audience of his Majesty. Than one of the Secretaries of State declares it to the King; who oftentimes makes as if he did not hear: But some time after lifting up his eyes, he casts them upon the Ambassador, making him a sign by the same Secretary, that he may approach. From the Hall of the Divan, turning to the left, you walk upon a Terrace, where you discover the River. Over this Terrace the King passes into a little Chamber, from whence he goes into his Haram. In this little Chamber it was that I had my first Audience of his Majesty; as I shall relate in another place. Upon the lefthand of the Court where the Divan is built, stands a little Mosque neatly built; the Cupola whereof is covered with Lead perfectly guilded. Here the King goes to hear Prayers every day, except it be Fridays, when he is to go to the great Mosque, which is a very fair one, and placed upon an high Platform, raised higher than the Houses of the City, and there is a noble ascent to it. That day that the King goes to the Mosque, they place huge rails of wood round about the steps, as well to keep of the Elephants, as out of respect to the Mosque. The right side of the Court is taken up with Porticoes, that make a long Gallery, raised from the ground about half a foot; and these are the King's Stables into which you have many doors to enter. They are also full of stately Horses, the worst whereof stands the King in three-thousand Crowns; and there are some that cost him ten-thousand. At the door of every one of these Stables hangs a kind of Mat made of Bambouc, that cleaves like our Osiers. But whereas we bind our Osier twigs with the same Osier, they bind their Bamboucs with wreathed-silk, which is delicate work, but very tedious. These Mats are to hinder the Flies from tormenting the Horses; there being two Grooms to an Horse, one of which is still employed in fanning the Beast. There are also Mats spread before the Porticoes, and before the Stable-door; which they spread or take away as occasion requires. And the Floor of the Gallery is covered with fair Carpets, which is taken away in the evening, and the Horse's Litter strowed in the same place. Which litter is nothing but the Horse-dung dried in the Sun, and than squeezed a little flat. The Horses that are brought into India either out of Persia, Arabia, or the Country of Vsbech, change their food: For in India they never give them Hay nor Oats. Every Horse in the morning having for his proportion three loaves made of Meal, Wheat, and Butter, as big as one of our six-penny-loaves. 'Tis an hard matter to bring them to this diet at first; it being sometimes three or four Months before they can do it. The Groom is forced to hold their tongue in one hand, and to thrust down the bread with the other. When Sugarcanes or Millet are in season, they give them that diet about noon; and in the evening, two hours before Sunset they give them a measure of Garden-Chiches which the Groom squeezes between two stones, and mixes with water. This is instead of Barley and Oats. As for the King's other Stables, where he has also very fine Horses, they are scurvy places, ill-built, which deserve not to be mentioned. The Gemene is a fair River that bears good big Boats, which running to Agra loses its name, falling into Ganges at Hallabas. The King has several small Brigantines at Gehanabad upon the River, to take his pleasure in; and they are very curiously trimmed after the manner of the Country. CHAP. VII. The continuance of the same Road from Dehly to Agra. FRom Dehly to Badelpoura, costs 8 From Badelpoura to Pelvel ki-sera, costs 18 From Pelvel-ki-sera to Cotki-sera, costs 15 From Cotki-sera to Cheki-sera, costs 16 At Cheki-sera is one of the greatest Pagods of the Indians, together with an Hospital for Apes; as well for those that breed thereabouts, as for those that ●ome from the neighbouring-parts, which the Banians are very careful to feed. This Pagod is called Matura, and it was formerly in far greater veneration than it is at this day. The reason is, because the Gemene ran than just at the very foot of the Pagod; wherein the Banians, as well those of the Country, as those that came from remote parts in Pilgrimage, had the convenience to wash themselves before they went to their Devotions; and when they had performed them, to wash again before they eat; which they are not to do ere they have washed; believing also that if they wash in running-water, their sins will be the more easily defaced. But some years since the River, changing its course more to the Northward, comes not within a good league of the Pagod, which is the reason that the Pilgrims have deserted it. From Cheki-sera to Goodki-sera, costs 5 From Goodki-sera to Agra, costs 6 Agra lies in 27 deg. 31 min. of Lat. and in a Sandy-soil, which causes extremity of heat. It is the biggest City in India, and formerly the Residence of their Kings. The Houses of great Persons are fair, and well built; but the Houses of the meaner-sort are as plain, as in all the other Cities of India. They are built a good distance one from another, and hid by the height of their Walls, to keep their Women from being seen: So that it may be easily conjectured that their Cities are nothing so pleasant as ours in Europe. Add to this, that Agra being encompassed round with the Sands, the heats are there very excessive, which constrained Cha-jehan to remove from thence, and to keep his Court at Gehanabad. All that is remarkable in Agra is the King's Palace; and some Monuments as well near the City, as in the parts about it. The Palace of the King is a vast piece of ground encompassed with a double-wall, which is terraced in some parts, and in those parts are built certain Lodgings for some of the Officers of the Court: The Gemene runs before the Palace; but between the Wall and the River there is a large space of ground, where the King causes his Elephants to fight. This Field is on purpose near the water, because that the Elephant which gets the victory, being in a fury, they could not bring him to himself, did they not drive him into the River: to which end they are forced to have recourse to Policy, by tying Squibs and Crackers to the end of an Half-Pike, and than giving fire to them to fright him into the water: for when he is in but two or threefoot-deep, he is presently appeased. There is a wide Piazza upon one side of the City before the Palace, and the first Gate, wherein there is nothing of magnificence, is guarded by a few Soldiers. Before the King removed his Court from Agra to Gehanabad, when he went into the Country for some time, he gave to some one of his greatest Omrah's, who was his Confident, the Guard of his Palace, where his Treasure lay; and till the return of the King he never stirred out of the Gate, where he lodged, neither by night nor day. At such a time that it was, that I was permitted to see the Palace of Agra. The King being departed for Gehanabad, whither all the Court followed him, together with the Women, the Government of the Palace was given to one that was a great Friend of the Hollanders, and indeed to all the Franguis. Menheir Velant, chief of the Holland Factory at Agra, so soon as the King was departed, went to visit the Lord, and to present him according to custom. The Present was worth about 6000 Crowns, and consisted in Spices, Cabinets of Japan, and fine Holland-cloth. He desired me to go along with him when he went to Compliment the Governor. But the Lord being offended that he had put himself to so much charge, forced him to carry the Present back again, taking only one Japan-Cane, of six that were in the Present, telling him he would have not more, out of the kindness which he had for the Franguiz. Nay, he would not so much as take the Goldhead and Ferula, but caused them to be taken of. The Compliments being over, the Governor asked Menheir Velunt, wherein he might serve him: whereupon he desiring the favour, than since the Court was gone, he might see the inside of the Palace, the Governor granted his request, and ordered six men to attend him. The first Gate where the Governor of the Palace lies, is a long blind Arch, which leads you into a large Court all environed with Porticoes; like our Piazza in Covent-Garden. The Gallery in front is larger and higher than any of the rest, sustained by three ranks of Pillars, and under those Galleries on the other side of the Court which are narrower and lower, are little Chambers for the Soldiers of the Guard. In the midst of the large Gallery, is a Nich in the Wall, into which the King descends out of his Haram by a private pair of Stairs, and when he is in, he seems to be in a kind of a Tomb. He has no Guards with him than, for he has no reason to be afraid of any thing; there being no way to come at him. In the heat of the day he keeps himself there only with one Eunuch, but more often with one of his Children, to fan him. The Great Lords of the Court stay below in the Gallery under the Nich all the while. At the farther end of this Court is another Gate that leads into a second Court encompassed with Galleries, underneath which, are little Chambers for some Officers of the Palace. The second Court carries you into a third, which is the King's Quarter. Cha-jehan had resolved to cover with Silver all the Arch of a Gallery upon the right-hand. And a frenchman, Austin de Bourdeaux by name, was to have done the work: but the King not finding any one in his whole Kingdom so capable as the Frenchman was to treat with the Portugals at Goa about some important affair he had at this time; the design was laid aside: For they being afraid of Austin's Parts, poisoned him upon his return to Cochin. This Gallery is painted with branched-work of Gold and Azure, and the lower-part is hung with Tapestry. There are several doors under the Gallery that lead into little square-Chambers; of which we saw two or three opened, and they told us all the rest were such. The other three sides of the Court lie all open, there being nothing but a single Wall, not higher than for a man to lean over. On the side that looks toward the River there is a Divan, or a kind of out-jutting Balcony, where the King sits to see his Brigantines, or to behold his Elephants fight. Before the Divan is a Gallery, that serves for a Portico; which Cha-jehan had a design to have adorned all over with a kind of Lattice-work of Emeralds and Rubies that should have represented to the life Grapes when they are green, and when they begin to grow read. But this design which made such a noise in the World, and required more Richeses, than all the World could afford to perfect, remains unfinished; there being only three Stocks of a Vine in Gold, with their leaves, as the rest aught to have been; and enamelled in their natural colours, with Emeralds, Rubies and Granates wrought into the fashion of Grapes. In the middle of the Court stands a great Fat to bathe in, 40 foot in Diameter, cut out of one entire grey-stone, with steps wrought out of the same stone within and without. As for the Monuments which are in and about Agra, they are very fair ones, for there is scarce an Eunuch belonging to the King's Haram, that is not very ambitious of leaving a fair Monument behind him. Indeed, when they have heaped together great Sums, they would feign be going to Mecca, and making rich Presents to Mahomet. But the Great Mogul, unwilling to let his Money go out of his Country, will seldom permit them leave to undertake that Pilgrimage: and therefore not knowing what to do with their Money, they employ a great part thereof in Monuments to perpetuate their Memories. Of all the Monuments that are to be seen at Agra, that of the Wife of Cha-jehan is the most magnificent; she caused it to be set up on purpose near the Tasimacan, to which all Strangers must come, that they should admire it. The Tasimacan is a great Bazar, or Marketplace, composed of six great Courts, all encompassed with Porticoes; under which there are Warehouses for Merchants; and where there is a prodigious quantity of Calicuts vended. The Monument of this Degum, or Sultaness, stands on the East-side of the City, upon the River side, in a great place enclosed with Walls, upon which there runs a little Gallery, as upon the Walls of many Cities in Europe. This place is a kind of Garden with Compartments, like our Garden-plots; but whereas our Walks are made with Gravel, here the Walks are black and white Marble. You enter into this place through a large Portal; and presently upon the left hand you espy a fair Gallery, that looks towards Mecca; wherein there are three or four Niches, wherein the Mufti comes at certain hours to pray. A little beyond the middle of the place, toward the Water, are three great Platforms, one raised above another, with four Towers at the four Corners of each, and Stairs within, upon the top whereof they call the people before the time of their prayer. On the top there is a Cupola, little lesle magnificent than that of Val de Grace in Paris; it is covered within and without with black marble, the middle being of Brick. Under this Cupola is an empty Tomb; for the Begum is interred under the Arch of the lowest Platform. The same change of Ceremonies which is observed under ground, is observed above. For they change the Tapestries, Candles, and other Ornaments at several times, and there are always Mollah's attending to pray. I saw the beginning and completing of this great work, that cost two and twenty years' labour, and twenty thousand men always at work; so that you cannot conceive but that the Expense must be excessive. Cha-jehan had begun to raise his own Monument on the other side of the River; but the Wars with his Son, broke of that design, nor did Aurengzeb, now reigning, ever take any care to finish it. There is an Eunuch who commands two thousand men, that is entrusted to guard not only the Sepulchre of the Begum, but also the Tasimacan. On another side of the City, appears the Sepulchre of King Akabar. And as for the Sepulchers of the Eunuches, they have only one Platform, with four little Chambers at the four Corners. When you come to Agra from Dehly, you meet a great Bezoar; near to which there is a Garden, where King Jehan-guire, Father of Cha-jehan, lies interred. Over the Garden Gate you see the Tomb itself, beset with Portraitures, covered with a black Hearse-cloth, or Pall, with Torches of white Wax, and two Jesuits attending at each end. There are some who wonder, that Cha-jehan against the practice of the Mahometans, who abhor Images, did permit of carving; but the reason conjectured at is, that it is done upon the consideration that his Father and himself learned from the Jesuits certain principles of Mathematics and Astrology. Though he had not the same kindness for them at another time; for going one day to visit an Armenian, that lay sick, whose name was Corgia, whom he loved very well and had honoured with several Employments, at what time the Jesuits who lived next to the Armenians house, rang their Bell; the sound thereof so displeased the King, as being a disturbance to the sick person, that in a great fury he commanded the Bell to be taken away, and hung about his Elephant's neck. Some few days after, the King seeing his Elephant with that great Bell about his neck, fearing so great a weight might injure his Elephant, caused the Bell to be carried to the Couteval, which is a kind of a railed place, where a Provost sits as a Judge, and decides differences among the people of that Quarter, where it has hung ever since. This Armenian had been brought up with Cha-jehan; and in regard he was an excellent Wit, and an excellent Poet, he was very much in the King's favour, who had conferred upon him many fair Commands, though he could never either by threats or promises win him to turn Mahometan. CHAP. VIII. The Road from Agra to Patna. and Daca, Cities in the Province of Bengala, and of the Quarrel which the Author had with Cha-Est-Kan, the King's Uncle. I Departed from Agra toward Bengala the 25 th' of November 1665, and that day I reached not farther than a very bad Inn, distant from Agra, costs 3 The 26 th' I came to Beruzabad, costs 9 This is a little City where, at my return, I received eight thousand Roupies, being the remainder of the Money which Giafer-Kan owed me for Wares that he had bought at Janabat. The 27 th' to Serael Morlides, costs 9 The 28 th' to Serail Estanja, costs 14 The 29 th' to Serail Haii-mal, costs 12 The 30 th'. to Serail Sekandera, costs 13 The 1st of December to Sanqual, costs 14 I met that day 110 Wagons, every Wagon drawn by six Oxen, & in every Wagon 50000 Roupies. This is the Revenue of the Province of Bengala, with all charges defrayed, and the Governor's Purse well-filled, comes to 5500000 Roupies. A league beyond Sanqual, you must pass a River called Saingour, which runs into Gemine, not above half a league distant from it. You pass over this River of Saingour upon a Stone-bridge, and when you come from toward Bengala to go to Seronge or Surat, if you have a mind to shorten your journey ten days, you must leave Agra-Road, and come to this Bridge, and so Ferry over Gemine in a Boat. But generally Agra-Road is taken, because the other way you must travel five or six days together upon the stones; and also for that you are to pass through the Territories of certain Raja's, where you are in danger of being robbed. The second day I came to an Inn called Cherourabad, costs 12 When you are got about half the way, you pass through Gianabad, a little City, near to which, about a quarter of a League on this side, crossing a Field of Millet, I saw a Rhinoceros feeding upon Millet-Canes, which a little Boy of nine or ten years old gave him to eat. When I came near the Boy, he gave me some Millet to give the Rhinoceros; who immediately came to me, opening his chaps three or four times; I put the Millet into his mouth, and when he had swallowed it, he still opened his mouth for more. The 3d I came to Serrail Chajeada, costs 10 The 4 th' to Serrail Atakan, costs 13 The 5 th' to Aureng-Abad, costs 9 Formerly this Village had another name; but being the place where Aurengzeb gave Battle to his Brother Sultan Sujah, who was Governor of all the Province of Bengala; Aurengzeb, in Memory of the Victory he had won, gave it his own name, and built there a very fair House, with a Garden, and a little Mosque. The 6 th' to Alinchan, costs 9 Two leagues on this side Alinchan, you meet the River Ganges. Monsieur Bernier the King's Physician, and another person whose name was Rachepot, with whom I travelled, were amazed to see, that a River had made such a noise in the World, was no broader than the River Seine before the Louvre; believing before, that it had been as wide as the Danaw above Belgrade. There is also so little water in it from March to June or July, when the reins fall, that it will not bear a small Boat. When we came to Ganges, we drank every one of us a Glass of Wine, mixing some of the Riverwater with it; which caused a griping in our bellies: But out Servants that drank it alone, were worse tormented than we. The Hollanders, who have an House upon the Bank of Ganges, never drink the water of this River, until they have boiled it. But for the natural Inhabitants of the Country, they are so accustomed to it from their youth, that the King and the Court drink no other. You shall see a vast number of Camels every day, whose business only it is to fetch water from the Ganges. The 7 th', I came to Halabas, costs 8 Halabas is a great City, built upon a point of Land where Ganges and Gemine meet. There is a fair Castle of hewn Stone, with a double Moat; where the Governor resides. He is one of the greatest Lords in India; and being very sickly, he has always about him ten Persian Physicians. He had also in his service, Claudius Maille of Bourges, who practices Chirurgery and Physic both together. This was he that advised us not to drink of Ganges Water, which would put us into a looseness; but rather to drink Well-water. The chief of these Persian Physicians, whom this Governor hires with his Money, one day threw his Wife from the top of a Battlement to the ground; prompted to that act of cruelty, by some jealousies he had entertained. He thought the fall had killed her, but she had only a Rib or two bruised; whereupon the Kindred of the Woman came and demanded justice, at the feet of the Governor. The Governor sending for the Physician, commanded him to be gone, resolving to retain him not longer in his service. The Physician obeyed, and putting his maimed Wife in a Pallanquin, he set forward upon the Road with all his Family. But he was not gone above three or four days journey from the City, when the Governor finding himself worse than he was want to be, sent to recall him; which the Physician perceiving, stabbed his Wife, his four Children, and thirteen female Slaves, and returned again to the Governor, who said not a word to him, but entertained him again into his service. The eighth, day I crossed the River in a large Boat, having stayed from morning till noon upon the bankside, expecting Monsieur Maille, to bring me a Passport from the Governor. For there stands a Derega, upon each side of the River, who will not suffer any person to pass without leave; and he takes notice what sort of Goods are transported; there being due from every Wagon four Roupies, and from every Coach one; not accounting the charge of the Boat, which you must pay beside. The same day I went to Sadoul-serail, costs 16 The ninth, to Yakedel— sera, costs 10 The tenth, to Bouraki-sera, costs 10 The eleventh, to Banarou, costs 10 Banarou is a large City, and handsomely built; the most part of the Houses being either of Brick or Stone and higher than in any other Cities of India; but the inconveniency is, that the Streets are very narrow. There are many Inns in the Town; among the rest, one very large, and very handsomely built In the middle of the Court are two Galleries, where are to be sold Calicuts, Silks, and other sorts of Merchandise. The greatest part of the Sellers, are the Workmen themselves; so that the Merchants buy at the first hand. These Workmen, before they expose any thing to sale, must go to him that has the stamp, to have the King's Seal set upon their Linen and Silks; otherwise they would be fined, and lambasted with a good Cudgel. This City is situated upon the North side of Ganges, that▪ runs by the Walls, and into which there falls also another River, some two leagues upward toward the West. In Banarou stands one of the Idolaters principal Pagods, whereof I shall speak in my second Book, when I come to treat of the Religion of the Banians. About five hundred paces from the City Northward, there is a Mosque, where are to be seen many Mahometan Sepulchers; whereof some are very curious pieces of Architecture. The fairest are every one in the middle of a Garden enclosed with Walls, wherein there are Holes some half a foot square, through which Passengers may have a sight of the Tomb within. The most considerable of all is as it were four square Pedestal, every square whereof is forty paces wide. In the midst of this Platform rises a Column thirty-two or thirtyfive foot high, all of a piece, which three men can hardly embrace. The Stone is of a grey colour, and so hard that I could not scrape it with my Knife. As it is Pyramidical, there is a great Bowl at the top, which is encompassed 〈◊〉 the upper end with huge Grains of Wheat. All the fronts of the Tomb are full of figures of Animals cut in the Stone; and it has been higher above ground than now it seems to be, for several old men, that looked to some of the Sepulchers, assured me, that within these fifty years it had sunk above thirty foot into the Earth. They tell you moreover, that it is the Sepulchre of one of the Kings of Boutan who was interred here after he had left his own Country to conquer this Kingdom, out of which he was driven by the Successors of Tamerlane. The Kingdom of Boutan is the place from whence they fetch Musk, and I will give you a description of it in my third Book. I stayed at Banarou the 12 th' and 13 th'; and during those two days it reigned continually, but not so as to stop my journey; so that the evening of the thirteenth day I crossed the Ganges, with the Governors' Passport. Before you go into the Boat, they search the Traveller's baggage; wearing Apparel however pays nothing of Custom, but only Merchandise. The 13 th', I went to Baterpour, costs 2 The 14 th', to Satraguy-sera, costs 8 The 15 th', to Moniarky-sera, costs 9 The same day in the morning, after I had travelled two Leagues, I crossed a River called Carnasarsou; and three Leagues from thence I crossed another, which they call Saode-sou; both which I forded. The 16 th', to Gourmabad, costs 8 This is a Town upon a River called Goudera-sou, which is crossed over a Stone-Bridg. The 17 th', to Saseron, costs 4 Saseron is a City at the foot of certain Mountains, near to which there is a great Lake. In the middle whereof there is a small Island, with a fair Mosque built upon it; wherein is to be seen, the Sepulchre of a Nahab or Favourite, called Selim-Kan; who built it when he was Governor of the Province. There is a fair Bridge to cross over into the Island, paved and lined with large freestone. Upon one side of the Lake is a great Garden, in the middle whereof is another fair Sepulchre of the Sun of the same Nahab, Selim-Kan, who succeeded his Father in the Government of the Province. If you would go to the Mine of Soulmelpour, whereof I shall speak in the last Book of these Relations you must leave the great Road to Patna, and bend to the South through Exberbourgh, and the famous Fortress of Rhodes, of which I shall treat in the same place. The 18 th', I ferried in a Boat over the River, Sonsou, which descends from the Southern Mountains; after you have crossed it, the Merchandise pays, a certain Toll. The same day I travelled on to Daoud-Nagarsera, where there is a fair Tomb, costs. 9 The 19 th', to Halva-sera, costs 10 The 20 th', to Aga-sera, costs ●9 In the morning I met a hundred and thirty Elephants, great and small, which they were leading to Dehli to the great Mogul. The one and twentieth, to Patna, costs 10 Patna is one of the greatest Cities of India, upon the Bank of Ganges, toward the West; not being lesle than two Leagues in length. But the Houses are no fairer than in the greatest part of the other Cities of India; being covered with Baembouc, or Straw. The Holland Company have a House there, by reason of their Trade in Saltpetre, which they refine at a great Town called Choupar, which is also situated upon Ganges, ten Leagues above Patna. Coming to Patna, we met the Hollanders, in the Street returning from Choupar, who stopped our Coaches to salute us. We did not part, till we had emptied two Bottles of Schiras Wine in the open Street; which is not taken notice of in that Country, where people meet with an entire freedom without any Ceremony. I stayed eight days at Patna, during which time there fell out an accident, which will let the Reader understand, that Sodomy does not go altogether unpunished among▪ the Mahumetans. A Mimbachi, who commanded a thousand Foot, went about to abuse a young Boy in his service; and who had several times resisted his attempts; complaining also to the Governor, and telling him withal, that if his Master persisted to urge him any more, he would certainly kill him. At length the Captain took his opportunity, at a House which he had in the Country, and forced the Boy. The Boy overwhelmed with grief and rage, took his opportunity also to revenge himself; and being one day hunting with his Master, about a quarter of a League from any of his other Servants, he got behind him, and cloven his head with his Hanger. After he had done, he road full speed to the City, crying out all the way, that he had killed his Master for such a reason; and went immediately to the Governors' Lodging; who sent him to prison; but he let him out at the end of six months; and notwithstanding all the endeavours which the Captain's Kindred used to have had him put to death, the Governor durst not condemn him, for fear of the people, who affirmed that the Boy had done well. I parted from Patna in a Boat for Daca, the nine and twentieth of January, between eleven and twelve at noon; and had the River been deep, as it uses to be after the Rains, I had taken Boat at Hallabas, or at lest at Banarou. The same day I came to lie at sera-Beconcour, costs 15 Five Leagues on this side Beconcour, you meet with a River called Pomponsou, which comes from the South, and falls into Ganges. The thirtieth to Sera-d'Erija, costs 17 The one and thirtieth, after we had travelled four Leagues, or thereabout, we met with the River Kaoa, which comes from the South. Three Leagues lower, you meet with another River called Cannon, which comes from the North. Four Leagues farther, you discover the River Erguga, which runs from the South; and at length, six Leagues beyond, the River Aquera, falling from the same part of the World; all which four Rivers loose their Names in the Ganges. All that day I saw great Mountains toward the South, distant from Ganges sometimes ten, and sometimes fifteen Leagues, till at length I came to lodge in Monger-City, costs 18 The first day of January, 1666, after I had gone by Water two hours, I saw the Gandet fall into the Ganges, flowing from the North. This is a great River, that carries Boats. That evening I lay at Zangira, costs 8 But in regard of the winding of Ganges all that days journey, I might well reckon them by Water two and twenty Leagues. The second day, from between six in the morning till eleven, I saw three Rivers that threw themselves into Ganges; all three descending from the North. The first is called Ronova, the second Tae, the third Chanan. I came to lie at Baquelpour, costs 18 The third, after four hours upon the Ganges, I met the River Katare, which comes from the North; and lay at a Village called Pongangel, at the foot of certain Mountains that descend to Ganges itself, costs 13 The fourth, an hours rowing beyond Pongangel, I met a great River, called Mart-Nadi, coming from the South; and I lay at Rage-Mehale, costs 6 Rage-Mehale, is a City upon the right hand of Ganges; and if you go by Land, you shall found the highway, for a League or two, paved with Brick to the Town. Formerly the Governors of Bengala resided here; it being an excellent Country for hunting, besides that it was a place of great Trade. But now the River having taken another course, above a good half League from the City, as well for that reason, as to keep in awe the King of Aracan, and several Portuguese Banditi, who are retired to the mouths of Ganges, and made excursions even as far as Daca itself; both the Governor and the Merchants have removed themselves to Daca, which is at present 〈◊〉 large City, and a Town of great Trade. The sixth, being arrived at a considerable Town, called Donapour, six Leagues from Rage-Mehale I parted with Monsieur Bernier, who was going to Casenbasar, and thence to Ogouli by land; for when the River is low, there is no going by Water, by reason of a great Bank of Sand that lies before a City called Santiqui. I lay that night at Toutipour, distant from Rage-mehale, costs 12 I saw there at Sunrising a great number of Crocodiles lying upon the Sand. The seventh, I came to Acerat, costs 25 From Acerat to Daca, it is counted by Land forty-five Leagues. All that day I saw such a vast number of Crocodiles, that I had a great desire to shoot at one, to try whether the vulgar report were true, that a Musket-shot would not pierce their skin. The bullet hit him in the jaw, and made the blood gush out; however it would not stay in the place, but plunged into the River. The eight, I saw again a great number lying upon the bank of the River, and made two shot at two with three bullets at a time. As soon as they were wounded, they turned themselves upon their backs, opening their throats, and died upon the spot. That day I came to lie at Douloudia, costs 17 The Crows were here the cause that we found a very fair Fish, which the Fishermen had hid among the Osiers by the side of the River; for when our Watermens saw the Crows in great numbers hover, and making an hideous noise about the Osiers, they presently conjectured that there was something more than ordinary: and they made so diligent a search, that at length they found an excellent dish of meat. The ninth two hours after noon, we met with a River called Chativor, that runs from the North, and we lay at Dampour, costs 16 The tenth, we lay by the Riverside in a place remote from Houses, and we travelled that day, costs 15 The eleventh, toward evening, being come to that part where Ganges divides itself into three Arms, whereof one runs to Daca; we lay at a large Town, upon the entry of the great Channel, which Town is called Jatrapour, costs 20 They that have no luggage, may make a shortcut from Jatrapour to Daca, and save much ground, by reason of the many wind of the River. The twelfth, about noon, we passed by a large Village called Bagamara, and came to lie at Kasiata, another great Town, costs 11 The thirteenth, about noon we met with a River, two leagues from Daca, called Laquia, which runs from the North-East. Just against the Point where the two Rivers join, there stands a Fortress of each side, with several pieces of Cannon. Half a league lower, appears another River called Pagalu, upon which there is a fair Bridge of Brick, which Mirza-Mola caused to be built. This River comes from the North-East; and half a league upward appears another River called Cadamtali, that runs from the North, over which there is a nother Bridge of Brick. On both sides of the River are several Towers, as it were inchas'd with several heads of men, executed for robbing upon the high way. About evening we came to Daca, having travelled by water that day, costs 9 Daca is a great Town, that extends itself only in length; every one coveting to have an House by the Ganges-side. The length of this Town is above two leagues. And indeed from the last Brick-Bridge which I mentioned to Daca, there is but one continued row of Houses separated one from the other; inhabited for the most part by Carpenters, that build Galleys and other small Vessels. These Houses are properly not more than paltry Huts built up with Bamboucs, and daubed over with fat Earth. Those of Daca are not much better built: The Governors' Palace is a place enclosed with high Walls, in the midst whereof is a pitiful House, built only of Wood He generally lodges in Tents, which he causes to be set up in a great Court of that Enclosure. The Hollanders finding that their Goods were not safe in the ordinary Houses of Daca, have built them a very fair House; and the English have another, which is reasonably handsome. The Church of the Austin-friars-s is all of Brick, and is a very comely Pile. When I travelled last to Daca, the Nahab Cha-Est-Kan, who was than the Governor of Bengala, was at War with the King of Arakan, whose Naval-Force consists generally of 200 Galleasses, attended by several other smaller Vessels. These Galleasses run through the Gulf of Bengala, and enter into the mouth of Ganges, the Sea flowing up higher than Daca. Cha-Est-Kan, Uncle to King Aurengzeb, the present Mogul, and the best Head-piece that ever was in all his Territories, found out a way to corrupt several of the King of Aracan's Captains, so that of a sudden forty Galleasses, commanded by Portugals, came and joined themselves with him. To engage more firmly all this new multitude to his service, he gave a larger pay to all the Portugal-Officers, and to the Soldiers proportionably: But those of the Country had no more than their ordinary pay doubled. 'Tis an incredible thing to see how swiftly these Galleasses cut their way in the water. Some are so long that they carry fifty Oars of a side; but they have but two men to an Oar: There are foam very curiously painted, and upon which there is no cost of Gold and Azure spared. The Hollanders have some of their own to transport their Goods; and sometimes they are forced to hire others, whereby many people get a good livelihood. The next day after my arrival at Daca, which was the 14 th' of January, I went to wait upon the Nahab; and presented him with a Garment of Cloth of Gold, laced with a Gold-needle-work Lace of Point of Spain; with a Scarf of Gold and Silver, of the same Point; and a very fair Emerald-jewel. Toward evening, being returned to the Hollander's House, where I lodged, the Nahab sent me Granates, China-Oranges, two Persian-Melons, and three sorts of Pears. The fifteenth, I shown him my Goods, and presented the Prince with a Watch, in a Gold-Enamell'd-Case; with a pair of little Pistols inlaid with Silver, and a very fair Prospective-Glass. What I gave to the Father and the Son, a young Lord, about ten years old, stood me in above five thousand Liures. The sixteenth, I treated with him about the Prizes of my Goods: and at length I went to his Steward to take my Letter of Exchange to be paid at Casen-Bazar. Not but that he would have paid me my Money at Daca; but the Hollanders, who understood things better than I did, told me it was very dangerous to carry Money to Casen-Bazar, whither there was no going, but over the Ganges by water, the way by land being full of Bogs and Fens. And to go by water is not lesle dangerous, by reason that the Boats which they use, are very apt to tip over upon the lest storm: And when the Mariners perceive that you carry Money along with you, 'tis an easy thing for them to overset the Boat, and afterwards to come and take up the Money that lies but at the bottom of the River. The twentieth, I took leave of the Nahab, who desired me to come and see him again, and caused a Pass to be delivered me, wherein he gave me the title of one of the Gentlemen of his house, which he had done before, when he was Governor of Amadabat, when I went to him, to the Army, in the Province of Decan, into which the Raja-seva-gi was entered, as I shall relate in another place. By virtue of these Passes I could travel over all the Countries of the great Mogul, as being one of his Household. The one and twentieth, the Hollanders made a great Feast for my sake; to which they invited the English, and some Portuguese's, together with the Austin-friars-s of the same Nation. The two and twentieth, I made a Visit to the English, whose Precedent than was Mr. Prat. From the twenty-third to the twenty-ninth, I brought up Goods, to the value of 11000 Roupies; and after I had embarked them, I took my leave. The twenty-ninth, in the evening, I departed from Daca, the Hollanders bearing me company for two leagues, with their little Barks Armed: Nor did we spare the Spanish-Wine all that time. Having been upon the River from the twenty-ninth of January to the eleventh of February, I left my Goods and Servants at the Bark at Acerat; where I took a Boat that carried me to a great Village called Mirdapour. The next day I hired an Horse for myself, but not finding another for my Luggage, I was forced to hire two Women, who carried it for me. That evening I arrived at Casen-Basar, where I was welcomed by Menheir Arnold Van Wachttendonk, Director of all the Holland-Factories in Bengala, who invited me to lie at his House. The fourteenth, Menheir Wachttendonk returned to Ouguely, where is the General Factory. The same day one of my Servants brought me word that my People and Goods, which I had left behind in the Bark, had been in very great danger, by reason of the high Winds that had blown for two days together. The fifteenth, the Hollanders lent me a Pallekis, to go to Madesou-basarki. This was a great Town three Leagues from Casen-basar, where lay Cha-Est-Kan's Receiver General, to whom I presented my Bill of Exchange. He told me it was very good, and that he would willingly have paid me, had he not received order the night before, not to pay me, in case he had not paid me already. He did not tell me the reason that moved Cha-Est-Kan to act in that manner; so that I went home to my Lodging infinitely surprised at his proceeding. The sixteenth, I wrote to the Nahab, to know the reason why he had forbade his Receiver General to pay me. The seventeenth in the evening, I took water for Ougueli, in a Bark of fourteen Oars, which the Hollanders lent me; and that night and the next I lay upon the River. The ninteenth toward evening, I passed by a large Town called Nandi, farther than which the Sea does not flow. Here the Wind blew so fiercely, and the water grew so rough, that we were forced to stay three or four hours, and lie by the shore. The twentieth, I arrived at Ougueli, where I stayed till the second of March. During which time the Hollanders bid me very welcome, and made it their business to show me all the divertisements which the Country was capable to afford. We went several times in Pleasure-Boats upon the River, and we had a Banquet of all the Delicacies that the Gardens of Europe could have afforded us. Salads of all sorts, Colewarts, Asparagus, Pease, but our chiefest Dish was Japon Beans; the Hollanders being very curious to have all sorts of Pulse and Herbs in their Gardens, though they could never get Artichokes to grow in that Country. The second of March I left Ougueli, and the fifth arrived at Casenbasar. The next day I went to Madesou-Barsaki, to know whether the Nahab had sent any other orders to his Receiver. For I told you a little before, that I wrote upon the place to Cha-Est-Kan, to complain of his proceed, and to know the reason why my Bill of Exchange was not paid. The Director of the Holland Factories writ a Letter also in my behalf, which I enclosed, wherein he represented to the Nahab, that I was too well known to him, as having been formerly with him at Amadabat, in the Army in Decan, and other places, do deserve such hard usuage. That he aught to consider, that I being the only person that brought the chiefest rarities of Europe to the Indieses, it was not the way to make me eager of returning any more, as he himself had invited me to do, to sand me away in a discontent. Besides, that the credit of my report would discourage others from coming to the Indieses, fearing the same usuage as I had received. Neither mine nor the Directors Letter produced that effect which we expected. Nor was I much better satisfied with the new order which the Nahab sent to his Receiver; which was to pay me, abating twenty thousand Roupies of the sum which we had agreed upon; and if I would not take the remainder, that I might come and fetch my goods again. This ill dealing of the Nahab, proceeded from a scurvy trick that was played me by three Canary-birds at the Great Mogul's Court. The story whereof was thus in short. Aurengzeb, that now reigns, at the instigation of two Persians' and a Banian, has brought up a custom very much to the disadvantage of Merchants, that come out of Europe, and other parts, to cell Jewels at Court. For whether they come into India either by Land or Sea, the Governor of the place where they first arrive, has order to sand them to the King, together with their goods, whether they will or no. As the Governor of Surat dealt by me, in the year 1665, sending me to Dehli, or Jehanabad, where the King was. There were than attending upon his Majesty, two Persians' and a Banian, who are entrusted to view and examine all the Jewels which are to be sold to the King. One of those Persians' is called Nahab-Akel-Kan, that is, the Prince of the Spirit; who keeps all the King's Jewels. The name of the other is Mirza-Mouson, whose business is to rate every stone. The Banian, whose name is Nalikan, is to see whether the Stones be false or not, or whether they have any defect. These three men have obtained a Licence from the King, to view, before ever he does, whatever foreign Merchants shall bring to Court, and to present their goods to him themselves. And though they are under an Oath not to take any thing from the Merchants, yet they extort whatever they can get from them, though it be their ruin. When they see any thing that is lovely, and likely to bring great profit, they would persuade you to cell it to them for lesle by half than the King is worth; and if you refuse to let them have it, when they are in the King's presence, they will set a price upon it at half the value; knowing that Aurengzeb is not very covetous of Jewels, loving his Money far better. Upon the King's Festival-day, of which I shall speak in another place, all the Princes and Nobility of the Court present him with most magnificent gifts. And when they cannot meet with Jewels, they sand him Roupies of Gold, which the King likes far better than Stones; though Jewels are the more honourable present. Therefore when this Festival draws nigh, he issues out of his Treasury, a great quantity of Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds, and Pearls, which he who is entrusted to prise the Stones, delivers to several Merchents to cell to the Nobility, who are bound to present the King; by which means the King gets the Money and his Jewels again. There is also another thing very disadvantageous to a Merchant Jeweller, which is, that when the King has seen the Stones, no Prince nor Nobleman that knows of it, will ever buy them. Besides, while these three persons, who are entrusted to view the Jewels, are considering and examining them at their Lodgings, several Banians resort thither, who are expert, some in Diamonds, some in Rubies, some in Emeralds, and others in Pearls, who writ down the weight, goodness, cleanness, and colour of every piece. So that when a Merchant goes afterwards to any Prince or Governor of any Province, these people sand them a note of what he has, and the price, which they set down at half the value. For in trade these Banians are a thousand times worse than the Jews; more expert in all sorts of cunning tricks, and more maliciously mischievous in their revenge. Now you shall hear what a trick these unworthy people served me. When I arrived at Gehanabad, one of them came to my Lodging, and told me, he had order from the King to see what I had brought, before I exposed my goods in the King's presence. They would have rather that the King had not been at Gehanabad, for they would have than endeavoured to have bought them themselves, to gain thereby, by selling them again to the King, or the Nobility upon occasion; which they could never persuade me to. The next day they came to see me all three, one after another; and they would needs have of me, amongst other things, a Jewel of nine great Pearls, in the fashion of a Pear, the biggest whereof weighed thirty Carats, and the lest sixteen; together with another single Pearl like a Pear, of fifty-five Carats. As for the Jewel▪ the King took it; but for the single Pearl, they finding that whatever they could say, I would not be wrought upon to cell them any bargains, so ordered it, that before I had showed my Jewels to the King, Giafer-Kan the King's Uncle saw, and kept it, telling me he would give me as good a price as the King; and desired me not to speak of it, for indeed he had a design to make a present to the King. When the King had made choice of such of my Jewels as he pleased, Giafer-Kan bought of me several pieces, and at the same time agreed with me for the great Pearl. Some days after he paid me, according as we had agreed, except for the Pearl, upon which he would have abated me ten thousand Roupies. For the two Persians' and the Banian had maliciously informed him, that at my first arrival, they could have bought the Pearl for eight or ten thousand Roupies lesle than I had valued it to him; which was absolutely false. Thereupon Giafer-Kan telling me, that if I would not take his Money, I might have my Jewel again; I took him at his word, assuring him, he should never see it again as long as he lived. And I was as good as my word. And indeed that which made me the more resolute was, that I was resolved to carry something which was considerable to Cha-Est-Kan; for could I have had my liberty upon my arrival at Surat to have gone to him, I would never have seen the King at Gehanabad; about which I had a very great quarrel with the Governor of Surat. For when I came to visit him, he told me presently, that the case was altered from what it had been since my last being there, for that the King was resolved to have the first view of all Curiosities imported into his Kingdom. I was above four Months contending in vain with the Governor; but nothing would serve; I must go to the King, and for fear I should take another Road, he sent fifteen Horsemen along with me as far as Shalaour. When I went for Bengala, these Overseers of the Jewels, out of mere spite, and, it may be, set on by Giafar-Kan, to be revenged of me for denying to let him have my Jewel, writ to Cha-Est-Kan, that I intended to show him certain Jewels, among the rest a very fair Pearl, which I had sold to Giafer-Kan; but that he had given it me again, because he understood that I would have made him pay for it, ten thousand Roupies more than it was worth. They wrote also the particular proportion of all the other Stones which I carried. And upon this false and malicious advice it was, that Cha-Est-Kan, who received not this information till he had delivered me my Bill of Exchange, would abate me for my whole parcel, twenty thousand Roupies, which he reduced at length to ten thousand; and well I had it too. Since I told you before, what a Present I gave to Cha-Est-Kam; I think it not amiss to tell you, what I gave the King, to Nehab Giafer-Kan, to the Eunuch of the Grand Begum, Aurengzeb's Sister, the Great Treasurer, and the Porters of the Treasury. For you must take notice, that whoever he be, that craves Audience of the King, they ask him in the first place, where the Present is which he intends for the King; and examine whether it be fitting to present to his Majesty. For no man must come into his presence empty handed, though it be an honour dearly purchased. Coming than to Gehanabad, I went to make my obeisance to the King; and this is the Present which I made him. In the first place, a Buckler of Brass highly embossed, and very richly guilt, the cost of the Guilding alone amounting to two hundred Ducats of Gold, or eighteen hundred Liures; the value of the whole piece coming to four thousand three hundred seventy eight Liures. In the middle thereof was the story of Curtius, who threw himself and his Horse into the Barathrum, when the Earth gaped, near Rome. Round the outermost Circle of the Buckler, was represented the siege of Rochel. It was wrought by one of the best Workmen in France, by the order of the Cardinal Richlieu. All the great Lords that were about Aurengzeb at that time, were charmed at the beauty of the Workmanship, and told him, he could not do better, than to put it upon the great Elephant, which carried the Standard before his Majesty when he marched into the Field. I presented him also with a Battle-Axe of Crystal of the Rock, the sides whereof were set with Rubies and Emeralds, enchased in Gold in the body of the Crystal, which cost three thousand one hundred and nineteen Liures. Moreover, I presented him with a Saddle after the Turkey fashion, embroidered with little Rubies, Pearls, and Diamonds, which cost two thousand eight hundred and ninety-two Liures. I presented him also with another Saddle and Foot-cloth, embroidered with Gold and Silver, to the value of one thousand seven hundred and thirty Livers. The whole Present amounting to twelve thousand one hundred and nineteen Liures. The Present which I made to Giafar-Kan, the Great Mogul's Uncle, was a Table, with other nineteen pieces to make a Cabinet, all natural Stones, of divers colours, representing the shapes of several Birds and Flowers. The work was made at Florence, and cost two thousand one hundred and fifty Liures. A perfect Ruby Ring, which cost one thousand and three hundred Liures. To the great Treasurer, I presented a Watch in a Gold Case, set with small Emeralds, at seven hundred and twenty Liures. To the Porters of the King's Treasury, and those that deliver out the Money out of the Treasury, two hundred Roupies, at three hundred Liures. To the Eunuch of the Great Begum, Sister to Aurengzeb, a Watch in a painted Case, which cost two hundred and sixty Liures. All these Presents which I made, as well to the Great Mogul, as to Cha-Est-Kan, Giafer-Kan, his Majesty's Uncles; as also the Great Treasurer, to the Stewards of the Houses of the Khan's, and those that brought me twice the Calaat, or Habit of Honour from the King, and as many times from the Begum his Sister, and once from Giafar Can; all these Presents, I say, came to twentythree thousand one hundred fourscore and seven Liures. So true it is, that they who have any business to do at the Court of the great Princes, as well in Turkey as in Persia and in the Indieses, must not pretend to do any thing in reference to their affairs, till they have their Presents, and those very considerable, ready. Besides, that his Purse must be continually open to divers Officers of meaner reputation, who may be able to serve him. I did not mention in my first Volume the Present which I made to him that brought me the Calaat from the King of Persia, to whom I gave two hundred Crowns. CHAP. IX. The Road from Surat to Golconda. I Have made several journeys to Golconda, and have taken several Roads; sometimes by Sea embarking from Ormus for Malispata; sometimes setting out from Agra, but most often from Surat, which is the chiefest landing-place of Indolstan. But in this Chapter I will only speak of the common Road from Surat to Golconda; wherein I comprehend that of Agra; which Road comes in at Dultabat, as I shall afterwards relate, making mention only of two journeys which I made in 1645, and 1652, for fear of tiring the Reader. I departed from Surat in the year 1645, upon the nineteenth of January, and came to lie at Cambari, costs 3 From Cambari to Barnoli, costs 9 From Barnoli to Beara, costs 12 From Beara to Navopour, costs 16 This is the place where grows the best Rice in the World, that smells like Musk. From Navapour to Rinkula, costs 18 From Rinkula to Pipelnar, costs 8 From Pipelnar to Nimpour, costs 17 From Nimpour to Patane, costs 14 From Patane to Secoura, costs 14 From Secoura to Baquela, costs 10 From Baquela to Discon, costs 10 From Discon to Dultabat, costs 10 Dultabat is one of the best Fortresses in the Kingdoms of the Great Mogul, upon a Mountain every way steep; the only way to it being so narrow, that but one Horse, or one Camel can go at a time. This City is at the foot of the Mountain, very well walled. And this place of such importance, which the Moguls lost, when the Kings of Golconda and Visapour revolted from them, was retaken in the Reign of Jehan-guire, by a subtle stratagem. Sultan Courom, who was afterwards called Cha-jehan, commanded in Decan the Army of the King his Father; and Ast-Kan, Father in Law to Cha-Est-Kan, who was one of the Generals, gave the Prince some sort of language which so highly offended him, that immediately sending for one of his Papouche's, or shoe's, he caused him to have six blows given him upon the Bonnet; which among the Indians is the highest indignity can be put upon a man, after which he is no more to appear in the Prince's presence. This was done by consent between the Prince and the General, to deceive the World, more especially any Spies which the King of Visapour might have in the Prince's Army. The report of Ast-Kan's disgrace was immediately spread abroad: and he himself flying for Sanctuary to the King of Visapour, who had not cunning enough to discern the imposture, was welcomed by the same King, and assured of his protection. Ast-Kan seeing himself so well received, begged leave of the King, that he might retire with ten or twelve of his Women, and as many of his Servants, into the Fortress of Dultabat, which was granted. He entered the Town with eight or ten Camels, the two Cajava's or Litters on each side of the Camel being close shut, to keep the Women from being seen. But instead of Women, he had put into every Cajava two Soldiers, all bold and resolved men, as were also every one of the supposed Eunuches that led the Camels: so that he had no great difficulty to cut the Garrison in pieces, not being upon their guard; and to make himself Master of the place, which has been ever since under the Power of the Great Mogul. There are in the place a great number of excellent Pieces of Cannon, and the Cannoneers are generally English or Hollanders. True it is, that there is one little Mountain higher than the Fortress; but there is hardly any way to it, but through the same Fortress. There was a Dutch Engineer, who after he had served the King fifteen or sixteen years, desired leave to be gone, and the Holland-Company itself, that had recommended him to the Service, did all they could to obtain it; but they could never procure it; because he was an excellent Cannonier, and very skilful in making Fireworks. The Raja Jessing, who is the most Potent of all the Idolatrous Princes of India, and who was most powerfully Instrumental to put the Crown upon Aurengzeb's Head, was sent as Generalissimo of the Army of this King, against the Raja Seva-gi; and passing by the Fortress of Dultabat, this Dutchguis, as well as he. The Hollander laying hold of this opportunity, told the Raja, that if he would procure him a Licence to departed, he would show him a way to get up a Cannon, and to mount them upon that Mountain which commanded the Fortress: for they had already walled it about, and put Soldiers upon it to keep it secure. The Raja pleased with his proposal, assured him that he would procure him the King's Licence, if he performed what he had proposed. Thereupon the Hollander undertaking and accomplishing his design, the Raja was as good as his word, and obtained of the King to dismiss the Dutch-cannoneer: who came to Surat when I was there, about the beginning of the year 1667; whence he embarked for Holland. From Dultabat to Aureng-abat, costs 4 Aureng-abat was formerly but a Village, till Aurengzeb made it a City, though it be not walled. It grew to be thus enlarged, as well by reason of a Lake two leagues about, upon which the Village is built, as for the Memorys-sake of his first Wife, who is dead, by whom he had his Children. She is Interred toward the end of the Lake, upon the Westside, where the King has built a Mosque, with a stately Monument, and a fair Inn. The Mosque and the Monument were reared at a great expense, being covered with white-Marble, which is brought from Lahor by Wagon; being a journey of four Months. Going one time from Surat to Golconda, I met five days journey from Aureng-abat, more than three hundred Wagons laden with this Marble, the lest whereof was drawn by twelve Oxen. From Aureng-abat to Pipoli, costs 8 From Pipoli to Aubar, costs 12 From Aubar to Guisemner, costs 10 From Guisemner to Asti, costs 12 From Asti to Sarver, costs 16 From Sarver to Lesona, costs 16 From Lesona to Nadour, costs 12 At Nadour you must cross a River which runs into Ganges; and pay for every Wagon four Roupies; besides that, you must have a pass from the Governor. From Nadour to Patonta, costs 9 From Patonta to Kakeri, costs 10 From Kakeri to Satapour, costs 10 From Satapour to Sitanaga, costs 12 From Sitanaga to Satanagar, costs 10 At Satanagar you begin to enter upon the Territories of the King of Golconda. From Satanagar to Melvari, costs 16 From Melvari to Girballi, costs 12 From Girballi to Golconda, costs 14 So that from Surat to Golconda, there are, costs 324 All this I travelled in twenty-seven days. I made five journeys more in my Travels in the year 1653. And I also took another Road from Piplenar, where I arrived the eleventh of March, setting out from Surat, the sixth. The twelfth, to Birgam. The thirteenth, to Omberat. The fourteenth, to Enneque-Tenque, a strong Fortress, that bears the name of two Indian Princesses. It stands upon a Mountain steep every way; there being but one ascent to it upon the East-side. Within the enclosed compass of the Walls there is a large Pond, and Ground enough to sow for the maintenance of five or sixhundred men. But the King keeps no Garrison therein, so that it falls to ruin. The fifteenth, to Geroul. The sixteenth, to Lazour, where you are to cross a River; upon which, about a Cannons-shot from the fording-place, are to be seen several large Pagods of the Country, whither great numbers of Pilgrims repair every day. The seventeenth, to Aureng-abad. The eighteenth, to Pipelgan, or Piply. The nineteenth, to Ember. The Twentieth, to Deogan. The one and twentieth, to Patris. The two and twentieth, to Bargan. The three and twentieth, to Palam. The four and twentieth, to Candear, a large Fortress, but upon one side commanded by an high Mountain. The five and twentieth, to Gargan. The six and twentieth, to Nagooni. The seven and twentieth, to Indove. The eight and twentieth, to Indelvai. The nine and twentieth, to Regivali. Between these two last places there is a little River which separates the Territories of the Great Mogul, from the Dominions of the King of Golconda. The thirtieth, to Masapkipet. The one and thirtieth, to Mirel-mola-kipet. To go from Agra to Golconda, you must go to Brampour, according to the Road already described from Brampour to Dultabat, which is five or six days journeys of; and from Dultabat to those other places before set down. You may also take another Road to go from Surat to Golconda; that is to say, through Goa and Visapour; as I shall inform you in the particular relation of my journey to Goa. I come now to what is most worthy of observation in the Kingdom of Golconda: And to relate what happened in the last Wars the King maintained against his Neighbours, during the time that I have known the Indieses. CHAP. X. Of the Kingdom of Golconda, and the Wars which it has maintained for some few years last passed. THE whole Kingdom of Golconda, take it in general, is a good Country, abounding in Corn, Rice, cattle, Sheep, Poultry, and other necessaries for human life. In regard there are great store of Lakes in it, there is also great store of Fish. Above all the rest, there is a sort of Smelled, that has but one bone in the middle, which is most delicious food. Nature has contributed more than Art, toward the making these Lakes, whereof the Country is full; which are generally in places somewhat raised, so that you need do not more than make a little Dam upon the plain-side to keep in the water. These Dams or Banks are sometimes half a league long: and after the rainy seasons are over, they open the Sluices from time to time to let out the water into the adjacent Fields, where it is received by divers little Channels to water particular grounds. Bagnager is the name of the Metropolis of this Kingdom; but vulgarly it is called Golconda, from the name of a Fortress, not above two leagues distant from it, where the King keeps his Court. This Fortress is about two leagues in circuit, and by consequence requires a numerous Guard. It is as it were a Town where the King keeps his Treasure: having left Bagnagar, ever since it was sacked by the Army, which Aurengzeb brought against it. Bagnagar is than the City, which they vulgarly call Golconda; and it was founded by the great Grandfather of the present King; upon the importunity of one of his Wives, whom he passionately loved, whose name was Nagar. Before that, it was only a place of Pleasure, where the King had very fair Gardens, till at length his Wife continually representing to him the delicacies of the situation for the building a City and a Palace, by reason of the River; he laid the foundations, and ordered that it should bear the name of his Wife, calling it, Bagnagar, that is to say, the Garden of Nagar. This City lies in seventeen degrees of Elevation, wanting two minutes. The Country round about is a slat Country, only near the City are several Rocks, as you see about Fontain-Bleau. A great River washes the Walls of the City upon the South-west-side, which, near to Maslipatan, falls into the Gulf of Bengala. At Bagnagar you cross this River over a Bridge not lesle beautiful than Pontneuf at Paris. The City is little lesle than Orleans, well-built, and full of Windows. There are many fair large Streets, but not being well-paved, they are dusty, as are all the Cities of Persia and India, which is very offensive in the Summer. Before you come to the Bridge, you must pass through a large Suburb, called Erengabad, about a league in length; where live all the Merchants, the Brokers, Handicraft-Trades, and in general, all the meaner sort of people; The City being inhabited only by persons of Quality, Officers of the King's House, Ministers of Justice, and Officers of the Army. From ten or eleven in the forenoon, till four or five in the evening, the Merchants, Brokers, and Workmen co●● into the City to trade with the Foreign Merchants; after which time they return to their own Houses. In the are Suburb two or three fair Mosques, which serve for Inns for the Foreigners, besides several Pagods in the Neighbouring-parts. Through the same Suburb lies the way to the Fortress of Golconda. So soon as you are over the Bridge, you enter into a large Street, that leads you to the King's Palace. On the right-hand are the Houses of some Lords of the Court; and four or five Inns two Stories-high: wherein there are fair Halls and large Chambers to let in the fresh Air. At the end of this Street there is a large Piazza; upon which stands one of the sides of the Palace; in the middle whereof there is a Balcony, wherein the King comes to sit, when he pleases to give Audience to the People. The great Gate of the Palace stands not upon this Piazza, but upon another very near adjoining; and you enter first into a large Court surrounded with Porticoes, under which lies the King's Guards. Out of this Court you pass into another, built after the same form, encompassed with several fair Apartments, the Roofs whereof are terraced. Upon which, as upon those where the Elephants are kept, there are very fair Gardens, wherein there grow Trees of that bigness, that it is a thing of great wonder, how those Arches should bear so vast a burden. About fifty years since, they began to build a magnificent Pagod in the City; which would have been the fairest in all India, had it been finished. The Stones are to be admired for their bigness: And that wherein the Nich is made, which is on that side where they say their Prayers, is an entire Rock, of such a prodigious bulk, that it was five years before five or six-hundered men, continually employed, could hue it out of its place. They were forced also to roll it along upon an Engine with Wheels, upon which they brought it to the Pagod; and several affirmed to me▪ that there were fourteen-hundered Oxen to draw it. I will tell you hereafter the reason it remains imperfect: For had it been finished, in all reason it had excelled all the boldest Structures of Asia. On the other side of the City, as you go to Maslipatan, there are two great Lakes, being each about a league in compass, wherein there ride several Pinks richly adorned for the King's Pleasure; and upon the Banks are several fair Houses that belong to the Principal Lords of the Court. Upon three sides of the City stands a very fair Mosque, wherein are the Tombs of the Kings of Golconda: and about four in the afternoon there is a Dole of Bread and Pilau to all the Poor that come. If you would see any thing that is rare, you must go to view these Tombs upon a Festival-day. For than from morning till night they are hung with rich Tapestry. As for the Government and Policy which is observed in this City: In the first place, when a stranger comes to the Gates, they search him exactly, to see if he have any Salt or Tobacco about him; for those Commodities bring the King his greatest Revenue. Sometimes a Stranger shall wait a day or two, before he shall have leave to enter. For a Soldier first gives notice to the officer that commands the Guard, and than he sends to the Deroga, to know what he shall do. Now, because it many times happens that the Deroga is busy, or gone to take a walk out of the City, or else for that sometimes the Soldier himself pretends he cannot found the Deroga, only, to created himself more errands, to get the more Money; a Stranger is forced to endure all this delay, sometimes, as I have said before, for a day or two. When the King sits to do Justice, I observe that he comes into the Balcone that looks into the Piazza, and all that have business stand below, just against the place where the King sits. Between the People and the Walls of the Palace are fixed in the ground three rows of Poles, about the length of an Half-Pike, to the ends whereof they tie certain ropes across one upon another. Nor is any person whatsoever permitted to pass beyond those bounds, unless he be called. This Bar, which is never set up, but when the King sits in Judgement, runs along the whole breadth of the Piazza; and just against the Balcone there is a Bar to open, to let in those that are called. Than two men, that each of them hold a Cord by the end, extended all the breadth of the passage, have nothing to do but to let f●ll the Cord, for any person that is called to step over it. A Secretary of Sta●●●ts below under the balloon, to receive all Petitions; and when he has five or six together, he puts them in a Bag, and than an Eunuch, who stands in the Balcone near the King, lets down a string, to which the Bag being tied, he draws it up, and presents it to his Majesty. Every Monday the chiefest of the Nobility mount the Guard, every one in their turn, and are never relieved till at the eight days end. There are some of these Lords that have five or six thousand men under their command; and they lie encamped in their Tents round about the City. When they mount the Guard, every one goes from his own Habitation to the Rendezvouz; but when they are relieved, they march in good order over the Bridge, thence through the long Street into the Piazza, where they draw up before the Balcone. In the first place, march ten or twelve Elephants, more or lesle, according to the quality of the Captain of the Guard. There are some of these Elephants that carry Cages, which in some sort resemble the Body of a little Coach; there are others that have but one man to guide them, and another in the Cage who carries a Banner. After the Elephants, follow the Camels by two and two, sometimes to the number of thirty or forty. Every Camel carries a kind of Packsaddle, upon which is fastened a little Culverin, which a certain Engineer, clad in a skin from head to foot, and sitting upon the Crupper of the Camel, with a lighted Match in his hand, dextrously manages from one side to another before the Balcone, where the King sits. After them come the Coaches, attended by the Domestic Servants of the Commander: Next to them follow the lead-Horses, and than the Lord appears, to whom all this Equipage belongs, attended by ten or twelve Courtesans, that stay for him at the end of the Bridge, an●skip and dance before him to the Piazza. Behind him the Cavalry and infantry march in good order: which being a show, wherein there was much of delight and state, all the while I stayed at Bagnabar, which was about four Months, I had the divertisement to see them out of my Lodging in the great Street every week as they marched by. The Soldiers wear no other Clotheses than only three or four els of Calicut, with which they cover half their Bodies behind and before. They wear their hair very long, and tie it up in a knot upon the top of the crown, like the women, who have no other Headgear than only a piece of Linen with three corners, one that comes to the middle of the head, and the other two, which they tie under their chins. The Soldiers do not wear Hangers or Scimitars like the Persians'; but broad Swords like the Swissers, as well for a thrust, as a blow, which they hung in a Girdle. The Barrels of their Muskets are stronger than ours, and much neater; for their Iron is better, and not so subject to break. Their Cavalry carry Bows and Arrows, a Buckler and a Battle-ax, an Headpiece and a Jacket of Mail, that hangs down from the Head-piece over their Shoulders. There are so great a number of common Women as well in the City as in the Suburbs, and in the Fortress, which is like another City, that there are generally above twenty thousand set down in the Deroga's Book; without which licence, it is not lawful for any Woman to profess the Trade. They pay no tribute to the King; only they are obliged to come, a certain number of them, with their Governess, and their Music every Friday, and present themselves before the Balcone. If the King be there, they dance before him. if he intent not to come, an Eunuch comes into the Balcone, and makes them a sign to retire. In the cool of the evening they stand at the doors of their Houses, which are for the most part little Huts, and when night comes, they set up a Candle or a lighted Lamp for a Signal: Than it is also that they open all the Shops where they cell Tari; which is a certain drink made of the juice of a Tree, and is as Sweet as our new Wines. They fetch it some five or six league of, upon Horses, that carry two earthen-Bottles of each side, and troth at a great rate; of which there come every day to the City above five or six hundred. This King has a considerable Revenue by the Impost which he lays upon this Tari. And for that reason he permits so many common Women, in regard it is for their sake that so much Tari is consumed; those that cell it, for that cause, keeping their Shops by those Houses. These sort of Women are so nimble and active, that when the present King went to see Maslipatan, nine of them undertook to represent the figure of an Elephant; four making the four feet, four the body, and one the trunk; upon which the King, sitting in a kind of Throne, made his entry into the City. All the Men and Women of Golconda are well proportioned, and of comely, statures; and fair enough in their countenances; only the Countrypeople are a little more swart. The present King of Golconda bears the Name of Abdoul-Coutou-Sha; and I will tell the Reader in a few words, from whence he drew his Original. In the Reign of Axbar King of India, the Father of Jehan-Guir, the Territories of the Great Moguls did not extend farther Southward than Narbider; so that the River which runs by it, and which coming from the South, empties itself into Ganges, separated their Dominions from the Territories of the Raja of Narsingue, that Itretched as far as Cape-Comorin, the other Raja's being only his Subjects and depending upon him. This Raja and his Successors have been always at Wars with them that succeeded to Tamerlane or Temurleng in India; and their Power was so great, that the last Raja, who was at War with Akbar, brought into the Field four Armies under as many Generals. The most considerable of his Armies lay in those Provinces, which at this day are called the Kingdom of Golconda; the second was quartered in the Provinces of Visapour, the third in the Province of Dultabat, and the fourth in the Territories of Brampour. The Raja of Narsingue dying without Children, the four Generals divided among themselves the Countries which they possessed with their Army, and took upon them the title of Kings, the one of Golconda, the other of Visapour, the other of Brampour, and the fourth of Dultabat. Though the Raja were an Idolater, nevertheless his four Generals were Mahumetans; and he of Golconda was of the Sect of Haly, descended from an Ancient Family of the Turcomans, which inhabit the Country of Hamadan in Persia. This General, as I have said, was more considerable than any of the rest; and some few days after the death of the Raja, they won a famous Victory from the Mogul; so that he could not hinder them from assuming their several Sovereignties. But after that, Jehan-Guir, the Son of Akbar, conquered again the Kingdom of Brampour, Cha-jehan the Son of Jehan-Guir recovered the Kingdom of Dultabat, and Aurengzeb the Son of Cha-jehan recovered some part of the Kingdom of Visapour. As for the King of Golconda, neither Cha-jehan, nor Aurengzeb disturbed him, but let him rest in peace, upon condition that he should pay to the Mogul an annual tribute of 200000 Pagods. At present the greatest Raja on this side Ganges is the Raja of Velou, whose Territories extend to Cape-Comorin, and who succeeded to some part of the Territories of the Raja of Narsingue: But in regard there is no Trade in his Country, and by consequence no concourse of strangers, there is little notice taken of him. The present King of Golconda has no Sons, but three Daughters, who are all married. The eldest Espoused one of the Kinsmen of the Grand-Chek of Mecca. Nor must we forget some passages that fell out before this Marriage. The Check coming to Golconda in the habit of a Faquir, for some Months lodged without the Gate of the Palace, disdaining to give any answer to several Courtiers, that demanded what his business was. At length the thing being made known to the King, he sent his chief Physician, who spoke good Arabic, to know of the Check what he had to request, and the reason of his coming. The Physician, and some other Lords of the Court that discoursed him also, finding him to be a person of great Wit and Learning, brought him to the King, who was very well satisfied with his aspect and his presence. But at length the Check declaring to him, that he came to Espouse the Princess; that proposal very much surprised the Prince, and was looked upon by the greatest part of the Court, as made by a person not well in his wits. At first the King only laughed at him. But when he found him obstinately persevering in his demand, insomuch that he threatened the Country with some strange Calamity, if the Princess were not given to him in Marriage, he was committed to Prison, where he lay a long time. At length the King thinking it more to the purpose to sand him back into his own Country, caused him to be shipped away at Maslipatan, in a Vessel that carried Goods and Pilgrims to Mocca, whence they travel by land to Mecca. About two years after the same Check returned again to Golconda, and ordered his affairs so well, that he Espoused the Princess, and won an high reputation in the Kingdom, which he governs at this day, and is very Potent. He it was that kept the King from surrendering the Fortress of Golconda, whither he was retired, when Aurengzeb and his Son took Bagnabar, as I shall tell you by and by, threatening to kill him, if he would not resolve to hold it out, and not deliver the keys to the enemy. This bold action was the reason which made the King love him ever afterwards; and that he takes his counsel in all weighty affairs, not as he is the King's Son-in-Law, but as he is a great Minister of State, and the chiefest person, next the King, in all the Court. He it was that has put a stop to the finishing the great Pagod in Bagnagar, having threatened the whole Kingdom with some great Calamity, if they went forward with the work. This Prince is a passionate Lover of all those that profess the Mathematics, and understands them as well. For which reason, though he be a Mahometan, he is a great Favourer of all the Christians, who are versed in that Science, as he has particularly testified to Father Ephraim, a Capuchin, passing through Golconda for Pegu, whither he was sent by his Superiors. He did all he could to oblige him to stay in the Country, and offered to build him a House and a Church at his own expenses; telling him, he should neither want employment, nor Hearers, in regard there were several Portuguese Christians, and several Armenians that came thither to trade. But Father Ephraim having a particular Order to go to Pegu, could not accept of his Offer; yet when he went to take his leave of the Check, he presented him with a Calaat, the most noble that was in his Wardrobe; being the whole habit; the Cap, the Cabay or large Vest, the Arcalou or short Cassock, two pair of Drawers, two Shirts, and two Scarves, which they wear about their necks, and over their heads to keep of the heat of the Sun. The Friar was surprised at the present, and gave the Check to understand, that it was not proper for him to wear it: however the Check would force him to take it, telling him he might accommodate some of his Friends with it. Two months after Father Ephraim bestowed the same Present upon me, being at Surat; for which I returned him thanks. The Check seeing he could not detain the Father, and unwilling he should go afoot from Golconda to Maslipatan, obliged him to take an Ox, with two Men to lead it; and because he could not persuade him to take also thirty Pagods, which he presented the Father withal, he commanded the two men, when they came to Maslipatan, to leave the Ox and the thirty Pagods with him, which they did very punctually; for otherwise at their return to Golconda, they had forfeited their lives. I will finish the History of Father Ephraim, when I come to the description of Goa, which is the principal place that the Portugals have in the Indieses. The second Daughter of the King of Golconda was married to Sultan Mahumad, the eldest Son of Aurengzeb; the occasion whereof was this: Mirgimola, Generalissimo of the King of Golconda's Army, and who had been very serviceable to his Master, to settle the Crown upon his head, according to the custom, left with the King as a mark of his fidelity, both his Wife and Children in Hostage; for he was sent to reduce certain Raja's in Bengala, that were in Rebellion. He had several Daughters, but only one Son, who had a great train, and made a great noise at Court. The reputation and richeses which Mirgimola had gained, raised him up several Enemies, who endeavoured in his absence to ruin him, and to put him out of the King's favour. They pretended that the great power of Mirgimola was very much to be suspected; that all his designs tended to dethrone him, and to settle the Kingdom of Golconda upo● his own Son; that it behoved him not to stay till the remedy were past cure, but to rid himself of an Enemy, so much the more to be feared, the closer he kept his intentions; and that the shortest and best way was to poison him. The King being easily persuaded, gave them leave and authority to act as they pleased for his security; but having missed of their design for three or four times together, Mirgimola's Son began to smell the plot; and immediately gave advice thereof to his Father. It is not known what instructions he received from his Father; but so soon as he had his answer, he went to the King, and spoke boldly to him, taxing him with the services which his Father had done him, and that without his assistance he had never come to the Crown. The young Lord, naturally of a fiery disposition, kept on this discourse, so displeasing to the King, till at length his Majesty fling away; and the Lords that were present, fell upon the young man, and basely misused him. At the same time also he was arrested and committed to prison, together with his Mother and Sisters. Which action, as it made a great noise at Court, coming to Mirgimola's ears, so incensed him, that having an Army under his command, and being beloved by the Soldiers, he resolved to make use of the advantages he had, to revenge himself for the injury done him. He was than not far from Bengala, being sent, as I said before, to reduce certain Raja's to obedience, whose Territories lie upon the Ganges; and Sultan-Sujah, Cha-jehan's second Son, being than Governor of Bengala, the General thought it his best way to address himself to him; as being the next Prince, with whom he might join his Forces against the King of Golconda, whom he looked upon now no more as his Master, but as one of his most inveterate Enemies. Thereupon he wrote to the Prince to this effect: That if he would join with him, he would give him an opportunity to possess himself of the whole Kingdom of Golconda; and that he should not neglect so fair an opportunity to enlarge the Dominions of the Great Mogul, the succession whereof might as well concern him, as any of the rest of his Brothers. But the answer which Sultan-Sujah sent him, was contrary to his expectation; who told him, that he could not tell how to trust a person, who as he went about to betray his King, might more easily be drawn to betray a Foreign Prince, whom he had inveigled only for the sake of his Revenge; and that therefore he should not rely upon him. Upon Sultan-Sujah's refusal, Mirgimola wrote to Aurengzeb, who was than in his Government of Brampoure, who being not so nice as his Brother, accepted of the proposal that was made him. Thus while Mirgimola advanced with his Troops toward Bagnabar, Aurengzeb hasten's toward Decan, and both Armies being joined, they came to the Gates of Bagnabar before the King was in a posture to receive them. He had only time to retreat into his Fortress of Golconda, to which Aurengzeb, after he had rifled the City of Bagnabar, and plundered the Palace, laid a close Siege. The King seeing himself thus vigorously pressed, sent away to Mirgimola his Wife and Children very honourably. For there is virtue and generosity in the Indians, as well as in the Europeans; of which I will give you an illustrious Example in the person of the King of Golconda. Some days after the Enemy had besieged the Fortress, a Cannoneer espying Aurengzeb upon his Elephant, riding about to view the Fortifications of the Castle, told the King, being than upon the Bastion, that if he pleased he would fetch of Aurengzeb with a Canon-shot; and at the same time was about to give fire; but the King holding his hand, told him he perceived it well enough, but that it behoved Kings to be better Husbands of the Lives of Princes. The Cannoneer obeyed the King, and instead of shooting at Aurengzeb, he took of the Head of the General of his Army, who was a little before him; which put a stop to the Assault they were about to have given, the Army being in a confusion upon his death. Abdul-jaber-Beg, General of the King of Golconda's Army, lying not far from the Camp, with a flying Army of four thousand Horse, understanding the disorder of the Enemy by reason of the loss of their General, laid hold of so favourable an opportunity, gave them a desperate charge in that confusion, and putting them to the rout, pursued them till night, for four or five Leagues. Some few days before the General's death, the King of Golconda finding that his provisions failed him in the Fortress, was about to have delivered the Keys; but as I said before, Mirza-Mahomed, his Son-in-Law, snatched them out of his hand, and threatened to kill him, if he persevered in that resolution. Which was the reason, that the King who loved him not before▪ had ever after the greatest affection imaginable for him as long as he lived. Aurengzeb being thus constrained to raise his Siege, stayed some days to rally his Troops; and having received a recruit of fresh men, returned again to the Siege, with new resolutions. But Mirgimola, who had still some kindness for the King remaining in his breast, would not permit Aurengzeb to use the utmost extremity, but by his wit and good management gained a suspension of Arms. Cha-jehan, the Father of Aurengzeb, had formerly had great kindnesses shown him by the King of Golconda, to whom he fled after he had lost the Battle, together with his eldest Brother, which he fought against Jehanguir his Father, with whom he made War. The eldest Son was taken, and Jehanguir caused his eyes to be put out; but Cha-jehan being more wary, fled, and was entertained by the King of Golconda, with whom he entered into a particular and strict friendship; Cha-jehan making an Oath to his Benefactor, that he would never wage War against him upon any occasion whatever. Mirgimola therefore knowing that it would be no difficult thing to bring two Kings, that were Friends, to an accommodation, wrought underhand with both, toward the conclusion of a Peace. And he so brought his business about, that the King of Golconda writ a Letter first to Cha-jehan, wherein he submissively requested him to be an Arbitrator between Aurengzeb and him, promising to submit wholly to him, and to sign such Articles as he should propose. By the same policy of Mirgimola, Cha-jehan was advised, in answer to the King of Golconda's Letter to propose a Match between his second Daughter and Sultan Mahomed, the Son of Aurengzeb, upon condition that after the death of the King her Father, the Son-in-Law should inherit the Kingdom of Golconda. This proposition being accepted, the Peace was concluded, and the Nuptials celebrated with an extraordinary Magnificence. As for Mirgimola, he quitted the service of the King of Golconda, and went with Aurengzeb to Brampour. Soon after Cha-jehan made him his Prime Minister of State, and Generalissimo of his Armies; and he it was that so potently assisted Aurengzeb to get the Crown, by the defeat of Sultan-Sujah. For Mirgimola was a person of great wit, and no lesle understanding in Military than in State affairs. I had occasion to speak with him several times; and I have not lesle admired his justice, than his dispatch to all people that had to do with him; while he gave out several Orders, and signed several Dispatches at the same time, as if he had but one entire business in hand. The other Princess of Golconda was promised to Sultan Sejed, another Check of Mecca; and the Match went on so fairly, that the day was appointed for the celebration of the Nuptials; but Abdoul-Jaber-Beg, General of the Army, with six other Lords, went to the King to divert him from his intention; and they brought it so to pass, that the Match was broken of, and the Princess was given in Marriage to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing, the King's Cousin; by whom she has two Sons, which have wholly annulled the Pretensions of Aurengzeb's Son; whose Father now keeps him in Prison, in the Fort of Gavaleor, for having taken his Uncle Sultan Sujahs part against him. The Princess had been given before to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing, but for his debauchery, which rendered him little regarded by the King. But since his marriage he is very much reclaimed. Now the King of Golconda does not stand in so much fear of the Moguls; for in imitation of them, he keeps his Money in his own Country, and has already hoarded up a Treasury sufficient to maintain his Wars. Besides, he is altogether addicted to the Sect of Haly, so that he will not wear a Bonner, like the other Mahometans, because they say Haly wore none; but another sort of attire for the head. Which is the reason that the Persians', that come into India to seek their fortune, apply themselves rather to the King of Golconda than to the Great Mogul. Such is the condition of the King of Visapour also, whom the Queen, Sister to the King of Golconda, takes care to educate in the Sect of Haly, which invites great numbers of Persians' into her Service. CHAP. XI. The Road from Golconda to Maslipatan, al. Masalipatan. FRom Maslipatan they count it an hundred costs or leagues, taking the right way. But if you go by the Diamond-Mine, which in the Persian Language is called Colour, in the Indian, Gani; they reckon it an hundred and twelve leagues: and this is the Road which I generally took. From Golconda to Tenara, costs Tenara is a sweet place, where there are four very fair Houses, to every one of which belongs a large Garden. One of the four standing upon the left hand along the Highway, is much more beautiful than any of the other three. It is built of Freestone two stories high, wherein there are several fair Galleries, Halls, Parlours, and lodging-Chambers. Before the front of the House is a large foursquare Piazza, little inferior to the Place royal in Paris. Upon every one of the other three fronts there is a great Portal, on each side whereof there is a fair Platform raised from the earth above four or five-foot-high, and well-arched, where Travellers of Quality are lodged. On the top of each Portal there is a strong Baluster, and a little Chamber for the Ladies. When Persons of Quality care not to be in their Houses, they set up Tents in their Gardens; and you must take notice that there is no dwelling for any person but only in the three Houses; for the fourth, which is the fairest, belongs only to the Queen. When she is not there however, any body may see it, and take a walk in the Garden, which is a very lovely place, and well-stored with water. The whole Piazza is encompassed with several Chambers for the lodging of poor Travellers; who every day toward the evening have an Alms bestowed upon them, of Rice, or Pulse, which they boil ready to their hands. But for the Idolaters that eat nothing which is provided by other hands, they give them flower to make Bread, and a little Butter. For when their Bread is baked like a broad thin Cake, they dip it in the melted-Butter. From Tenara to Jatenagar, costs 12 From Jatenagar to Patengi, costs 12 From Patengi to Pengeul, costs 14 From Pengeul to Nagelpar, costs 12 From Nagelpar to Lakabaron, costs 11 From Lakabaron to Colour or Gani, of which I shall speak in my discourse of the Ours, costs 11 The greatest part of the way from Lakabaron to Colour, especially when you come near to Colour, is very rocky; so that I was forced in some places to take my Coach of the Carriages, which was presently done. If you meet with any good Earth between those Rocks, there you shall found Cassia-Trees, that bear the best Cassia, and the most laxative in all India. Which I found by its working with my men that eat of it by the way. There runs a great River by the Town of Colour, which falls into the Gulf of Bengala near Maslipatan. From Colour or Gani, to Kah-Kaly, costs 12 From Kah-Kaly to Bezovar, costs 6 Near to Bezovar you must repass the River of Colour. From Bezovar to Vouchir, costs 4 From Vouchir to Nilimor, costs 4 About half the way between Vouchir and Nilimor, you must cross a great River upon a Float-boat of Timber, there being no other kind of Boat in that place. From Nilimor to Milmol, costs 6 From Milmol to Maslipatan, costs 4 Maslipatan is a great City, the Houses whereof are only of Wood, built at a distance from one another. The place itself, which stands by the Sea, is famous for nothing but the Road for Ships which belongs to it, which is the best in the Gulf of Bengala; and from hence they set Sail for Pegu, for Siam, for Aracan, for Bengala, for Cochinchine, for Mecca, and for Ormus, also for the Islands of Madagascar, Sumatra and the Manille's. You must take notice, that from Golconda to Maslipatan, there is no travelling by Wagons, by reason of the high Mountains, Lakes and Rivers that make the Road very straight and impassable, 'Tis a very difficult thing to carry a little Coach thither; for I was forced to have my own taken of the Carriages, and so to have it lifted out of the bad way. The Road is every jot as bad between Golconda and Cape-Comorin; a Wagon being hardly so much as made mention of all the way; for that there is no other way to travel, or for the carriage of Goods, than with Horses and Oxen. But instead of Coaches, they have the convenience of Pallekie's, wherein you are carried with more speed and more ease than in any part of India. CHAP. XII. The Road from Surat to Goa to Golconda through Visapour. YOU may go from Surat to Goa, partly by Land, and partly by Sea. But the Road being very bad by Land, generally Travellers go by Sea, and hiring an Almadjer, which is a Bark with Oars, they go by the Shoar to Goa: though sometimes the Malavares or Indian Pirates are very much to be feared all along those Coasts, as I shall tell you in due place. The way from Surat to Goa, is not reckoned by Costs, but by Gossip, one of which makes four of our common Leagues. From Surat to Daman, god's 7 From Daman to Bassain, god's 10 From Bassain to Chaoul, god's 7 From Chaoul to Daboul, god's 12 From Daboul to Rejapour, god's 10 From Rejapour to Mingrela, god's 9 From Mingrela to Goa, goes 4 In all from Surat to Goa, goes 61 The great danger which you run along the Coast, is the hazard of falling into the hands of the Malavares, who are violent Mahumetans, and very cruel to the Christians. I saw a barefoot Carmelite-Friar who had been taken by those Pirates. This Friar, to get his ransom the sooner, they put to that kind of torture, that his right-arm was shorter by one half than his left, and so it was with one leg. The Captains do not give above six Crowns to every Soldier for the whole six months that they are usually out at Sea: Than the Soldiers may return home, and if their Captains will have them stay longer, they must allow▪ 'em more pay. They seldom venture out above 20 or 25 leagues at Sea, which is no great hazard of the Vessel. But sometimes the Portuguese's snap them, and than they either hung 'em up presently, or throw 'em overboard. These Malavares carry sometimes 200, sometimes 250 men, and they sail together in Squadrons of ten or fifteen Barks to attack a great Vessel, not caring a rush for the great Guns. They come board and board so suddenly, and cast such a quantity of Pots of Artificial Fire upon the deck, that if there be not speedy remedy applied, they will presently do a world of mischief. Generally our Seamen, knowing the custom of these Pirates, when they come within ken, presently shut up the Scuttles, and fill the deck with water, to hinder the Fire-Pots from doing execution. An English Captain, whose name was Mr. Clark, coming from Bantam to Surat, not far from Cochin, met a Squadron of these Malavares, consisting of 25 or 30 of these ●●●ques. Who came board and board, and vigorously attacked him. The Captain seeing he could not withstand their first Fury, put fire to some Barrels of Powder, and blowing up the deck, blew a great number of the Pirates into the Sea. Nevertheless, the rest were nothing discouraged, but boarded the Ship a second time. The English Captain seeing there was no help, put his men into two Shallops, and staying behind in his Cabin, where the Pirates could not enter so suddenly, he set fire to a Train which he had laid, that reached to all the rest of the Powder, and at the same time leaping into the Sea, was taken up by his own men. In the mean time the Ship being all afire, the Pirates leapt into the Sea also. But for all this, the two Shallops, wherein there were about forty English, were taken by the rest of the Malavares, that were Freshmen; and I was than at breakfast with the English Precedent, Mr. Fremelin, when he received a Letter from Captain Clark, that he was a Slave to Samorin, who is the most considerable King all along the Pirate's Coast. The Prince would not leave the English in the hands of those Scoundrels, knowing that they would have been in great danger of their lives, by reason that above twelve-hundered Women had lost their Husbands, in the two times that the ship had been fired. However the King found a means to appease them, promising to each of them that had lost their Husbands two Piastres, every Piastre being four shillings apiece, which came to above two thousand four hundred Crowns, besides four thousand, which were to be paid for the Ransom of the Captain and the other Seamen, immediately the Precedent sent the Money, and I saw them at their return, some in health, others in violent Fevers. The Malavares are a People so superstitious, that they never touch any thing that is foul or soiled, with their Right Hands, but only with the Left, the Nails of which Fingers they let grow, and use instead of Combs, for they wear their Hair long like the Women, tying it about their Heads in wreaths, and binding it with a Linen cloth with three corners. Since I have mentioned Daman, I will tell you in a few words how that City was besieged by Aureng-Zeb the present Great Mogul. Some are of opinion that Elephants do great matters in War; which may▪ be sometimes true, but not always; for very often instead of doing mischief to the Enemy, they turn upon those that jead them, and rout their own party as Aureng-Zeb found by experience, at the Siege of this City. He was twenty days before Daman, and resolved at length to Storm it upon a Sunday, believing that the Christians were like the Jews and would not defend it upon that day. He that commanded the Place was an old Soldier, who had served in France, and had three Sons with him. In the Town were eight hundred Gentlemen, and other stout Soldiers, who came from all parts to signalise their valour at that Siege. For though the Mogul had in his Army above forty thousand men, he could not hinder relief from being put into Daman by Sea, in regard that he wanted Ships: The Sunday that the Prince intended to Storm, the Governor of Daman, as had been ordered at the Council of War, caused Mass to be said presently after Midnight, and than made a Sally with all his Cavalry and some part of his Infantry, who were to fall on upon that quarter which was guarded by two hundred Elephants. Among those Elephants they fling a great number of Fireworks which so affrighted them in the dark of the Night, that knowing not whither they went, nor being to be ruled by their Governors, they turned upon the Besiegers with so much fury, that in lesle than two or three hours half the Army of Aureng-Zeb was cut in pieces, and in three days the Siege was raised; nor would the Prince after that, have any more to do with the Christians. I made two Voyages to Goa, the one at the beginning of the year 1641. the second at the beginning of the year 1648. The first time I stayed but five days, and returned by Land to Surat. From Goa I went to Bicholly, which is upon the main Land, thence to Visapour, thence to Golconda, thence to Aureng-abat, and so to Surat. I could have gone to Surat without passing through Golconda, but my business led me that way. From Goa to Visapour, costs. 85 Which takes up generally eight days journey. From Visapour to Golconda, costs. 100 Which I travelled in nine days. From Golconda to Aureng-abat, the Stages are not so well ordered, being sometimes sixteen, sometimes twenty five, sometimes twenty Leagues asunder. From Aureng-abat to Surat takes up sometimes twelve, sometimes fifteen, sometimes sixteen days journey. Visapour is a great scambling City, wherein there is nothing remarkable, neither as to the public Edifices, nor as to Trade. The King's Palace is a vast one but ill built; and the access to it is very dangerous, in regard there are abundance of Crocodiles that lie in the Water which encompass it. The King of Visapour has three good ports in his Dominions, Rejapour, Daboult, and Crapaten. The last is the best of all, where the Sea beats upon the foot of the Mountain, and you have fourteen or fifteen Fathom Water near the Land. Upon the top of the Mountain there is a Fort, with a Spring of Water in it. Crapaten is not above five days journey from Goa to the North. And Rabaque, where the King of Visapour sells his Pepper, is as far distant from it to the East. The King of Visapour and the King of Golconda have been formerly tributary to the Great Mogul: but now they are absolute of themselves. This Kingdom was for some time disquieted by the revolt of Nair-seva-gi, Captain of the King of Visapour's Guards; after which the young Seva-gi his Son conceived so deadly a hatred against the King, that he made himself the head of certain Banditi, and as he was both wise and liberal, he got together so many Horse and Foot, as made a Complete Army; the Soldiers flocking to him from all parts, for the reputation of his Liberality. And he was just about to have led them to action, when the King of Visapour happened to dye without Children, so that with little or no trouble he got possession of one part of the Coast of Malavar; taking Rejapour, Rasigar, Crapaten, Daboul; and other places. They report that upon his demolishing the fortifications▪ of Rasigar, he found vast Treasures, which helped him to pay his Soldiers, who were always well paid. Some years before the death of the King, the Queen perceiving no probability, of having any Children, adopted a little Boy, upon whom she bestowed all her affections, and caused him to be brought up in the Doctrine of Haly's Sect. The King upon his Deathbed caused this Adopted Son to be Proclaimed King; but Seva-gi having a numerous Army continued the War, and much disturbed the Regency of the Queen. At length he made the first propositions for Peace; which was concluded upon conditions, that he should quietly enjoy the Territories which he had subdued; that he should become Tributary to the King, and pay him the half of all his Revenue. The young King being thus fixed in his Throne, the Queen Regent went in Pilgrimage to Mecca; and I was at Ispahan, when she passed through the Town in her return home. When I made my second Voyage to Goa, I embarked in a Dutch Vessel called the Maestritch, which carried me to Mingrela, where I landed the eleventh day of January, 1648. Mingrela is a large Town, extended half a League in length upon the Sea, in the Territories of Visapour. It is one of the best Roads in all India, where the Hollanders take in fresh Provisions every time they sail to block up Goa, as also when they are bound upon Trade for many other parts of India. For at Mingrela there is both excellent Water, and excellent Rice. This Town is also very famous for Cardamons, which the Eastern people esteem the best of Spices, not being to be had in any other Country; which makes that sort of Commodity very scarce and very dear. There is also made great store of course Calecuts, that are spent in the Country; besides great quantities of course Matting, that serves to pack up goods. So that both in respect of Trade, as also for the furnishing their ships with fresh Provisions, the Hollanders have a Factory in the Town. For, as I said before, not only all Vessels that come from Batavia, from Japon, from Bengala, Ceylan, and other places, and those that are bound for Surat, the Read Sea, Ormus, Balsara, etc. both going and coming, come to an Anchor in the Road of Mingrela, but also while the Hollanders are at Wars with the Portugals, and lie before the Bar of Goa, where they have usually eight or ten Sail, they sand their small Barks to Mingrela for Provisions. For the Hollanders lie eight months in a year before the mouth of the Port of Goa so that there can nothing pass in to Goa by Sea all that time. You must also take notice, that the Bar of Goa is also stopped up some part of the year by the Sands which the South and West-winds that precede the great Rains, cast up; so that there is not above a foot, or a foot and half Water for very small Boats. But when the great Rains come, the Water swells and carrying away the Sands, opens a passage for the great Vessels. CHAP. XIII. Observations upon the present State of the City of Goa. GOA lies in 15 Degrees, 32 minutes of Latitude, in an Island six or seven leagues about, upon the River of Mandova, ten leagues from the mouth of the River. The Island abounds in Corn and Rice, and bears several sorts of Fruit, as Manga's, Anana's, Adam's- Figs, and Coco's. But most certainly a Pippin is far beyond all those fruits. All those that have seen Europe and Asia, agreed with me, that the Port of Goa, the Port of Constantinople, and the Port of Toulon, are three of the fairest Ports of all our vast Continent. The City is very large, and the Walls are of good Stone. The Houses are for the most part very magnificently built, especially the Viceroy's Palace. There are in it a great number of Apartments, and in one part of the Rooms and Chambers, which are very large hung several Pictures, wherein are severally painted by themselves, the Ships that come from Lisbon to Goa, with those that are bound from Goa to Lisbon, with the name of the Vessel, the Captain, and the number of Guns which the Ship carries. If the City were not so closely environed with Hills, it would doubtless be better inhabited, and the air would be much more wholesome. But these Mountains keep of the cool winds, which is the reason that the heats are very excessive. Beef and Pork is the ordinary diet of the Inhabitants of Goa. They have good store of Poultry, and some few Pidgons; but though Goa be very near the Sea, Fish is very scarce. They have abundance of all sorts of Sweetmeats, and feed upon them very much. Before the Hollanders had brought down the power of the Portugals in India there was nothing to be seen at Goa, but Magnificence and Richeses: but the Dutch having every where got their Trade out of their hands, they have lost their springs of Gold and Silver, and are fallen from their former splendour. In my first Voyage to Goa I met with people of fashion, that had above two-thousand Crowns Revenue; at my second Voyage the same persons came privately to me in the evening, to beg an Alms; yet abating nothing, for all that of their inherent pride and haughtiness: Nay, their Women will come in Palleki's to the door, and stay while a Boy, that attends them, has brought you a Compliment from his Mistress. Than usually you sand them what you please, or carry it yourself, if you have a curiosity to see their faces; which rarely can be done, because they cover themselves with a veil from head to foot. Moreover, if you go yourself to present them your Charity, they will give you a little note, containing a recommendation of some religious Person, who signifies what substantial persons they have been, and how they came to fall to decay. Sometimes, if the person be handsome, she is desired to walk in; and to take a Collation, which lasts most commonly till the next day. Had not the Portugals so many Fortresses to keep upon the Land; or had, they not, out of their contempt of the Hollander neglected their affairs, they could never have been reduced to so low a condition. The Portugueses have not sooner made the Cape of Good-Hope, but they are all Fidalgues or Gentlemen; and add the Title of Dom to the single name of Pedro or Jeronimo, which they received at their Baptism: From whence they are called the Fidalgues or Gentlemen of the Cape of Good-Hope. As they change their Names, they also change their Nature; for it may be truly said, that the Indian-Portugals are the most revengeful persons and the most jealous of their Wives of any persons in the World. And when the lest suspicion creeps into their noddles, they rid themselves of them either by Poison or Dagger. If they have an enemy, they never pardon him; but if he be a person of that courage that they dare not grapple with him, their persons have attending upon them a sort of black Slaves, that if they command them to kill any one, the Slaves will do it with a blind obedience; which they do either with a Dagger, or a Pistol, or else by knocking the party on the head with a club, which they always carry, about the length of an Half-Pike. If it hap that they stay too long before they can meet with an opportunity ere they can dispatch their mischief; and that they cannot conveniently meet the person to be murdered, in the Fields or in the City, they are no such Saints, but they will kill him at the very Altar, while he is at his devotions; of which I saw two fatal precedents, the one at Goa, the other at Daman. At Daman three or four of these black Slaves perceiving some persons whom they were to murder, at Mass in the Church, discharged their Muskets at them through the windows, never considering what other mischief they might do to any other persons, against whom they had no quarrel or design. The same thing happened at Goa, where seven men were killed close by the Altar, and the Priest that said Mass was dangerously wounded at the same time. Nor do their Courts of Justice take any cognizance of these crimes, for generally the guilty persons are the chiefest of the Country. As for their Suits of Law, there is no end of them, for they are managed by the Canarins, who are Natives of the Country, whose business it is to follow the Law; the most subtle and crafty sort of people in the World. To return to the ancient Power of the Portugals in India, most certain it is, that if the Hollanders had never come among them, you should not have seen a bit of Iron in any Portugal Merchant's House; but all Gold or Silver; for they needed no more than to make three or four Voyages to Japan, the Philippin, or Molucca Islands, or to China to enrich themselves; gaining at their return above five or six for one one upon rich Merchandizes. The very Soldiers as well as the Captains and Governors enriched themselves by Trade. There was not any person, unless it be the Governor, who was not a ●rader; or if he does Trade, it is in another man's name, for he has Revenue enough without it. Formerly it was one of the finest employments of the World to be Viceroy of Goa: and there are but few Monarches, that have Governments at their disposal, which are equal in value to some of those which depend upon this Viceroy. The chief Command is that of Mozambique for three years. In those three years the Governor gets above four or five hunder'd-thousand Crowns, and sometimes more, if in all that time they receive no losses from the Cafres'. These Cafres' are people that bring Gold for the Commodities which they carry away; and if any one of them hap to dye, going or coming, whatever you trusted them withal is lost without redemption. The Governor of Mozambique trades also with the Negroes that inhabit all along the Coast of Melinda; and they ordinarily pay for the goods they buy, either in Elephants Teeth, or Ambergreese. When I was last in Goa, the Governor of Mozambique, who returned to Goa after he had been three years in his Command, had by him only in Ambergreese, two hundred thousand Crowns, not reckoning his Gold, and his Elephants Teeth, which amounted to a far larger sum. The second Government was that of Malaca, by reason of the Custom which was there to be paid. For it is a Straight through which all Vessels that are bound from Goa, for Japon, China, Cochinchina, Java, Macassar, the Phillippin Islands, and many other places, must of necessity pass. They may sail another way by the Island of Sumatra, toward the West, and so through the Straight of Sonde, or else leave the Island of Java to the North; but when the Ships return to Goa, they must show a discharge from the Customhouse of Malaca, which obliges them to go that way. The third Government is that of Ormus, by reason of the great Trade which is there, and the Custom which all Ships are to pay that are bound in and out of the Persian Golf. The Governor of Ormus exacted great Tolls from those that went to the Island of Bakrens to fish for Pearls, for if they did not take a Licence from him, he would sink their Vessels. The Persians' at present exact this Custom from the English, who have a small share in that Trade, as I have related in my Persian Voyages. But though they are severe enough to the Merchants, their Customs amount to nothing near so much as what the Portugueses made of it. The Hollanders are in the same condition at Malaca, not receiving hardly sufficient to pay their Garrison which they keep there. The fourth Government is that of Moscate, the revenue whereof was very great. For all Vessels that are bound from India, from the Persian Golf, from the Read Sea, and from the Coast of Melinda, must come under the Point of Muscate, where they generally take in fresh Water. If there be any Ships that would not come to an Anchor there, the Governor sent for his Custom, which was four in the hundred; and if they refused, the Governor had his Galleasses ready to sink them. The fifth Government was that of the sland of Ceyland, to which belonged all those places which the Portugals had, as well upon the Coast of Malavar the Golf of Bengala, and other parts of India; the worst of which employments was worth ten thousand Crowns per ann. Besides these five great Governments, which were at the disposal of the Viceroy, he had abundance of other Offices in his Gift, as well in Goa, as in other parts of India. The very day that he makes his Entry into Goa, the Captain of his Guards gets above four thousand Crowns. The three Offices of Engineer Major, Visitor of the Forts, and chief Master of the Ordinance, yielded every year twenty thousand Pardo's; every Pardo being worth twenty-seven Sous of our Money. The Portuguese were than all very rich; the Nobility by reason of their Governments and Commands, the Merchants by their Trade, till the English and Hollanders cut them short. When they had Ormus, they would not let any Merchant pass by Sea into India; so that they were forced to go by Land through Candahar. Than, when the Turkey, Persian, Arabian, Muscovites, Polonian, and other Merchants arrived at Bander-Abassy, they joined together, and deputed four of the most experienced persons among them, to view all the sorts of Commodities, and to understand their quality and price. After they have made their report, they agreed upon their price, and fetch away their goods, which are distributed to every one proportionably according to the number of Merchants. It is also the custom of all Asia, that there is nothing sold, but a Broker has a hand in the Bargain. They make good the Money to those that have sold, and receive it from them that buy; and there are some sorts of Commodities upon which there is due to them for Brokage, sometimes one in the Hundred, sometime one and a half, and two. At that time the Portugueses made great profit, without any loss. For the Viceroy took care to preserve them against the Pirates. Who assoon as the Rains are over, and that it was seasonably to put to Sea, always sent a sufficient convoy to guard the Merchants twenty-five or thirty Leagues to Sea, the Malvares not daring to stir above fifteen or twenty. The Captains of the Galiots, and the Soldiers drive a small Trade also in their Voyages, and in regard they pay no custom, they gain enough to maintain themselves handsomely all the time they lie in Garrison, which is during the Rains. There was also care taken for the advancement of the Soldiery; for every Soldier that came from Portugal, after nine years' service, had some Command either by Sea or Land bestowed upon him; and if he would not accept of it, they gave him leave to Trade as a Merchant. So that if there happened to be any person of understanding among them, he could not fail, to raise his fortune, having all the credit he could desire. For there were people enough that being glad to let out their Money, would venture with him at Cent. per Cent. upon his return. If the Vessel be lost, they that lend their Money, loose either their Money or their goods; but if the Ship come safe home, of one they make three or four. The Natives of the Country, called Canarins, are not permitted to bear any Offices among the Portugueses, but only in reference to the Law, that is to say, either as Advocates, or Solicitors, or Scriveners; for they keep them very much under. If one of these Canarins or Blacks, hap to strike a White or European, there is no pardon for him, but he must have his hand cut of. As well the Spaniards as Portuguese, make use of them as Receivers, and to follow their business. And in the Manilia's, or Philippin Islands, there are some of these Blacks so rich, that many of them have offered twenty thousand Croisats to the Viceroy, for liberty to wear Hose and shoe's, which they are not permitted to wear. Some of these Blacks have thirty Slaves attending upon them, very richly habited; but only they go barefoot. And had the Portugals permitted them to set out Ships of their own, and to have chosen Captains and other Officers at their own pleasure, the Portugueses would not have made such large, at lest not so easy Conquests in the Indieses. These Blacks are very courageous and good Soldiers, and several of the Religious Orders have assured me, that they will learn more in six months in one of their Colleges, than the Portugal Children in a year, whatever Science you put them to; which is the reason that the Portugals keep them so low. The natural Inhabitants of the Country about Goa, are Idolaters, and worship several sorts of Idols, which they say are the Resemblance of several that have done good works, to whom they aught to give praise by adorning their Portraitures. There are many of these Idolaters who worship Apes. And therefore in the Island of Salsete, there was a Pagod, where the Idolaters kept in a Chest, like a Tomb, the Bones and Nails of an Ape, which they said had been mighty serviceable to their Anchestors, by bringing news and intelligence to them, when any hostile Princes prosecuted them; for which purpose they would sometimes swim through the very Sea itself. The Indians come from several parts in procession, and make offerings to this Pagod. But the Clergy of Goa, especially the Inquisitors, caused the Tomb one day to be taken away, and brought it to Goa, where it remained a good while, by reason of the difference which it made between the ecclesiastics and the people. For the Idolaters offering a great sum of Money to have their Relics again, the people were willing to have restored them; saying, that the Money would do well upon any occasion of War, or else to relieve the poor. But the Clergy were of a contrary opinion, and maintained that such a piece of Idolatry was not to be endured upon any account whatsoever. At length the Archbishop and the Inquisitors, by their own Authority, took away the Tomb, and sending it in a Vessel twenty Leagues out to Sea, caused it to be thrown to the bottom of the Ocean. They thought to have burned it, but the Idolaters would have raked up the Ashes again, which would have been but a new food to their Superstition. There are in Goa abundance of Clergymen; for besides the Archbishop and his Clergy, there are Dominicans, Austin-Friars, Franciscans, Barefoot Carmelites, Jesuits, and Capuchins, with two Religious Houses, whereof the Austin-friars-s are Directors or Governors. The religious Carmelites, that came last, are the best seated; for thought they are somewhat at a distance from the heart of the City, yet they have the advantage of a fine Air, and the most healthy situation in all Goa. It stands upon a rising ground, free to the refreshment of the Wind; and it is very well built, with two Galleries one over the other The Austin-friars-s, who were the first that came to Goa, were indifferently well seated, at the foot of a little rising ground, their Church also standing upon a rising ground with a fair Piazza before it; but when they had built their Habitation, the Jesuits desired them to cell that rising ground, which was than a voided place, under pretence of making a Garden in it for the recreation of their Scholars, But after they had purchased it, they built a most stately College upon the same ground, which quite stops and chokes up the Austin-Friars Covent, so that they have no Air at all. There happened several Contests about this business, but at length the Jesuits got the better. The Jesuits at Goa, are known by the name of Paulists; by reason that their great Church is dedicated to St. Paul. Nor do they wear Hats or Corner-Caps, as in Europe, but only a certain Bonnet, resembling the Skull of a Hat without the Brims; somewhat like the Bonnets which the Grand Siegnors Slaves wear; of which I have given you a description in my relation of Seraglio. They have five Houses in Goa, the College of St. Paul, the Seminary, the Professors House, the Noviciate, and the Good Jesus. The paintings in this House are admirable pieces of Workmanship. In the year 1663. the College was burnt by an accident which happened in the night, so that it cost them near sixty thousand Crowns to rebuild it. The Hospital of Goa was formerly the most famous in all India. For in regard the Revenues thereof ●re very great, the sick persons were very carefully looked after. But since the change of the Governors, there is but very bad accommodation; and several of the Europeans that have been put in, have never come forth again, but in their Coffins. However, they have lately found out a way to save some by frequent Blood-letting. They let Blood sometimes as occasion requires, thirty or forty times, even as often as any ill-blood comes forth; as they did by me one time that I was at Surat. Butter and flesh is very dangerous to them that are sick, and many times cost them their lives. Formerly they made several sorts of well-tasted diet for those that recovered: Now they serve the Patient only with young Beef-broth, and a dish of Rice. Usually the poorer sort that recover their health, complain of drought, and call for water. But they that look after them, being only Blacks, or Mongrels, a sort of covetous and pitiless people, will not give them a drop, unless they put money in their hands; and to colour their wickedness, they give it them by stealth, pretending what they do to be against the physician's order. As for Sweetmeats and Preserves, there is no want of them; but they are not a diet which contributes overmuch to the restoring of decayed strength, especially in those hot Countries where the body requires rather cooling and refreshing nourishment. I have forgot one thing in reference to their more frequent bloodletting than among us Europeans. Which is, that to bring their colour again, and to restore them to perfect health, they order the Patient to drink for twelve days together three glasses of Cow's Urine; one in the morning, another at noon, and another at night. But in regard it is a very nauseous sort of drink, the Patient swallows as little as he can, how desirous so for he may be of his health. They learned this remedy from the Idolaters of the Country; and whether the Patient will take it or not, they never let him stir out of the Hospital, till the twelve days are expired wherein he aught to drink it. CHAP. XIV. What the Author did, during his stay at Goa, the last time he went thither in the year 1648. TWO days before I departed from Mingrela for Goa, I wrote to Monsieur St. Amant, who was Engineer, to sand me a Man of War, for fear of the Malvares which are upon the Coast, which he immediately did. I parted from Mingrela the 20 th' of January 1648, and arrived at Goa the 25 th'. And in regard it was late, I stayed till the next morning before I went to visit the Viceroy, Don Philip de Mascaregnas, who had formerly been Governor of Ceylan. He made me very welcome, and during the two months that I tarried at Goa, he sent to me a Gentleman five or six times, who brought me still to the Powder-House, which was without the City, where he often used to be. For he took great delight in levelling Guns, wherein he asked my advice, esteeming very much a Pistol very curiously and richly inlaid, which I presented him at my arrival. This Pistol the French-Consul at Aleppo gave me, the fellow of it being unhappily lost: for else the Pair had been presented by the French-Nation to the Bassa, who might than have boasted himself the Master of the fairest and best-made pair of Pistols in all Asia. The Viceroy admits no person whatever, not not his Children to sit at his Table. But there is a little partition in the Dining-room, where there is a Cloth laid for the Principal Officers, as is usual in the Courts of the German-Princes. The next day I went to wait upon the Archbishop, and the next day after I designed to have visited the Inquisitor; but I understood by one of his Gentlemen that he was busy, writing into Portugal; there being two Ships ready to weigh Anchor, that only stayed for his dispatches. After the Ships were set sail, he sent the same Gentleman to tell me that he expected me at the Inquisition-House, about two or three in the afternoon. I failed not to go thither at the time prefixed▪ when I came, a Page brought me into a large Hall, where after I had walked a quarter of an hour, an Officer came and carried me into the Chamber where the Inquisitor was. After I had passed through two Galleries, and some Chambers, I entered into a little Chamber where the Inquisitor sat at the end of a great Table like a Billiard-Table, which, as well as the Chairs and Stools in the Chamber, was covered with green Cloth, such as is carried out of England. He told me I was welcome, and after a Compliment or two, he asked me what Religion I was of ● I answered him, of the Protestant Religion. He asked me than, if my Father and Mother were of the same Religion; and after I had satisfied him that they were so; He told me again I was welcome, calling out at the same time for some other persons to enter. Thereupon, the Hang being held up, there came in ten or twelve persons out of another room hard-by. The first of the Train were two Austin-Friars, followed by two Dominicans, two barefoot-Carmelites, and some other of the Clergy; whom the Inquisitor told who I was, and assured them I had brought not prohibited Books; for indeed, knowing their orders, I had left my Bible at Mingrela. We discoursed about two hours of several things, but particularly of my Travels; the whole Company testifying their desire to hear me make some repetitions. Three days after the Inquisitor sent for me to dine with him at a fair House, about half a league from the City, which belongs to the Barefoot Carmelites. It is one of the loveliest Structures in all the Indieses; and I will tell you in short how the Carmelites came by it. There was a Gentleman in Goa, whose Father and Grandfather had got great Estates by Merchandizing; and he it was that had built this House, which might well have passed for a most noble Palace. He had no mind to Mary, but being altogether addicted to his devotions, he very much frequented the Austin-Friars, to whom he showed himself so affectionate, that he made his Will, wherein he gave them all his Estate, provided they would bury him on the rightside of the High-Altar where he intended a sumptuous Monument. Now according to the common report, this Gentleman was a Leper, which some jealous persons endeavoured to make the World believe, seeing he had given away all his Estate to the Austin-Friars. Thereupon they told him that the ground on the right-hand of the High-Alter was a place only fit for a Viceroy; and that a leprous person was not to be laid there: which was the opinion of the generality of the people, and of a good part of the Austin-Friars themselves. Thereupon some of the Fathers of the Covent coming to speak with the Gentleman, on purpose to persuade him to choose some other place in the Church, he was so offended at the proposal, that he never went more to the Austin-Friars, but always went to perform his devotions among the Carmelites, who received him with open arms, and accepted the conditions which the other had refused. Nor did he live long after he had interested himself with that Order; so that the Carmelites having magnificently buried him, enjoyed all his Estate, with this same House, where we were splendidly entertained with Music all the time of Dinner. I stayed at Goa from the twenty-first of January till the eleventh of March, departing thence that very day in the evening, after I had taken leave of the Viceroy. I begged leave also of the Viceroy for a French-Gentlemen, whose name was Belloy, to go along with me: which was granted me; but through the imprudence of that Gentleman, who did not tell me the reason of his coming to Goa, he had like to have been taken from me again, and it was an even-lay, that we had not been both carried to the Inquisition. This Gentleman had left the place of his Nativity to travel over Holland, where having run himself in debt, and finding no person that would lend him any Money, he resolved to go for India. Thereupon he listed himself as a private Soldier upon the account of the Holland-Company; and came to Batavia at the same time that the Hollanders made War against the Portuguezes in Ceylan. Being arrived, they sent him away among the recruits which were sent into that Island; and the Holland-General seeing such a reinforcement of stout men commanded by a French-Captain, whose name was St. Amant, a person of great courage and experience; he resolved to besiege Negombe, a considerable Fort in the Island of Ceylan. They made two assaults wherein the Frenchmen behaved themselves valiantly, especially St. Amant, and John de Rose, who were both wounded. The General of the Dutch, seeing them to be two such men of courage, made a promise that if Negombe were taken, one of them two should be Governor. The place was taken, and the General kept his word with St. Amant: but the News being carried to Batavia, a young Gentleman of kin to the General, and but newly arrived out of Holland, obtained to be Governor of Negombe, to the prejudice of St. Amant, and came with an order from the Council at Batavia to displace him. St. Amant incensed at such ill-usage, inveigles to his Party a matter of fifteen or twenty, most part French-soldiers, among whom were Monsieur Belloy, Marests, and John de Rose, and revolts to the Portugueses. The Portugals encouraged by the reinforcement of such a stout, though small number of men, stormed Negombe again, and took it at the second assault. At that time was Don Philip de Mascaregnas Governor of Ceylan, and all the places belonging to it, under the jurisdiction of the Portugal. He lived also at the City of Colombo; and than it was, that having received Letters from Goa that the Viceroy was dead, and that the Council and all the Nobility desired him to come and succeed in his place, he resolved to see St. Am●nt and his Companions before his departure, to the end he might bestow upon them some proper reward. So soon as he saw them, he was resolved to take them along with him to Goa. Whether it were that he thought he might have better opportunities to advance them there; or that he thought it convenient to have stout men about him, by reason of the Malavares who lay in wait for him with forty Vessels, whereas he had but twenty▪ two. But they were not sooner come to make Cape-Comorin, when the winds risen, and such a Tempest followed, that the Vessels were dispersed, and many of them unfortunately cast away. They that were in Don Philip's Vessel did all they could to get to the shore, but seeing they could not, and that the Ship was ready to split, St. Amant and his Six other Companions threw themselves into the Sea with cords and pieces of planks, and so bestirred themselves, that they made a shift not only to save themselves, but Don Philip also. Hereupon Don Philip coming to Goa, after he had made his entrance gave to St. Amant the Command of Grand Master of the Artillery, and Superintendent General over all the Forts which the Portuguezes had in India. He married him also to a young Virgin, with whom he had twenty-thousand Crowns, whose Father was an Englishman, who had quitted the Company, and married a Natural Daughter of one of the Viceroy's of Goa. As for John de Rose, he desired leave of the Viceroy to return to Colombo, where, by his favour, he married a young Widow, half Native, half Portugueze, by whom he had a fair fortune. Marests the Viceroy made Captain of his Guards, the most considerable Command in all his Court, being obliged to Marests for his life, who was the person that bore him upon his shoulders to save him from drowning. Du Belloy desired leave that he might go to Macao, which was granted him. For he understood that the greatest part of the Portugal-Gentry, retired to that place, after they had got Estates by Merchandizing; that they were very courteous to strangers, and withal extremely addicted to play, which was Du Belloy's chief delight. He lived two years at Macao, very much to his content; for when he wanted Money, the Gentry lent it him freely. One day he had won above six-thousand Crowns, but going to play again, he was so unfortunate as to loose it all, besides a good sum of Money which his friends had lent him. Being thus at a loss, and finding that nobody would lend him any more Money, he began to swear against a Picture that hung in the room, which was the Portraiture of some Papistical Saint; saying in his passion that it was an usual thing with them that played, that if they saw a Saint Picture hung in their sight, it made them loose; and that if that Picture had not been there he had certainly won. Immediately the Inquisitor was informed of this, (for in every City in India under the Jurisdiction of the Portuguezes there is one. However his power is limited; having no other authority than to seize the person of him that says or acts any thing against their Religion, to hear the Witnesses, and to sand the Offender with the examinations to Goa in the first ship which is bound thither: where the inquisitor-General has an absolute Power either to absolve him, or to put him to death.) Thereupon Du Belloy was put aboard a small Vessel of ten or twelve Guns loaded with Irons: with a strict charge to the Captain to keep him safe, and some threats that he should be answerable for him if he escaped. But so soon as the Ship was out at Sea, the Captain, who was of a noble disposition, and knew Du Belloy to be of a good Family, took of his Irons, and made him sit at his own Table; giving him also Linen, and other convenient Apparel necessary for the Voyage, which was to continued forty days. They put into Goa the nineteenth of February 1649; and the Ship was not sooner come into Harbour, but St. Amant came a-board by the Governor's order, as well to receive his Letters, as to hear what news in China. But his surprise was very great, to see Belloy in that condition, and that the Captain would not let him go, before he had surrendered him up into the hands of the Inquisitor. Nevertheless, in regard that St. Amant was a person of great credit, he obtained of the Captain, that Belloy should go along with him into the City. As for Belloy he immediately and for the nonce shifted himself into his old clothes, which were all to tatters and full of Vermin; and St. Amant, who knew there was no dallying with the Inquisition, took that season to present him to the Inquisitor; who seeing a Gentleman in such a sad condition, had some compassion upon him, and allowed him the whole City for his Prison; on condition he should surrender his body, upon demand when he understood what was informed against him. In the interim St. Amant brings Duke Belloy to my Lodging just as I was going to visit the Archbishop of Mira, whom I formerly knew at Constantinople, when he was Prior of the Franciscans at Galata. I desired them to stay a while and to dine with me, which they did; after which I proffered my House and Table to Du Belloy, who lived with me; and for whom I also bought two new Suits of Apparel, and Linen convenient. However, all the while that I stayed at Goa, which was ten or twelve days, I could not persuade the Sieur Du Belloy to put on those new clothes, not knowing the reason, though he promised me every day. But being upon my departure, I told him I was going to take leave of the Viceroy; whereupon he desired me to procure leave for him also; which I did. We departed toward evening in the same Vessel wherein I came, and about midnight the Sieur Belloy began to shifted himself, and when he had done he threw his old rags into the Sea, swearing against the Inquisition like a mad man; I understanding nothing all this while of the business. When I heard him swear in that manner, I told him we were not yet out of the Portugals hands; neither were he and I with five or six Servants, able to defend ourselves against forty Seamen that belonged to the Ship. I asked him than, why he swore so hearty against the Inquisition; he replied, that he would tell me all the circumstances of the Story; which he did, when we came to Mingrela, which was about eight a Clock in the morning. When we landed we met certain Hollanders with the Commander, who were eating Oysters and drinking Sack upon the Shoar. Immediately they asked me who that person was with me. I told them it was a Gentleman who attending the French Ambassador into Portugal, had taken Shipping there for India, together with four or five more whom he had left at Goa; but that neither the situation of the place, nor the humour of the Portugals pleasing him, he had desired my assistance in his return for Europe. Three or four days after, I bought him an Ox to carry him to Surat; and I gave him a Servant to assist him, together with a Letter to Father Zenon, a Capuchin, wherein I desired him to speak to my Broker to pay him ten Crowns a month for his subsistence, and to desire of the English Precedent to embark him for Europe with the first opportunity. But it fell out contrary to my Intentions; for Father Zenon carried him back again along with him to Goa, where he had some business to do for Father Ephraim his Companion; of whom I shall speak in the next Chapter. Father Zenon without doubt believed that Duke Belloy making his appearance to the Inquisition, and desiring his pardon might have easily obtained it. 'Tis very true he did obtain it, but it was after he had been two years in the Inquisition, from which he was not discharged but with a sulphured Shift, with a St. Andrews Cross upon his Stomach. There was with him another Gentleman, called Lewis de Bar upon the Seine, who was used in the same manner; and they always put them to accompany those who were put to death. The Sieur Du Belloy did very ill to return to Goa, and worse to appear afterwards again at Mingrela, where the Hollanders, who understanding he had formerly revolted out of their service, by the intelligence they received from their Commander at Surat, seized his person, and sent him away in a Ship that was going for Batavia. They pretended that they sent him to the General of the Company, to do with him as he should think fitting. But I am in part assured, that as soon as the Vessel was out at Sea, they put the poor Gentleman into a Sack, and threw him into the Sea. This was the end of the Sieur Du Belloy. As for Sieur des Marests, he was a Gentleman, born in the Dauphinate, near to Loriol, who having killed his adversary in a Duel, fled into Poland, where he so far signalised himself, that he won the esteem and affection of the General of the Polonian Army. At that time the Grand Signior kept in the prison of the Seven Towers at Constantinople, two Noble Polonians; whereupon the Polonian General observing the courage and address of this Des Marests, who was a daring Fellow, and a good Engineer besides, made a proposal to him, to go to Constantinople, and to endeavour, if he could by any means in the world, to set those princes at liberty. Des Marests willingly accepted the employment, and without doubt he had succeeded in his design, had he not been discovered by some Turks, who accused him for having been too circumspect in viewing the seven Towers, seeing him with a Chalk Pencil in his hand, ready to take the draught thereof, which seemed to tend to no good design. This had been enough to have ruin'd the Gentleman, had not Monsieur de Cesy, the French Ambassador stifled the further examination of the business by some Present; which in Turkey is the most sovereign remedy upon all accidents of danger; telling the Visier, that he was only a French Gentleman that travelled for his pleasure, and one that was going for Persia with the first opportunity. However it was not Marests design at that time to go very far, for he intended to have returned into Poland, so soon as he had used his utmost endeavours to set the Princes at liberty; but for his own safety it behoved him to give it out that he was gone to Persia; and at length he was constrained to go thither indeed. As for the Grand Signior, he had resolved never to set the two Noblemen at liberty. But at length they were so fortunate as to gain the love of a young Turk, who was the Son of the Captain of the Seven Towers; with whom the Father usually trusted the Keys to open and shut the Gates of the Prison. The night appointed for their flight, he made as if he had shut some doors, the Padlocks whereof he left all open. But he durst not do so by the two first Gates, near one of which the Captain with a strong Guard lay, for fear of being discovered. The young man, who had entirely devoted himself to serve the Princes, having foreseen this difficulty before, had bethought himself of Rope-Ladders to get over the two Walls; to which purpose it was necessary to have a correspondence within and without. Finding therefore that because the utmost of severity was not used toward those Princes, they had the liberty to receive several Dishes of Meat from the French Ambassadors Kitchen, the Clerk of the Kitchen was made of the plot, who thereupon sent them in several Cords in Pasties, whereof they made Ladders. The business succeeded so well, that the escape was made, and the young Turk fled with the Polonian Lords into Poland, where he turned Christian, and received ample rewards both in Employments and Money. The same gratitude proportionably was observed toward those who had contributed toward the liberty of the Princes, who amply acknowledged the services which they had received from every one of them. In the mean time the Sieur Des Marests arrives at Ispahan, and addressing himself to the Capuchin Friars, they brought him to my Lodging, where he had the freedom of my Table, and a Chamber. He stayed some time at Ispahan, during which he got acquainted with the English and Hollanders, who had a great esteem for him, finding him to be a person of merit. But it happened one day, that his curiosity putting him upon a bold attempt, had like to have been the ruin of him and all the Franks in Ispahan. Never the Inn where we lodged there was a large Bath, where the men and women by turns take their times to come and bathe themselves; and where the Queen of Visapour, during her stay at Ispahan, as she returned home to Mecca, delighted to go and prattle with the French men's wives. The Sieur Des Marests having a passionate desire to see what the women did, satisfied his curiosity, by means of a cranny in the Arch of the Vault, which he had observed when he went thither; for having found out a way without side to get up to that Arch, through a blind hole that was next to the Inn where he lay, the Arch being flat, as I have described them in my relations of Persia, and the Seraglio, he laid himself upon his belly, and saw throtgh the cranny what he fo much longed to behold. He was at this sport some ten or twelve times; and not being able to contain himself, he told me one day what he had done. I bid him have a care of going there any more, for fear of ruining himself and all the French men in that City. But he contrary to my advice went thither two or three times after that, till at length he was discovered by one of the women of the Bath that took care of the Linen, and dry them without, upon Perches as high as the top of the Arch, to which they get up by a little Ladder. The woman seeing a man lying all along upon his belly, seized upon his Hat, and began to cry out. But Marests, to get himself out of the mire, and to hinder the woman from making more noise, put two Tomans, into her hand. When he returned to the Inn, I perceived him to look as if he had been scared, and conjecturing that some ill accident had befallen him, I pressed him to confess what was the matter. He was loathe at first, but at length he confessed how he had been discovered by a woman, and how he had stopped her mouth with money. Thereupon I told him, that there was a necessity for him to fly, for that the danger was far greater than he imagined. The Dutch Precedent also, to whom I thought it convenient to tell what had passed, was of the same opinion; upon which we gave him a Mule, and as much money as was necessary for him, ordering him to go to Bander, and thence by Sea to Surat. I gave him a Letter of Recommendation to the English Precedent, who was my Friend; whom I also desired to let him have two hundred Crowns, if he had occasion for them. I wrote very much in his commendation; and mentioned the proffer which the Dutch Precedent at Ispahan had made him, to sand him with Letters to the General, who would not fail to employ him according to his merit. For indeed at that time that the Hollanders had War with the Portugueses in Ceylan, any person of wit, and courage, like the Sieur Des Marests, was very acceptable to them. Which made them very earnest with him, to take an employment among them; and to that end, they caressed him, and presented him very nobly during his stay at Ispahan. But he told them, that not being of their Religion, he was unwilling to serve them against the Portugueses; which was the only reason that hindered him from accepting the offers which I had made him. These particulars I wrote in his behalf to the English Precedent at Surat; so that the Sieur Des Marests being desirous to go to Goa to serve the Portugals, the Precedent wrote in his behalf to the Viceroy, by whom he was very much beloved, relating to him, besides, what the Hollanders had proffered him, that his recommendation might be the more acceptable. Thereupon the Viceroy made him very welcome; and upon the Sieur Marests desire to be employed in Ceylan in the Portugal Army, he sent him away with the first opportunity, with Letters of Recommendation to Don Philip de Mascaregnas, who was than Governor of Ceylan, and all those places that belonged to it under the jurisdiction of the Portugueses. It happened three days after, that they lost Nagombe, and when they retook it, the Sieur Marests was one of those that received most wounds, and won most honour in the Assaults. He it was that afterwards was most instrumental in saving Don Philip from being drowned; so that when Don Philip came to be Viceroy of Goa, he could not think he deserved a lesle reward than the Command of his Guards; in which employment he died within three or four Months. He was very much lamented by the Viceroy, by whom he was entirely beloved. But he left his Estate to a Priest, with whom he had contracted a particular friendship; upon condition that he should only pay me two hundred and fifty Crowns that I had lent him; which however I had much ado to get out of the Priest's Clutches. While I stayed at Goa, I was told a pretty story concerning a Caravel, or Portugal Vessel, which arrived there but a little before, and came from Lisbon. When she was about to make the Cape of good Hope, there happened such a violent Tempest, as lasted five or six hours, and put the Mariners to such a nonplus, that they knew not were they were. At length they fell into a Bay, where they saw several Inhabitants; and as soon as they came to an Anchor, they beheld the shore cov erred with men, women, and children, that testified a strange amazement to see white people, and such kind of people as the Caravel. The mischief was, that they could not understand one another, but by signs. But after the Portugals had given those Cafres' Tobacco, Biscuit, and Water, the next day the people brought them a great quantity of young Ostriches, and other Fowl that seemed to resemble large Geese, but so fat, that they had very little lean. The Feathers of those Birds were very lovely, and those upon the Belie proper for Beds One of the Portugueses Mariners ●old me a large Gushion stu●●● with those Feathers, and related to me what had happened to them in that Bay, where they stayed seven and twenty days. They gave those Cafres' one thing or other every scot, as Knives, Axes, false Coral, and false Pearls, out of hopes to have discovered some▪ Trade, and particularly whether they had any Gold; for they observed that some of them wore pieces of Gold in their Ears; some beaten thin upon one side, and others like the Nails of a Lock. They brought two of the people to Goa; and I saw one of them that wore several of those pieces of Gold in several parts of each Ear. The Mariner told me, that there were some of their women that wore of those pieces of Gold under their Chins, and in their Nostrils. Eight or nine days after the Portugals arrived in that Bay, those Cafres' brought them little pieces of Ambergreese, some Gold, but very little; some Elephant's teeth, but very small▪ some Ostriches, and other Birds, some Venison; but for Fish there was abundance. The Portugals endeavoured all they could by signs to know where they found the Ambergreese, for it was very good. The Viceroy showed me a a piece that weighed not above half an Ounce, but he assured me withal that he had never seen so good. They also laboured to discover where they had the Gold. After the Elephant's teeth they made no great enquiry seeing a great number of Elephants that came to drink at a River that threw itself into the Bay. At length after they had stayed three weeks, the Portugals finding it impossible for them to discover any thing more, because they understood not one another, resolved to set sail with the first wind. And because they had always some of these Cafres' aboard in regard they were very liberal of their Tobacco, Biscuit, and strong Water, they thought good to bring two of them along in the Vessel; in hopes that they might learn the Portuguese Language, or that there might some Child be found out that might understand what they said▪ The Mariners told me, that when they set sail, after the Cafres' saw that they they had carried two of their people away, who perhaps were no inconsiderable persons, they tore their Hair, struck their Breasts▪ as if they had been frantic, and set up a most horrible yelling and howling. When they were brought to Goa, they could never be brougut to learn any thing of the Portugal Language. So that they could get out of them nothing of that further discovery at which they aimed, of a Country from whence they only brought away two pound of Gold; three pound of Ambergreese, and thirtyfive or forty Elephants teeth. One of the Cafres' lived but six months, the other fifteen; but both languished and pined to death for grief to be so trepanned. From Goa I passed to Mingrela, where there fell out an accident not to be forgotten. An Idolater dying, and the Fire being ready prepared for the burning of the Body, his Wife who had no Children, by the permission of the Governor, came to the Fire, and stood among the Priests and her Kindred, to be burnt with the Body of her deceased Husband. As they were taking three turns, according to custom, about the place where the Fire was kindled, there fell of a sudden so violent a Shower, that the Priests willing to get out of the rain, thrust the Woman all along into the Fire. But the Shower was so vehement, and endured so long a while, that the Fire was quenched, and the Woman was not burned. About midnight she arose, and went and knocked at the door of one of her Kinsman's Houses, where Father Zenon and many Hollanders saw her, looking so ghastly and grimly, that it was enough to have scared them; however the pain that she endured did not so far terrify her, but that three days after accompanied by her Kindred, she went and was burned according to her first intention. CHAP. XV. The Story of Father Ephraim, and how he was put into the Inquisition at Goa by a surprisal. THE Check, who had married the Eldest of the Princesses of Golconda, not being able to persuade Father Ephraim to stay at Bagnabar, where he promised to build him an House and a Church; gave him an Ox and two men to carry him to Maslipatan, where he stayed to embark for Pegn, according to the order of his Superiors. But finding no Vessel ready to fet sail, the English drew him to Madrespatan, where they have a Fort called St. George, and a general Factory for every thing that concerns the Countries of Golconda, Pegu and Bengala. They over-persuaded him that he might reap a fairer Harvest in this place, than in any other part of the Indieses; to which end they presently built him a very neat House, and a Church. But in the conclusion, the English sought not so much the interest of Father Ephraim, as their own. For Madrespatan is but half a league from St. Thomas, a Sea-Town upon the Coast of Cormandel, indifferently well-built, as formerly belonging to the Portugals. In that place there was a very great Trade, especially for Calicuts, and a very great number of Merchants and Workmen lived there, the greatest part whereof desired to inhabit at Madrespatan with the English, but that there was no place for them to exercise their Religion in that place. But when the English had built a Church, and persuaded Father Ephraim to stay, many of the Portugueses quitted St. Thomas, by reason of the frequent Preaching of Father Ephraim, and his great care as well of the Natives, as of the Portugals. Father Ephraim was born at Auxerre, the Brother of Monsieur Chateau de Boys, Councillor of the Parliament of Paris; who was very happy in learning Languages, so that in a little time he spoke English and Portuguez perfectly well. But now the Clergy of St. Thomas-Church seeing Father Ephraim in so high a reputation, and that he drew the greatest part of their Congregation to Madrespatan, were so enraged against him that they resolved to ruin him. And thus they laid their plot. The English and Portuguezes being neer-neighbours, could not choose but have several quarrels one among another, and still Father Ephraim was applied to for the composing their differences. Now one day it happened, that the Portuguezes quarrelled on purpose with some English Mariners that were in St. Thomas-Road, and the English came by the worst. The English Precedent resolving to have satisfaction for the injury, a War broke out between the two Nations: which had ruin'd all the Trade of that Country, had not the Merchants on both sides been very diligent to bring things to an accommodation: not knowing any thing of the wicked contrivance of particular persons against Father Ephraim. But all the interposition of the Merchants availed nothing: the Friar must be concerned in the affair, he must be the Mediator to act between party and party, which he readily accepted. But he was not sooner entered into St. Thomas, but he was seized by ten or twelve Officers of the Inquisition, who shipped him away in a Frigate that was bound at the same time for Goa. They fettered and manacled him, and kept him two and twenty days at Sea, before they would let him once put his foot ashore: though the best part of the Mariners lay ashore every night. When they came to Goa, they stayed till night before they would landlord Father Ephraim, to carry him to the Inquisition-House. For they were afraid, jest if they should landlord him in the day, the people should know of it, and rise in the rescue of a person, who was in an high veneration over all India. The news was presently spread abroad in all parts, that Father Ephraim was in the Inquisition, which very much amazed all the Frenchmen. But he that was most surprised, and most troubled at it was Friar Zenon, the Capuchin, who had been formerlyly Father Ephraim's Companion; who after he had consulted his friends, resolved to go to Goa, though he were put into the Inquisition himself. For when a man is once shut up there, if any one have the boldness to speak to the Inquisitor, or to any of his Council in his behalf, he is presently put into the Inquisition also, and accounted a greater Offender than the other. Neither the Arch Bishop nor the Viceroy themselves dare interpose; though they are the only two persons over whom the Inquisition-has no power. For if they do anything to offend them, they presently writ to the Inquisitor and his Council in Portugal, and as the King and the Inquisitor-General commands, they either proceed against, or sand those two great persons into Portugal. Notwithstanding all these considerations, Father Zenon, taking along with him the Sieur de la Boulay, a decayed Gentleman, goes to Goa; where, when he arrived, he was visited by some friends, who advice him to have a care not to open his mouth in the behalf of Father Ephraim, unless he intended to bear him company in the Inquisition. Father Zenon seeing he could do nothing at Goa, advised the Sieur de Boulay to return to Surat: and goes himself directly to Madrespatan, more particularly to inform himself concerning the reason of Father Ephraim's being sent away. But when he understood how he had been betrayed at St. Thomas, he resolved to have satisfaction, and without acquainting the English-President, communicates his design to the Captain that commanded in the Fort▪ Who being incensed, as were all the Soldiers, at the injury done Father Ephraim, not only approved, but also promised Father Zenon to assist him in his design. Thereupon the Father sets his spies; and understanding by them, that the Governor of St. Thomas went every Saturday▪ morning, early to a Chapel upon a Mountain half a league from the City, dedicated to the Virgin- Marry, he causes three Iron-Bars to be fixed in the window of a little Chamber in the Covent with two good locks to the door, and as many padlocks. And having so done, he goes to the Governor of the Fort, who was an Irishman, and a very stout person; who with thirty Soldiers, and Father Zenon, issued out of the Fort about midnight, and hid themselves till day near the Chapel, in a part of the Mountain, where they could not be discovered. The Governor of St. Thomas came exactly, according to his custom, a little after Sunrising; and as soon as ever he alighted from his Pallequin, was immediately surprised by the Ambuscade, and carried to Mestipatan, into the Chamber in the Covent which the Friar had provided for him. The Governor thus surprised, made great protestations against Father Zenon, and threatened him with what the King would do when he should come to hear what he had practised against the Governor of one of his Garrisons. To which Father Zenon said not more, but only that he believed that he was better used at Madrespatan, than Father Ephraim was used at the Inquisition at Goa, whither he had sent him▪ That if he would obtain liberty for Father Ephraim to return, he would leave him in the same place where they had seized his person, with as much Justice, as he had to sand; Father Ephraim to Goa. Many people came to the English Precedent, desiring him to use his authority for the Governor's liberty. But his answer was, that the Governor was not in his jurisdiction, neither could he compel Father Zenon to release him, who had been one of the Authors of the injury which had been done his Companion. So that he contented himself only to desire of Father Zenon that his Prisoner might dineat his Table in the Fort, promising him to return him when he should require his body; a request which he easily obtained▪ but could not so easily keep his word. For the Drummer of the Garrision being a Frenchman, with a Merchant of Murseilles, called Roboli, than in the Fort, two days after came to the Governor, and promised him, for a good reward, to procure his escape. The agreement being made, the Drummer in the morning beaten the Reveillez sooner than he was want to do, and louder, while Roboli and the Governor let themselves down at a corner of a Bastion that was not very high; and were presently as nimbly followed by the Drummer; so that Madrespatan and St. Thomas being but half a league asunder, they were all three in the Town before their escape was known. The whole City greatly rejoiced at the return of their Governor, and immediately dispatched away a Bark to Goa to carry the news. The Drummer also and the Merchant set sail at the same time, and when they came to Goa with Letters of recommendation in their behalf, there was no House or Covent which did not make them Presents: The Viceroy also himself caressed them extremely, and took them into his own Ship to have carried them into Portugal along with him; but both he and the two Frenchmen died at Sea. Never did any Viceroy departed from Goa so rich as Don Philippo de Mascaregnas; for he had a great parcel of Diamonds, all large stones, from ten Carats to forty. He showed me two when I was at. Goa, o●● whereof weighed 57 Carats, the other 67 and an half; clean Stones, of an excellent water, and cut after the Indian manner. The report was that the Viceroy was poisoned in the Ship, and that it was a just punishment of Heaven, for that he had poisoned several others, especially when he was Governor of Ceylan. He had always most exquisite poisons by him, to make use of when his revenge required it: for which reason, having raised himself many enemies, one morning he was found hung in Effigy in Goa; when I was there in the year 1648. In the mean time, the Imprisonment of Father Ephraim made a great noise in Europe; Monsieur de Chasteau des Bois, his Brother complained to the Portugal Ambassador, who presently wrote to the King his Master to sand a positive command by the first Ships, that Father Ephraim should be discharged. The Pope also wrote, declaring that he would excommunicate all the Clergy of Goa, if they did not set him at liberty. But all this signified nothing. So that Father Ephraim was beholding for his liberty to none but the King of Golconda, who had a love for him, and would▪ have had him have stayed at Bagnagar. For the King was than at Wars with the Raja of Carnatica, and his Army lay round about St. Thomas'. Hearing therefore what a base trick the Portuguezes had played with Father Ephraim, he sent orders to his General Mirgimola to lay siege to the Town, and put all to Fire and Sword, unless the Governor would make him a firm promise that Father Ephraim should be set at liberty in two months. A Copy of this Order was sent to the Governor, which so alarmed the Town, that they dispatched away Bark after Bark to press the Viceroy to use his endeavours for the release of Father Ephraim. Thereupon he was released; but though the door were set open, he would not stir, till all the Religious Persons in Goa came in procession to fetch him out. When he was at liberty he spent 15 days in the Covent of the Capuchins. I have heard Father Ephraim say several times, that nothing troubled him so much all the while of his imprisonment, as to see the ignorance of the Inquisitor and his Council, when they put him any question: and that he did not believe that any one of them had ever read the Scripture. They laid him in the same Chamber, with a Maltese, who never spoke two words without a desperate oath; and took Tobacco all day, and a good part of the night, which was very offensive to Father Ephraim. When the Inquisitors seize upon any person, they search him presently; and as for his Goods and wearing-Apparel, it is set down in an Inventory, to be returned him again in case he be acquitted; but if he have any Gold, Silver, or Jewels, that is never set down; but is carried to the Inquisitor to defray the expenses of the Process. They searched the Reverend Father Ephraim, but found nothing in his Cloak-pockets, unless it were a Comb, an Inkhorn, and two or three Handkerchiefs. But forgetting to search the little Pockets which the Capuchins carry in their sleeves toward their armpits, they left him four or five black-lead pens. These Pencils did him a great kindness. For the Maltese calling for such a deal of Tobacco, which is always cut and tied up in white-paper, for the profit of the seller, who weighs both Tobacco and Paper together: these Papers Father Ephraim kept very charily, and with his pencil wrote therein whatever he had studied at any time: though he lost the sight of one of his eyes, through the darkness of the Chamber, which had but one window, half a foot square, and barred with iron. They would never so much as lend him a Book, or let him have an end of Candle; but used him as bad as a certain Miscreant that had been twice let out already with his Shirt sulphured, and at St. Andrews-Cross upon his stomach, in company with those that are lead to the Gallows, and was than come in again. Father Ephraim having stayed 15 days in the Covent of the Capuchins to recover his strength after 20 months' imprisonment, returned for Madrespatan, and passing through Golconda, went to return his humble thanks to the King of Golconda and his Son-in-law, who had so highly interested themselves for his liberty. The King importuned him again to stay at Bagnagar, but seeing him resolved to return to his Covent at Madrespatan, they gave him as before, an Ox, two Servants, and Money for his journey. CHAP. XVI. The Road from Goa to Maslipatan through Cochin, here described in the story of the taking of that City by the Hollanders. AFter the Dutch had dispossessed the Portugals of whatever they had in Ceylan, they cast their eyes upon Cochin, in the Territories whereof grows the Bastard Cinnamon, which hindered the utterance of Ceylan Cinnamon. For the Merchants seeing that the Hollanders kept up their Cinnamon so dear, bought up that of Cochin, which they had very cheap; and that coming into request, was transported to Gomron, and distributed there among the Merchants that came from Persia from Tartary, from Moscovia, from Georgia, Mingrela, and all the places from the black Sea. It was also carried away in great quantities by the Merchants of Balsara and Bagdat, who furnish Arabia; as also by the Merchants of Mesopotamia, Anatolia, Constantinople, Romania, Hungary, and Poland. For in all those Countries, they use it either whole or beaten in most of their meats, to heighten the taste thereof. The Army which was commanded out of Batavia for the Siege of Cochin, landed at a place called Belli-Porto; where the Hollanders had a Fort made of Palm-Trees. It is near to Cranganor, a small City which the Hollanders took the year before; not being able to take Cochin than, though they had made some attempts upon it. So soon as the Army landed, they marched within Canonshot of the City, there being a River between them and the City. That part where the Hollanders encamped, is called Belle-Epine, where after they had fortified themselves, as well as the Nature of the place would permit, they raised some Batteries, which could not much annoy the City, by reason of the distance. They lay there till they had recruits of more men; for they had but three Ships full, though he that commanded them were one of the bravest Captains of his time. Some few days after, the Governor of Amboyna arrived with two Ships more, and afterwards a Dutch Captain brought a great number of Chinglas, who are the Natives of the Island of Ceylan. For the Forces of the Hollanders would not be so considerable as they are, did they not make use of the Natives of the Country to fill up the Companies which they bring out of Europe. The Natives of Ceylan, are good for digging Trenches, and raising Batteries, but for a Storm they signify little. Those of Amboyna are good Soldiers, four hundred of which were left at Belle-Epine. The Body of the Army took Shipping again, and landed near to Cochin, not far from a Church dedicated to St. Andrew; where the Portugals, with certain Malavares, seemed to have stayed ashore for the Hollanders coming: But seeing the Enemy to land with so much resolution, they only gave them one Volley and retreated. In their March the Hollanders descried certain Companies of Portugueses near the Seashore, others somewhat farther up in the Land, in a Church called St. Johns. Thereupon they sent out some Horsemen to discover their number; but the Portugals still retreated, after they had set fire to the Church. Thereupon the Hollanders made their approaches to the Town; and after they had besieged it for some time, a French Soldier, who was under their pay, seeing a Pannier tied at the end of a Cord, hanging over one of the Bastions, ventured notwithstanding all the Bullets that flew about his Ears, to see what was in it. But he was strangely surprised, to found nothing but a languishing Infant, which the Mother had hung there, that she might not see it perish for hunger. The Soldier moved to compassion, took the Infant and gave it such as he had to eat; at which the Dutch General was so incensed, saying that the Soldier should have let the Infant perish, that he called a Council of War, where he would have had the Soldier run the Gauntlet, which was very cruel; but the Council moderating the sentence, condemned him only to the Strappado. The same day ten Soldiers out of every Company were commanded to go to one of the Houses of the King of Cochin; but they found no body there, having plundered it the year before. At which time the Hollanders s●ew four Kings of the Country, and six hundred Blacks; nor did there escape but only one ancient Queen, who was taken alive by a common Soldier, called Van Rez, whom the Commander of the Army made a Captain immediately, for his reward. They left one Company in that House; but the Queen stayed there but six days, for they gave her into the custody of Savarin, one of the most potent of the petty Kings upon that Coast, to whom the Hollanders had promised to give the City of Cranganor, if they took Cochin, provided he would be faithful to them. Six weeks passed ere any thing considerable was done; but than the Hollanders, storming the Town by night, were repulsed, and lost abundance of men, slain and taken Prisoners, through the Governor of Cranganors fault, who commanded them, and was drunk when the assault was made. Two months after, the General of the Hollanders resolved to make another assault in the same place; and because he would not want men, he sent for those that lay upon the side of Belle-epine. But by misfortune the Frigate struck upon the Sands, and splitting, abundance of the Soldiers were drowned. They that could swim, got to land near Cochin, not finding any either other place convenient, and were all taken Prisoners by the Portugals, being not above ten in all, Soldiers and Mariners. The General however would not give over the assault, but causing the Seamen to land, he armed some with half-Pikes, others with Swords, to others he gave hand-Granadoes, and about ten a Clock in the morning he began the assault, with four Companies, consisting each of a hundred and fifty men. The Hollanders lost abundance of men in this last assault, and so did the Portugueses, for they defended themselves stoutly, being seconded by two hundred Soldiers, who were all Dutchmen, though they sided with the Portugueses, because their Countrymen had abated them six months and a half pay for the loss of Tovan. Without the assistance of these Soldiers, the City had never held out two months, there being among them one of the best Dutch Engineers of his time, who had left his Countrymen by reason of their ill usage of him. At length the Hollanders having entered the Town toward evening, on Calivete side, and being Masters of the chief Bulwark, the Portugals came to a Capitulation, and the City was surrendered. The Portugals by their Articles marched out of Cochin with their Arms and Baggage; but when they came out of the City where the Hollanders were drawn up in Battalia, they were all forced to quit their Arms, and to lay them at the General's feet; except the Officers, who kept their Swords. The General had promised the Soldiers the Pillage of the Town, but not being able to keep his word, for several plausible reasons which he told, he promised them six months' pay, which in a few days after was reduced to eight Roupies a man. Samarin also demanded of him the City of Cranganor, according to his promise; which the General made good; but he caused all the Fortifications to be slighted first, and left Samarin nothing but the bore Walls. For being of a very mean Extraction, he was naturally as cruel and barbarous in his disposition. One time the Soldiers being so put to it for four days together, that they could get no food for money, two of them had somewhere taken a Cow and killed her; for which the General, when he came to know of it, caused one of them to be hanged immediately, and had ordered the other to have run the Gauntlet, had not King Perca interceded for him. King Perca, was a petty King of that Country, with whom the General was than in Treaty; and the Treaty being at length concluded, the General mustered all his Land and Seamen, to the number of about six thousand men. A few days after, he sent some Companies to besiege the City of Cananor, which surrendered without any resistance. When they returned, the General caused a Crown to be made for the new King of Cochin, the other being expelled his Country. And upon the day which he had appointed for this most solemn Coronation, the General sat upon a kind of a Throne, at the foot whereof, a Malavare or Pirate, being led ●●ither between three Captains of each side, fell upon his knees to receive the Crown from the General's hand, and to do homage for a petty Kingdom, that is to say, the little City of Cochin and its Territories, which were very small. The King and the King-maker were both alike. For no doubt it could not but be a pleasant fight, to see a Hollunder, that had been only the Cook of a Ship, crowning a miserable Pirate with those hands that had oftener handled a Ladle than a Sword. In the mean time the Ships that carried the Inhabitants of Cochin to Goa; returned laden with the spoils of those distressed people; for contrary to the Articles of Capitulation, the Hollanders were not sooner out at Sea, but they took from those poor Creatures whatever they had, rifling both men and women, without any regard to sex or modesty. The General being returned into Batavia, they sent a Governor to Cochin, who to make the place the stronger, demolished a great part of the City. But this Governor used the greatest rigour imaginable, even toward the Soldiers; he shut them up in the City as if they had been in a Prison; nor could they drink either. Wine, or Sury, or Strong-water, by reason of the great Imposts which he laid upon them. (Sury is a drink which flows from the Palm-trees.) So that when the Portugueses kept Cochin, men might live better for five or six Sous, than under the Hollander for ten. This Governor was so severe, that he would banish a man for the smallest fault in the world, to the Island of Ceylan, to a place where they made Brick, sometimes for five or or six years, sometimes as long as the party lived. For it is oftentimes observed, that when any one is banished thither, though the sentence be only for a term of years, yet the Exile never obtains his freedom afterwards. CHAP. XVII. The Passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan. I Departed from Gomron to Maslipatan the eleventh of May, 1652, and went aboard a great Vessel of the King of Golconda's, which is bound every year from Persia, laden with fine Calicuts, Chites, or Calicuts painted with a Pencil, which makes them much more beautiful and dearer than those which are printed. The Holland Company are want to allow to those Vessels which belong to any of the Kings or Princes of India, a Pilot, and two or three Gunners; neither the Indians nor Persians being expert in Navigation. In the Vessel where I was aboard there were but six Dutch Mariners at most, but above a hundred Natives. We failed out of the Persian Golf, with a pleasing and favourable Gale; but we had not sailed very far before we found the Sea very rough, and the Winds at South-West, so violent, though full in our Stern, that we were not able to carry out more than one small Sail. The next day, and for some days after, the Wind grew more violent, and the Sea more boisterous; so that being in the sixteenth Degree, which is the elevation of Goa, the Rain, the Thunder, and Lightning, rendered the Tempest the more terrible; insomuch that we could not carry out any other than our topsail, and that half furled. We passed by the Maldives Islands, but were not able to discern them, besides that the Ship had taken in very much water in the Hold. For the Ship had lain five months in the Road of Gomron, where if the Mariners are not very careful to wash the Planks that lie out of the water, they will be apt to gape, which causes the Ship to leak when she is loaden. For which reason the Hollanders wash the outside of their Ships morning and evening. We had in our Vessel five and fifty Horses, which the King of Persia had sent as a Present to the King of Golconda; and about a hundred Merchants, Persians and Armenians together, who were Traders to India. One whole day and night together there risen a cross Wind, so violent, that the Water rolled in from Stern to Stern, and the mischief was, that our Pumps were naught. By good fortune there was a Merchant that had two Bails of Russia Leather, besides four or five Saddlers that knew how to sow the Skins, who were very serviceable as well to the whole Ship as to themselves. For they made great Buckets of the Skins, four Skins to a Bucket, which being let down from the Masts with Pulleys, through certain great Holes which were cut in the Deck, drew up a vast quantity of Water. The same day the violence of the Tempest continuing, there fell three Thunderbolts into the Ship. The first fell upon the Boltsprit, and split it quite in two; and running along upon the Deck, killed three men. The second fell two hours after, and killed two men, shooting along as the other did from Head to Stern. The third followed presently after, the Master, the Master's Mate, and myself standing together near the main Mas●. At what time the Cook coming to ask the Master whether he should take up the Victuals, the Thunderbolt took him in the lower part of his Belly, made a little hole, and took of all the Hair as clean as they dress a Pig with hot water and Rosin, without doing him any more harm. Only when they came to anoint the little hole with Oil of Coco's he roared out through the sharpness of the pain which he endured. The twenty-fourth of June in the morning, we discovered Land; and making toward it, we found ourselves before Ponte de Galle, the first Town in the Island of Ceylan, which the Hollanders had taken from the Portugals. From thence to the Road of Maslipatan we had very good weather; where we arrived the second of July, an hour or two after Sunset. There I went ashore, and was most civilly treated by the Dutch Precedent, and Merchants, as also by the English. The eighteenth and nineteenth of June, the Sieur Du Jardin and I, bought us two Pallekiss, and six Oxen to carry ourselves, our Servants, and our Luggage. Our design was to have gone directly to Golconda, there to have sold the King a parcel of long Pearls, the lest whereof weighed thirty-four Carats, and the biggest thirtyfive, with some other Jewels, the most part whereof were Emeralds. But the Hollanders assuring us, that our journey would be to no purpose, in regard the King would buy nothing that was rare, or of a high price, till Mirgimola, his General and prime Minister of State, had viewed the Commodity; understanding therefore, that he was than at the Siege of Gandicot, in the Province of Carnatica, we resolved to go thither to him. CHAP. XVIII. The Road from Maslipatan to Gandicot, a City and Garrison in the Province of Carnatica. And of the deal which the Author had with Mirgimola, who commanded the King of Golconda's Army. With a discourse at large concerning Elephants. WE set forth from Maslipatan the twentieth of June, about five of the Clock in the Evening. The next day, being the one and twentieth, we travelled three Leagues, and lay at a Village called Nilmol. The two and twentieth, we travelled six Leagues, to Wouhiz, another Village; crossing the River upon a floating Bridge, before we came thither. The three and twentieth, after we had travelled six hours, we came to Patemet, a pitiful Village, where we were constrained to lie three days by reason of the Rains. The twentyseventh, we came to a great Town, called Bezovart; not being able to travel above a League and a half, because the Road was overflowed. There we were forced to stay four days, for the Rains had so swelled the River which we were to cross, that the Ferryman could not govern his Boat against the violence of the Stream. There we also left the Horses which the King of Persia sent to the King of Golconda; which by that time were reduced to fifty. While we stayed at Bezovart, we went to see several Pagods, of which the Country is full; there being more than in any other part of India; for unless it be the Governors of Towns; and some of their Domestics, all the rest of the Inhabitants are Idolaters. The Pagod belonging to the Town of Bezovart, is a very large one, but not closed with Walls; it consists of fifty-two Pillars twenty foot high, that uphold a flat roof of Freestone▪ they are adorned with several embossed Figures of ugly Devils, and several sorts of Creatures. Some of those Devils are made with four Horns, others with many Legs and many Tails, others lo●●ing out their Tongues, and others in several other ridiculous postures. The same Figures are cut in the Stone of the Roof, and between the Pillars stand the Statues of their Gods upon Pedestals. The Pagod is built in the midst of a Court, of a greater length than breadth, encompassed with Walls▪ which are adorned within and without, with the same Figures as the Pagod; and a Gallery uphold by sixty-six Pillars, runs round the Wall, after the manner of a Cloister. You enter into this Court through a wide Portal, upon which are two Niches, one above another, the first uphold by twelve, the other by eight Pillars. At the bottom of the Pillars of the Pagod, are certain old Indian Characters, of which the Priests of those Idolaters themselves can hardly tell the meaning. We went to see another Pagod, built upon a Hill, to which there is an ascent of a hundred and ninety-three steps, every one a foot high. The Pagod is foursquare, with a Cupola at the top; and has the same embossed Figures, as the Pagod of Bezovart, round about the Walls. In the middle there is an Idol sitting crosslegged, after the manner of the Country; and in that sitting posture it is about four foot high; upon the Head it has a Triple Crown, from which four Horns extend themselves; and it has the face of a man, turned toward the East. The Pilgrims that come out of devotion to these Pagods, when they enter, clasp their hands together, and rear them up to their foreheads; than they advance toward the Idol, tossing their two hands so clasped together, and crying out several times Ram, Ram, that is to say, God, God. When they come near, they ring a little Bell that hangs upon the Idol itself, after they have besmeared the Face, and several parts of the Body, with several sorts of Painting. Some there are that bring along with them Viols of Oil, with which they anoint the Idol; and besides, they make an Offering to it of Sugar, Oil, and other things proper to be eaten; the richer sort also adding pieces of Silver. There are sixty Priests that belong to the Idol, and maintain themselves, their Wives and Children upon the Offerings brought to the Idol. But to the end the Pilgrims may believe the Idol takes them, the Priests let them lie two days, and the third day in the evening they take them away. When any Pilgrim goes to a Pagod, to be cured of any distemper, he brings the Figure of the Member affected made either in Gold, Silver, or Copper, according to his quality, which he offers to his god; and than falls a singing, as all the rest do, after they have offered. Before the Gate of the Pagod, there is a flat Roof, upheld by sixteen Pillars, and right against it, is another upheld by eight; which serves for the Priests Kitchin. On the Southside there is a large Platform cut in the Mountain, where there is a pleasing shade of many fair Trees, and several Wells digged in the ground. Pilgrims come far and near to this Pagod; and if they be poor, the Priests relive them with what they receive from the rich, that come there out of devotion. The great Feast of this Pagod is in the month of October, at which time there is a great concourse of people from all parts. While we were there, there was a Woman that had not stirred out of the Pagod for three days together; and her prayer to the Idol was, since she had lost her Husband, to know what she should do to bring up her Children. Thereupon ask one of the Priests, wherefore she had no answer, or whether she was to have any answer or not; he told me, that she must wait the pleasure of their God, and that than he would give her an answer to what she expected. Upon this I mistrusted some cheat, and to discover it, I resolved to go into the Pagod when all the Priests were absent at Dinner, there being only one that stood at the Gate, whom I sent to fetch me some water at a Fountain two or three Musket-shot from the place. During that time I went in, and the Woman hearing me, redoubled her cries; for there being no light in the Pagod, but what comes in at the door, it is very dark. I felt my way to the Idol, and by the glimmering light observed an hole behind the Idol. I could not do this so quickly, but that the Priest returned before I had done, He cursed me for profaning his Temple, as he called it. But we became suddenly very good friends by the mediation of two Roupies which I put into his hands, whereupon he presently presented me with some of his Betlé The one and thirtieth, we departed from Bezovart, and passed the River which runs to the Mine of Gani or Colour. It was than near half a league broad, by reason of the great Rains which had fallen continually for eight or nine days together. After we had travelled three leagues on the other side of the River 〈◊〉 came to a great Pagod built upon a large Platform, with an ascent of 15 or 20 steps. Within it stood the Figure of a Gow, all of very black-Marble▪ and a number of deformed Idols four or five-foot-high; some having many heads, others many hands and legs: and the most ugly are most adored, and receive most Offerings. A quarter of a league from this Pagod is a large Town; but we travelled three leagues farther, and came to li● at another Town, called Kab-Kali, near to which there is a small Pagod, wherein there stand five or six Idols of Marble very well-made. The first of August we came to a great City called Condev●●, with a double-Moat, paved at the bottom with Freestone. The way to this Town is closed on each side with strong Walls, and at such and such distances are built certain round Towers of little or no defence. This City toward the East stretches out to a Mountain about a league in compass, and surrounded with Walls. At the distance of every 150 paces, there is as it were an halfmoon, and within the Walls are three Fortresses. The second, we travelled six leagues, and lay at a Village called Copenour▪ The third day, after we had travelled eight leagues, we came to Adanquige, a very fair Town, where there is a very large Pagod, with abundance of Chambers which were built for the Priests; but are now gone to ruin. There are also in the Pagod certain Idols, but very much maimed, which the People however very superstitiously adore. The fourth, we travelled eight leagues, and came to lie at the Town of Nosdrepar. Half a league on this side there is a great River; but at that time it had but little water in it; by reason of the drought. The fifth, after eight leagues journey we lay at Condecour. The sixth, we travelled seven hours, and lay at a Village called Dakije. The seventh, after three leagues journey we came to Nelour, where there are many Pagods, and having crossed a great River, a quarter of a league farther, we travelled six leagues, and came to Gandaron. The eighth, after a journey of eight hours we lay at Sereplé, a small Village. The ninth, we travelled nine leagues, and lay at a good Town called Ponter. The tenth, we travelled eleven hours, and lay at Senepgond, another good Town. The eleventh, we went no farther than Palicat, which is but four leagues from Senepgond; and of those four leagues we travelled above one in the Sea, up to the Saddles of our Horses in water. There is another way, but it is the farther about by two or three leagues. Palicat is a Fort that belongs to the Hollanders that live upon the Coast of Coromandel; and where they have their chief Factory, where lives also the chief Intendent over all the rest that are in the Territories of the King of Golconda. There are usually within the Fort 200 Soldiers, or thereabouts, besides several Merchants that live there upon the account of Trade; and several others, who having served the Company according to their agreement, retire to that place. There also devil some of the Natives of the Country; so that Palicat is now as it were a little Town. Between the Town and the Castle there is a large distance of ground, jest the Fort should be annoyed by shot from the Town. The Bastions are well-stored with good Guns: And the Sea comes up to the very Wall of it; but there is no Haven, only a Road. We stayed in the Town till the next day in the evening, where we observed, that when the Inhabitants fetch their water to drink, they stay till the Sea is quite out, and than digging holes in the Sand as near the Sea as they can, they meet with freshwater. The twelfth, we departed from Calicat, and the next morning about ten of the clock we came to Madrespatan, otherwise called Fort St. George, which belongs to the English, having travelled not above seven or eight leagues that day. We lay at the Covent of Capuchins, at what time Father Ephraim, and Father Zenon were both there. The fifteenth, we went to St. Thomas' Town, to see the Austin-Friars, and the Jesuits Church, in the first whereof is an Iron-lance, wherewith they say that St. Thomas was Martyred. The two and twentieth, in the morning we departed from Madrespatan, and after a journey of five leagues we arrived at a large Town called Serravaron. The three and twentieth, after 7 leagues travel, we came to Oudecot, the whole days journey being over a flat sandy Country. On each side there are only Copses of Bambou's that grow very high. Some of these Copses are so thick, that it is impossible for a man to get into them; but they are pestered with prodigious numbers of Apes: Those that breed in the Copses upon one side of the way, are enemies to them that are bred on the other side; so that they dare not cross from one side to the other, but they are in danger of being immediately strangled. Here we had good sport by setting the Apes together by the ears; which is done after this manner. This part of the Country, at every leagues end, is closed up with Gates and Barr icado's where there is a good Guard▪ kept, and where all Passengers are examined whither they go, and whence they come; so that men may safely travel there with their Money in their hands. In several parts of this Road there is Rice to be sold; and they that would see the sport, cause five or six Baskets of Rice to be set in the Road▪ some forty or fifty paces one from the other, and close by every Basket they lay five or six batoons about two-foot-long, and two inches about; than they retire and hid themselves: presently they shall see the Apes on both sides of the way descend from the tops of the Bambov's, and advance toward the Baskets which are full of Rice: They are about half an hour showing their teeth one at the other before they come near the Baskets; sometimes they advance, than retreat again, being loathe to encounter. At length the female-Baboons, who are most courageous than the males, especially those that have young ones, which they carry in their arms, as woman do their Children, venture to a approach the Basket, and as they are about to put in their heads to eat, the males on the other side advance to hinder them. Immediately the other party comes forward, and thus the feud being kindled on both sides, they take up the Battoons that lie by the Baskets, and thrash one another in good earnest. The weakest are constrained to fly into the wood with their pates broken, and their limbs maimed; while the Masters of the Field glut themselves with Rice. Though it may be, when their bellies are full, they will suffer some of the female-party to come and partake with them. The four and twentieth, we travelled nine leagues, all the way being like the Road the day before, as far as Naraveron. The five and twentieth, after a journey of eight hours, through a Country of the same nature, meeting at every two or three leagues end with Gates and Guards, we came in the evening to Gazel. The six and twentieth, we travelled nine leagues, and came to lie at Courva, where there was nothing to be found neither for Man nor Beast, so that our cattle were forced to be contented with a little Grass, which was cut on purpose for them. Courva is only a celebrated Pagod; by which, at our arrival, we saw several bands of Soldiers pass by, some with Half-pikes, some with Muskets, and some with Clubs, who were going to join with one of the principal Commanders of Mirgimola's Army, who was encamped upon a rising-ground not far from Courva; the place being pleasant and cool, by reason of the great number of Trees and Fountains that grace it. When we understood the Captain was so near, we went to wait upon him, and found him sitting in his Tent with many Lords of the Country all Idolaters. After we had presented him with a pair of Pocket-Pistols inlaid with Silver, he demanded of us what had brought us into that Country; but when we told him that we came to attend Mirgimola, Generalissimo of the King of Golconda's Army, about business, he was infinitely kind to us: However, understanding that he took us for Hollanders, we told him we were not Hollanders, but Frenchmen. Thereupon, not understanding what Nation we were, he fell into a long discourse with us about the Government of our Country, and the Grandeur of our King. Six or seven days before, they had taken five or six Elephants, three whereof had escaped, having killed ten or twelve of the Natives who assisted in the Chase; in pursuit whereof the General was preparing; and because we could not stay to see the sport, we were contented to inform ourselves of the manner of hunting that vast Animal; which is thus. They cut out several Alleys or Walks in the Wood, which they dig full of great deep holes, and cover with Hurdles strowed over with a little earth. Than the Hunter's hooping and hollowing, and beating up Drums, with Pikes that have Wildfire tied to the end of them, force the Elephant into those Walks, where he tumbles into the holes, not being able to rise again. Than they fetch Ropes and Chains: and some they bring under their bellies, others they wind about their legs and trunk, and when they think they have sufficiently hampered the Beast, they have certain Engines ready, wherewithal to draw him up. Nevertheless, of five, three escaped, notwithstanding the cords and chains about their bodies and their legs. The people told us one thing which seemed very wondered; which was, that these Elephants having been once deceived, and having escaped the snare, are very mistrustful ever after; and when they get into the Wood again, they break of a great bough from one of the Trees with their trunk, with which they examine every step they go, before they set down their feet, to try whether there be any hole or no in their way. So that the Hunters that told us the Story, seemed to be out of hopes of ever taking those three Elephants which had escaped. Had we been assured that we might have been eye-witnesses of this miraculous precaution of the Elephant, we would have stayed three or four days, whatever urgent business we had had. The Captain himself was a kind of a Brigadeer, that commanded three or fourthousand men, who were quartered half a league round the Country. The seven and twentieth, after two hours' travel, we came to a great Village, where we saw the two Elephants which had been so lately taken. Every one of the two wild Elephants was placed between two tame ones. Round about the wild Elephants stood six men, with every one an Half-pike in their hands, and a lighted-Torch fastened at the end of the Pike, who talked to the Beasts, giving them meat, and crying out in their language, Take it, eat it. The food which they gave them was a little bottle of Hey, some pieces of brown-Sucre, and Rice boiled in water, with some few corns of Pepper. If the wild Elephants refused to do as they were bidden, the men made signs to the tame Elephants to beaten them, which they did, banging the refractory Elephant upon the head and forehead with their trunks; and if he offered to make any resistance, the other Elephant thwacked him on the other side; so that the poor Elephant, not knowing what to do, was constrained to learn obedience. Being thus fallen into the Story of Elephants, I will add some other observations, which I have made upon the nature of those Animals. Though the Elephant never meddles with the female, after he is once taken, yet he is sometimes seized with a kind of lustful rage. One day that Sha-jehan was an Hunting upon one of his Elephants, with one of his Sons that sat by him to fan him, the Elephant became so furious by reason of his lust, that the Governor who was by no means able to master him, declared to the King, that to alloy the fury of the Elephant, who would else doubtless bruise him to pieces among the Trees, there was no way, but for one of the three to forfeit his life: and that he would willingly sacrifice his for the safety of the King and the Prince his Son. Only he desired his Majesty to take care of three small Children which he must leave behind him. Having so said, he threw himself under the Elephant's-feets, who had not sooner taken him in his trunk and squeezed him to pieces with his feet, but he grew as quiet and peaceable as before. The King, as an acknowledgement for so famous a deliverance, gave to the poor two-hunder'd-thousand Roupies, and highly advanced every one of the Sons of him that had so generously laid down his life for the safety of his Sovereign. I observed also, that though the Elephant's skin be very hard while he is alive; yet when he is dead, it is just like melted-glue. Elephants are brought from several parts of India; as from the Island of C●ylan, where they are very small; but the most courageous of all: from the Isle of Sumatra; from the Kingdom of Cochin; from the Kingdom of Siam; and from the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Boutam near the Great- Tartary. They are brought also from the Coast of Melinda, Eastward of Africa: where they are in very great numbers, according to the report of a Portuguese-captain, made at Goa, who came from thence to make some complaint against the Governor of Mozambique. He told me that he had seen all along that Coast several Parks that were impaled with nothing but Elephants-teeths, the lest of which Parks is above a league about: He added farther, that the Blacks of the Country hunt their Elephants, and eat the Flesh. But they are obliged to give the tusks of every one they kill to the Lord of the place. When they intent to take their Elephants in the Island of Ceylan, they make a long lane, closed in on both sides, so that the Elephant can neither run to the right nor to the left: this lane is broad at the first, but grows narrower and narrower, till there is no more room left at the farther-end than for the female-Elephant to lie down, which must be one that is covetous of the male at the same time. Though she be tame, yet she is bound with good Ropes and Cords, and by her cries will call the male-Elephant, who presently runs through the lane towards her. Now when the Elephant comes where the lane grows narrow, they that lie hid for that purpose, immediately barricado up the lane behind, and when he comes near the female, there is another Barricado set up that stops him from going any farther. When he is thus between the Barricado's, they so entangle his legs and trunk with ropes and cords, that he is soon taken, having no way to help himself. The same way they use for the most part in the Kingdoms of Siam, and Pegu, only that the Natives there mount the female-Elephant, and go to found out the male in the Forests. And when they have met with his haunt, they tie the female to the most convenient place they can found, and than they fix their snares for the Elephant, who in a short time hastens toward the female, hot for Generation, where her cries call him. This is observable of the female-Elephant, that when she gins to be hot, she gathers together a great heap of herbs and weeds, and makes herself a kind of bed some four or five-foot-high from the ground, where contrary to the custom of all other creatures, she lies upon her back, in expectation of the male, whom she calls to her by a peculiar cry. This is also particular to the Elephants in the Isle of Ceylan, that only the first Elephant which the female produces, has any tusks. And it is also observable, that the Ivory which comes from Achen when it is wrought, has this peculiar quality with it, that it never grows yellow, like that which comes out of the Continent, and from the East-indieses, which makes it more esteemed, and dearer than any other. When the Merchants bring Elephants to any place to cell, 'tis a pleasant sight to see them go along. For in regard there are generally old and young together, when the old ones are gone by, the children will be running after the little ones to play with them, and give them something or other to eat. While the young Elephants, which are very wanton, are busily taking what is offered them, the children leap upon their backs: but when the young Elephants that jately stopped for the lucre of the Victuals perceiving their Dams, a great way before, double their pace, and playing with their trunks, throw the children of their backs to the ground, yet without doing them any harm. Notwithstanding all the enquiry I have made, I could never found exactly how long an Elephant will live. Nor can all the Governors and keepers of those creatures tell you more, than such an Elephant has been in the possession of their Father, their Grandfather, and great Grandfather. And by that computation, I found that they had lived some of them sixscore, or an hundred and thirty years. The greatest part of those that have made Relations of India, boldly affirm that the Great Mogul keeps three or fourthousand Elephants. But being myself at Jehanabad, where the King at present resides, he that was chief Master of the Elephants, assured me that the King had not above five-hundred Elephants▪ which were called Elephants of the House, made use of only to carry the Women, their Tents, and Luggage; but that for the Wars, he only kept fourscore, or fourscore and ten at most. The noblest of the latter sort is always reserved for the King's Eldest Son, the allowance for his food and other necessaries being 500 Roupies a month, which comes to 750 Liures. There are some that are not allowed above 50, others 40, others, 30, and some but 20 Roupies. But those Elephants that are allowed an hundred, two-hundered, three-hundered or fourhundered Roupies a-month, have belonging to them certain Horsemen that live upon the same pay, and two or three young fellows to fan them during the heat of the weather. All these Elephants are not always kept in the City: the greatest part being led out every morning into the fields, or among the thickets, where they feed upon the branches of Trees, Sucre-canes, and Millet, to the great detriment of the poor Country man. But not a little to the profit of their Keepers; for the lesle they eat at home, the more they gain into their own purses. The twentyseventh of August, we travelled six leagues, and lay at a great Town called Ragia-peta. The twenty-eighth, after eight leagues journey we came to Ondecour. The twenty-ninth, after nine hours' travel we arrived at Outemeda, where there is one of the greatest Pagods in all India. It is all built of large Freestone, and it has three Towers, where there stand several deformed figures of Embossed-work. It is encompassed with many little Chambers for the Priests Lodgings: five-hundred paces beyond there is a wide Lake, upon the banks whereof are built several Pagods eight or ten-foot-square; and in every one an Idol representing the shape of some Devil, with a Brameré, who takes care that no stranger that is not of their superstition, shall come to wash, or take any water out of the Lake. If any stranger desires any water, they bring it in earthen-pots: and if by chance their pot touches the stranger's Vessel, they break it immediately. They told me also that if any stranger, not of their superstition, should hap by accident to wash in that Lake, they must be forced to drain the lake of all the water that was in at that time. As for their alms, they are very charitable; for there passes by no person in necessity, or that begs of them, but they give them to eat and drink of such as they have. There are several Women that sit upon the Road, whereof some of them always keep fire for Travellers to light their Tobacco by. Nay, they will give a Pipe to some that have none at all. Others boil Rice with Quicheri, which is a grain somewhat like our Hempseed. Others boil Beans with their Rice, because the water wherein they are boiled never puts those that are overhot into a pleurisy. There are Women that have vowed to perform these acts of Charity to strangers for seven or eight years, some for more, some for lesle, according to their convenience. And to every Traveller they give some of their Beans, and Rice-water, and an handful of Rice to eat. There are other Women upon the highway, and in the fields, looking behind their Horses, their Oxen, and their Cows, who have made vows never to eat but what they found indigested in the dung of those Beasts. Now in regard there is neither Barley nor Oats in that Country, they give their Cattles certain great crooked Pease, which they bruise before between two Millstones: and than lay them in steep for half an hour; for they are a very solid substance, and hard to be digested. They give their cattle these Pease every evening; and in the morning they feed them with two pound of dark-brown-Sugar, like Wax, kneaded together with as much Meal, and onepound of Butter, whereof the Ostlers or Grooms make little round Balls which they thrust down their throats; for otherwise they would never eat them. Afterwards they wash their mouths, that are all over clammed, especially their teeth, which makes them have such an aversion against that sort of food. All the day long they pull up the grass and weeds, by the roots, and give their cattle, being very careful of letting them eat any of the earth. The thirty'th, we travelled eight leagues, and lay at a place called Goulupalé. The one and thirty'th, after we had travelled nine hours, we stopped at Gogeron. The first of September we travelled but six leagues, and came to lie at Gandicot. It was but eight days before, that the Nahab had taken that City, after a Siege of three months. Nor had it been taken without the assistance of certain Frenchmen, who had forsaken the service of the Dutch-Company, by reason of ill-usage. They had also several English and Dutch-Cannoneers, with two or three Italians, which mainly forwarded the surrender of that place. Gandicot is one of the strongest Cities in the Kingdom of Carnatica. It is situated upon the point of an high Mountain; there being but one ascent to it, not above twenty or five and twenty-foot-broad at most; in some places not above seven or eight-foot-wide. On the right-hand of the way, which is cut out of the Mountain, there is a most hideous precipice; at the bottom whereof runs a vast River. Upon the top of the Mountain there is a small plain, but a quarter of a league broad, and about half a league long. This is all sowed with Rice and Millet, and watered with many little Springs. The top of the plain on the Southside, where the City is built, is encompassed with precipices, two Rivers running at the bottom, which form the point. So that there is but one Gate to enter into the City from the plain-side; and that too fortified with three good walls of Freestone, with Moats paved at the bottom with Freestone; so that the besieged had but only one quarter of the City to defend, containing about five hundred paces. They had but two Iron-Guns, the one carrying twelve-pound-Ball, the other eight. The one was planted upon the Gate, the other upon a point of a kind of a Bastion. So that until the Nahab had found the way to mount his Cannon upon a very high place near the City, he lost a great number of men by several sallies which the Besieged made. The Raja that was within, was esteemed one of the bravest and most experienced Captains that ever were amongst the Idolaters: whereupon, the Nahab finding that the place was not to be taken, unless he could get up his Cannon to the top of that steep ascent, sent for all the Frenchmen that were in the King's service, promising to every one four months extraordinary pay, if they could found a way to mount his Cannon up to the top of such a place; wherein they had the good-hap to be very successful. For they mounted four pieces of Cannon, and were so prosperous, as to hit the great Gun that was planted upon the Gate, and tender it unserviceable. At length, when they had beaten down good part of the Wall of the City, the Besieged came to capitulate, and marched out of the Town upon good Articles. The day we arrived, all the Army was encamped at the foot of the Mountain, in a plain, through which there ran a very fair River; where the Nahab mustered his Cavalry, and found them in a very good condition. An English-Cannoneer and an Italian seeing Monsieur Jardin and myself pass by, guessed us to be Frangui's; and because it was late, accosted us very civilly, and obliged us to stay with them all night. By them we understood that there was in the City a French-Engineer, whose name was Claudius Maille of Bourges, and that he was employed by the Nahab to cast some pieces of Cannon which the Nahab intended to leave in the City. The next day we went into the City, and found out Maille's Lodging, having been acquainted with him at Batavia; who informing the Nahab of our arrival, he presently sent us Provision for ourselves and our beasts. The third day we went to wait upon the Nahab, who had pitched his Tents upon that part of the plain near the place where the way is cut out of the Rock. We informed him of the cause of our coming, telling him that we had some Commodities that were rare, and worth the King's buying; but that we were unwilling to show them to the King till he had seen them; believing it our duty to tender him that respect. The Nahab was very well-pleased with our Compliment; and after he had caused us to be presented with Betlé, we took our leaves of him, and returned to our Lodgings, whither he sent to us two Bottles of Wine, one of Sack, and the other of Sehiras, which is a rare thing in that Country. The fourth day we waited upon him again, and carried along with us some Pearls of an extraordinary weight, beauty and bigness; the lest whereof weighed twenty four Carats. After he had viewed them and showed them to some of the Lords that were about him, he asked the price, which when we had set him, he returned us our Jewels and told us he would consider of it. The tenth day he sent for us in the morning, and after he had caused us to sit down by him, he sent for five small Bags full of Diamonds, every Bag containing a good handful. They were lose Stones, of a very black Water, and very small; none of them exceeding a Carat, or a Carat and a half; but otherwise very clean. There were some few that might weigh two Carats. After the Nahab had shown us all, he asked us whether they would cell in our Country. We made answer, that they might have been for sale in our Country, provided they had not been of a black Water; for that in Europe we never esteemed any Diamonds, but such as were clean and white, having but a small esteem for any others. It seems, that when he first undertook the Conquest of this Kingdom for the King of Golconda, they informed him that there were Diamond Ours in it. Whereupon he sent twelve thousand men to dig there; who in a whole years' time could found no more than those five small Bags full. Whereupon the Nahab perceiving that they could found none but brown Stones, of a Water inclining much more to black than white, thought it but loss of time, and so sent all the people back to their Husbandry. The eleventh, the French Cannoneers came all to the Nahab's Tent, complaining that he had not paid them the four months pay which he had promised them; threatening him, that if he did not discharge it, they would leave him; to which the Nahab promised to give them satisfaction the next day. The twelfth, the Cannoneers not failing to give him another visit, the Nahab paid them three months, and promised to pay them the fourth before the month were out; but so soon as they had received their Money, they fell a feasting one another, so that the Dancing Wenches carried away the greatest part of their Coin. The thirteenth, the Nahab went out to see the Guns which Maille had undertaken to cast. For which purpose he had sent for Brass from all parts, and got together a great number of Idols which the Soldiers had pillaged out of the Pagods as they marched along. Now you must know, that in Gandicot there was one Pagod, said to be the fairest in all India, wherein there were several Idols, some of Gold, and others of Silver; amongst the rest there were six of Brass, three sitting upon their Heels, and three upon their Feet, ten foot high. These Idols were made use of among the rest. But when Maille also had provided all things ready, he could not make those six Idols run, that were taken out of the great Pagod of Gandicot, though he melted all the rest. He tried several ways, but it was impossible for him to do it, whatever expense the Nahab was at; nay though the Nahab threatened to hung the Priests for having enchanted those Idols. And thus Maille could never make any more than only one single piece, and that split upon trial; so that he was forced to leave the work unfinished, and soon after left the Nahabs service. The fourteenth, we went to take our leaves of the Nahab, and to know what he had further to say to us, concerning the Commodities we had than shown him. But than he told us, he was busy at present about the examination of certain Offenders which were brought before him. For it is the custom of that Country, never to put a man in Prison; but as soon as the Offender is taken, he is examined, and sentence is pronounced upon him, according to his crime, which is immediately executed; or if the party taken, be found innocent, he is as soon acquitted. And let the controversy be of what nature it will, it is presently decided. The fifteenth in the morning, we went to wait upon him again, and were immediately admitted into his Tent, where he sat with his two Secretaries by him. The Nahab was sitting according to the custom of the Country, barefoot, like one of our Tailors, with a great number of Papers sticking between his Toes, and others between the Fingers of his left hand, which Papers he drew sometimes from between his Toes, sometimes from between his Fingers, & ordered what answers should be given to every one. After his Secretaries had wrote the answers, he caused them to read them, and than took the Letters and sealed them himself; giving some to Foot Messengers, others to Horsemen. For you must know, that all those Letters which are sent by Foot-Posts all over India, go with more speed than those which are carried by Horsemen. The reason is, because at the end of every two Leagues there are little Huts, where there are men always ready, who are engaged to run away immediately; so that when one of these men that carries the Letters, comes to one of these Huts, he throws the Letters into the Hut, and than he that is appointed, runs with them to the next Stage. They look upon it as an ill Omen, to give the Letters into the Messenger's hands; but they must be thrown at his feet, and he must gather them up. It is to be observed also, that the high ways in most parts of India, are like Walks of Trees; and that where there are no Trees, at every five hundred paces distance there are set up little Heaps of Stones, which the Inhabitants of the next Villages are bound to whitewash from time to time, to the end those Letter-Carriers may not miss their ways in dark and Rainy nights. While we stayed with the Nahab, certain Officers came to tell him, that they had brought certain Offenders to the door of his Tent. He was above half an hour before he returned them any answer, writing on, and giving instructions to his Secretaries; but by and by, all of a sudden he commanded the Offenders to be brought in, and after he had examined them, and made them confess the crime of which they stood accused, he was above an hour before he said a word, still writing on, and employing his Secretaries. In the mean while several of the Officers of the Army came to tender their respects to him in a very submissive manner, all whom he answered only with a nod. There was one of the Offenders which were brought before him, had broken into a House, and had killed the Mother and three Children. He was condemned upon the spot to have his Hands and Feet cut of, and to be cast out into the high way, there to end his days in misery. Another had robbed upon the Highway; for which the Nahab ordered his Belly to be ripped up, and himself to be cast upon the Dunghill. I know not what crimes the other two had committed, but their heads were both cut of. When we perceived him at a little leisure, we asked him whether he had any other Commands, to lay upon us, and whether he thought our Commodities fitting to be shown to the King. He answered, that we might go to Golconda, and that he would writ to his Son in our behalf, and that his Letter would be there sooner than we. And in order to our journey, he ordered us sixteen Horsemen to convoy us, and to provide us necessaries upon the Road, till we came to a River, thirteen Leagues from Gandicot, which no persons are to pass, unless they have the Nahab's Passport, to keep the Soldiers from running from their Colours. CHAP. XIX. The Road from Gandicot to Golconda. THE sixteenth in the morning, we set out of Gandicot, accompanied with the greatest part of the Cannoneers, who brought us the first days journey upon our way; and that day having travelled seven Leagues, we came to lie at Cotepaeli. The seventeenth, the Cannoneers took their leaves of us; and we kept on our journey with our Horsemen; and having travelled six Leagues, we lay at a Village called Co●een, on the other side of the River, which is very broad. So soon as we had crossed it, the Horsemen took their leaves of us; and though we made them a present of Roupies, to buy them Tobacco and beetle, yet we could not persuade them to take it. Their Ferry-Boats wherewith they cross the River, are like broad bottomed Wicker Flaskets, covered without with Ox's Hides; at the bottom whereof they lay certain Faggots, over which they spread a piece of old Tapestry, to keep the Wares and Merchandise from the wet. As for their Coaches and Wagons, they fasten them between two Boats, by the Wheels and the Pole; the Horses swimming all the while, one man whipping them on behind, while another in the Boat holds them up by the Headstall. As for the Oxen that carry the Luggage, as soon as ever they come to the River side, and that they have unladed them, they only drive them into the River, and they will swim over of themselves. There are four men that stand upright at the four Corners of the Boat, and row it along with broad pieces of Wood, made like Shovels. If they do not all strike their strokes together, but that any of the four misses, the Boat will turn round two or three times; and the stream carries it a great way lower than where they intended to land. The eighteenth, after five hours' travel we arrived at Morimal. The nineteenth, we travelled nine Leagues, and lay at Santesela. The twentieth, we travelled nine Leagues more, and lay at Goremedae. The one and twentieth, after six hours' travel, we spent the night at Kaman, a Frontier Town in the Kingdom of Golconda, till the Conquest of Carnatica by Mirgimola. The two and twentieth, we travelled seven Leagues, and came to lie at Emelipata. When we were about half the way, we met above four thousand persons, men and women; and above twenty Pallekiss, in every one whereof was an Idol. They were adorned with Cover of Satin, purfled with Gold, and Velvets with Gold and Silver Fringe. Some of these Pallekiss were born by four men; others by eight, and some by twelve, according as the Idols were in bigness and weight. On each side of the Pallekie, walked a man, with a large Fan in his hand, five Foot in compass, made of Ostriches and Peacocks Feathers, of various colours. The handle of the Fan was five or six foot long, laid all over with Gold and Silver, about the thickness of a French Crown. Every one was officious to carry one of those Fans, to keep the Flies from the Idols Face. There was another Fan, which was carried close by the Idol, somewhat larger than the Former, without a handle, and was born just like a Target. It was adorned with Feathers of several colours, and little Bells of Gold and Silver, round about the Edges. He that carried it went always near the Idol upon the same side, to shade the Idol; for to have shut the Curtains would have been too hot. Ever and anon, he that carried that sort of Fan, brandished it in the air, to make the Bells ring; which they presumed to be a kind of Pastime to the Idol. All these people with their Idols came from Brampour, and the adjacent parts, and were going to visit their great Ram, that is to say, their chief God, who stands in a Pagod in the Territories of the King of Carnatica. They had been about thirty days upon the Road, and were to travel fourteen or fifteen more, before they came to this Pagod. One of my Servants, who was a Native of Brampour, and of the same Superstition, begged me to give him leave to bear his god's Company, telling me withal, that he had made a vow long since to go this Pilgrimage. I was constrained to let him go. For had I not given him leave, I knew he would have taken it, by reason he had much acquaintance and kindred among the Rabble. About two months after, he returned again to us to Surat, and because he had faithfully served Monsieur Jardin and myself, we made no scruple to take him again. Ask him some questions about his Pilgrimage, he related to me this following passage: six days after he left me, all the Pilgrims had made an account to go and lie at such a village, to which before they came they were to cross a River, that has but little Water in Summer, so that it is easily fordable. But when it reins in India, the Water falls with such a force, that it seems to be a perpendicular deluge; and in lesle than an hour or two a small River shall swell three or four foot high. The Rains having overtaken those Pilgrims, the River was swelled in that manner, that it was impossible to pass it that day. Now because it is not necessary for Travellers in India to carry provisions, especially for the Idolaters, who never eat any thing that ever had life; in regard that in the lest village you may meet with abundance of Rice, Meal, Butter, Milk Meats, Lentils, and other Pulse, besides Sugar, and Sweetmeats, dry and moist. The people were very much surprised, having no victuals, when they came and saw the River swelled. In short, they had nothing to give their Children to eat; which caused great lamentations among them. In this extremity the chiefest of their Priests sat himself down in the midst of them, and covering himself with a sheet, began to cry out that. they who would have any Victuals should come to him; when they came, he asked every one what they would have, whether Rice, or Meal, and for how many persons; and than lifting up the corner of the sheet, with a great Ladle he distributed to every one that which they asked for; so that the whole multitude of four thousand Souls was fully satisfied. My Servant did not only tell me this story, but going several times afterwards to Brampour, where I was known to the chief men in the City, I enquired of several, who swore to me by their Ram, Ram, that it was truth. Though I am not bound to believe it. The twenty-third, we arrived at Doupar, after we had travelled eight leagues, and crossed several Torrents. The twenty-fourth, we travelled eight leagues, and came to Tripante; where there is a great Pagod upon a Hill, to which there is a circular ascent of Freestone every way; the lest Stone being ten foot long, and three broad: and there are several Figures of Daemons in the Pagod. Amongst the rest, there is the Statue of Venus, standing upright, with several lascivious Figures about her; all which Figures are of one piece of Marble; but the Sculpture is very ordinary. The twenty-fifth, we travelled eight leagues, and came to Mamli. The twenty-sixth, we travelled eight leagues more, and came to lie at Macheli. The twentyseventh, we travelled not above three leagues, being to cross a wide River in Boats like Panniers; which usually takes up half the day; for when you come to the River side, there is neither Pannier nor any thing else to cross it. There was only one man, with whom we bargained for our passage; who to try whether our money be good or not, made a great fire and threw it into the flame, as he does to all others that pass that way. If among the Roupies which he receives, he meets with any one that turns a little black, you must give him another, which he presently heats read hot; when he finds his Money to be good, he calls to his Companions to fetch the Mannequin or Flasket-Boat, which lay hid before in some other part of the River. For these sort of people are so cunning, that if they descry any Passengers afar of, they will row their Mannequin to the other side, because they will not be constrained to carry any person over without Money. But the Money being paid, the man that receives it; calls his Companions together, who take the Boat upon their Shoulders, and when they have launched it into the River, they fetch their Passengers and goods from the other side. The twenty-eighth, having travelled five leagues, we came to a place called Dabir-Pinta. The twenty-ninth, after twelve hours' travel, we came to lie at Holcora. The thirtieth, we travelled eight leagues, and came to spend our night at Peridera. The first of October, after we had travelled ten leagues, we came to lie at Atenara. This is a House of Pleasure, which the present King's Mother caused to be built. There are many Chambers in a great Piazza belonging to it, for the convenience of Travellers. You must take notice, that in all the Countries where we travelled as well in the Kingdom of Carnatica, as the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, there are no Physicians, but such as attend Kings and Princes. As for the common people, after the Rains are fallen, and that it is time to gather Herbs, you shall see every morning the good women of the Towns going into the Fields, to gather such Simples which they know to be proper for such Diseases as reign in the Family. 'Tis very true, that in great Cities there may be one or two men that have some common Receipts, who go every morning, and sit in some known places, to give their Remedies to such as inquire for them, whether they be Potions or Plasters. First they feel their Pulses, and than giving them some remedy, for which they do not demand the value of six pence; they also at the same time mutter certain words between their teeth. The second of October, we had but four leagues to travel before we came to Golconda. We went immediately to the Lodging of a young Dutch Chirurgeon, belonging to the King, whom the Sieur Cheteur, Envoy from Batavia, had left at Golconda upon the King's earnest entreaty. The King was always very much troubled with the headache: For which reason the Physicians had ordered that he should be let blood in four places under the tongue; but there was no person that would undertake to do it: for the Natives of the Country understand nothing of Chirurgery. Now before that Peter de Lan, for that was the Dutch▪ Chirurgion's name, was entertained in the King's service, he was asked whether he could let blood? To which he answered, that there was nothing so easy in Chirurgery. Some few days after the King sent for him, and gave him to understand that he was resolved to be let blood the next day in four parts under the tongue, as the Physicians had ordered, but he should take a care of not drawing away above eight ounces. De Lan returning the next day to Court, was lead into a Chamber by three Eunuches, and four Old-women, who carried him to a Bath, and after they had undressed him, and washed him, especially his hands; they anointed him with Aromatic-drugs, and instead of his own European-Clothes, they brought him a Robe according to the fashion of the Country. After that, they brought him before the King; where he found four little Porringers of Gold, which the Physicians, who were present, had weighed. In short, he let the King blood under the tongue in four parts, and performed his business so well, that when the blood came to be weighed, it weighed but bore eight ounces. The King was so satisfied with the Operation, that he gave the Chirurgeon three-hundered Pagods, which comes to almost seven-hundered Crowns. The Young-Queen and the Queen-Mother understanding what he had done, were resolved to be let-blood too. But I believe it was rather out of a curiosity to see the Chirurgeon, than out of any necessity which they had to be let-blood. For he was a handsome youngman; and perhaps they had never seen a stranger near at hand, for at a distence, it is no improbable thing, in regard the Women are shut up in such places where they may see, but not be seen. Upon this, de Lan was carried into a Chamber where the same Old-women that he had waited on him before he let the King blood, stripped up his arm, and washed it, but more especially his hands; which when they were dry, they rubbed again with sweet-Oils as before. That being done, a Curtain was drawn, and the Queen stretching out her arm through a hole, was let-blood; as was the Queen-Mother afterwards in the same manner. The Queen gave him fifty Pagods, and the Queen-Mother thirty, with some pieces of Cloth of Gold. Two days after we went to wait upon the Nahab's Son, but were told we could not speak with him that day; the next day receiving the same answer, we were advertized upon enquiry, that we might wait long enough in that manner; that he was a young Lord that never stirred from the King; or that if he did leave the Court, it was only to keep his Misses company in his own Haram. The young Chirurgeon seeing us so delayed, offered to speak to the King's first Physician, who was also of the King's Council, and who had testified a great affection toward the Batavian-Envoy, and for de Lan himself; for which reason he thought he might embrace an opportunity to do him a kindness. In short, de Lan had not sooner spoke to him, but he sent for us, and having, after much civility shown us, informed himself of the cause of our coming, he desired us to show him our Pearls, which we did the next day. Aft●● he had viewed them, he made us seal them up again in our own bags: for all that is presented to the King must be sealed with the Merchants-Seal; and when the King has had a sight of the Commodity, it is sealed up with his own Seal, to prevent any fraud. Thereupon we left the Pearls, so sealed up, in his hands, who promised to show them to the King, and to give us a good account of the trust we had put into his hands. The next day about nine of the Clock before noon we went to the River to see how they wash the King's and the Great Nobleman's Elephants. The Elephant goes up to the belly in the water, and lying down upon one side, with his trunk he throws the water several times upon that side which lies out of the water; and when he has soaked himself sufficiently, the Master comes with a kind of a Pumicestone, and rubbing the Elephant's-skin, cleanses it from all the filth that clings to it. Here some believe, that when this creature is once laid down, it cannot rise of its self; which is contrary to what I have seen. For when the Master has well-cleansed the one side, he commands the Elephant to turn the other, which the beast immediately does; and when both sides are well-washed, he comes out of the River, and stays awhile upright upon the bankside to dry himself. Than comes the Master with a pot full of some read or yellow colour, and streaks the best in the forehead, about the eyes, upon the breast, and all behind, rubbing him afterwards with Oil of Coco's to strengthen the nerves; and some when all is done, he fastens a gilt-Plate upon their foreheads. The fifteenth, the chief Physician sent for us, and returned us our bags again, sealed with the King's Signet, wherewith his Majesty had sealed them after he had looked upon them. He demanded the price; which we told him: Whereupon, an Eunuch that stood by him, and wrote down every thing, wondering at the highprice of the Pearls, told us that we took the King of Golconda's Courtiers for persons that have neither knowledge nor judgement; and that he saw every day things of greater value brought to the King. I briskly retorted upon the Eunuch, that he was better skilled in the price of a young Slave, than the value of a Jewel; and so saying, we put up our Pearls; and returned to our Lodging. The next day we set out from Golconda for Surat, in which Road there is nothing considerable but what I have already described, only this is to be remembered, that we were not gone above five days journey from Golconda, but the King, who had not heard in two days after we were gone, what I had retorted upon the Eunuch, sent four or five Horsemen after us with Orders, if they overtook us, to bring us back: but in regard we were got one days journey into the Territories of the Mogul before one of the Horsemen overtook us, (for the rest stayed upon the Frontiers of the two Kingdoms;) I, that knew the humour of the Country very well, made answer for myself and Companion, that at that time our business would not permit us; and that therefore we begged in most humble manner his Majesty's pardon; and afterwards I made my Companion allow my reasons. Being arrived at Surat, Monsieur de Jardin died of an overflowing of choler. And I made a full account to have gone to Agra to Sha-jehan who than reigned. But at the same instant the Nahab, Sha-Est-Kan, the King's Brother-in-Law, and Governor of the Province of Guzerat, sent one of the principal Officers of his House to me from Amadabat, to tell me he undrestood I had some extraordinary Jewels to cell; for which reason he would be glad to see me, and that he would pay me as much for them as the King should do. I received this Message while Sieur de Jardin jay sick, and the ninth day after his death I got to Amadabat, and spoke with the Nahab. Now in regard he was a man that understood Jewels perfectly well, we presently came to an agreement: so that we had no dispute together, but about the quality of the Coin to be paid. He allowed me two sorts to choose, Roupies of Gold, or Roupies of Silver: but the Prince seeming to intimate to me that he should not be well-pleased to let such a Sum in Silver to be seen to go out of his House, he wished I would rather accept my payment in Roupies of Gold, that made not such a great heap. I consented to his desire; and he showed me very fair Gold, and many Roupies, that had not seen the Sun in a long time. But in regard the price currant of a Roupy of Gold, is not above fourteen Roupies of Silver, and for that he would have had me taken my Roupies at fourteen and a half, or at lest for fourteen and a quarter, it had like to have spoiled our bargain; for I gave him to understand, that in so large a sum, it would not quit cost to loose a fourth part in every Roupy of Gold. At length to please him, I was forced to take the Gold at fourteen Roupies of Silver and an eighth part. Thus a Prince otherwise magnificent and generous, yet in matter of buying and selling, woulds needs approve himself to be a good Husband. While I stayed at Amadabat, he sent me every day to my Lodging four Silver Plates of Pilaw, and other excellent Diet; and one day that the King had sent him as many Apples as ten or twelve men could carry, he sent me as many as for their rarity at Amadabat, were worth three or four hundred Roupies. Besides all this, he gave me a complete Habit of Honour, with a Sword and a Cangiar, worth a thousand Roupies; and resolving also to give me a Horse, he asked me what kind of one I would have. I told him, since he was pleased to give me my choice, that I rather desired a young lively Horse, rather than an old one. Thereupon he sent me one that was so given to bounding and prancing, that he threw a young Hollander out of the Saddle; but upon my desire to have him changed, he sent me another, which I fold afterwards for four hundred Roupies. From Amadabat I returned to Surat; from Surat I travelled again to Golconda, and thence to the Mine to buy Diamonds. From whence returning back for Surat, I resolved for Persia. CHAP. XX. My return from Surat to Ormus. BEing upon my return to Surat from the Diamond Mine, I understood that the War was proclaimed between the English and the Hollanders, and the latter would sand not more Ships into Persia. The English also gave out the same resolutions; for indeed they had sent four Ships into Persia, which they expected back every hour. While I was thus in fear of staying long in a place where I had no business, there arrived at Surat five great Dutch Ships from Batavia; three of which being rather Men of War, than Merchantmen, were ordered to be unladen with all speed, with an intention to look out for the four English Vessels that were expected out of Persia. The other two were appointed to follow two or three days after, being in that time to take in provisions for the whole Fleet. In one of those two Vessels I embarked, and setting say I the eighth of January, we came before Diu the twelfth, where we overtook the other three Ships. There it was debated at a Council of War, what course to steer to meet the English; and it was resolved, that we should steer away for Scindi, where we arrived the twentieth of the same month, and stayed there till the twenty-eighth, and than setting sail with a fair wind, we landed at Gomrom the seventh of March. The End of the First Book. TRAVELS IN INDIA. The Second Book. Containing an Historical and Political Description of the Empire of the Great Mogul. CHAP. I A Relation of the last Wars of Indolstan; which gives an insight into the present Estate of the Empire and Court of the Moguls. I Have written this History in such manner, as I knew things to be transacted, during my stay in the Country; leaving it to the Reader to make his own reflections as he pleases; it being sufficient for me to make a faithful description of the Potent Empire of the Moguls, according to the Observations I have taken upon the place. This great and vast Empire, which contains the greatest part of Indolstan, and which extends from the Mountains on this side the River Indus, to the Mountains on the other side of Ganges; borders Eastward upon the Kingdoms of Aracan, Tipra, and Asia. Toward the West upon Persia, and the Vsbeg Tartars. Southward upon the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour. Northward it runs up as far as the Mountain Caucasus. North▪ Eastward the Kingdom of Bantam, whence comes our Musk, parts it. Northwestward it borders upon the Country of Chegathay, or the Vsbegs. They are called Moguls, that is, white of complexion; for the last Conquerors of the Indieses where Whites; the Natives being all Brown, or Olive-colour. Aurengzeb, the present Emperor, is the eleventh in a direct line, of the Descendants from the great Temurleng, commonly called Tamerlane; the extent and renown of whose Conquests, from China to Poland, has exceeded all the actions of the greatest Captains of the former Ages. His Successors completed the Conquest of all India between the two Rivers, with the destruction of several Kings. So that Aurengzeb has at this time under his Dominion, the Territories of Gouzerat, Decan-Dehly, Multan, Lahor, Kashemire, Bengala, and many other Territories; not to mention several Raja's, or petty Kings, who pay him Tribute, and are his Vassals. The Succession of the Kings of India is as follows: 1. Termur-Leng, that is to say, the Lame, because one of his Legs was shorter than the other, lies buried at Samarchand, in the Country of Chegathay, or the Vsbeg Tartars, being the place of his Nativity. 2. Miram-Cha▪ the Son of Temurleng. 3. Sultan Mahomet, the Son of Miram-Cha. 4. Sultan Abousaid-Mirza, the Son of Mahomet. 5. Hameth-Sheck, the Son of Sultan Abousaid. 6. Sultan Babur, that is, the Valiant Prince, the first Mogul that was of greatest power in India. He died in the year 1532▪ 7. Homajon, that is, the Happy, the Son of Sultan Babur, died in the year 1552. 8. Abdul Feta Gelal-Eddin Mahomet, commonly called Akabar, that is, the Great, reigned fifty four years, and died in the year 1605. 9 Sultan Selim, otherwise called Jehanguir Patsha, that is, the Victorious Emperor of the World, succeeded Akabar his Father, and died 1627. He had four Sons, the eldest named Sultan Kosrou, the second Sultan Kourom, the third Sultan Perviz, the fourth Cha-Daniel. 10. Sultan Kourom, the second of the four, succeeded Jehanguir his Father; and was acknowledged by all the Nobility, at the Castle of Agra, by the Name of Cha-Bedin Mahomed, but he would be called Cha-jehan, that is, King of the World. 11. Aurengzeb, that is, the Ornament of the Throne, is the present Monarch. The following Figure shows you what sorts of pieces the King's cause to be thrown among the people when they come to the Throne. They represent the Arms or Signets of the Kings which I have named. The biggest, in the middle, was Cha-jehan's, the tenth King. These pieces are most of them Silver; there being very few of Gold. And as for Aurengzeb, he never coined any particular pieces to throw away at his Coronation. 1 Ebn Amir Tomur saheb quran 2 Ebn Miran Xah 3 Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed 4 Ebn Soltan Abu Seid 5 Ebn Mirza Amar Xek 6 Ebn Babor Padxah 7 Ebn Homaiun Padxah 8 Ebn Acbar Padxah 9 Ebn ●ihangir Padxah The Great Mogul is without all question the richest and most potent Monarch of Asia; the Territories which he possesses, being his own Hereditary Possession; and being absolute Master of all the Territories whence he receives his Revenues. For in the Territories of this Prince, the great Lords are but the Royal Receivers, who give an account of the King's Revenues to the Governors of the Provinces, and they to the chief Treasurers and Controllers of the Exchequer. CHAP. II. Of the Sickness and supposed Death of Cha-jehan, King of India, and the Rebellion of the Princes his Sons. THis great King had reigned above forty years, not so much as a King over his Subjects, but rather as a Father over his Family and Children. Insomuch, that during his Reign there was such a strictness in the Civil Government, and particularly for the security of the Highways, that there was never any occasion to put any man to death for Robbery. In his declining years he fancied a young Lady of an extraordinary Beauty, that was not above thirteen years of age; and because the strength of nature would not permit him to satisfy his passion, he took certain provocatives, which were so hot, that he fell thereupon into a distemper that had almost killed him. This obliged him to shut himself up in his Haram, together with his Women, for two or three months; during which time he appeared very rarely to the people, and that at a great distance too, which made them believe he was dead. For they are obliged by Custom to show themselves to the people three times in a week, or in fifteen days at most. Cha-Jehan had six Children, four Sons and two Daughters. The Name of the eldest was Dara-Cha, the second was called Sultan Sujah, the third Aurengzeb, and the fourth Morad-Bakche. The eldest of his two Daughters was called Begum-Saheb, and the name of the second was Rauchenara Begum. Cha-jehan loved all his four Sons alike, and had made them Governors or Vice-Roys of four of his principal Provinces or Kingdoms. Dara-Cha, who was the eldest, stayed with his Father in Debly, and had the Government of the Kingdom of Sandi, into which he put a Deputy. Sultan Sujah had for his share the Government of Bengala. Aurengzeb was Viceroy of the Kingdom of Decan; and Morad-Bakche of the Kingdom of Guzerat. But though Cha-jehan endeavoured to give equal content to his four Sons, their Ambition was not satisfied with this division, but ruin'd all the good designs which so kind a Father had laid to preserve peace among his Children. Cha-jehan being thus sick, and retired into the women's quarter, without showing himself for many days; the report ran that he was dead, and that Dara-Cha concealed his death, to gain time to provide for himself, and to secure the Empire. True it is, that the King believing he should dye, commanded Dara-Cha to call together all the Omrahs' or Lords, and to seat himself upon the Throne, which belonged to him, as the eldest of his Brothers. He also testified the desire he had to see him quietly settled in the peaceable possession of the Empire. And this intention of his was looked upon as the more just, in regard the other three Brothers had been for some time observed to have lesle respect for their Father, than Dara-Cha. Dara-Cha, who honoured and respected the King with a real tenderness, made answer to the King, that he desired of Heaven nothing more than the preservation of his Majesty's life, and that so long as Heaven should continued that preservation, he should take it to be a greater honour to continued himself a Subject, than to ascend the Throne. And indeed he was never absent from his Father, that he might be the better able to serve him in his sickness; and because he would be present upon all occasions, he lay by his Father's Bedside, upon a Tapestry spread upon the ground. During the false report of the death of Cha-jehan, his three other Sons immediately rebelled, every one laying claim to their Father's Crown. Morat-Bakche the youngest, who had the Government of Guzerat, sent away Forces immediately to besiege Surat, the most considerable Port, and most frequented of any other all over India. The City made no resistance, for the Walls are very weak, and broken down in several places. But they defended the Citadel, where the Treasure was, very stoutly; though the young Ambitious Prince did all he could to make himself Master of it. Chabas-Kan, one of his Eunuches, who was General of his Army, an industrious and active person, and who carried on the Siege with all the experience of an old Captain; when he saw he could not carry the Castle by main force, caused it to be undermined in two places, by the assistance of an European Engineer, which took effect; so that upon the twenty-ninth of December, 1659., he threw down a good part of the Walls, and filled up the Moat; which very much terrified the besieged. But they presently recovered their courage, and though they were but a small number, they defended themselves for above forty days, to the great Damage and slaughter of Morat-Bakche's Army. Chabas-Kan, provoked at such a vigorous resistance, sought for all the Wives and Children, Parents and Kindred of the Cannoneers that were within the Castle, to place them at the head of his men, when they made their approaches. He also sent one of the Brothers of the Governor of the place, to offer him advantageous conditions. But the Governor, being a very loyal person, and uncertain of the King's death, rejected all his offers. The Eunuch perceiving the Resolution of the Governor, threatened the besieged to kill all their Wives and Children, Parents and Kindred, if they did not surrender the place the next day. But neither did any of those considerations prevail, till at length the breach being made wider, and the number of defandants decreasing, the Governor surrendered upon honourably conditions; which were punctually performed by Chabas-Kan, who seized upon all the Treasure, and carried it to Amadabat; where Morat-Bakche was busily employed in squeezing the people to get Money. The news of the taking Surat being brought to this Prince, he presently provided himself a Throne, and sitting upon it on the day which was appointed for the Ceremony, he caused himself to be declared King, not only of Guzerat, but of all the Dominions of Cha-jehan his Father. At the same time he also coined Money, and sent Governors into all the Cities. But his tottering Throne, not being well fixed, fell soon to the Ground; and the youngest of all the Brothers, for having usurped a Sceptre that no ways appertained to him, was confined to a severe imprisonment. Prince Dara-Cha feign would have relieved Surat; but it was impossible. For besides that he was busied in the assistance of his Father the King, his second Brother Sultan-Sujah, more powerful than Morat-Bakche, found him far more work to do. He was already advanced into the Kingdom of Lahor, having absolutely reduced the Kingdom of Bengala. All that Dara-Cha could do, was to sand Soliman Checour his eldest Son, with an Army against Sultan Sujah. The young Prince having defeated his Uncle, and driven him back into Bengala, the Frontiers whereof he secured with good Garrisons returned to Dara-Cha his Father. In the mean time Morat-Bakche, acknowledged for King in the Kingdom of Guzerat, bends all his Force and Counsels to make himself Emperor of the Indieses, to destroy his Brothers, and to six his Throne either in Agra or Jehanabat Whiles these things passed, Aurengzeb as ambitious, but more crafty than his Brothers, lets them alone to kindle the first Fires; and conceals his own designs, which afterwards appeared so much to the damage of the rest. At first he feigned to lay no claim to the Empire, but lived a private life, like a Dervich, or Religious Hermit. And the better to act his part, he declared to his younger Brother Morat-Bakche, whom he saw to be so ambitious, how willing he should be to assist him in his designs; telling him, that because he merited the Empire by his Valour, he would aid him with his Money and his Forces to overthrew Dara-Cha, who only stood in his way. The young Prince, blinded with the hopes of his good Fortune, easily beliveed Aurengzeb. And so joining Forces together, he advances towards Agra, to make himself Master of that City. Dara-Cha marches to meet them; but the Battle was as imprudently managed by him, as fortunately fought by his Brothers. For Dara-Cha, confiding too much in the principal Officers of his Army, against the advice of his General, who was his chief Minister of State, and faithful to him; thought himself sure of the Victory, by falling on before his Brothers had time to repose themselves. The first onset was very rude and bloody, where Morat-Bakche, full of fire and courage, fight like a Lion, was shot with five Arrows into the body. The Victory leaning to Dara-Cha, Aurengzeb retreated; but soon turned head again, when he saw those Traitors advancing to his aid, who were in the Army of Dara-Cha, and who had treacherously deserted him, after he had lost his best Officers and his General. With this assistance Aurengzeb renews the fight against Dara-Cha; who seeing himself betrayed, and unable to maintain the fight with the small number of men which he had left, retreats to Agra, where the King his Father was, who began to mend. The King advised his Son to retire to the Fortress of Dehly, and to carry the Treasure that was in Agra with him; which he did without delay. Thus the Victory fell entirely to Aurengzeb and Morat-Bakche, who before the end of the Battle, being weakened with the loss of blood, was forced to retire to his Tent, to have his wounds dressed. Now it was an easy thing for Aurengzeb to gain those Traitors, as well by reason of the vast Treasures which he had, as also for that the Indians are very inconstant, and want generosity. Besides, the Commanders are generally Fugitive Persians', persons of little worth, who are altogether for them that give most. Cha-Est-Kan, who was Uncle to these four Princes whose Mother was the King's Sister, went over to Aurengzeb with the greatest part of the principal Commanders that had adhered to Dara-Cha, and Morat-Bakche, and had forsaken their Masters. Morat-Bakche than began to see his Error in having trusted Aurengzeb, who seeing himself favoured by Fortune, lost no time to accomplish his ends. Thereupon Morat-Bakche sends to his Brother for the half of the Treasure that he had seized, that he might retire to Guzerat. But Aurengzeb for answer assured him, that he had no other design than to advance him to the Throne▪ to which purpose he desired to confer with him by word of Mouth. Morat-Bakche in order to that, finding himself indifferently well recovered of his wounds, goes to visit his Brother, who kindly welcomed him, extolled his courage, and told him he deserved the best Empire of the world. The young Prince was charmed by the melody of such sweet language, while his Eunuch, Shabas-Kan, did all he could to make him sensible of the snares that were laid for him. But when Morat-Bakche should have taken the Eunuch's advice, it was too late; for Aurengzeb had already laid his plot to destroy him. He invites Morat-Bakche to a Feast; and the more the one excuses himself, the more the other presses him to come. The young Prince perceiving he would take no denial, resolved to go, for fear of discovering the mistrust he had, although he verily believed that that day would be the last of his life, and that some deadly poison was brewed for him. However, he was deceived in that particular, for Aurengzeb not aiming at his life than, contented himself only to deprive him of his liberty, and so instead of advancing him to the Throne, sent him away, to be safely kept in the Castle of Gavaleor. CHAP. III. Of the Imprisonment of Cha-jehan, and how he was punished by Aurengzeb his third Son, for the injustice he had done Prince Boulaki his Nephew, the Grandchild of Gehanguir, to whom, as to the Son of the Eldest Son, the Empire of the Moguls belonged. Gehanguir, King of India, Son of Achbar, and Grandchild to Houmajon, reigned very peaceably during the space of twentythree years, equally beloved both by his Subjects and Neighbours. But his life seemed too long to his two Sons, who were both ambitious to reign. The eldest raised a powerful Army near Lahor, with an intention to have surprised his Father, and to have possessed himself of the Throne by force. The King incensed at the insolence of his Son, resolved to chastise him; meets him with a considerable Army, defeats him, and takes him Prisoner, with many of the most considerable Nobility that adhered to him. After which, out of a natural affection to his Children, he saved his life, but put out his Eyes. And when he was blind he always kept him about his person, with an intention to have preferred his eldest Son Boulaki to the Crown, whose Father had already many Sons, but all very young. But Sultan Courom, his second Son, believing it his right to be preferred before a Nephew, resolved to leave no stone unturned to remove him from his hopes, and to settle himself in possession before the death of his Father. However he concealed his intentions from him, appearing outwardly very obedient to his Father, who always kept about him the Children of his eldest Son. By that submission he more easily brought about his designs; for having by that means gained the good will of his Father, he obtained leave to carry along with him the blind Prince, his eldest Brother▪ to his Government of the Kingdom Decan. He laid before his Father, that it would be far better to remove from his sight, an object that could not choose but be so afflicting to him; and that the prince himself, being blind, would spend the rest of his days more comfortably in Decan, where he might be more retired. The King not penetrating into his design, readily consented to his request. Who when he had that Poor Prince in his Clutches, made him away with that secrecy which was not to be discovered; and under the most plausible pretence imaginable, to conceal him from the eyes of men. After the death of the blind Prince, Sultan Courom took upon him the name of Cha-jehan, that is, King of the World; and to uphold his Title, he raised an Army to finish what his Brother had begun, which was to dethrone his Father, and to take possession of the Empire. The King incensed as well at the death of his Son, as at the attempt against his own person, sent a considerable Army to chastise Courom for so bold an Enterprise. But the rebellious Prince finding himself to weak too stand his Father's force, quitted the Kingdom of Decan, and with certain Vagabonds that followed him, wandered from place to place, till he came to Bangala, where he raised an Army with an intention to give the King Battle. To which purpose, passing the Ganges, he marches directly toward the Kingdom of Lahor; whom the King in person met, with an Army much more numerous and stronger than his. But Gehanguir being old, and wearied with the troubles that his Sons had put him to, died by the way, leaving Cha-jehan at liberty to pursue his own designs. However before he expired, the good King had time to recommend his Grandchild Boulaki to Asouf-Kan, his Generalissimo and prime Minister of State, who was Protector of the Empire. He commanded also all the Officers of the Army to acknowledge him for King, as being the lawful Heir; declaring Sultan Komrom a Rebel, and incapable of the Succession. Moreover he made Asouf-Kan to swear in particular, that he would never suffer Boulaki to be put to death, which way soever affairs went; which Asouf-Kan swore upon his Thigh; and as religiously observed as to the Article of not putting him to death; but not as to that of helping him to the Crown, which he designed for Cha-jehan, who had married his eldest Daughter, the Mother of four Princes, and two Princesses. The news of the King's death being known at Court, caused a general lamentation. And presently all the Grandees of the Kingdom set themselves to execute the Kings Will and Testament, acknowledging Sultan Boulaki for Emperor, who was very young. That Prince had two Cousin-germen, who were both of them by the Kings consent turned Christians, and made public profession thereof. Those two young Princes, being very apprehensive, perceived that Asouf-Kan, Father-in-Law to Cha-jehan, and Father of Cha-Est-Kan, had no good intentions toward the young King, and gave him notice of it; which cost them their lives, and the King the loss of his Dominions. For the young King, having no more wit than was agreeable to his age, openly declared to Asouf-Kan what his Cousins had revealed to him in private, and asked the General whether it were true, that he had a design to set up his Uncle against him or no. Asouf-Kan immediately accused the Reporters of falsity and impudence, and protested his fidelity to his King, and vowed, to spend the last drop of his blood to preserve him in the possession of the Empire. However seeing his Conspiracy discovered, he resolved to prevent the punishment; to which end having got the two Princes into his possession, he put them both to death. But before that, in regard of his power in the Army and in the Empire, he had already brought over to Cha-jehan's party the greatest part of the Command●rs and Lords of the Court; and the better to play his game▪ and deceive the young King, he raised a report that Cha-jehan was dead; and because he had desired to be buried near his Father Gehanguir, the body was to be brought to Agra. This Stratagem being cunningly managed, Asouf-Kan himself gave advice of the feigned death to the King; telling the King withal, that it would be but a common civility for him to go and meet the Corpse when it came within a League or two of the City, being an Honour due to a Prince of the Blood of the Moguls. All this while Cha-jehan kept himself incognito, till coming within sight of the Army that lay about Agra, he caused himself to be put into a Coffin, wherein there was only a hole left for him to breath at. This Coffin being carried under a moving Tent, all the principal Officers who were of the plot with Asouf-Kan, came to perform the usual Ceremonies of State to the Body of the deceased Prince, while the young King was upon the way to meet the body. But than Asouf-Kan finding it seasonably to execute his design, caused the Coffin to be opened, and Cha-jehan rising up, and showing himself to the eyes of all the Army, was saluted Emperor by all the Generals and other principal▪ Officers, who had their Cue ready; so that the name of Cha-jehan running in a moment from one man's mouth to another, the Acclamation became public, and the Empire was settled upon him. The young King hearing the news by the way, was so surprised, that he thought of nothing but how to save himself by ●light, being upon a sudden forsaken by all his followers. And Cha-jehan not believing it any way necessary to pursue him, suffered him to wander a long time in India like a Fakir. At length he retired into Persia, where he was magnificently received by Cha-Sefi, who allowed him a pension fit for so great a Prince, which he still enjoys. Cha-jehan having thus usurped the Crown, the better to secure himself, and ●o stifle all Factions that might arise during the life of the lawful Prince, whom he had so unjustly despoiled of his right, by degrees ●ut to death all those that had sh●w'n any kindness to his Nephew. So that the first part of his Reign was noted for many acts of cruelty, that blemished his Reputation. Not lesle unfortunate was the end of his Reign. For as he had unjustly deprived the lawful Heir, of the Empire which belonged to him; he was himself, while he yet lived, deprived of his Crown by Aurengzeb his own Son, who kept him Prisoner in the Fortress of Agra. For after Dara-Cha had lost the Battle against his two Brothers, Aurengzeb and Morat-Bakche in the Plain of Samonguir, and was treacherously abandoned by the principal Officers of the Army, he retired into the Kingdom of Lahor, with all the Treasure which the confusion of his affairs would suffer him to get together. An the King to resist the violence of his victorious Sons, shut himself up in the Castle of Agra, to the end he might not be surprised, but have time and leisure to observe how far the insolence of his Children would transport them. As for Aurengzeb, who had Morat Bakche safe enough, he enters Agra, feigning to believe a report that Chajehan was dead, that he might have liberty to get into the Fortress, where he said one of the Omras would make it out. The more he reported the death of Cha-jehan, the more did the King endeavour to let the people know he was alive. But finding both Power and Fortune had taken Aurengzeb's party; and being also in great necessity for want of water, he sent Fazel-Kan, grand Master of his Household, to assure his Son that he was alive; and withal to tell him that it was the King's command, that he should retire to his viceroyship in Decan, without putting him to any more vexation, and that upon his obedience, he would forgive whatever had past. Aurengzeb, firm in his resolution, returned for answer to Fazel-Kan, that he was certain that the King, his Father was dead, and that upon that account he had only taken Arms to secure the Crown to himself, which he thought he deserved, as well as the rest of his Brothers. That if his Father were living, he had too great a respect for him to undertake the lest enterprise that should displease him; and therefore that he might be certain he was not dead, he desired to see him, and to kiss his feet; and having so done, he would retire to his Government, and punctually obey his Commands. Fazel-Kan returned this answer to the King, who declared that he should be glad to see his Son, and sent back Fazel-Kan, to tell him he should be welcome. But Aurengzeb more cunning than Cha-jehan, assured Fazel-Kan that he would not set his foot in the Castle, till the Garrison that was in it should be sent away to make room for his men. For the Prince was afraid, and not without reason, if he should adventure into a Fortress where he was not absolute Master himself, jest they should seize his person, of which the King being apprehensive, consented to his proposal, not being able to do better at that time. Thereupon the Garrison which belonged to Cha-jehan was sent out of the Castle, and another of Aurengzeb's entered, commanded by Sultan Mahomet the eldest of his Sons, to whom he gave order to secure his Father's person. When they were thus got in, and his Father safe, he delayed seeing his Father from day to day, waiting (as he gave out for excuse) a kind opportunity for the interview; and pretending his Astrologers did not presently think it seasonable, he retired into the Country, to a House about two or three leagues from Agra, which very much displeased the people, who waited every day for the fortunate hour, from which they expected a conclusion of their miseries by the Father and Son's discourse together. But Aurengzeb, who was in no great haste to see his Father, took up another resolution, which was to seize upon all his Father's treasure, which Dara-Sha had not time to carry away. He also shut up in the same Fortress Begum-Saheb his Sister, to keep the King company, by whom she was entirely beloved: and took into his own hands all the wealth she had got, by her Father's liberality. Cha-jehan enraged to fee himself used in that manner by his own Son, made an attempt to escape, and killed some of the Guards that opposed him; which caused Aurengzeb more strictly to confine him. In the mean time it was a wondered thing to see that not one of the Servants of so great a King so much as offered to help him; that all his Subjects should forsake him, and turn their eyes upon the rising Sun; acknowledging only Aurengzeb for King, while they seemed to have forgotten Cha-jehan, though still alive. Thus this great Monarch sadly ended his days in Prison, and died in the Fortress of Agra in the year 1666 the last time that I was in India. During his reign he had begun to build the City of Jehanabad, though he had not quite finished it, and therefore he desired to see it once more before he died; but Aurengzeb would not give him leave, unless he would be content to go and come back by water, or else to be confined to the Castle of Jehanabad, as he was at Agra, which refusal of his Son did so torment him, that it hastened his end. Which as soon as Aurengzeb heard of, he came to Agra, and seized upon all the Jewels, which he had not taken from his Father while he lived. Begum-Saheb had also a quantity of Jewels, which he had not taken from her when he put her into the Castle. But now, because she had formerly taken her Father's part, he found out a way to deprive her of them after a very plausible manner; making a show of bestowing very great Honours and Caresses upon his Sister, and taking her along with him to Jehanabad. But in a short time after we heard the news of her death; which proved, and all people suspected her to have been poisoned. CHAP. IU. Of the Flight of Dara-cha to the Kingdoms of Scindi and Guzerat: Of the second Battle which he fought against Aurengzeb: His being taken Prisoner, and death. DAra-cha having carried along with him the best part of the Gold and Silver which was in the Fortress of Agra by his Father's advice, and being got into the Kingdom of Lahor, was in good hopes to have raised an Army in a short time to have stopped the proceed of his Brother. His most faithful Servants and Friends had always accompanied him in his misfortune. And as for his Eldest Son, Soliman Shekour, he went, with the Raja Roup, into the Territories of that Raja's own demeans, to levy men; carrying along with him five-millions of Roupies, which make of our Money seven-millions and 500000 Liures. But that great Sum opening the Raja Roup's eyes, he most treacherously and infamously seized upon it; whereupon Soliman Chekour, fearing he should proceed farther, and make some attempt upon his person, fled in all haste into the Kingdom of Sireneguer, under the protection of the Raja Nakti-Rani, who more foully and basely delivered him up sometime after to Aurengzeb. Dara-cha having notice of the Raja Roup's treason, and seeing all his friends had forsaken him, and were revolted to Aurengzeb, quitted Lahor, and retired into the Kingdom of Scindi. Before he left the Fortress, he sent all▪ the Gold, Silver, Jewels and Wealth that was in the Fort, away by water to Baker, a Fort in the midst of the River Indus. To guard all that Wealth, he left an Eunuch, and six-thousand men, with all provisions necessary for a Siege; after that he went to Scindi, where he left several great pieces of Cannon. Than he marched through the Territories of the Raja of Kachnagana, who made him mountainous promises to no effect; than he came into the Kingdom of Guzerat, where the people received him as their lawful King and Heir to Cha-jehan. He sent his Orders to all the Cities, and particularly to Surat, where he appointed a Governor; but the Governor of the Fortress, who was left there by Morat-Bakche, refused to submit to Dara-cha, so that he was forced to let him alone. In the mean time Dara-cha received news at Amadabat, that Jessomseing, one of the most potent Raja's in all India, was fallen of from Aurengzeb. The same Raja also solicits him to advance with his Army. Dara-cha confiding in his words, followed his Counsel, and marched to Emir, which was the place of Rendezvouz appointed. But Raja Jessomseing being regained by the persuasions of Raja Jessing, more potant than himself, to favour Aurengzeb, never met according to his promise; nor did he come till the last push; and than only with a design to betray the poor Prince. Thus the two Brother's meeting, they came to a Battle which lasted three days; but in the heat of all the Fight, Jessomseing showing an apparent treachery, went over to Aurengzeb; upon which Dara-cha's Soldiers immediately fled. Dara-cha having thus lost all his hopes, and finding Fortune contrary to all his expectations, fled away likewise with his Wives, some of his Children, and his most faithful Servants, in an equipage that drew compassion. But coming to Amadabat, the Governor having declared for Aurengzeb, denied him entrance. Thereupon he discamped in the middle of the night, and took the road for Scindi. He arrived at Scindi, with an intention to pass into Persia, where Cha-Abas the Second expected him with a magnificent Retinue, and a resolution to have assisted him with Men and Money. But not daring to trust himself by Sea; as he passed through the Country of the Patanes, in the way to Candahar, he was unworthily betrayed by one of the Lords of the Country, called Gion-Kan; who had been an Officer under the King his Father, and who having been condemned for his crimes by the mouth of his Father, and ready to be thrown under the Elephant's-feets, had been pardoned at the intercession of Dara-cha. For an addition to his affliction, before he came to Gion-Kan's House, he received the news of the death of that particular Wife which he loved most entirely, and which had always accompanied him in his misfortunes. He understood that she died through heat and drought, not being able to get a drop of water in the Country to refresh her thirst. The Prince was so moved at the news, that he fell down, like one that had been struck quite dead; and when he came to himself, he tore his clotheses in the excess of his grief: an ancient custom still continued in the East. He had always showed himself insensible upon all other occasions of misfortune, but this fatal stroke so deeply pierced him, that he would receive no consolation from his friends. After this, he clad himself according to his misfortune; and instead of a Turban, he only put about his head a piece of coarse Calicut. In this miserable equipage he entered into the House of the Traitor Gion-Kan, where being laid down to rest himself upon a Field-bed, a new subject of sorrow awaked him. For Gion-Kan having a design to seize Sepper-Shekour, Dara-cha's second Son, the young Prince, though but a Youth, made a bold resistance, and with his Bow and Arrows laid three men upon the ground; but not being able to resist a multitude, he was at length taken. Dara-cha wakened with the noise, saw before his eyes his Son, whom they were leading toward him, with his hands tied behind him. Than the miserable Father of the young Prince, not longer misdoubting the horrid treason of Gion-Kan, could not refrain from letting fall in his passion those expressions. Finish, said he, ingrateful and infamous Villain as thou art, finish the work thou hast begun; we are become Victims to bad fortune, and Aurengzeb 's unjust Ambition. But remember that I only deserve death for having saved thy life: for never Prince of the Royal Blood had his hands tied behind him before. Gion-Kan in some measure moved at these words, caused the little Prince to be unbound, and only set guards upon Dara-cha and his Son. At the same time he also sent expresses to Raja Jessomseing, and to Abdulla-Kan, to give them advice that he had seized upon Dara-cha and his Train. Thereupon they made haste to share in the spoils of that poor Prince. But they could not be so swift, but that Gion-Kan had seized upon all that Dara-cha had of most precious in the World; using as inhumanly both his Wives and his Children. The Raja and Abdulla being arrived, provided Elephants for the Prince, his Son, and his Wives, and carried them away immediately to Jehanabat; the people crowded to behold them, every one being desirous to see the Prince whom they so earnestly desired to have had for their King. Aurengzeb caused them to be shown in all the Streets and Market-places of Jehanabat, that no man might question hereafter their being taken; and as if he had gloried in his treachery toward his Brother, he presently condemned and sent him away to the Castle of Asser. But of all that crowded to behold, not one would stir to assist or secure their lawful Prince. Only some few generous Soldiers who had served him, and had received some kindnesses from him, seeing themselves not able to deliver their Prince, yet desirous to show him some proofs of their acknowledgement, fell with all their fury upon the Traitor Gion-Kan, who though he were rescued from them at that time, yet soon after met with the reward due to his crime; for he was killed as he was crossing a Wood in his return home. In the mean time Aurengzeb, like a good Politician, and an extraordinary Dissembler, gave it out, that it was by no order of his that Dara-cha was seized; only he desired him to retire out of the Kingdom, which he refusing to do, Gion-Kan, unknown to him, had unworthily seized his person; and without respect to the Royal-Blood, had shamefully tied the hands of the young Sepper-Shekour behind him: which being a crime and an indignity done to his Majesty, had been punished by the death of Gion-Kan and his accomplices. But this was only published to abuse the people; for had it been true, Aurengzeb would never have given order to have his brother's head cut of. For Dara-Cha being sent from Jehanabat with a Guard to the place of his imprisonment; when he came to a fair place where he thought to repose himself, they dressed up the Tent where he was to leave his Head. After he had eaten, Seif-Kan came and brought him the sentence of his Death. Dara-Cha seeing him enter, told him he was very welcome, and that he was glad to see one of his most faithful Servants. Seif-Kan made answer, that indeed he had formerly been one of his Servants, but that now he was the Slave of Aurengzeb, who had commanded him to bring him his Head. Must I dye than? said Dara-Cha. 'Tis the King's command, replied Seif-Kan, and I am entrusted to execute it. Sepper-Chekour, who lay in an antichamber of the Tent, waking upon this contest, would have seized upon certain Weapons which had been taken from him, with an intention to have assisted his Father; but he was prevented by those that accompanied Seif-Kan. Dara-Cha would have made some resistance himself, but seeing it was in vain, he only desired time for his devotions, which was granted him. In the mean time Sepper-Chekour was taken from him; and while they held him in a story, a Slave took of Dara-Cha's Head, which was carried to Aurengzeb by Seif-Kan. This bloody Tragedy being thus acted, Sepper-Chekour was sent to the Castle Govaleor, to keep his Uncle Morat-Bakche company. As for the Wives and Daughters of Dara-Cha, they were allotted an Apartment in Aurengzeb's Haram. CHAP. V How Aurengzeb caused himself to be declared King; and of the Flight of Sultan-Sujah. AS it is the custom at the performance of that Ceremony, for the new King to seat himself upon the Throne; there was not much time required to prepare one, in regard that Cha-jehan before his Imprisonment had finished that which the Great Tamerlane had begun; which was the richest and most magnificent that ever was seen. But as the Grand Cadi of the Empire, and Chief of the Law was to Proclaim the new King, Aurengzeb found himself opposed by him. For the Cadi told him, that the Law of Mahomet and the Law of Nature equally forbade him to declare him King, while his Father lived; besides, that he had put his elder Brother to death, to whom the Empire belonged after the death of Cha-jehan their Father. This stout resistance of the Cadi did not a little perplex Aurengzeb; and therefore that he might not seem to appear irreligious, he called all the Doctors of the Law together, to whom he represented the incapacity of his Father to govern, through Age and many infirmities, that troubled him; as for Dara-Cha his Brother, he had put him to death because he was a slighter of the Law, drank Wine, and favoured Infidels. Those reasons, intermixed with threats, caused his Council of Conscience to conclude, that he deserved the Empire, and aught to be proclaimed King; though the Cadi obstinately persisted in his first resolution. There was no other Remedy therefore, but to remove him from his Employment, as a disturber of the public Peace, and to choose another for the Honour of the Law, and the Good of the Kingdom. The person who was elected by the Council was soon confirmed by Aurengzeb; in acknowledgement whereof, he proclaimed him King the twentieth of October, 1660. This Proclamation being made in the Mosque, Aurengzeb seated himself upon the Throne, and received the Homages of all the Grandees of the Kingdom. However, Aurengzeb did not think his throne fast enough, nor himself secure in the Empire, so long as Sultan Sujah was raising a powerful Army in Bengala to release his Father. Thereupon he sent a considerable Force against him, under the Command of Sultan Mahomed his eldest Son; to whom he appointed for his Lieutenant the Emir-Jemla, one of the greatest Captains that ever came out of Persia into India. His great Conduct and Courage had rendered him a person to be reverenced by all posterity, had he been faithful to the Princes whom he served. But first he betrayed the King of Golconda, under whom he advanced his Fortune; and next to him Cha-jehan; under whose protection he risen so high, that there was not a Nobleman in all India more powerful or richer than he. Otherwise he is both beloved and feared by the Soldiers, and perfectly understands the Art of War, according to the custom of the Country. The two Armies engaging several times, the Victory sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other; so that Sultan Mahomed finding it likely to be a tedious War, assisted by the Counsels of his Lieutenant, resolved to add policy to strength. Thereupon he treats underhand with the Officers of his Uncle's Army, makes them magnificent promises, and so earnestly solicits them to come over to Aurengzeb's party, whom he called the Pillar and Protector of Mahomet's Law, that he gained the principal, to whom he sent considerable Presents, to confirm them in their resolutions. This was a mortal blow to Sultan-Sujah, against which he could not provide. For they that adhered to him being a mercenary generation, that serves whoever gives most, finding they had little more to expect from a Prince whose Exchequer was empty, resolved to drive a Trade with Aurengzeb, who was Master of all the Treasure in the Kingdom. And thus did Aurengzeb debauch the Army of his Brother, who in the last Battle, seeing himself abandoned by all his Soldiers, was forced to save himself by flight, with his Wives and Children. The Traitor's ashamed of their treachery, did not so smartly pursue the unfortunate Prince as they might have done, but presently fell to plundering his Tents and Baggage; which Emir-Jemla, suffered them to do, in recompense of their Treason. Sultan-Sujah in the mean time crossing the Ganges with his Retinue, retired some time afterwards into the Kingdom of Arakan, upon the Confines of Bengala, where we shall leave him for a time. CHAP. VI Of the Imprisonment of Sultan-Mahomed, Aurengzeb's eldest son; and of Sultan Soliman Chekour, eldest son of Dara-Cha. THough Aurengzeb were esteemed a very great Politician, and were so indeed, yet he failed in his Politics, to trust his Son with such a powerful Army, under the Conduct of a Captain who had already betrayed two Masters. However at length he began to be jealous, jest Heaven should inspire his own Son to revenge the crimes which he had committed. And upon this, receiving intelligence, that Sultan Mahomed began to be very pensive and melancholy, he than absolutely believed that his Son was practising mischief against him; for the better discovery whereof, he wrote to Emir-Jemla. But the Letter unhappily miscarrying, was taken by Sultan Mahomed's Guards, and given to the young Prince; who being a person of a quick apprehension, concealed the business from Emir-Jemla; and fearing jest he should receive other Orders more precise to take away his life, he resolved to pass the Ganges and throw himself upon his Uncle Sultan-Sujah; from whom he expected more mercy than from his Father. With this resolution he feigned to go a fishing, and passing the Ganges, with several Officers that adhered to him, he went directly to Sultan Sujahs Camp, which lay on the other side of the River; the Sultan having raised a considerable Force in the Kingdom of Arakan. Sultan Mohamed coming into his Uncle's presence, threw himself at his feet, begging his pardon for having taken Arms against him, as being forced thereto by his Father. Now though Sultan Sujah had reason enough to believe, that Mahomed's coming into his Camp, was only a trick of his Father, to sand his Son as a Spy to discover his condition; yet being a virtuous and generous Prince, and seeing his Nephew prostrate at his feet, he could not but raise him up; after which, embracing him, he assured him of his Protection against Aurengzeb. Some days after, these two Princes made an attempt, and passing Ganges, and fetching a compass thought to have surprised the Enemy's Army, who dreamt not of their coming. They made a vigorous onset, and killed a great number of men. But when they found the whole Army had taken the Alarm, they contented themselves with the mischief they had done, and repassed▪ the Ganges, for fear of being surrounded by number. Emir-Jemla had already given intelligence to Aurengzeb of the Flight of his Son; which sensibly grieved the Father, though he durst not show his anger, for fear of incensing the Emir to betray him, as he had betrayed his Father. Thereupon he cunningly wrote to him, that he relied altogether upon his prudence and policy to retrieve his Son to his duty; that he was young, and that what he had done, was only out of his heat of youth, and the inconstancy incident to his years. The confidence which Aurengzeb seemed to put in Emir-Jemla incited the General to use all his endeavours to get Mahomed out of Sultan Sujahs hands. Thereupon he gave the young Prince to understand his Father's good intentions toward him, and that he was ready to receive him with open Arms, so that he would but make good use of his Residence with Sultan Sujah, which he might pretend was done for the advantage to his Father, and for which his Father would have rather 'cause to extol his Prudence and affection than otherwise. The young Prince easily suffered himself to be persuaded, and the same way he went to his Uncle's, the same way he returned to his Father's Camp; where Emir-Jemla received him honourably, and with all the demonstrations of joy. He advised him also, ●o tell his Father when he saw him, that he did not go over to Sultan Sujah, but only with a design to observe what Forces he had, and the Discipline of his Army; and that he intended to have speedily returned, and to have given him an account of what he had done for his service. Presently Orders came from Aurengzeb, that his Son should be sent to him; so that Mahomed, whether by constraint, or willingly, set forward for Jehanabat, attended by the Guards which Emir-Jemla, had appointed. The King having notice of his arrival, his Majesty ordered him a Lodging without the Palace, and would not permit him to kiss his hands; pretending he was not well. All this while Soliman Chekour, after he had been betrayed by the Raja Roup, had continued under the protection of Nacti-Rani in the Province of Serenaguer. This Prince, as stout as he was unfortunate, was constrained to lead a Savage life among the Mountains, for fear of falling into the hands of Aurengzeb, nor could he with all his Forces do him any harm in that place. Beside Nacti-Rani had assured him with an Oath, accompanied with all the Ceremonies that could make it solemn, and invioable; that he would rather loose his Territo●●●, than that Aurengzeb should do the lest violence to that protection which he afforded him. This was done upon the Banks of a River, which passes through his Country, where he washed his body, in token of the purity of his Soul; and being thus purified in the Water, he made his protestations to Soliman-Chekour, never to forsake him, taking his Gods to Witness of the sincerity of his intentions. Upon this, Soliman-Chekour never took any farther care, but every day went or divertise himself with hunting. While he gives up himself to his pleasure, Aurengzeb marches his Army toward the Mountains, thinking to force Nacti-Rani to surrender Soliman-Chekour into his power. But the Raja with a thousand men being able to defend the Avenues of his Country against a hundred thousand, Aurengzeb finding he could do no good, that way, has recourse to policy. He undertakes at first to treat with the Raja, but in vain, for the Raja would not violate his Oath; and his Priests assured him besides, that Aurengzeb should ere long be deposed, and that Soliman Chekour should Reign in his room. Aurengzeb thus prevented, resolves to make another kind of War upon him. Thereupon he forbids all commerce between his and the Raja's Subjects; which was very prejudicial to the latter. This caused the people to murmur at the protection which he had given to Soliman-Chekour; and at length they publicly cried out, that it was to the prejudice of the Public. Their Priests also, thus alarmed, began to doubt the truth of their Oracles, and to think it convenient to put another interpretation upon them. But the main thing was, that the Raja Jessomseing who had betrayed Dara-Cha, wrote privately to Nacti-Rani, that it was for the safety of his Person and Dominions, to submit to Aurengzeb; and to surrender his kinsman up into his hands. This advice of Jessomseing put him to a very great plunge; dreading on the one side the breach of his oath; on the other, the revolt of his people. Uncertain what course to take, he consults the Bramins, who gave their opinions that it was his duty rather to preserve his People and his Laws, which would be both destroyed, should they fall into the hands of Aurengzeb, than to keep his Faith with a Prince from whom he could never expect any advantage. These consultations being kept private from Soliman Chekour, his ruin was concluded upon, while he thought himself most secure. Thereupon Nacti-Rani, with a Salvo, as he thought, to his Honour and his Conscience, returned for answer to Jessomseing, that he could not consent to betray the Prince; but that Aurengzeb might take his opportunity to seize his person, yet preserve his reputation too: in regard that Soliman Chekour was want to go a Hunting upon certain Mountains in his Country with a small retinue, and that it would be an easy thing for him to sand a number of Soldiers sufficient to apprehended him. So soon as Jessomseing had received this answer, he gave order to his Son to see the business affected as the plot was laid. So that Soliman Chekour one day going a Hunting to the usual place, was snapped by a strong party that lay in Ambuscade. The Prince presently apprehended the treason, and defended himself with the assistance of his Attendants, who were all slain; he himself slew nine, but at length over-numbered, was taken and carried to Jehanabat. When he came into Aurengzeb's presence, the King asked him how he did? As well as a Prisoner of yours can do, said he, who expects no better usage from you, than his Father received before. The King bid him not be afraid, that he had no design to put him to death, but only to secure his person. Aurengzeb after that, demanding of him what was become of all the Treasure which he had carried away, the Prince made answer that he had spent a great part in raising Soldiers against him to have ruin'd him, if it had been his good fortune: That a good part was in the hands of Raja Roup, whose avarice and perfidiousness was sufficiently known. And that Nacti-Rani had got the remainder to deliver him to his enemies, to the prejudice of his word and honour. Aurengzeb was surprised and touched at the boldness of his Nephew; but ambition shutting his eyes, and stifling all thoughts of justice, which the just remorse of Conscience might excite within him, he gave order that Sultan Mahomet his Son, and Soliman Chekour his Nephew should both be committed to the Fort of Govaleor to keep Morat-Bak-che company, which was done the 30 th' of Jan. 1661. Sultan Sujah, who was yet alive, but still miserably, was the last thorn in Aurengzeb's foot; and the person that drew it out for him, and rid him of his last pain, was the King of Arakan, whither the unfortunate Prince was at length forced to retire. Who finding all his hopes to be lost, began to think of a Pilgrimage to Mecca, and from thence to go into Persia, and implore a Sanctuary under the protection of that Prince. To this purpose he thought he might obtain a Vessel from the King of Arakan, or the King of Pegu, to carry him to Mecca: but he was ignorant that neither of those Kings had any Vessels, that would live in the main Ocean. So that he was constrianed to stay with the King of Arakan, an Idolater, whose Daughter he desired in Marriage, which the King granted, and by whom he had a Son. But that which aught to have been the greatest occasion of friendship between the Son-in-law and the Father-in-law, was the greatest reason of their hatred and falling-out. For some Lords of the Country, who began to be jealous of Sultan Sujah, buzzed the King of Arakan in the ear, as if he had an intention by virtue of his Marriage, to dispossess him of his Throne, and to leave it to his own Son. The Pagan King easily believed what they said. Nor were these suspicions ill-grounded; for Sultan Sujah having good store of Gold and Jewels, easily corrupted several Mahometans that lived in the Kingdom of Arakan, and with those and about two-hundered men more that had followed him after the rout of his Army, he undertook a most bold enterprise, which was yet a mark rather of despair than courage. He appointed a day to those of his party to force the Palace, and after they had put all the Royal Family to the Sword, to proclaim him King of Arakan. But this Plot being discovered the day it should have been executed, Sultan Sujah, and Sultan Bangue, his Son, had no other way to save themselves, but by flight into the Kingdom of Pegu. But their way lying over Mountains almost impassable, and through thick Forests full of Tigers and Lions, and being also closely pursued, their flight availed them little or nothing. Sultan Bangue however being behind, to keep the Pursuers in play while his Father and his Family gained ground, stoutly defended himself against the first Assailants, but at length being overpowered by number, he was taken together with his two little Brothers, his Mother and his Sisters; who were all put in Prison, where they were very ill-used. But some time after, the King having a desire to marry the eldest Sister of Sultan Bangue, they had a little more liberty allowed them. However they enjoyed it not long, for the young Prince being of a turbulent and ambitious spirit, plotted new treasons against the King, which being discovered, the King immediately caused the whole Family to be put to death, not sparing the young Princess his Wife, though she were big with Child. As for Sultan Sujah, who was foremost among those that fled, it is more generally thought that either he was slain by the Soldiers who were sent to apprehended him, or that he was torn in pieces by the Tigers and Lions; of which those Forests are full. CHAP. VII. Of the beginning of Aurengzeb's Reign, and the Death of Cha-jehan his Father. SOme days before he ascended the Throne, he sent to his Father to sand him some of his Jewels, to the end he might appear before his people with the same magnificence as his Predecessors had done. Cha-jehan taking this request of his Sons for an affront put upon him in Prison, fell into such a rage that he continued mad for some days, and had like to have died upon it. In the excess of his vexation he called several times for a Mortar and a Pestle, threatening to beaten all his Jewels to powder before his Son should have them. But Begum-Saeheb, his eldest Daughter, never forsook him, throwing herself at his feet, and by virtue of that criminal power which she had over him, as being both his Daughter and his Wife, kept him from using that extremity; more out of a design to preserve the Jewels for herself, than for her Brother, to whom she had always been a mortal enemy. For this reason, when Aurengzeb ascended the Throne, he had no more than one Jewel upon his Bonnet: This Bonnet cannot be called a Crown; and by consequence neither can the Ceremony be called a Coronation. At the time that Aurengzeb took possession of the Throne, he would not eat any wheaten-bread, nor meat, nor fish, but fed upon barley-bread, herbs and sweetmeats, which was a kind of Penance that he impossed upon himself for so many crimes. When Aurengzeb was settled in the Empire, several Ambassadors came to Jehanabat to congratulate him, on the behalf of the Kings their Masters, as from the King of the Vsbeck Tartars, the Seriff of Mecca, the Prince of Balsara, and the Kings of Arabia Felix, and Ethiopia. The Hollanders also sent Menheir Adrican, chief of their Factory in Surat, who was kindly received, and first dispatched. For 'tis a piece of State, to keep the Ambassadors a good while at Court before they have Audience. All these Ambassadors presented Aurengzeb with the rarities of their Country; who to get himself a good name in Asia, sent them away very well satisfied. Some months before the death of Cha-jehan Aurengzeb sent an Ambassador into Persia, who was magnificently received. For a month together he was nothing but feasted and caressed with all manner of divertisements. The day that he was to make his Present from the Great Mogul, the King of Persia sat upon his Throne in a most magnificent habit; and having received the Embassador's Present, he presently divided it in contempt among the Officers of his House; only keeping for himself a Diamond that weighed sixty Carats. Some few days after he called for the Ambassador, and after some discourse, he asked him if he were of the Sect of the Turks? To which the Ambassador returning an answer, and letting some words fall against Haly, the King asked him what his name was.? He replied that Cha-jehan had given him the Name of Baubec-kan, that is, Lord of a free heart; and had honoured him with one of the chief employments at Court. Than thou'rt a Villain, replied the King of Persia, with an angry countenance, to desert thy Sovereign in his necessity, having received so many favours from him, and to serve a Tyrant, that keeps his Father in Prison, and has massacred all his Brothers. How dares he, pursued the King, take upon him the arrogant Title of Alem-guir Aureng-sha, or King of all the World, who never conquered any thing, but possesses all he has by treachery and parricide? Hast thou been one of those that counselled him to shed so much blood, to be the Executioner of his Brothers, and to keep his Father in Prison? Thou art not worthy to wear a Beard; and with that immediately caused it to be shaved of; which is the greatest indignity that can be put upon a man in that Country. Shortly after he commanded the Ambassador to return home, sending along with him for a Present to Aurengzeb, an hundred and fifty beautiful Horses, with a great quantity of Gold and Silver-Carpets, Cloth of Gold, rich Sashes, and other Stuffs, to a vast value. When Baubec-kan was come back to Agra, where the King was than, Aurengzeb incensed at the affront which the the Sophi of Persia had given him in the person of his Ambassador, lie took the Horses and sent some of them into the great Piazza, others to the corners of the Streets, causing it to be proclaimed that the followers of Haly could not ride those Horses without being Nigsses, that is to say, unclean, as coming from a King that did not obey the true Law. After that he caused the Horses to be killed, and all the rest of the Present to be burnt; uttering many reproachful words against the King of Persia, with whom he was mortally offended. At length Cha-jehan happening to dye toward the end of the year 1666. Aurengzeb found himself rid of an object that every hour reproached his Tyranny; and began to enjoy himself with more delight. Soon after he received his Sister Begum-Saheb into favour, restoring to her all her Governments, and giving her the Name of Cha-Begum, that is to say, Pincess Queen. The truth is, she is a Woman of Prodigious parts, and able to govern the whole Empire. And had her Father and Brothers taken her counsel at the beginning of the War, Aurengzeb had never been King. As for Rauchenara Begum his Sister, she had always taken his side, and when she heard he had taken Arms, she sent him all the Gold and Silver she could procure. In recompense whereof he promised her, when he came to be King, to give her the Title of Cha-Begum, and that she should sit upon a Throne: in all which he was as good as his word; and they continued very loving together till I was last at Genanabat: but than they were not so good friends, upon this occasion. The Princess having cunningly stolen into her Apartment a handsome young fellow, could not so privately let him out again after she had quite tired him; but the King was advertized thereof. Thereupon the Princess to prevent the shame and reproach, ran to the King in a great pre●ended fright and told him that there was a man got into the Haram, even to her very Chamber, and that his intention was certainly either to have killed or robbed her: that such a thing was never seen; that it concerned the safety of his Royal Person, and that he would do well to punish severely the Eunuches that kept guard that night. Presently the King ran in person with a great number of Eunuches, so that the poor young man had no way to escape but by leaping out of a window into the River that runs by the Palace-walls; whereupon a world of people ran out to ●eize him; the King commanding them to do him no harm, but to carry him to the Officer of Justice: However he has not been heard of ever since that time. CHAP. VIII. Of the Preparations against the Feast of the Great Mogul, when he is wheighed solemnly every year. Of the richness of his Thrones, and the Magnificence of his Court. THis great Feast gins the fifth of November, and lasts five days. They usually weight the King at the time of his Birth; and if he weighs more than he did the year before, there is great rejoicing. When he is weighed he seats himself upon the richest of his Thrones; and than all the Grandees of the Kingdom come to congratulate and present him. The Ladies of the Court sand him their Presents also, as likewise do the Governors of Provinces, and others in great Employments. The Presents consists of Jewels, Tissues, Carpets and other Stuffs; besides Camels, Elephants, Horses, and indeed any thing that is rare and of value. 'Tis said he receives that day thirty Millions of Liures. They begin to prepare for this Feast the seventh of September, about two Months before it gins. The first thing they do, is to cover the two great Courts overhead, from the middle of each Court to the Hall, which is open upon three sides. The Pavilions that cover these two voided places, are of Purple Velvet Embroidered with Gold, and so weighty, that the Posts which sustain them are as big as the Mast of a Ship; some thirty, some forty foot high. There are thirty-eight of these Posts to uphold the Tent in the first Court; and those next the Hall, are plated with Gold as thick as a Ducat. The rest are plated with Silver of the same thickness. The Cords are of Cotton of divers colours; some of them as big as a good Cable. The first Court is surrounded with Porticoes and little Chambers, where the Omrahs' keep Guard▪ For every eight days the Omrahs' relieve the Guard; and during those eight days, the Omrah who is upon the Guard, has a Dish of Meat out of the Kings Kitchin. When he sees it coming afar of, he makes three obey sances, laying his hand three times upon the Ground, and three times upon his Head, crying out at the same time, God preserve the King's health, give him long Life and Victory over his Enemies. They take it for a great Honour to Guard the King; and when they go upon the Guard, they put on all their most sumptuous Apparel; and their Horses, Camels, and Elephants are all richly adorned. Some of the Camels carry a small Piece of Ordnance, with a man behind to shoot it of. The meanest of these Omrahs' commands a thousand Horse; but if he be a Prince of the Blood, he commands six thousand. The Great Mogul has seven Thrones, some set all over with Diamonds; others with Rubies, Emeralds, and Pearls. The largest Throne, which is set up in the Hall of the first Court, is in form like one of our Field-Beds, six foot long, and four broad. The Cushion at the back is round like a Bolster; the Cushions on the sides are flat. I counted about a hundred and eight pale Rubies in Collets, about this Throne, the lest whereof weighed a hundred Carats; but there are some that weigh two hundred Emeralds I counted about a hundred and sixty, that weighed some threescore, some thirty Carats. The underpart, of the Canopy is all embroidered with Pearls and Diamonds, with a Fringe of Pearls round about. Upon the top of the Canopy, which is made like an Arch with four Panes, stands a Peacock, with his Tail spread, consisting all of Saphires, and other proper coloured Stones; the Body is of beaten Gold; enchased with several Jewels; and a great Ruby upon his breast, at which hangs a Pearl, that weighs fifty Carats. On each side of the Peacock stand two Nosegays, as high as the Bird, consisting of several sorts of Flowers, all of beaten Gold enamelled. When the King seats himself upon the Throne, there is a transparent Jewel, with a Diamond Appendent, of eighty or ninety Carats, encompassed with Rubies and Emeralds, so hung that it is always in his Eye. The twelve Pillars also that uphold the Canopy, are set with rows of fair Pearl, round, and of an excellent Water, that weigh from six to ten Carats a piece. At the distance of four feet, upon each side of the Throne, are placed two Parasols, or Umbrello's, the handles whereof are about eight foot high, covered with Diamonds; the Parasols themselves are of crimson Velvet, embroidered and fringed with Pearls. This is the famous Throne which Tamerlane began, and Cha-jehan finished; which is really reported to have cost a hundred and sixty Millions, and five hundred-thousand Liures of our Money. Behind this stately and magnificent Throne there is another lesle, in the form of a Tub, where the King baths himself; it is an Oval, seven foot long, and five broad. The outside whereof shines all over with Diamonds and Pearls; but there is no Canopy over it. Coming into the first Court, on the right hand, you see a particular Tent, where during all the Feast, the Morris-dancers are appointed to make sport, while the King sits upon his Throne. On the left hand is another Tent, appointed from the Principal Officers of the Army and Household. In the same Court, while the King sits upon his Throne, are to be seen thirty Horses, fifteen upon one side, and fifteen upon the other, lead by two men. Their Bridles are very short, but for the most part enriched with Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds, and Pearls, the bits whereof are of pure Gold. Every Horse wears between his Ears a rich Plume of Feathers, with a little Cushion upon his Back, tied on with a Surcingle, both being embroidered with Gold; and about his Neck hung some fair Jewel, which was either a Diamond, a Ruby, or an Emerald. The worst of those Horses cost three thousand, some five thousand Crowns; and some there were, that were never bought under ten thousand. The young Prince, who was between seven and eight years old, road upon a Horse not higher than a good big Greyhound, but very well shaped. About an hour after the King has been sitting upon his Throne, seven stout Elephants bred up for War, are brought out. One of those Elephants has his Seat fixed upon his back, if the King should have a mind to ride out. The others are covered with clothes richly embroidered, with Chains of Gold and Silver about their Necks; and there are four that carry the King's Standard upon their Cruppers, fastened to a Half-Pike, which a man seated on purpose close by, holds upright with his hand. These Elephants are brought within fifty paces of the Throne, and when they come before the King, they make their obeisances to him, laying their Trunks to the ground, and than lifting them up above their Heads three times; every time he makes a great cry, and than turning his back to the King, one of the Leaders turns up the Cloth, that the King may see he is in good case. There belongs also to every one a Cord, which is put round his body, to show how much he is grown since the last year. The first of these Elephants, which the King most esteems, is a great furious Creature, that has five hundred Roupies allowed him every month. He is fed with good Victuals, and a great quantity of Sucre, and they give him Aquavitae to drink. When the King rides forth upon his Elephant, the Omrahs' follow on Horseback. And when he rides on Horseback, the Omrahs' follow him on foot. After the King has seen his Elephants, he rises up, and goes into his Haram through a little oval door behind the Throne. The five other Thrones are set up in another magnificent Hall in another Court, all covered over with Diamonds, without any coloured Stone. When the King has stayed about half an hour, he comes out again, attended by three or four Eunuches, and seats himself in the other Hall, upon the middlemost of the five Thrones, where the Omrahs' come, as long as the five days of the Festival last, and make their Presents to him. CHAP. IX. Some other Observations upon the Court of the Great Mogul. AFter Aurengzeb had settled himself in the Empire, which he usurped from his Father and his Brothers, he imposed upon himself a very severe penance, eating nothing but Pulse and Sweetmeats, which has made him very meager and lean. All the time the Comet lasted in the year 1665, which appeared very great in the Indieses, where I than was, Aurengzeb drank nothing but Water, and eat nothing but Bread made of Millet; which so impaired his health, that it had like to have cost him his life. Besides, he always lay upon the ground, only with a Tiger's Skin under him; since which time he has never been perfectly well. I saw him drink three several times, while he sat upon his Throne; to which purpose he had brought him a large Cup of Crystal of the Rock, round and all of a piece, with a Gold Cover, enriched with Diamonds, Rubies, and Emeralds, the foot thereof being of the same. But no persons see the King eat, only his Wives and his Eunuches. And it is but very rarely that he goes to Dine or Sup with any of his Subjects. When I was last in India, Giafer-Kan, who was his Grand Visier, and his Uncle by marriage of his Wife, invited the King to see a new Palace which he was building, who went accordingly, and it was the greatest Honour his Majesty could do him; in retaliation whereof, Giafer-Kan, and his Wife presented him with Jewels, Elephants, Camels, Horses, and other things, to the value of a Million and fifty thousand Liures of our Money. For Giafer-Kan's Wife is the most magnificent and liberal Woman in all India, and spends more herself than all the King's Wives and Daughters, which makes her Husband in debt, though he be almost Lord of all the Empire. When the King is carried in his Palleki to the Mosque, one of his Sons follows him, a Horseback, and all his Omrahs' and officers of his Household come behind him a foot. Those that are Mahometans stay for him at the top of the ascent to the Mosque, and when he is ready to come out, they march before him to the Gate of his Palace. Eight Elephants always go before the King, to every one of which belong two men; one to lead the Elephant, and the other, who sits upon his back, carries a Standard fixed to a Half-Pike. The other four carry Seats or Thrones upon their backs, the one square, the other round; one covered, the other enclosed with Glass of several fashions. When the King goes abroad, he has usually five or six hundred men to attend him for his Guard, armed every one with a kind of an Half-Pike. To the heads of their Pikes they tie two Squibs crosswise, about a foot long, and as big as a man's Arm, which will carry the Half-Pike five hundred paces. The King is also attended by three or four hundred Musketeers; but they are very Cowards, and hardly know how to shoot of their pieces. He has also a certain number of Cavalry, which are Soldiers much alike. A hundred Europeans might well beaten a thousand Indians; but they would hardly accustom themselves to live such sober lives. For as well the Horse as the Infantry will live upon Meal kneaded with Water and brown Sugar; but in the evening, when they have convenience, they make Quichery, which is Rice boiled in Water and Salt, with a Grain, so called. When they eat it, they stir it with the ends of their Fingers in melted Butter, which is the usual food of the Soldiers and poor people. Beside, the heat would kill our Soldiers, who would never be able to endure the Sun all the day long, as the Indians do. By the way, give me leave to tell you, that the Country people have no other clothing than a piece of Linen to hid their secret parts, being miserable poor; for if their Governors know they have any thing about them, they seize it either as their right, or by force. There are some Provinces in India that lie waste, the Natives being forced to fly, by reason of the cruelty of their Governors. Under the pretence of being Mahumetans they persecute the poor Idolaters beyond all measure; and if any one of them embrace Mahumetism, 'tis only because they would not work any longer. For they turn Soldiers or Faquirs, who are a sort of people that profess a renunciation of the World, and live upon Alms, but are indeed very Rascals. They reckon that there are in India 800000 of these Mahometan Faquirs, and twelve hunder'd-thousand Idolaters. Once in fifteen days the King goes a Hunting, mounted upon his Elephant, and so continues during the chase. All the Game he takes is brought within Musket-shot of his Elephants. Which consists generally of Lions, Tigers, Hearts, and wild-Goats. For they will not meddle with Boars, as being Mahumetans. When he returns home, he puts himself into his Palleki, and goes in the same order, and with the same Guard, as when he returns from the Mosque, saving that when he goes a Hunting, he is attended with three or fourhundered Horsemen, that ride without any discipline in the World. As for the Princesses, as well the Wives, Daughters and Sisters of the King, they never stir out of the Palace, unless it be to spend a few days in the Country for their pleasure. Some of them go abroad, but very rarely, to visit some great Nobleman's Wives, as the Wife of Giafer-Kan, who is the King's Aunt. But that is only by particular leave of the King. And than it is not the custom as in Persia, where the Ladies make their visits only by night, and with a great number of Eunuches, who clear the Streets of all people they meet. For in the Mogul's Court, they usually go out about nine in the morning, with only three or four Eunuches, and ten or twelve Slaves, which are instead of Maids of Honour. The Princesses are carried in Palleki's covered over with Embroidered Tapestry, and a little Coach to hold one single person that follows the Palleki, drawn by two men, the wheels not being above a foot in diameter. The reason why they carry that Coach along with them, is, because that when the Princesses arrive at the House where they intent to alight, the men that carry the Palliki, not being permitted to go any farther than the first Gate, they than take their Coaches, and are drawn by their female-Slaves to the women's Apartment. I have also observed, that in all the Houses of great Noblemen, the women's Apartment is at the farther end of all. So that you must cross two or three great Courts, and a Garden or two, before you can come at it. When the Princesses are married to any of the Court-Grandees, they become absolute Mistresses of their Husbands; so that if they study not to please them, and do not as they would have them, in regard of their free access to the King they overrule the King many times to their prejudice, even to the turning them out of their Employments. As it is a custom that the firstborn always is Heir to the Throne, though he be the Son of a Slave, so soon as the Princesses of the King's Haram perceive that there is any one among them big with Child, they use all the artifices imaginable to make them miscarry. Insomuch that being at Patna in the year 1666, Cha-Est-Kan's Chirurgeon assured me, that the Wife of Cha-Est-Kan had procured the miscarrying of eight Women, because she would suffer no other women's Children but her own. CHAP. X. Of the Commodities which are brought as well out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, and other neighbouring Territories. IT will be necessary for the Reader to take notice what I have already said concerning the weights and Measures in use among the Indians, where I spoke concerning the Ours, and the Serre. Now for the Cobit. The Cobit is a measure for all Commodities that are measured by the Ell, of which there are several sorts, as in Europe there are several sorts of Ells. The Cobit is divided into 24 Tasots: and in regard the greatest part of the Commodities of India are uttered at Surat, I have given you a description in the margin of the fourth part of a Surat-Cobit, divided into six Tasots. Of their Silk. KAsembasar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, sends abroad every year two and twenty-thousand Bales of Silk; every Bale weighing a hundred pound. The two and twenty Bales make two millions and two-hunder'd-thousand pound, at sixteen ounces to the pound. The Hollanders usually carry away six or seven-thousand Bales, and would carry away more, did not the Merchants of Tartary, and the Mogul's Empire oppose them: for they buy up as much as the Hollander; the rest the Natives keep to make their Stuffs. This Silk is all brought into the Kingdom of Guzerat, the greatest part whereof comes to Amadabat, and to Surat, where it is wrought up. In the first place they make Carpets of Silk and Gold, others of Silk and Silver, others all of Silk: For the Worsted Carpets are made at Vettapour, some twelve leagues from Agra. In the second place they make Satins with streaks of Gold and Silver; others plain; with Tassatas after the same fashion. In the third place they make Patoles, which are a sort of Silk-stuff very thin, but painted with all sorts of Flowers, the manufacture whereof is at Amadabat. They cost from eight Roupies to forty the piece. This is a Commodity wherein The Dutch will not suffer any one of the Hollanders to trade in particular: for they transport it to the Philippine-Islands, to the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other neighbouring Islands. The raw-Silk of Kasembasar is yellowish, as are all the raw-Silks that come from Persia and Sicily; but the Natives of Kasembasar have a way to whiten it, with a Lie made of the Ashes of a Tree which they call Adam's Figtree; which makes it as white as the Palestine-Silk. The Hollanders sand away all their Merchandise which they fetch out of Bengala, by water, through a great Canal that runs from Kasembasar into Ganges, for fifteen leagues together; from whence it is as far by water down the Ganges to Ouguely, where they laid their Ships. Of the Calicuts: and first of the painted Calicuts, called Chites. CHites or Painted Calicuts, which they call Calmendar, that is to say, done with a Pencil, are made in the Kingdom of Golconda; and particularly about Maslipatan. But there is made so little, that though a man should employ all the Workmen that understand the art of weaving Calicuts, he would hardly found enough to make three Bales. The Chites which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogul are all Printed; and nothing so beautiful, neither for the figures nor the fineness of the Linen. Those which are made at Lahor, are the coarsest, and consequently the cheapest of all. They are sold by Corges, every Corge consisting of twenty pieces, which cost from 16 to 30 Roupies. The Chites which are made at Seronge, are sold from 20 to 50 Roupies the Corge, or thereabouts. These Chites serve for Coverlets for Beds, for Sofra's or Tablecloths after the Country-fashion, Pillowbears, Handkerchiefs, but more especially for Waistcoats as well for men as women in Persia. The fine Calicut- Chites are made at Brampour; and are used for handkerchiefs by those that snuff Tobacco. The women also, over all Asia, make Veils of these Calicuts, to wear over their heads, and about their shoulders, which Veils are called Ormis. The Basta's or Calicuts painted read, blue, and black, are carr'id white to Agra, and Amadabat, in regard those Cities are nearest to the places where the Indigo is made that is used in colouring. They cost from two Roupies to 30 or 40 apiece, according to the fineness and the quantity of Gold at the ends, and sometimes upon the sides. The Indians have a way to dip some of these Calicuts in a certain water that makes them look like Watered-chamlets, which adds also to the price. That sort which is sold for two Roupies, and so onward till ye come to twelve, is transported to the Coast of Melinda, and it is the greatest Trade the Governor of Mozambique drives, who sells them to the Cafres', that vend them again among the Abyssins', and into the Kingdom of Saba: for those people not understanding the use of Soap, need not more but only to wash these Calicuts in water. That sort which is valued from 12 Roupies upward, is transported to the Philippine-Islands, the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other adjacent places. Where the women wear no other clotheses, than a single piece of this Calicut. One part whereof, without cutting it, serves for a Petticoat; the other they wind about their stomaches and their heads. White Calicuts. WHite Calicuts come partly from Agra, and about Lahor, part from Bengala: some from Brouda, Baroche, Renonsari, and other places. They are brought out of the Loom to Renonsari, and Baroche, where they are whitened by reason of the convenience of their Meadows, and the great store of Lemons, that grow thereabouts. For the Calicuts are never so white as they should be, till they are dipped in Limon-water. The Calicuts that come from Agra, Lahor, and Bengala, are sold by the Courge, and they are of several prices, from seventeen Roupies to three or fourhundered, as the Merchant will have them woven. The Calicuts that come from Renonsari, and Baroche, are one and twenty cubits long, new out of the Loom; but in the whitening they shrunk to twenty cubits. Those of Brouda twenty cubits from the Loom, and shrink in the whitening to nineteen and a half. All the Calicuts or Bafta's that come from these three Cities, are of two sorts: for some are broad, some are narrow. The narrow are those I have already mentioned, the prices whereof are various, from two Mamoudi's to six. The broad Baftas are a cubit, and one third part wide; the whole piece twenty cubits long. The usual price of them is from five Mamoudi's to twelve: but a Merchant being upon the place, may 'cause them to be made much more large and fine, till they are worth five-hundred Mamoudi's apiece. I saw two pieces sold for a thousand Mamoudi's. The English bought one, and the Hollanders another, each piece containing eight and twenty cubits. Mahamed Alibeg returning into Persia out of India, where he had been Ambassador, presented Cha-sef the second with a Cocoanut, about the bigness of an Ostrich-egg, all beset with Pearls: and when it was opened there was taken out of it a Turban that had sixty cubits of Calicut in length to make it, the Cloth being so fine, that you could hardly feel it in your hand. For they will spin their thread so fine, that the eye can hardly discern it, or at lest it seems to be but a Cobweb. Twisted-Cotton. COtton twisted and untwisted comes from the Provinces of Brampour and Guzerat. Untwisted Cotton is never transported into Europe, being too cumbersome, and of little value; only they sand it to Ormus, Balsara, and sometimes to the Philippine-Islands, and the Islands of Sinde. As for the twisted Cottons, the English and Hillo nders transport a good quantity, not of the finest, but of that sort which is prized from fifteen to fifty Mamoudi's: It serves for wicks for Candles, for Packsaddles, and for the ground of Silk-stuffs. Indigo. INdigo comes from several parts of the great Mogul's Empire; and according to the diversity of the places it differs in quality, and consequently in price. In the first place, it comes from the Territories of Biana, Indova, and Corsae, a day or two's journey from Agra: which is esteemed the best of all. It is made also eight days journey from Surat, in a Village called Sarquess, two leagues distance from Amadabat. Here the flat Indigo is made. There is also Indigo little inferior in goodness and price, which comes from the King of Golconda's Territories. The Mein of Surat, which contains 42 Serre's, or 34 and a half of our pounds, is valued from 15 to 20 Roupies. They make as good as this at Baroche. That which is made up about Agra is made up in half Balls, and is the most sought for in all India. It is sold by the Mein, which in those places contains 60 Serres, or 51 and three quarters of our pounds. The usual price is from 36 to 40 Roupies. There grows also Indigo some 36 leagues from Brampour, about a great Village called Raout, and round about the neighbouring Towns in the road to Surat: of which the Natives usually make above a hunder'd-thousand Roupies. There comes Indigo also from Bengala, which the Holland-Company transports for Maslipatan. But they buy this Indigo, and that of Brampour and Amadabat, cheaper by twenty four in the hundred, than that of Agra. Indigo is made of an Herb which they sow every year after the rains are over: which when it is grown up, is very like our Hemp. They cut it three times a year; first when it is about two or three foot high; and they cut it within half a foot of the ground; the first cutting far exceeds the two latter. The second cutting is worse than the first by ten or twelve in the hundred, and the third worse than the second by twelve in the hundred. The difference is found by breaking a piece of the Paste, and observing the colour. The colour of that Indigo which is made of the first cutting, is a violet-blue, but more brisk and lively than the two others: and that which is made of the second is more lively than the third. When they have cut the Herb, they throw it unto Pits which they make with Lime, which becomes so hard, that you would judge it to be one entire piece of Marble. They are generally fourscore or a hundred paces in circuit; and being half full of water, they fill them quite up with the Herb. Than they bruise and jumble it in the water till the leaf, for the stalk is worth nothing, become like a kind of thick mud. This being done, they let it settle for some days; and when the settling is all at the bottom, and the water clear above, they let out all the water. When the water is as drained out, they fill several baskets wit hthis slime, and in a plain Field you shall see several men at work, every one at his own basket, making up little pieces of Indigo flat at the bottom, at the top sharp like an egg. Though at Amadabat they make their pieces quite flat like a small cake. Here you are to take particular notice, that the Merchants, because they would not pay custom for an unnecessary weight, before they transport their Indigo out of Asia into Europe, are very careful to 'cause it to be sifted, to separate the dust from it; which they fell afterwards to the Natives of the Country to dye their Calicuts. They that sift this Indigo must be careful to keep a Linen-cloth before their faces, andthat their nostrils be well-stopped, leaving only two littles holes for their eyes. Besides, they must every half hour be sure to drink milk, which is a great preservative against the piercing quality of the dust. Yet notwithstanding all this caution, they that have sifted Indigo for nine or ten days, shall spit nothing but blue for a good while together. Once I laid an Egg in the morning among the sifters, and when I came to break it in the evening it was all blue within. As they take the Paste out of the Baskets with their Fingers dipped in Oil, and make it into Lumps, or Cakes they lay them in the Sun to dry. Which is the reason that when the Merchants buy Indigo, they burn some pieces of it, to try whether there be any dust among it. For the Natives who take the Paste out of the Baskets to make it into Lumps, lay it in the Sand, which mixes with the Paste, and fouls it. But when the Merchants burn it, the Indigo turns to Ashes, and the Sand remains. The Governors do what they can to make the Natives leave their Knavery; but notwithstanding all their care, there will be some deceit. Salt-Peter. GReat store of Salt-Peter comes from Agra and Patna; but the refined costs three times more than that which is not. The Hollanders have set up a Warehouse fourteen Leagues above Patna, and when their Salt-Peter is refined, they transport it by Water by Ogueli. A Mein of refined Salt-Peter is worth seven Mamoudi's. Spice. CArdamom, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Nutmeg-Flowers, Cloves and Cinnamon, are all the different sorts of Spices known to us. I put Cardamom, and Ginger in the first place because that Cardamom grows in the Territories of Visapour, and Ginger in the Dominions of the Great Mogul. And as for other Spices, they are brought from other Foreign parts to Surat, which is the grand Mart. Cardamom is the most excellent of all other Spices, but it is very scarce; and in regard there is no great store in the place where it grows, it is only made use of in Asia, at the Tables of great Princes. Five hundred pound of Cardamons, are prized from a hundred to a hundred and ten Reals. Ginger is brought in great quantities from Amadabat, where there grows more than in any other part of Asia; and it is hardly to be imagined how much there is transported candied into Foreign parts. Pepper is of two sorts. There is a sort which is very small, another sort much bigger; both which sorts are distinguished into small and great Pepper. The larger sort comes from the Coast of Malavare; and Tuticorin and Calicut are the Cities where it is brought up. Some of this Pepper comes from the Territories of the King of Visapour, being vended at Rejapour, a little City in that Kingdom. The Hollanders that purchase it of the Malavares, do not give Money for it, but several sorts of Commodities in Exchange; as Cotton, Opium, vermilion, and Quicksilver; and this is the Pepper which is brought into Europe. As for the little Pepper that comes from Bantam, Afchen, and some other parts toward the East, there is none of it carried out of Asia, where it is ' spent in vast quantities, especially among the Mahometans. For there are double the Grains of small Pepper in one pound, to what there are of the great Pepper; besides that the great Pepper is hotter in the mouth. The little Pepper that comes to Surat, has been sold some years for thirteen or fourteen Mamoudi's the Mein; and so much I have seen the English give for it, to transport it to Ormus, Balsara; and the Read Sea. As for the great Pepper which the Hollanders fetch from the Coast of Malavare, five hundred pound in truck brings them in not above thirty-eight Reals; but by the Commodities which they give in Barter, they gain Cent, per Cent. The Nutmeg, the Nutmeg-flower, the Clove, and Cinnamon, are the only Spices which the Hollanders have in their own hands. The three first come from the Molucca Islands; the fourth, which is Cinnamon, from the Island of Ceylan: 'Tis observable of the Nutmeg, that the Tree which bears it is never planted, which has been confirmed to me by several persons that have lived several years in the Country. They related to me, that the Nutmeg being ripe, several Birds come from the Islands toward the South, and devour it whole, but are forced to throw it up again before it be digested. The Nutmeg than besmeared with a viscous matter, falling to the ground takes root, and produces a Tree, which would never thrive were it planted. This puts me in mind of making one observation upon the Birds of Paradise. These Birds being very greedy after Nutmegs, come in flights to gorge themselves with the pleasing Spice, at the season, like Felfares in Vintage time; but the strength of the Nutmeg so intoxicate them, that they fall dead drunk to the Earth, where the Emmets in a short time eat of their Legs. Hence it comes, that the Birds of Paradise are said to have no Feet; which is not true however, for I have seen three or four that had Feet; and a French Merchant sent one from Aleppo as a Present to Lewis the Thirteenth that had Feet; of which the King made great account, as being a very lovely Fowl. But notwithstanding all the Hollanders Projects, you may buy Cloves at Macassar without purchasing them of the Hollander; in regard the Islanders buy them of the Dutch Captains and Soldiers, which the Hollanders have in those places where the Cloves grow, giving them in exchange Rice, and other necessaries for the support of life, without which they would starve, being very sadly provided for. When the Natives of Macassar are thus furnished of Cloves, they barter them in Exchange for such Commodities as are brought them; sometines they give Tortoise-Shells in exchange, and Gold Dust; by which the Merchant gains six or seven in the hundred, being better than the Money of the Island, though it be Gold, by reason the King oft-times enhances the value of it. The places where Cloves grow, are Amboyna, Ellias, Seram, and Bouro. The Islands of Banda also, in number six, viz. Nero, Lontour, Poulcay, Roseguin, and Grenapuis, bear Nutmegs, in great abundance. The Island of Grenapuis is about six Leagues in compass, and ends in a sharp point, where there is a continual fire burning out of the Earth. The Island of Dam, where there grows great store of Nutmegs, and very big, was discovered in the year 1647, by Abel Ta●man, a Dutch Commander. The price of Cloves and Nutmegs, as I have known them sold to the Hollanders at Sarat, was as follows. The Mein of Surat contains forty Serres, which make thirty-four of our Pounds, at sixteen Ounces to the Pound. A Mein of Cloves was sold for a hundred and there Mamoudi's and a half. A Mein of Mace was sold for a hundred and fifty-seven Mamoudi's and a half. Nutmegs for fifty-six Mamoudi's and a half. Cinnamon comes at Present from the Island of Ceylan. The Tree that bears it is very much like the Willow, and has three Barks. They never take of but the first and second, which is accounted the best. They never meddle with the third, for should the Knife enter that, the Tree would dye. So that it is an art to take of the Cinnamon, which they learn from their youth. The Cinnamon Spice is much dearer to the Hollanders than people think; for the King of Ceylan, otherwise called King of Candy, from the name of his principal City, being a sworn Enemy to the Hollanders, sends his Forces with an intention to surprise them, when they gather their Cinnamon; so that they are forced to bring seven or eight hundred men together to defend as many more that are at work. Which great expense of theirs very much enhances the price of the Cinnamon. There grows upon the Cinnamon Tree a certain fruit like an Olive, though not to be eaten. This the Portugals were want to put into a Cauldron of Water, together with the tops of the Branches, and boiled it till the Water was all consumed. When it was cold, the upper part became a Paste like white Wax; of which they made Tapers to set up in their Churches, for no sooner were the Tapers lighted, but all the Church was perfumed. Formerly the Portugal's brought Cinnamon out of other Countries, belonging to the Raja's about Cochin. But the Hollanders have destroyed all those places, so that the Cinnamon is now in their hands. When the Portugals had that Coast, the English bought their Cinnamon of them, and usually paid for it by the Mein fifty Mamoudi's. Drugs that are brought to Surat, and brought from other Countries, with the price of every one by the Mein. Salt Armoniac, according to the usual price, costs by the Mein twenty Mamoudi's. Borax, comes unrefined from Amadabat, as does Salt Armoniac, and costs by the Mein thirtyfive Mamoudi's. Gum-Lack, seven Mamoudi's and a half. Gum-Lack washed, ten Mamoudi's. Gum-Lack in sticks of Wax, forty Mamoudi's. There are some of these Sticks that cost fifty or sixty Mamoudi's the Mein, and more when they mix Musk in the Gum. Saffron of Surat, which is good for nothing but for colouring, four Mamoudi's and a half. Cumin White, eight Mamoudi's. Cumin Black, three Mamoudi's. Arlet small, three Mamoudi's. Frankincense, that comes from the Coast of Arabia, three Mamoudi's. Myrrh, that which is good, called Mirra Gilet, thirty Mamoudi's. Myrrh Bolti, which comes from Arabia, fifteen Mamoudi's. Cassia, too Mamoudi's. Sugar Candy, eighteen Mamoudi's. Asutinat, a sort of Grain, very hot, one Mamoudi. Aniseed Gross, three Mamoudi's and a half. Aniseed small and hot, one Mamoudi and a half. Oupelote, a Root, fourteen Mamoudi's. Cointre, five Mamoudi's. Auzerout, from Persia, a hundred and twenty Mamoudi's. Aloes Succotrine, from Arabia, twenty eight Mamoudi's. Licorice, four Mamoudi's. Lignum Aloes, in great pieces, two hundred Mamoudi's. Lignum Aloes, in small pieces, four hundred Mamoudi's. Vez-Cabouli, a certain Root, twelve Mamoudi's. There is a sort of Lignum Aloes very Gummy, which comes to, by the Mein, four thousand Mamoudi's. Gum-Lake for the most part comes from Pegu; yet there is some also brought from Bengala, where it is very dear, by reason the Natives fetch that lively Scarlet colour out of it, with which they paint their Calicuts. Nevertheless, the Hollanders buy it, and carry it into Persia for the same use of painting. That which remains after the colour is drawn of, is only fit to make feeling Wax. That which comes from Pegu is not so dear, though as good for other Countries. The difference is only this, that it is not so clean in Pegu, where the Pismires foul it, as in Bengala, where it grows in a healthy place, full of Shrubs, where those Animals cannot so well come at it. The Inhabitants of Pegu never make any use of it in painting, being a dull sort of people, that are in nothing at all industrious. The women of Surat get their live by cleansing the Lake after the Scarlet colour is drawn from it. After that they give it what colour they please, and make it up into Sticks for sealing Wax. The English and Holland Company carry away every year a hundred and fifty Chests. The price is about ten Sous the pound. Powdered Sugar is brought in great quantities out of the Kingdom of Bengala; it causes also a very great Trade at Ougeli, Patna, Daca, and other places. I have been told it for a very great certainty, by several ancient people in Bengala, that Sugar being kept thirty years becomes absolute poison, and that there is no Venom more dangerous, or that sooner works its effect. Loaf-Sugar is also made at Amadabat, where they are perfectly skilled in refining it; for which reason it is called Sugar Royal. The Sugar-Loaves usually weigh from eight to ten pound. Opium is brought from Brampour, a Town of good Trade between Agra and Surat. The Hollanders buy great quantities, which they truck for their Pepper. Tobacco also grows in abundance round about Brampour; sometimes there has been so much that the Natives have let vast quantities rot upon the ground, for want of gathering. Coffee grows neither in Persia nor in India, where it is in no request; but the Hollanders drive a great Trade in it, transporting it from Ormus into Persia as far as Great Tartary, from Balsara into Caldea, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and other Provinces of Turkey. It was first found out by a Hermit, whose name was Scheck-Siadeli, about twenty-years ago, before which time it was never heard of in any Author either ancient or modern. Deceits in Silk Wares. Plain Silk Wares may be altered in length, breadth, and quality. The quality shows itself when they are of an even thread, when the weight is equal, and when there is no Cotton thread in the West. The Indians not having the art of guilding silver, put into their stripped Wares threads of pure Gold, so that you must count the quantity of Gold threads to see whether the Silk have its due number. And this also you must observe in your Silks woven with Silver. As for Taffatas, your are only to mind whether the pieces be all of a fiineness, and to see by unfolding some of them, that there be nothing within to augment the weight, and than weighing all the pieces by themselves, to see that they all agreed. The colours of those Carpets which are made in India, do not last so long as the colour of those which are made in Persia; but for the Workmanship it is very lovely. The eye of the Broker is to judge of the largeness, beauty, and fineness of those Carpets which are wrought with Gold and Silver, and whether they be fine and rich. But whether they be Carpets, or other Stuffs mixed with Gold and Silver, it behoves the Buyer to pull out some of the Gold and Silver Threads, to see whether they be of the right value or no. Deceits in the White Calicuts. The deceits usually put upon Calicuts, are in fineness length, and breadth. Every Bale may contain two hundred pieces; among which they will juggle in five or six or ten, lesle fine, or lesle white, shorter and narrower than according to the scantling of the Bale, which cannot be found out but by examining them piece by piece. The fineness is discerned by the eye, the length and breadth by the measure. But the Indians practise a more cunning way, which is to count the number of threads which aught to be in the breadth, according to the fineness of the scantling. When the number fails, it is either more transparent, more narrow, or more course. The difference is sometimes so difficult to be perceived, that there is no way to found it out but by counting the threads. And yet this difference in a great quantity comes to a great deal. For it is nothing to cousin a Crown or two Crowns, in a piece that comes but to fifteen or twenty Crowns. Those that whiten these Calicuts, to save charges of a few Lemons, will knock the Calicuts excessively upon a Stone, which does fine Calicuts a great injury, and loars the price. As for their Calicuts died blue or black, you must take care that the Workmen do not knock them after they are folded, to make them look sleek; for many times when they come to be unfolded, you shall found holes in the creases. As for your painted and printed Calicuts, which are painted and printed as they come out of the Loom, the Merchant must take care that what he bespeaks be finished before the end of the Rains, for the thicker the Water is where they are washed, the more lively will the printed and painted colours appear. It is easy to distinguish between the printed and the painted Calicuts; and between the neatness of the work: but for the fineness and other qualities, they are not so easily discerned; and therefore the Broker must be more careful. Cheats in Cotton. THE cheat in the weight is twofold. The first, by laying them in a moist place; and thrusting in the middle of every Skein something to add to the weight. The second, in not giving good weight when the Broker receives it from the Workman, or Merchant that delivers it. There is but one cheat in the quality, that is by putting three or four Skains, of a coarser Commodity than that which is uppermost, into one Mein. Which in a great quantity mounts high; for there are some Cottons that are worth an hundred Crowns the Men. These two cheats being often used by the Holland-Company, there is no way but to weigh your Commodity in the presence of the Dutch-Commander, and his Council, and to examine every Mein, Skein by Skein. When this is done, they who are ordered to be at this examination, are obliged to fix to every Bale a ticket of the weight and quality: for if there be a faileur, they who fix the ticket are engaged to make good what is wanting. Deceits in Indigo. I Have told you, that when the Workmen have made up the Indigo-Paste into lumps, with their singers dipped in Oil, they lay them in the Sun a drying. Now those that have a design to cheat the Merchants, dry them in the sand, to the end that the sand sticking to the Indigo, should increase the weight. Sometimes they lay up their Paste in moist places, which makes it give, and consequently renders it more heavy. But if the Governor of the place discovers the cheat, he makes them severely pay for it: and the best way of discovery is to burn some pieces of Indigo, for the sand will remain. Indian Brokers. THE Brokers are as it were the Masters of the Indian Families; for they have all Goods at their disposal. The Workmen choose the most aged and most experienced, who are to endeavour equal advantages for the whole Tribe they undertake for Every evening that they return from their business, and that, according to the custom of the Indians, who make no Suppers, they have eaten some little piece of Sweetmeat, and drank a glass of water, the eldest of the Tribe meet at the Broaker's House, who gives them an account of what he has done that day, and than they consult what he is to do next. Above all things, they caution him to look to his hits, and to cheat, rather than be cheated. CHAP. XI. Of Diamonds, and the Ours and Rivers where they are found; and first of the Author's journey to the Mine of Raolconda. THE Diamond is the most precious of all Stones, and it was in that sort of Commodity wherein I most dealt. And therefore to acquire a perfect experience, I went to all the Ours; and to one of the Rivers where they are found. To which purpose I travelled to four Ours; of which I will give you a description; and of one of the Rivers where I have also been. The first of these Ours, where I was, is in the Territories of the King of Visopour, in the Province of Carnatica; and the place is called Raolconda, five days journey from Golconda, and eight or nine from Visapour. This Mine was discovered not above two-hundered years ago, as I was Informed by those of the Country. Round about the place where the Diamonds are found, the ground is sandy, full of Rocks, much resembling the parts near Fountain-Bleau. There are in the Rocks several veins, some half a finger, some a whole finger-wide: And the Miners make use of Irons with hooks at the end, with which they pick out the earth or Sand, which they put into tubs, and among that earth, they found the Diamonds. But because these veins do not run always straight, but sometimes down, sometimes upward, the Miners are constrained to break the Rock, following always the train of the veins: When they have opened all the veins, and taken out all the sand, than they wash it two or three times over to look for the Diamonds. In this Mine it is that they found the cleanest Stones, and of the whitest water. But the mischief is, that to fetch the sand out of the Rock, they are forced to strike such terrible blows with a great Iron-leaver, that they flaw the Diamond, and make it look like Crystal. Which is the reason there are found so many soft Stones in this Diamond-Mine, though they make a great show. If the Stone be clean, they only give it a turn or two upon the wheel, not caring to shape it, for fear of losing the weight. If there be any flaws, or any points, or any black or read specks in it, they cut all the Stone into Fossets, to hid the defect. Now because a Merchant desires rather to have a black speck than a read one; 'tis but burning the Stone, and the speck becomes black. This trick at length I understood so well, that when I saw any Stones in them that came from the Mine made into Fossets, especially very small ones, I was certain there was either some speck or some flaw in the Stone. There are several Diamond-Cutters at this Mine, but none of them have above one Mill, which is of Steel. They never cut but one Stone at a time upon each Mill, casting water continually upon the Mill, to found out the grain of the Stone; which being found they pour on Oil, (not sp●●ing for powder of Diamonds though it be very dear,) to make the Stone slide the faster; and they lay on more weight than we do. I have seen them lay upon one Stone an hundred and fifty pound of Lead. I must confess it was a great Stone, which weighed an hundred and three Carats, after it was cut; and the Mill was like ours, only the great Wheel was turned by four Negroes. The Indians are not of the same opinion that we are; for they do not believe that the weight gives any lustre to the Stones. If theirs be not subject to take their lustre, 'tis because there is always a Boy that stands with a thin wooden-slice in his hand, and waters the Wheel continually with Oil and Powder of Diamonds. Besides, their Wheel does not go so fast as ours, because the Wooden-wheel that turns the Steel-wheel, is not above three foot in Diameter. They cannot give that lively polishment to Stones, as we give to ours in Europe; and I believe the reason to be, because their Wheel does not run so flat as ours. For in regard it is of Steel, to rub it upon the Emeril, as must be done every four and twenty hours, the Tree must be taken of, which can never be put on again so as to run so flat as it did. Had they the invention of Iron-mills, upon which they never use Emeril, but only the File, because their is no necessity to take of the Tree to file the Mill, they might polish their Stones better than they do. I have told you they must either rub the Mill with Emeril, or file it every four and twenty hours. For when the Stone has run for some time, that part of the Mill becomes as smooth and bright as glass: so that if you do not rough it again either with Emeril or the File, the powder will not stay; whereas if the powder stay, there is more work done in an hour than otherwise in two. Though a Diamond be naturally very hard, having a kind of a knot, as you see in wood, the Indian Lapidaries will cut the Stone, which our European Lapidaries found great difficulty to do, and usually will not undertake to perform; which makes the Indians require something more for the fashion. As for the Government of the Ours, they trade very freely, and very faithfully. They pay two per cent. to the King for all that they buy: besides that, he has also a duty from the Merchants for leave to dig. The Merchant after he has made search with the Miners, who know all the places where the Diamonds grow, chooses out a place about two-hundered paces in compass, where they set at work sometimes fifty, sometimes an hundred Miners, as they are in haste of work. And from the day that they begin to work, to the day that they end, the Merchants pay to the King two Pagods a-day; and four when they employ and hundred men. These poor people never get above three Pagods all the year long, though they understand their business extremely well; so that their wages being so small, they make no scruple, when they can handsomely, to hid a Stone for their own profit; and in regard they are quite naked, only for a rag about their privities, sometimes they are so dextrous, as to swallow the Stone. The chief of the Merchants who employ these Miners showed me one of them, that had cozened him of a Stone, and had put it into the corner of his eye, but he took it from the fellow so soon as he had discovered the cheat. To prevent this cozenage, there are twelve or fifteen in fifty, who are engaged to the Merchant, that he shall have no injury done him, nor any thefts committed. If by accident they meet with a Stone that weighs 14 or 16 Carats, they presently carry it to the Master of the work, who gives him in recompense the Sarpo, which is a piece of Calicut to make him a Bonnet, to the value of 25 Sous, together with half a Pagod in Silver, or else a whole Pagod, when he gives him neither Rice nor Sugar. The Merchants that come to trade at the Ours keep their Lodgings; and every morning about ten or eleven a clock, after they have dined, the Masters of the Miners bring their Diamonds to show them. If the Stones are large, or that there be so many as amount from two-thousand to sixteen-thousand Crowns, they will leave them with the strange Merchant seven or eight days, for the Merchants to consider. When the Merchants has seen the Stones, it becomes him to agreed upon the price in a short time. Otherwise the party that owes the Stones, takes them away again, and you shall never see the same Stones again, unless mixed with others. When the bargain is concluded, the Purchaser gives a Bill of Exchange upon the Banker. If you have agreed to pay him in four days, and make him stay longer, you must pay him down one and an half in the hundred for a month's interest. Most commonly when they know the Merchant to be sufficient, they will choose to take a Bill of Exchange for Agra, for Golconda, or Visapour, but more especially for Surat, as being the most frequented Port in all India, where they may furnish themselves with all Commodities which they want. 'Tis very pleasant to see the young children of the Merchants and other people of the Country, from the age of ten to fifteen or sixteen years, who seat themselves upon a Tree, that lies in the voided place of the Town: Every one of them has his Diamond-weights in a little Bag hanging at one side, on the other his Purse, with five or six-hundered Pagods in Gold in it. There they sit expecting when any person will come to cell them some Diamonds. If any person brings them a Stone, they put it into the hands of the eldest Boy among them, who is as it were their chief; who looks upon it, and after that gives it to him that is next him; by which means it goes from hand to hand, till it return to him again, none of the rest speaking one word. After that he demands the price, to buy it if possible; but if he buy it to dear, 'tis upon his own account. In the evening the Children compute what they have laid out, than they look upon their Stones, and separate them according to their water, their weight, and clearness. Than they bring them to the great Merchants, who have generally great parcels to match: and the profit is divided among the children equally; only the chief among them has a fourth in the hundred more than the rest. As young as they are, they so well understand the price of Stones, that if one of them have bought any purchase, and is willing to loose one half in the hundred, the other shall give him his Money. They shall hardly bring you a parcel of Stones, above a dozen, wherein there is not some flaw or other defect. When I came to the Mine, I went to wait upon the Governor, who told me I was welcome; and because he made no question but that I had brought Gold with me, (for they talk of nothing under Gold at the Ours,) he bid me only lay it in my Chamber, and he would undertake it should be safe. Thereupon he presented me with four servants to watch my Gold day and night, and to follow my orders, bidding me withal fear nothing, but eat, drink, and sleep, and take care of my health; but withal he told me I must be careful of not cheating the King. Thereupon I fell to buying, and found profit enough, above twenty in the hundred cheaper than at Golconda. I have one thing to observe which is more than ordinarily curious, concerning the manner how the Indians, as well as Mahometans as Idolaters, drive their bargains. Every thing is done with great silence, and without any talking on either side. The buyer and the seller sit one before another like two Tailors, and the one of the two opening his Girdle, the seller takes the right-hand of the purchaser, and covers his own hand and that with his Girdle: under which, in the presence of many Merchants that meet together in the same Hall, the bargain is secretly driven without the knowledge of any person. For than the purchaser nor seller speak neither with their mouths nor eyes, but only with the hand, as thus. When the seller takes the purchaser by the whole hand, that signifies a thousand, and as often as he squeezes it, he means so many thousand Pagods or Roupies, according to the Money in question. If he takes but half to the knuckle of the middle-finger, that's as much as to say fifty: The small end of the finger to the first knuckle signifies ten. When he grasps five fingers, it signifies five-hundred; if but one finger, one-hundered. This is the mystery which the Indians use in driving their bargains. And many times it happens, that it the same place, where there are several people, one and the same parcel shall be sold seven or eight times over, and no person know that it was sold in that manner every time. As for the weight of the Stones, no person can be deceived in them, unless he purchase them in hugger-mugger. For if they are publicly bought, there is a person on purpose paid by the King, without any benefit from particular persons, whose place it is to weigh the Diamonds; and when he has spoken the weight, the buyer and seller are satisfied in his words, as not being a person any way obliged to favour any person. Having dispatched all my business at the Mine, the Governor appointed me six Horsemen to convoy me through the Territories under his Government, which extends to a River that separates the Kingdom of Visapour from that of Golconda. 'Tis a very difficult thing to cross that River, it being deep, broad and rapid; besides that, there are no Boats. But they ferry over Men, Carriages, Oxen and Coaches upon a round Vessel, ten or twelve foot in Diameter, made of Osier-twigs, like our Flaskets; and covered without with Ox-hides; as I have already related. They might easily use Boats, or make a Bridge; but the King of Golconda will not suffer either, because the River parts the two Kingdoms. Every evening the Ferry-men on both sides are bound to carry to two Governors on each side the River, an exact account of the Persons, Carriages and Merchandizes which they ferried over that day. Coming to Golconda, I found that the person whom I had left in trust with my Chamber, was dead: but that which I observed most remarkable, was, that I found the door sealed with two Seals, one being the Cadi's or chief Justice's, the other the Sha-Bander's, or Provost of the Merchants. An Officer of Justice, together with the Servants I had left behind, watched the Chamber night and day. This Officer hearing of my arrival, went and gave notice to the Cadi and Sha-Bander, who sent for me. The Cadi presently asked me, if the Money I had left in the Chamber where the person died were mine, and how I could prove it. I told him I had no better proofs than the Letters of Exchange which I had brought to the Banker that paid it by my order to the person deceased; to whom I had also given farther order, that if the Banker paid me in Silver, he should change the sum into Gold. Thereupon the Bankers were sent for, who affirming the payments accordingly, the Cadi sent his Deputy to open the Chamber door; nor would he leave me, till I had counted over my Money, and had assured him it was right. After that I returned to the Cadi and the Sha-Bander, and signified as much to them; and having paid them some Fees which they demanded. to the value of four Crowns and a half of our Money, I returned them my thanks for their care. This I relate to show the justice of the Country. CHAP. XII. The Author's Journey to the other Ours; and how they found the Diamonds there. SEven days journey from Golconda Eastward there is another Diamond Mine, called in the language of the Country Gani, in the Persian tongue Colour. It is near a great Town, by which the same River runs, which I crossed coming from the other Mine; and a League and a half from the Town is a high Mountain in the form of a Half-Moon; the space between the Town an the Mountain is a Plain where they dig and found Diamonds. The nearer they dig to the Mountain, the larger Stones they found; but at the top they found nothing at all. It is not above a hundred years since this Mine was found out by a Countryman, who digging in a piece of ground to sow Millet, found therein a pointed Stone that weighed above twenty-five Carats; he not knowing what the Stone was, but seeing it glister, carried it to Golconda, where as it happened well for him, he met with one that traded in Diamonds. The Merchant informing himself of the place where the Stone was found, admired to see a Jewel of that bigness, not having seen any one before that weighed above ten or twelve Carats. However his report made a great noise in the Country; insomuch that the Moneyed men in the Town set themselves to work, and causing the ground to be searched, they found, and still do found bigger Stones, and in greater quantity than in any other Mine. For they found a great number of Stones from ten to forty Carats, and sometimes bigger; among the rest that large Stone that weighed nine hundred Carats, which Mirgimola presented to Aurengzeb. But though this Mine of Colour be so considerable for the quantity of great Stones which are there found, yet the mischief is, the Stones are not clean; the Waters having something of the quality of the Earth where they are found. If the Ground be marshy, the Water inclines to black; if it be read, there is a redness in the Water; in other places the Stones appear somewhat greenish, in others yellowish; such a diversity of Soils there is between the Town and the Mountain. Upon the most part of these Stones after they are cut, there appears a kind of greasy moisture, which must be as often wiped of. As for the Water of the Stones, it is remarkable, that whereas in Europe we make use of daylight to examine the rough Stones, and to judge of their Water, and the speaks that are found therein, the Indians do all that in the nighttime, setting up a Lamp with a large Wiek, in a hole which they make in the Wall, about a foot square; by the light whereof they judge of the Water and clearness of the Stone, which they hold between their Fingers. The Water which they call celestial is the worst of all, and it is impossible to discern it so long as the Stone is rough. The most infallible way to found out that Water, is to carry the Stone under a Tree thick of Boughs, for by the verdure of that shade you may easily discern whether the Water be bluish or no. The first time I was at the Mine, there were above sixty thousand persons at work, men, woman, and children; the men being employed to dig, the women, and Children to carry the Earth. After the Miners have pitched upon the place where they intent to work, they levelly another place close by, of the same extent, or else a little bigger, which they enclose with a Wall about two foot high. In the bottom of that little Wall, at the distance of every two foot, they make small holes to let in the water; which they stop up afterwards, till they come to drain out the water again. The place being thus prepared, the people that are to work meet all together, men, women, and children, with the Workmaster in the Company of his Friends and Relations. Than he brings along with him some little Image of the God that they adore; which being placed upright upon the ground, they all prostrate themselves three times before it, while their Priest says a certain prayer. The prayer being ended, he marks the forehead of every one with a kind of Glue, made of Saffron and Gum, to such a compass as will hold seven or eight Grains of Rice, which he sticks upon it; than having washed their bodies with water, which every one brings in his pot, they rank themselves in order to eat what the Workmaster prelents them, before they go to work, to encourage them both to labour and be faithful. This Feast consists of nothing else but every one his Plate of Rice, distributed by the Bramin; for an Idolater may eat any thing from the hands of one of their Priests. The Plates are made of the Leaves of a certain Tree, not much unlike our Walnut-tree Leaves. Besides this, every one has a quarter of a pound of Butter, melted in a small Copper pot with some Sugar. When their Feast is over, the men fall to digging, the women and children to carry Earth to the place prepared in that manner as I have already described, They dig ten, twelve, and sometimes fourteen foot deep; but when they come to any water they leave of. All the Earth being carried into the place beforementioned, the men, women, and children with Pitchers throw the water which is in the drains upon the Earth, letting it soak for two or three days, according to the hardness of it, till it come to be a kind of Batter; than they open the holes in the Wall to let out the water, and throw on more water still, till all the mud be washed away, and nothing left but the Sand. After that they dry it in the Sun; and than they winnow the Sand in little Winnows, as we winnow our Corn. The small dust flies away, the great remains, which they pour out again upon the ground. The Earth being thus winnowed, they spread with a kind of Rake, as thin as they possibly can; than with a wooden Instrument, like a Paviers Rammer, about half a foot wide at the bottom, they pound the Earth from one end to the other, two or three times over. After that they winnow it again than; and spreading it at one end of the Van, for fear of losing any of the Earth, they look for the Diamond. Formerly they were want to pound the Earth with Flint-stones, instead of wooden Rammers; which made great flaws in the Diamonds, and is therefore now left of. Heretofore they made no scruple to buy those Diamonds that had a green outside; for being cut, they proved very white, and of an excellent water. Since they have been more nice; for there was a Mine discovered between Colour and Raolconda, which the King caused to be shut up again, by reason of some cheats that were used there; for they found therein that sort of Stones which had this green outside, fair and transparent, and which appeared more fair than the others; but when they came to the Mill they crumbled to pieces. CHAP. XIII. A Continuation of the Author's Travels to the Diamond Ours. I come to the third Mine, which is the most ancient of all, in the Kingdom of Bengala. You may give it the name of Soumelpour, which is the name of the Town next to the place where the Diamonds are found; or rather Govel, which is the name of the River in the Sand whereof they seek for the Stones. The Territories through which this River runs, belong to a Raja, who was anciently tributary to the Great Mogul, but revolted in the time of the Wars between Sha-jehan and Gehanguir his Father. So soon as Sha-jehan came to the Empire, he sent to demand his Tribute of this Raja, as well for the time past, as to come; who finding that his Revenues were not sufficient to pay him, quitted his Country, and retired into the Mountains with his Subjects. Upon his refusal, Sha-jehan believing he would stand it out, sent a great Army against him, persuading himself that he should found great store of Diamonds in his Country. But he found neither Diamonds, nor People, nor Victuals, the Raja having burnt all the Corn which his Subjects could not carry away; so that the greatest part of Sha-jehan's Army perished for hunger. At length the Raja returned into his Country, upon condition to pay the Mogul some slight Tribute. The Way from Agra to this Mine. From Agra to Halabas, costs 130 From Halabas to Banarous, costs 33 From Agra to Sasaron, costs 4 From Agra to Saseron you travel Eastward; but from Saseron to the Mine you must wind to the South, coming first to a great Town, costs 21 This Town belongs to the Raja I have spoke of. From thence you go to a Fortress called Rodas, costs 4 This is one of the strongest places in all Asia, seated upon a Mountain fortified with six Bastions, and twenty-seven pieces of Cannon, with three Moats full of Water, wherein there are good Fish. There is but one way to come to the top of the Mountain, where there is a Plain half a League in compass, wherein they sow Corn and Rice. There is above twenty Springs that water that Plain; but all the rest of that Mountain from top to bottom is nothing but a steep Precipice covered with overgrown Woods. The Raja's formerly used to live in this Fort with a Garrison of seven or eight hundred men. But the Great Mogul has it now; having taken that Fort by the policy of the famous Mirgimola, which all the Kings of India could never take before. The Raja left three Sons, who betrayed one another; the eldest was poisoned, the second went and served the Great Mogul, who gave him the command of four thousand Horse; the third possesses his Father's Territories, paying the Mogul a small Tribute. From the Fortress of Rodas to Soumelpour, costs 30 Soumelpour is a great Town, the Houses whereof are built of Earth, and covered only with Branches of Coco-trees. All these thirty Leagues you travel through Woods, which is a very dangerous passage, as being very much pestered with Robbers. The Raja lives half a League from the Town, in Tents set upon a fair rising ground, at the foot whereof runs the Govel, descending from the Southern Mountains, and falling into Ganges. In this River they found the Diamonds. For after the great Rains are over, which is usually in December, they stay all January till the River be clear; by reason that by that time in some places it is not above two foot deep, and in several places the Sand lies above the water. About the end of January, or the beginning of February, there flock together out of the great Town, and some others adjoining, above eight thousand persons, men, women and children, that are able to work. They that are skilful know by the sand whether there be any Diamonds or not, when they found among the sand little Stones like to those which we call Thunder-Stones. They begin to make search in the River from the Town of Soumelpour to the very Mountains from whence the River falls, for fifty Leagues together. Where they believe there are Diamonds, they encompass the place with Stakes, Faggots, and Earth, as when they go about to make the Arch of a Bridge to drain all the water out of that place. Than they dig out all the Sand for two foot deep, which is all carried and spread upon a great place for that purpose prepared upon the side of the River; encompassed with a little Wall about a foot and half high. When they have filled this place with as much Sand as they think convenient, they throw water upon it, wash it, and sift it; doing in other things as they do at the Ours which I have already described. From this River come all those fair Points which are called natural Points, but a great Stone is seldom found here. The reason why none of these Stones have been seen in Europe, is because of the Wars, that have hindered the people from working. Besides the Diamond Mine which I have spoken of in the Province of Carnatica, which Mirgimola caused to be set up, by reason of the yellowness of the Diamonds, and the foulness of the Stones; there is in the Island of Borneo, the largest Island in the World, another River called Succadan, in the Sand whereof they found Diamonds as hard as any in the other Ours. The principal reason that dissuaded me from going to the Island of Borneo was, because I understood that the Queen of the Island would not permit any Strangers to carry away any of those Diamonds out of the Island. Those few that are exported, being carried out by stealth, and privately sold at Batavia. I say the Queen, and not the King, because in that Island the Women have the Sovereign Command, and not the Men. For the people are so curious to have a lawful Heir upon the Throne, that the Husband not being certain that the Children which he has by his Wife are his own; but the Wife being always certain that the Children which she bears are hers, they rather choose to be governed by a Woman, to whom they give the Title of Queen; her Husband being only her Subject, and having no power but what she permits him. CHAP. XIV. Of the diversity of Weights used at the Diamond Ours. Of the Pieces of Gold and Silver there Currant; and the Rule which they observe to know the Price of Diamonds. AT the Mine of Raolconda they weigh by Mangelins, a Mangelin being one Carat and three quarters, that is seven Grains. At the Mine of Gani or Colour they use the same weights. At the Mine of Soumelpour in Bengala, they weigh by Rati's, and the Rati is seven eighths of a Carat, or three Grains and a half. They use the same Weights over all the Empire of the Mogul. In the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, they make use of Mangelins; but a Mangelin in those parts is not above one Carat and three eighths. The Portugals in Goa make use of the same Weights in Goa; but a Mangelin there is not above five Grains. As for the Money in use: First, in Bengala, in the Territories of the Raja before mentioned, in regard they lie enclosed within the Dominions of the Great Mogul, they make their payments in Roupies. At the two Ours about Raolconda in the Kingdom of Visapour, the payments are made in new Pagods, which the King coins in his own Name, as being independent from the Great Mogul. The new Pagod is not always at the same value; for it is sometimes worth three Roupies and a half, sometimes more, and sometimes lesle; being advanced and brought down according to the course of Trade, and the correspondence of the Bankers with the Princes and Governors. At the Mine of Colour or Gani, which belongs to the Kingdom of Golconda, they make their payments in new Pagods, which are equal in value to the King of Visapours. But sometimes you are forced to give four in the hundred more, by reason they are better Gold, and besides, they will take no others at the Mine. These Pagods are coined by the English and Hollanders, who, whether willingly or by force, are privileged by the King to coin them in their Forts: And those of the Hollanders cost one or two per cent. more than the English, by reason they are better Gold, and for that the Miners choose them before the other. But in regard the Merchants are prepossessed that the Miners are a rude and savage sort of people, and that the ways are dangerous, they stay at Golconda, where the Workmasters keep correspondence with them, and sand them their Jewels. There they pay in old Pagods coined many ages ago by several Princes that Reigned in India before the Mahometans got footing therein. Those old Pagods are worth four Roupies and a half, that is to say, a Roupy more than the new: not that there is any more Gold in them, or that they weigh any more. Only the Bankers, to oblige the King, not to bring down the price, pay him annually a very great Sum, by reason they get very much by it. For the Merchants receive none of those Pagods without a Changer to examine them, some being all defaced, others low-metal others wanting weight: so that if one of these Bankers were not present at the receipt, the Merchant would be a greater loser, sometimes one, sometimes five, sometimes six i'th' hundred: for which they also pay them one quarter in the hundred for their pains. When the Miners are paid, they also receive their Money in the presence of Bankers, who tells them which is good, and which is bad; and has for that also one quarter i'th' hundred. In the payment of a thousand or two-thousand Pagods, the Banker, for his fee, puts them into a bag, and seals it with his Seal; and when the Merchant pays for his Diamonds, he brings the Seller to the Banker, who finding his bag entire, assures the party that all is right and good within; and so there is no more trouble. As for the Roupies, they take indifferently, as well the Great Moguls as the King of Golconda's: by reason that those which that King coins, are to be coined, by Articles, with the Great Mogul's stamp. 'Tis an idle thing to believe that vulgar error, that it is enough to carry Spices, Tobacco, Looking-glasses, and such trifles to truck for Diamonds at the Indian-Mines: For I can assure ye, these people will not only have Gold, but Gold of the best sort too. As for the roads to the Ours, some fabulous modern relations have rendered them very dangerous, and filled them full of Lions, Tigers, and cruel People; but I found them not only free from those wild creatures, but also the People very loving and courteous. From Golconda to Raolconda, which is the principal Mine, the road is as follows: the road being measured by Goseling, is four French-leagues. From Golconda to Canapour, one Gos. From Canapour to Parquel, two Gossip and a half. From Parquel to Cakenol, one Gos. From Cakenol to Canol-Candanor, three Gos. From Canol-Candanor to Setapour, one Gos. From Setapour to the River, two Gos. That River is the bound between the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour. From the River to Alpour, three quarters of a Gos. From Alpour to Canal, three quarters of a Gos. From Canal to Raolconda, two Gossip and a half. Thus from Golconda to the Mine, they reckon it seventeen Goss, or 68 French-Leagues. From Golconda to the Mine of Colour or Gani, is reckoned thirteen Gossip and three quarters, or 55 French-leagues. From Golconda to Almaspinda, three Gossip and a half. From Almaspinda to Kaper, two Gos. From Kaper to Montecour, two Gossip and a half. From Montecour to Naglepar, two Gos. From Naglepar to Eligada, one Gossip and a half. From Eligada to Sarvaron, one Gos. From Sarvaron to Mellaseron, one Gos. From Mellaseron to Ponocour, two Gossip and a quarter. At Ponocour you only cross the River to Colour. CHAP. XV. The Rule to know the just price and value of a Diamond of what weight soever, from three to a hundred, and upwards: a secret known to very few people in Europe. I Make no mention of Diamonds of three Carats, the price thereof being sufficiently known. First than, as to others above that weight, you must know how much the Diamond weighs, and see if it be perfect; if it be a thick Stone, well-squared, and have all its corners, if the water be white and lively, without specks and flaws. If it be a Stone cut in Facets, which we call a Rose-Diamond, you must take notice whether the form be round or oval, whether it be of a fair breadth, and not of Stones clapped together; whether it be of a good water, and without specks or flaws. Such a Stone weighing one Carat, is worth 150 Liures or more. Now to know how much a Stone of the same perfection, weighing 12 Carats, is worth. Multiply 12 by 12, it makes 144. Than multiply 144 by 150, which is the price of a Stone of one Carat, it comes to 21600 Liures. As for Example. 12 12 144 150 7200 144 21600 livres. To know the price of imperfect Diamonds, you must observe the same rule, grounded upon the price of a Stone of one Carat. You have a Diamond of fifteen Carats shown ye, neither of a good water, nor good form, and full of specks and flaws besides: such a Diamond cannot be worth above 60, or 80, or 100 Liures at most, according to the goodness of the Stone. Multiply therefore the weight of the Diamond of 15 Carats by 15: than multiply the product, which is 125, by the value of the Stone of one Carat, which we will grant to be 80 Liures, the product whereof is 10000 Liures, the price of a Diamond of 15 Carats. The Example. 15 15 75 15 125 80 10000 livres. By that it is easy to discover the difference between a perfect and an imperfect Stone. For if that Stone of 15 Carats were perfect, the second multiplication should be wrought by 150, which is the price of a perfect Stone of one Carat: and than the Diamond would come not to 10000 Liures, but to 33750 Liures, that is 23750 Liures more than an imperfect Diamond of the same weight. By this rule observe the price of two the greatest Diamonds of the World for Cut-stones, the one in Asia, belonging to the Great Mogul; the other in Europe, in the possession of the Duke of Tuscany. The Great Mogul's Diamond weighs 279 and 9 16 th' Carats. It is of a perfect good water, of a good shape, with only a little flaw in the edge of the cutting be low, which goes round about the Stone. Without that flaw, the first Carat were worth 160 Liures, but for that reason I reckon it not at above 150; and so by the rule it comes to 11723278 Liures, 14 Sous, and three Liards. Did the Diamond weigh no more than 279 Carats, it would not be worth above 11676150 Liures, so that the nine 16 this comes to 47128 Liures, 14 Sous, and three Liards. The Great Duke of Tuscany's Diamond weighs 139 Carats, clean and well-shaped, cut in facets every way: but in regard the water inclines somewhat toward the colour of Citron, I do not value the first Carat above 135 Liures; so that by the rule the Diamond aught to be worth 2608335 Liures. A Diamond by the Miners is called Iri, which the Turks, Persians' and Arabians call Almas. CHAP. XVI. Of Coloured Stones, and the Places where they are found. THere are but two places in all the East where Coloured-stones are found, within the Kingdom of Pegu, and the Island of Ceylan. The first is a Mountain twelve days journey, or thereabouts, from Siren, toward the North-east; the name whereof is Capelan. In this Mine are found great quantities of Rubies and Espinels, or Mothers of Rubies, yellow Topazes, blue and white Saphires, Jacinths, Amethysts, and other Stones of different colours. Among these Stones which are hard, they found other Stones of various colours, that are very soft, which they call Bacan in the language of the Country, but are of little or no esteem. Siren is the name of the City where the King of Pegu resides; and Ava is the Port of his Kingdom. From Ava to Siren you go by water in great flat-bottom'd-Barks, which is a voyage of sixty days. There is no going by land, by reason the Woods are full of Lions, Tigers, and Elephants. It is one of the poorest Countries in the World, where there is no Commodity but Rubies; the whole Revenue whereof amounts not to above a hunder'd-thousand Crowns. Among all the Stones that are there found, you shall hardly see one of three or four Carats that is absolutely clean, by reason that the King strictly enjoins his Subjects not to export them out of his Dominions; besides that, he keeps to himself all the clean Stones that are found. So that I have got very considerably in my Travels, by carrying Rubies out of Europe into Asia. Which makes me very much suspect the relation of Vincent le Blanc, who reports that he saw in the King's Palace, Rubies as big as eggs. All Rubies are sold by weights, which are called Ratis; that is, three grains and a half, or seven 8 this of a Carat: and the payments are made in old Pagods. A Ruby weighing one Ratis, has been sold for Pagods 20 A Ruby of 2 Ratis and one 8 th', Pagods 85 A Ruby of 3 Ratis and one 4 th', Pagods 185 A Ruby of 4 Ratis and five 8 this, Pagods 450 A Ruby of 5 Ratis, Pagods 525 A Ruby of 6 Ratis and a half, Pagods 920 If a Ruby exceed six Ratis, and be a perfect Stone, there is no value to be set upon it. The Natives of the Country call all Coloured-stones Rubies, distinguishing them only by the colour. Saphires they call Blue-Rubies, Amethysts they call Violet-Rubies, Topazes Yellow-Rubies; and so of other Stones. The other place where Rubies are found, is a River in the Island of Ceylan, which descends from certain high Mountains in the middle of the Island; which swells very high when the reins fall; but when the waters are low, the people make it their business to search among the Sands for Rubies, Saphires and Topazes. All the Stones that are found in this River, are generally fairer and clearer than those of Pegu. I forgot to tell you that there are some Rubies, but more Balleis-Rubies, and an abundance of Bastard-Rubies, Saphires and Topazes found in the Mountains that run along from Pegu to the Kingdom of Camboya. Coloured-stones are also found in some parts of Europe, as in Bohemia and Hungary. In Hungary there is a Mine where they found certain Flints of different bigness; some as big as eggs, some as big as a man's fift, which being broken, contain a Ruby within as hard and as clean as those of Pegu. In Hungary there is a Mine of Opals, which Stone is nowhere else to be found in the World but there. The Turquoise is nowhere to be found but in Persia. Where there are two Ours. The one is called the Old-Rock, three days journey from Meched, toward the Northwest, near a great Town which goes by the name of Michabourg. The other which is called the New-Rock is five days journey of. Those of the New-Rock are of a Paler blue inclining to white, and lesle esteemed, so that you may have a great many for a little Money. Some years since the King of Persia commanded that no Turquoises should be digged out of the Old-Rock, but only for himself; making use of those Turquoises instead of enamelling, to adorn Hilts of Swords, Knives and Daggers; of which the Persians' are altogether ignorant. As for Emeralds, it is a vulgar error to say they come originally from the East. And therefore when Jewellers and Goldsmiths, to prefer a deep-coloured Emerald inclining to black, tell ye, it is an Oriental Emerald, they speak that which is not true. I confess I could never discover in what part of our Continent those Stones are found. But sure I am, that the Easternpart of the World never produced any of those Stones, neither in the Continent, nor in the Islands. True it is, that since the discovery of America some of those Stones have been often brought rough from Peru to the Philippine-Islands, whence they have been transported into Europe; but this is not enough to make them Oriental. Besides that, at this time they sand them into Spain through the North-Sea. CHAP. XVII. Of Pearls, and the Places where they Fish for them. IN the first place, there is a Fishery for Pearls in the Persian Gulf, round about the Island of Bakren. It belongs to the King of Persia, and there is a strong Fort in it, Garrisoned with three hundred men. The Water which the people dring in that Island, and all along the Coast of Persia, is brackish and ill tasted, so that only the Natives of the Country can drink it. Fresh water costs▪ Strangers very dear; for the people fetch it sometimes on League, sometimes two Leagues from the Island, from the bottom of the Sea, being let down by a Rope, with a Bottle or two tied about their wastes, which they fill, and stop it well; and than giving the Rope a twitch, are hall'd up again by their Companions. Every one that fishes pays to the King of Persia five Abassis, whether he get any thing or no. The Merchant also pays the King some small matter for every thousand Oysters The second Fishery for Perals is right against Bakrens upon the Coast of Arabia the happy, near the City of Catifa, which together with all the Country about it, is under the Jurisdiction of an Arabian Prince. The Pearls that are fished in these places are sold to the Indians, who are not so nice as we; for they give a good price for all, as well the uneven as the round ones. Over all Asia they choose the yellow Water inclining to white; for they say those Pearls that incline somewhat to a Gold colour, are more brisk, and never change colour; but that the white ones will change in thirty-years time, through the very heat of the weather and the sweat of the person that wears them, turning the scandalously yellow. There is a wondrous Pearl in the possession of an Arabian Prince, that took Mascate from the Portugals. He than called himself Imenhect Prince of Mascate; being known before only by the name of Aceph Ben-Ali Prince of Norennae. It is but a small Province, but it is the best of all in the Happy Arabia. Therein grow all things necessary for the life of man; particularly, delicate fruits, but more especially most excellent Grapes, which would make most incomparable Wine. This Prince has the most wondered Pearl in the world, not so much for its bigness, for it weighs not above twelve Carats and one sixteenth, not for its perfect roundness, but because it is so clear and so transparent that you may almost see through it. The Great Mogul offered him by a Banian forty thousand Crowns for his Pearl, but he would not accept it. By which you see, that it is more profitable to carry Jewels that are rare out of Europe into Asia, than to bring them out of Asia into Europe; unless it be to Japan or China, where Jewels are little esteemed. There is another Fishery for Pearls in the Sea that beats against the Walls of a great Town called Manar, in the Island of Ceylan. For their roundness and their Water, they are the fairest that are found in any other Fishery; but they rarely weigh above three or four Carats, There are excellent Pearls, and of a very good water, and large, which are found upon the Coast of Japan; but there are few fished for, in regard Jewels are of no esteem among the Natives. There are other Fisheries, in the West Indieses; in the first place all along the Island of Cubagna, three Leagues in compass, lying ten Degrees and a half of Northern Latidue, a hundred and sixty Leagues from Santo Domingo. The Pearls are small, seldom weighing above five Carats. The second Fishery is in the Island of Manguerita, or the Island of Pearls, a League from Cubagna, but much bigger. This Fishery is not the most plentiful, but it is the most esteemed of all those in the West Indies, by reason the Pearls are of most excellent water, and very large. I sold one Pear-fashioned to Sha-Est-Kan, the Great Moguls Uncle, that weighed fifty-five Carats. The third Fishery is at Camogete, near the Continent. The fourth at Rio de la Hacha, all along the same Coast. The fifth and last, at St. Martha's, sixty Leagues from Rio de la Hacha. All these three Fisheries produce very weighty Pearls; but they are generally ill-shaped, and of a water inclining to the colour of Lead. As for Scotch Pearl, and those that are found in the Rivers of Bavaria, though a Necklace of them may be worth a thousand Crowns, yet they are not to be compared with the Eastern and West Indian Pearls. Some years since there was a Fishery discovered in a certain place upon the Coast of Japan, and I have seen some which the Hollanders have brought thence. They are of a very good water, and large, but very uneven. Take this observation along with you, touching the difference of their waters; some being very white, others inclining to yellow, others to black, others to a leaden colour. As for the last, there are no such but only in America, which proceeds from the nature of the Earth at the bottom of the Water, which is generally more oozy than in the East. I once met with six Pearls in the return of a Cargo from the West Indies that were perfectly round, but black like jet, which weighed one with another twelve Carats. I carried them into the East Indieses to put them of, but could meet with 10 Chapman to buy them. As for those that incline to yellow, it proceeds from hence, that the Fishermen selling the Oysters to the Merchants in heaps, while they stay fourteen or fifteen days till the Oysters loose their water, the Oysters waste and begin to smell, for which reason the Pearl grows yellow by infection, which appears to be a truth, in regard that where the Oysters preserve their liquor the Pearls are white. Now the reason why they stay till the Oysters open of themselves, is because that if they should force them open, they might perhaps injure and cut the Pearl. In short, the Eastern people are much of our humour in matter of whiteness, for they love the whitest Pearls and the blackest Diamonds; the whitest bread, and the fairest women. CHAP. XVIII. How the Pearls are bred in the Oysters; how they Fish for them, and at what time. SOme ancient Writers have vulgarly reported, that Pearls are produced by the Dew of Heaven, and that there is but one in an Oyster; but experience teaches the contrary. For the Oyster never stirs from the bottom of the Sea, where the Dew can never come, which is many times twelve fathoms deep; besides, that it is as often observed, that there are six or seven Pearls in one Oyster; and I have had in my hands an Oyster, wherein there were above ten beginning to breed. 'Tis very true, that they are not always of the same bigness; for they grow in an Oyster after the same manner as Eggs in the Belly of a Pullet. But I cannot say there are Pearls in all, for you may open many Oysters and found none. 'Tis no advantage to them that fish for Pearls; for if the poor people could found any other employment, they would never stick to such a one as merely keeps them alive. But the Land is so barren, that you may travel twenty Leagues before you meet with one blade of Grass; and the people are so miserably poor, that they feed upon nothing but Dates and Saltfish. They fish in the Eastern Seas twice a year; the first time in March and April, the second time in August and September; and they keep their Fairs in June and November. However they do not fish every year; for they that fish, will know beforehand whether it will turn to accounted or no. Now to the end they may not be deceived, they sand to the places where they are want to fish, seven or eight Barks, who bring back each of them about a thousand Oysters, which they open, and if they found not in every thousand Oysters to the value of five Fano's of Pearl, which amounts to half a Crown of our Money, 'tis a sign that the Fishing will not turn to accounted, in regard the poor people would not be able to defray their charge. For partly for a stock to set out, and partly for victuals while they are abroad, they are forced to borrow Money at three or four in the hundred a month. So that unless a thousand Oysters yield them five Fano's of Pearls; they do not fish that year. As for the Merchants, they must buy their Oysters at haphazard, and be content with what they found in them. If they meet with great Pearls, they accounted themselves happy; which they seldom do at the Fishery of Manar, those Pearls being fit for little else but to be sold by the ●unce, to powder. Sometimes a thousand Oysters amounts to seven Fano's, and the whole Fishery to a hundred thousand Piastres. The Hollanders take of every Diver eight Piastres, in regard they always attend the Fishery with two or three small Men of War, to defend them from the Malavares Pirates. The more Rain falls in the year, the more profitable the Fishery happens to be. They fish in twelve fathom water, five or six Leagues of at Sea, sometimes two hundred and fifty Barks together, among which there is not above one or two Divers at most. There is a Cord tied under the Arms of them that dive, one end whereof is held by them that are in the Bark. There is also a great stone of eighteen or twenty pound tied to the great Toe of him that dives; the end of the Rope that fastens it being also held by them in the Vessel. The Diver has beside a Sack made like a Net, the mouth whereof is kept open with a Hoop. Thus provided, he plunges into the Sea, the weight of the stone presently sinking him; when he is at the bottom, he slips of the stone, and the Bark puts of. Than the Diver goes to filling his Sack, as long as he can keep his breath; which when he can do not longer, he gives the Rope a twitch, and is presently hall'd up again. Those of Manar are better Fishers, and stay longer in the water than those of Bakrens and Catifa; for they neither put Pincers upon their Noses, nor Cotton in their Ears, as they do in the Persian Gulf. After the Diver is drawn up, he stays half a quarter of an hour to take breath, and than dives again, for ten or twelve hours together. As for the Oysters themselves, they throw'em away, as being ill-tasted and unsavoury. To conclude the discourse of Pearls, you are to take notice, that in Europe they cell them by the Carat weight, which is four Grains. In Persia they cell them by the Abas, and one Abas is an eighteenth lesle than our Carat. In the Dominions of the Mogul, the Kings of Visapour and Golconda weigh them by the Ratis, and one Ratis is also an eighteenth lesle than our Carat. Goa was formerly the greatest place of the World for the trade of jewels and Pearls. You must know therefore, that in Goa, and in all other places which the Portugals had in the Indieses, they used a particular weight to cell their Pearls by, which they call Chego's; the proportion whereof to Carats appears in the following Table. Carats. Chegos. 1 5 2 8 3 11 and a half 4 16 5 21 6 27 7 34 8 44 9 56 10 69 11 84 12 100 13 117 14 136 15 156 16 177 & 3 quart. 17 200 & a half 18 225 19 250 & a half 20 277 & 3 quart. 21 306 22 336 23 367 & a quarter 24 400 25 430 26 469 & a quarter 27 506 & a quarter 28 544 & a quarter 29 584 30 625 31 667 & a quarter 32 711 33 756 and a quart. 34 802 and 3 quart. 35 850 and a quart. 36 900 37 950 and a half 38 1002 and 3 quart. 39 1056 40 1111 and a quart. CHAP. XIX. Observations upon the fairest and largest Diamonds and Rubies which the Author has seen in Europe and Asia, represented according to the Figures in the Plates; as also upon those which the Author sold to the King upon his last return from the Indieses; with the Figure of a large Topaz, and the fairest Pearls in the World. Numb. 1. THis Diamond belongs to the Great Mogul, being cut into the same form; and it weighs 319 Ratis and an half, which make 279 and nine 16 this of our Carats▪ when it was rough, it weighed 907 Ratis, which make 793 Carats. Numb. 2. Is the figure of a Diamond belonging to the Great Duke of Tuscany. It weighs 139 Carats and an half: the fault of it is, that the water inclines somewhat to a Citron-colour. Numb. 3. Is a Stone that weighs 176 and one 8 th' Mangelins, which makes 242 Carats and five 16 this. A Mangelin coming to one and three 8 this of our Carats. Being at Golconda I saw this Stone; and it was the biggest that ever I saw in my life in a Merchant's-hands. It was valued at 500000 Roupies, or 750000 Liures of our Money: I offered 400000 Roupies, but could not have it. Numb. 4. Is the figure of a Diamond which I bought at Amadabat; and it weighed 178 Ratis, or 157 Carats and a quarter. Page. 148. Travels in India. N. 1. depiction of gemstone N. 2. depiction of gemstone N. 3. depiction of gemstone N. 4. depiction of gemstone N. 5. depiction of gemstone N. 6. depiction of gemstone N. 7. depiction of gemstone N. 8. depiction of gemstone Page. 149. Travels in India. N 1* depiction of gemstone N 2* depiction of gemstone N 6* depiction of gemstone N 5* depiction of gemstone N 4 depiction of gemstone N 3* depiction of gemstone Page. 149 A Representation of 24 the fairest Diamonds Chosen out among all those which Travels in India. Monseiur Tavernier sold to the King at his last return from the Indieses, upons which Consideration, and for several services Joan the Kingdom His Majesty honoured him with the Title of Noble. A 112 3/16 Carats The Thickness. depiction of gemstone the upper Part depiction of gemstone the under Part depiction of gemstone 51 9/10 Ca The Top depiction of gemstone The Bottom depiction of gemstone the Thickness. depiction of gemstone 31 ⅜ Ca the Thickness depiction of gemstone The Top. depiction of gemstone 29 ½ C. the Top depiction of gemstone the Thickness depiction of gemstone D 20 1/16 Ca the upper Part depiction of gemstone the Bottom depiction of gemstone 20 ●/● Ca the Top. depiction of gemstone the Bottom depiction of gemstone 26 ●/● Ca depiction of gemstone 13 9/16 Ca depiction of gemstone ●6 ●/16 Ca the Topp depiction of gemstone the Thickness depiction of gemstone B ●4 ● C the Lower part depiction of gemstone the top depiction of gemstone 13 ⅝ Ca the Bottom depiction of gemstone the Top depiction of gemstone ●● Ca the Topp depiction of gemstone the Thickness depiction of gemstone 9 Car depiction of gemstone 11 Car depiction of gemstone C 10 ⅚ Car the Bottom depiction of gemstone the Top depiction of gemstone ● Car depiction of gemstone ● Car depiction of gemstone 1 ●0 ●●/●6 Ca depiction of gemstone 2 32 Ca depiction of gemstone 3 24 ⅞ depiction of gemstone A. Is a Diamond clean of a fair violet B. C Are two of a pale rose Colour D. Is one of an Extraordinary fair matter. All the rest are white and Clear and were Cutt in India. The three below marked 1. 2. 3. are foul Numb. 5. Is the figure of the forementioned Diamond, after it was cut on both sides; there remaining 94 Carats and a half; the water being perfect. The flat-side where there were two flaws below, was as thin as a sheet of brown-paper: When the Stone was cut, I caused all that thin side to be taken of, with one part of the end above, where there remains one little speck of a flaw. Numb. 6. Is another Diamond which I bought at the Mine of Colour. It is fair and clean, and weighs 36 Mangelins, or 63 and 38 this of our Carats. Numb. 7. and 8. Are two pieces of a Stone that was cut in two, which being entire, weighed 75 Mangelins and a half, or 104 Carats. Though it were of a good water, it seemed so foul in the middle, that, in regard it was large, and held at a high price, there was ne'er a Banian would venture upon it: At length an Hollander bought it, and cutting it in two, found in the middle of it, eight Carats of filth like a rottenweed. The small piece happened to be clean, excepting a little flaw hardly to be perceived, but for the other, wherein there are so many other cross flaws, there was no way but to make seven or eight pieces of it. The Hollander ran a great risco in cutting it asunder; for it was very great luck that it had not broke into a handered pieces. Yet for all that it did not turn to accounted; so that it is in vain for another to buy that which a Banian refuses. CHAP. XX. The Forms of twenty Rubies which the Author sold to the King upon his last return from the Indieses. The first part of the Plate shows the weight, extent, and thickness of every Stone. Numb. 1. IS the Figure of a Ruby that belongs to the King of Persia. It is in shape and bigness like an Egg, bored through in the middle, deep coloured, fair and clean, except one flaw in the side. They will not tell you what it cost, not let you know what it weighs; only it appears by the Register that it has been several years in the King's Treasury. Numb. 2. Is the Figure of a Balleiss Ruby; sold for such to Giafer-Kan, the Great Moguls Uncle, who paid 950000 Roupies, 142●000 Liv●es for it. But an old Indian Jeweller 〈◊〉 afterwards, that it was no Ballads Ruby, that it was not worth above 500 Roupies, and that Giafer-Kan was cheated; and his opinion being confirmed by Sha-jehan, the most skilful in Jewels of any person in the Empire A●●ong-ze● compelled the Merchant to take it again, and to restore the Money back. Num. 3, and 4. Is the Figure of a Ruby belonging to the King of Visapour. Numb. 4, is the height of the Stone above the Gold. And Numb. 3, is the roundness of the Beazil. It weighs fourteen Mangelins, or seventeen Carats and a half; a Visapour Mangelin being but five Grains. It cost the King 14200 new Pagods, or 74550 Liures. Numb. 5. Is the Figure of a Ruby that a Banian showed me at Banarous; it weighs 58 Rati's, or 50 Carats and 3 quarters; being of the second rank in beauty. In shape it is like a Plump Almond, bored through at the end. I offered 40000 Roupies, or 60000 Liures for it; but the Merchant demanded 55000 Roupies. Numb. 6. Is the Figure of a great Topaz belonging to the Great Mogul; nor did I see him wear any other but that, all the while I was in India. This Topaz weighs 181 Rati's and half a quarter, or 157 Carats and three quarters. It was bought at Goa for the Great Mogul, and cost 181000 Roupies, or 271500 Liures of our Money. Numb. 7, 8, 9 Are the Figures of three several Rubies belonging to the King of France. Numb. 1. Is the Figure of a Pearl which the King of Persia bought at the Fishery of Catifa in Arabia. It cost him 32000 Tomans, or 1400000 Liures of our Money, at forty-six Liures and six Dinars to a Toman. It is the fairest and most perfect Pearl that ever was yet found to this hour, having no defect. Numb. 2. Is the Figure of the biggest Pearl that ever I saw in the Court of the Great Mogul. It hangs about the artificial Peacock's neck that adorns his great Throne. Numb. 3. Is the Figure of a Pearl that I sold to Cha-Est-Kan; the Water is somewhat faint, but it is the biggest Pearl that was ever carried out of Europe into Asia. Numb. 4. Is a great perfect Pearl, as well for its Water as for its form, which is like an Olive. It is in the midst of a Chain of Emeralds and Rubies, which the Great Mogul wears; which being put on, the Pearl dangles at the lower part of his Breast. Numb. 5. Is a Pearl perfectly round, the biggest I ever saw, and belongs to the Great Mogul. The like could never be found; for which reason the Great Mogul lays it up very charily, and never uses it. For if it could be matched, both would make a Pair of Pendants for the Ears, set between Rubies or Emeralds, according to the custom of the Country; there being no person of any quality that does not wear a Pearl between two coloured Stones in his Ear. Page 150. Travels in India. The form of three Balais Rubies belonging to his Majesty transparent quite through N. 7. depiction of rough gemstone N. 7. depiction of rough gemstone N. 8. depiction of rough gemstone N. 8. depiction of rough gemstone N. 9. depiction of rough gemstone N. 9. depiction of rough gemstone Page. 150. Travels in India. N 3 * depiction of gemstone depiction of gemstone N 2 * depiction of gemstone N 1 * depiction of gemstone N 5 * depiction of gemstone N 4 * depiction of gemstone CHAP. XXI. Of Coral, and Yellow Amber, and the places where it is found. COral, but little valued in Europe, is highly esteemed in all the three other parts of the World; and there are three places where they fish for it upon the Coast of Sardigna. That of Arguerrel is the fairest of all. The second place is called Boza; and the third is near the Island of St. Peter. There are two other places upon the Coast of France, the one near the Bastion of France; the other at Tabarque. There is also another Fishery upon the Coast of Sicily, near Trepano, bu● the Coral is small, and ill-coloured. There is another upon the Coast of Catalogna, near Cape de Quires; where the Coral is large, and of an excellent colour, but the branches are short. There is a ninth Fishery in the Island of Majorque, much like that near the Island of Corsica. And these are all the places in the Mediterranean-Sea, where they fish for Coral; for there is none at all in the Ocean. Because that Coral grows under the hollow Rocks where the Sea is deep, the Fishers fix two spars of wood across, fastening a great piece of Lead in the middle to make it sink: after that they wind carelessly about the spar good store of tufted Hemp, and fasten the wood to two Cords, one end whereof hangs at the Poop, the other at the Prow of the Vessel. Than letting go the wood with the stream or current by the fides of the Rock, the Hemp twists itself among the Coral, so that sometimes they stand in need of five or six Boats to pull up the wood again: and if one of the Cables should chance to break with the stress, all the Rowers are in danger to be lost. While they tear up the Coral thus by force, there tumbles as much into the Sea as they fetch up: and the bottom of the Sea being generally very oozy, the Coral will be eaten as our fruits are eaten by the worms; so that the sooner they get it out of the mud, the lesle it will be wasted. This puts me in mind of one thing that I saw at Marseilles in a Shop where they dealt in Coral. It was a great piece of Coral, as big about as a man's fist, which because it was a little wormeaten, was cut in two pieces. When it was so cut, there was a worm that stirred, and had life, and lived for some months after, being again put into the hole. For among some branches of Coral there engenders a kind of spongy-matter, like our honey-combs, where these worms lie like bees. Some think that Coral is soft in the Sea, though in truth it be hard. But this indeed is as true, that in certain months of the year you may squeeze out of the end of a branch a kind of milky-substance; and this perhaps may be a kind of seed, which falling upon any thing that it first meets with in the Sea (as if it light upon a dead Skull, the blade of a Sword, or a pomegranate) produces another branch of Coral. And I have seen a pomegranate, and had it in my hand, that had fallen into the Sea, about which the Coral had twined at lest half a foot high. They fish for Coral from the beginning of April to the end of July; to which purpose there are employed above 200 Vessels, some years more, and some years lesle. They are built all along the River of Genoa, being very swift. Their sails are very large for more swiftness, so that there are no Galleys can reach them. There are seven men and a boy to every Bark. They never fish above forty miles from the Land, where they think there are Rocks, for fear of the Pirates, from which they make all the Sail they can when they see them, and easily scape them through the nimbleness of their Vessels. I have one observation to make concerning Coral, in respect of the Eastern-people. The Japponners make little account of Jewels or Pearls; valuing nothing so much as a good grain of Coral, wherewith they pull the string that shuts their Purses, such as we had formerly in England. So that they strive who shall have the fairest grain of Coral hanging at the end of the Silk-string that draws their Purses. For this reason a piece of Coral as big as an egg, fair and clean without any flaw, will produce what any man will ask in reason for it. The Portugueses have assured me they would sometimes give 20000 Crowns for such a piece. And no wonder they will give so much Money for a piece of Coral, who despising all other Jewels and Pearls, care for nothing but that which is in no esteem any where else. They set a great value upon the Skin of a certain Fish which is rougher than a Seal-skin. Upon the back of the Fish there are 〈◊〉 little holes, and sometimes eight, somewhat elevated, with another in the middle; in the form of a Rose. They make Scabbards for Swords of the Skin; and the more those holes grow in the form of a Rose, the higher value they put upon them; having given ten-thousand Crowns for a Skin. To conclude the discourse of Coral, you must know that the meaner sort of people use it for Bracelets and Necklaces, all over Asia, especially toward the Northern Territories of the great Mogul; and all along the Mountains as you go to the Kingdom of Asen and Boutan. Yellow-Amber is only found upon the Coast of Prussia in the Baltick-Sea, where the Sea throws it upon the Sand when such and such winds blow. The Elector of Brandenburg, who is Sovereign of that Coast, farms it out for 20000 Crowns a year, and sometimes 22000. And the Farmers keep guards on both sides of the shore, in regard the Sea casts it up sometimes upon one side, and sometimes upon the other, to prevent the stealing of it. Amber is nothing but a certain congelation made in the Sea, like a certain Gum; for you shall found in several pieces, Flies, Gnats, and other infects congealed therein. I saw seven or eight Flies so congealed in one piece. In China, when any great Lord makes a Feast, it is for his Grandeur and Magnificence to 'cause three or four several sorts of Perfuming-pots to be set upon the Table, and to throw into every one of them a vast quantity of Amber; for the more it burns, and the bigger the pieces are, the more magnificent is the Entertainment accounted. The reason of this custom is, because they adore the fire; and besides, that the Amber casts forth a scent pleasing to the Chinese, there is a kind of Oil in it, that flames after a more unusual manner than other materials of fire. This waist of Amber makes it the best Commodity that could be imported into China, if the Trade were free for Strangers. At present the Hollanders have engrossed all this Trade to themselves, and the Chineses come all to Batavia to buy it. As for Ambergris; there is no person in the World that knows either what it is, or where, or how it is produced. But the fairest probability is, that it must be only in the Eastern-Sea▪ though some parcels have been found upon the Coast of England, and in some other parts of Europe. The greatest quantity is found upon the Coast of Melinda, but more especially in the mouth of a River called Rio de Sena. The Governor of Mozambique gets in the three years of his Government above 300000 Pardo's of Ambergris, every Pardo containing 27 Sous of our Money. Sometimes they meet with very large and very considerable pieces. In the year 1627. a Portugal setting Sail from Goa to the Manilles, after he had passed the Straight of Malacca, was by tempest driven near an unknown Island, where they came to an Anchor. Several of the Ship's-Company venturing ashore, met with a River; and going to bathe themselves in it, one of them found a great piece of Ambergris that weighed thirty-three pounds; but falling together by the ears about their shares, the Captain, to reconcile them, told them 'twas pity to deface it, in regard it was a Present fit for the King; and therefore advised them to present it to the Viceroy, who would no doubt reward them for their pains. By that means the Captain got the parcel out of their Clutches, and presenting it to the Viceroy, got a reward for himself; and the Party that found it: but the rest had nothing at all. In the year 1646 or 1647, a Middleburgher of good quality found a piece of forty-two pounds upon the Coast of the Island of St. Maurice, where he commanded for the Holland-Company, East of the Island of St. Laurence, and sent it to Batavia: but there being a mark, as if some piece of it were broken of, the Zelander, was accused to have taken half, and turned out of his Command, whatever he could say to justify himself. Travels in Indea. Page 153 The Beast Which yields Musk The Bladder Where the Musk lies CHAP. XXII. Of Musk and Bezoar; and some other Medicinal Stones. THE best sort, and the greatest quantity of Musk, comes from the Kingdom of Boutan, from whence they bring it to Patna, the chief City of Bengala, to truck it away for other Commodities. All the Musk that is sold in Persia comes from thence. And the Musk-Merchants had rather deal with you for Coral and Yellow-Amber, than for Gold or Silver; in regard the other is more in esteem among the Natives where they live. I was so curious as to bring the Skin of one to Paris, of which I caused the figure to be cut. After they have killed the creature, they cut of the bladder that grows under the belly as big as an egg, nearer to the genital parts than to the navel: Than they take out the Musk that is in the bladder, which at that time looks like clottedblood. When the natives would adulterate their Musk, they stuff the bladder with the liver and blood of the Animal sliced together, after they have taken out as much of the right Musk as they think convenient. This mixture in two or three years' time produces certain Animals in the bladder that eat the good Musk; so that when you come to open it, there is a great waist. Others, so soon as they have cut of the bladder, and taken out as much of the Musk, as that the deceit may not be too palpable, fill up the Vessel with little stones to make it weight. The Merchants are lesle displeased at this deceit than the former, by reason that they do not found the Musk to be eaten. But the deceit is harder to be discovered, when they make little Purses of the skin of the belly of the Beast, which they sow up with strings of the same skin, which are like the true bladders; and than fill those Purses with what they have taken out of the right bladders, and the other fraudulent mixture which they design to put among it. True it is, that should they tie up the bladder as soon as they cut it of, without giving it air or time to loose its force, the strength of the perfume would 'cause the blood to gush out of the nose, so that it must be qualified to tender it acceptable, or rather lesle hurtful to the brain. The scent of the Beast which I carried to Paris, was so strong, that I could not keep it in my Chamber; for it made all people's heads ache that came near it. At length my Servants laid it in a Garret, and cut of the bladder, and yet the scent remained very strong. This creature is not to be found in 65 degrees, but in 60 there are vast numbers, the Country being all over covered with Forests. True it is, that in the months of February and March, after these creatures have endured a sharp hunger, by reason of the great Snows that fall where they breed, ten or twelve foot deep, they will come to 44 or 45 degrees to fill themselves with Corn and new Rice. And than it is that the Natives lay gins and snares for them to catch them as they go back: shooting some with Bows, and knocking others o'the head. Some have assured me that they are so lean and faint with hunger at that time, that you may almost take them running. There must be surely a prodigious number of these creatures, none of them having above one bladder not bigger than a Hen's-egg, which will not yield above half an ounce of Musk: and sometimes three or four will not afford an ounce; and yet what a world of Musk is bought up? The King of Boutan fearing that the cheats and adulterations of Musk would spoil the Musk-Trade, ordered that none of the Bladders should be sowed up, but that they should be all brought to Boutan, and there, after due inspection, be sealed up with his Seal. Yet notwithstanding all the wariness and care of the King, they will sometimes cunningly open them, and put in little pieces of Lead to augment the weight. In one Voyage to Patna I bought 7673 bladders, that weighed 2557 ounces and an half; and 452 ounces out of the bladder. Bezoar comes from a Province of the Kingdom of Golconda toward the North-east. It is found among the ordure in the paunch of a wild-Goat that browzes upon a certain Tree, the name whereof I have forgot. This shrub bears little buds, round about which, and the tops of the boughs, the Bezoar engenders in the maw of the Goat. It is shaped according to the form of the buds or tops of the branches which the Goats eat: which is the reason there are so many shapes of Bezoar-Stones. The Natives, by feeling the belly of the Goat, know how many Stones she has within, and cell the Goat according to the quantity. This they will found out by sliding their hands under their bellies, and than shaking both sides of the paunch; for the Stones will fall into the middle, where they may easily count them all by their feeling. The rarity of Bezoar is in the bigness; though the small Bezoar has the same virtue as that which is larger. But there is more deceit in the large Bezoar; for the Natives have got a trick to add to the bigness of the Stone, with a certain Paste composed of Gum, and something else of the colour of Bezoar. And they are so cunning too, to shape it just like natural Bezoar. The cheat is found out two ways; the first is by weighing the Bezoar, and than steeping it in warm water; if neither the water change colour, nor the Bezoar loose any thing of its weight, the Stone is right. The other way is to thrust a red-hot Bodkin of Iron into the Stone; if the Bodkin enters, and causes it to fry, there is a mixture. Bezoar is dearer according to the bigness of the Stones, advancing in price like Diamonds. For if five or six Bezoars weigh an ounce, an ounce will be worth fifteen or eighteen Franks; but if it be a Stone of one ounce, that very ounce is well worth 100 Franks. I have sold one of four ounces and a half for 2000 Liures. I have been very curious to inform myself of all things that concerned the nature of Bezoar; but could never learn in what part of the body of the Goat it was to be found. One time among the rest, having obliged several Native Merchants by putting of for them a great quantity of Bezoar; upon my request, though it be death without mercy to transport any of these Goats out of the Country, they brought me six Goats by stealth to my lodging. When I asked the price of them, I was surprised, when they told me one was worth but three Roupies; that the two other were worth four Roupies; and the three others four and three quarters a piece. I asked them why some were more worth than others; but I found afterwards that the first had but one Bezoar, that the rest had two, or three, or four. The six Goats had in all seventeen Bezoars in them, and a half one, as big as the half of a Hazelnut. The inside was like the soft ordure of the Goat, the Bezoar lying among the dung, which is in the belly of the Goat. Some averred that they grew right against the liver, others right against the heart, but I could never found out the truth. As well in the East, as West, there are a great quantity of Bezoars that breed in the same manner in Cows; of which there have been some that have weighed seventeen or eighteen ounces; For there was such a one that was given to the Great Duke of Tuscany. But those Bezoars are little esteemed, six grains of the other Bezoar working more powerfully than thirty of this. As for the Bezoar which breeds in Apes, as some believe, it is so strong, that two grains work as effectually as six of Goat's-Bezoar: but it is very scarce, as being only found in those Apes that breed in the Island of Macassar. This sort of Bezoar is round, whereas the other is of several fashions, as I said before. As the Ape's Bezoar is stronger, and scarcer than the Goats, so it is dearer, and more sought after; a piece as big as a nut, being sometimes worth a hundred Crowns. The Portugals make great account of this Bezoar, standing always upon their guard for fear of being poisoned. There is another Stone in great esteem, that is called the Porcupine's-Stone, which that creature is said to carry in its head, and is more precious than Bezoar against poison. If it be steeped in water a quarter of an hour, the water becomes so bitter, that nothing can be more bitter. There is also a Stone sometimes found in the belly of that creature of the same nature; and as good as that which comes from the head; nevertheless with this difference, that being steeped in water, it loses nothing of its weight nor bulk, as the other does. I have bought in my time three of those Stones. One of them cost me 500 Crowns, and I exchanged it to advantage. I paid fourhundered Crowns for the other, which I kept, the other was sold me for 200 Crowns, which I presented to a friend. There is the Serpent-Stone not to be forgot, about the bigness of a double; and some are almost oval, thick in the middle, and thin about the sides. The Indians report that it is bred in the head of certain Serpents. But I rather take it to be a Story of the Idoloter's Priests, and that the Stone is rather a composition of certain Drugs. Whatever it be, it is of excellent virtue to drive any venom out of those that are bit by venomous creatures. If the person bitten be not much wounded, the place must be incised; and the Stone being applied thereto, will not fall of till it has drawn all the poison to it. To cleanse it, you must steep it in Woman's-milk, or for want of that, in Cows-milk; after the Stone has lain ten or twelve hours, the milk will turn to the colour of an Apostemated matter. The Archbishop of Goa carrying me to his Cabinet of Rarities, showed me one of these Stones: and after he had assured me of the rare qualities it had, gave it me. Once as he crossed a Mersh in the Island of Salseté where Goa stands, one of the men that carr'd his Pallequis, being half naked, was bit by a Serpent, and healed at the same time. I bought several; but there are none but the Bramines that cell them, which makes me believe that they compound them. There are two ways to try whether the Serpent-Stone be true or false. The first is, by putting the Stone in your mouth, for than it will give a leap, and fix to the Palate. The other is, by putting it in a glass full of water; for if the Stone be true, the water will fall a boiling, and rise in little bubbles up to the top of the Glass. There is another Stone, which is called the Stephen's-Stone with the hood. This is a kind of Serpent that has 〈…〉 a hood hanging down behind the head, as it is represented in the Figure. And it is behind this hood that the Stone is found, many times as big as Pullet's-egg. There are some Serpents both in Asia and America of a monstrous bigness, 25 foot long; as was that, the skin whereof is kept in Batavia, which had swallowed a Maid of 18 years of age. These Stones are not found in any of those Serpents that are not at lest two foot long. This Stone being rubbed against another Stone, yields 〈…〉 slime, which being drank in water by the person that has the poison in his 〈◊〉 powerfuly drives it out. These Serpents are nowhere to be found but upon the 〈◊〉 of Melinde; but for the Stones you may buy them of the Portugueze Marin●●s and Soldiers that come from Mozambique. CHAP. XXIII. Of the 〈◊〉 where they found their Gold both in Asia and America. JApon, which consists of several Islands Eastward of China, bending to the North, some people believing that Niphon, which is the biggest, is in a manner joined to the firm La●● is that Region of all Asia that yields the greatest quantity of Gold: Though others believe it is found in the Island of Formosa, and carried thence to Japon. For as long as the Hollanders have had the Island, they could never yet tell what is the Trade of that Coast, whence they believe the Gold comes. There comes also Gold from China, which the Chineses exchange for the Silver which is brought them. For price for price, they love Silver better than Gold; because they have no Silver-Mines. Yet it is the coarsest metal of all the Asiatic Gold. The Island of Celebes or Macassar produces Gold also, which is drawn out of the Rivers, where it rowls among the Sand. In the Island of Achen or Sumatra, after the rainy season, when the Torrents are wasted, they found veins of Gold in the Flints, which the waters wash down from the Mountains that lie toward the North-east. Upon the Westside of the Island, when the Hollanders come to lad their Pepper, the Natives bring them great store of Gold, but very corpse metal, if not worse than that of China. Toward the Thibet, which is the ancient Caucasus, in the Territories of a Raja, beyond the Kingdom of Chachemir, there are three Mountains close one by another one of which produces excellent Gold, the other Granats, and the third Lapis-Lazali. There is Gold also comes from the Kingdom of Tipra, but it is corpse, almost as had as that of China; and these are all the places in Asia that produce Gold. I shall now say something of the Gold of Africa, and the places where it is found in greatest quantities. Observe by the way, that the Viceroy of Mozambique has under his Command the Governors of Sofala and Chepon-Goura. The first of these two Governments lies upon the River Seine, sixty leagues from the Mouth of the River; and the other ten leagues higher. From the Mouth of the River to those very places on each side of the River, great numbers of Negroes inhabit, which are all commanded by one Portugueze. The Portuguezes have been Masters of this Country for many years, where they take upon them like Lords, and make War one upon another for the slightest occasions in the World; some of them having under them five-thousand Cafres', which are their Slaves. The Governor of Mozambique furnishes them with Calicuts, and all other necessary Commodities which they want, which he sells them at his own rates. When he enters upon his Government he carries with him great quantities of all sorts of Commodities, especially Calicuts died black. His Correspondents also in Goa sand him every year two Vessels, which he sends to Sofala, Chepon-Goura, and even as far as the City of Monomotopa, the chief City of a Kingdom of the same name, otherwise called Vouvebaran, distant from Chepon-Goura fifty leagues, or thereabouts. He that commands all that Country, assumes the name of Emperor of Monomotopa, extending his Dominions as far as the Confines of Prester John's Country. From this Country of Monomotopa it is, that the most pure and finest Gold of all Africa comes: where they dig it with ease out of the earth▪ not being put to labour above two or three foot deep. In some places of that Country which are not inhabited by reason of the scarcity of water, the people found great pieces of Gold, of several forms and weights, upon the surface of the earth▪ some of which weigh an ounce. One I have by me that weighs an ounce and a half, or thereabouts. Being at Surat, I went 〈…〉 the Ambassador of the King of the Abyssins'. He showed us the Present which his Master had sent to the Great Mogul, consisting of fourteen stately Horses, the remainder of 30, the rest dying by the way; and a great number of Slaves of both Sexes. But what was most remarkable, was a natural Tree, all of Gold, two foot and four inches high, and six inches about in the stock. It had ten or twelve branches, some whereof shot out half a foot in length, and an inch about; others much smaller. In some parts of the great branches appeared certain bunches that resembled buds. The roots of the Tree, which were also natural, were thick and short; the longest not exceeding four or five inches. The Natives of Monomotopa knowing the time of the year that the Commodities arrive, come to Sofala and Chepon-Goura to furnish themselves. Thither also come the Cafres' of other Provinces and Kingdoms for the same purpose. Whereupon the Governors of those places cell them what they want, trusting them till the next year, when they oblige themselves to bring their Gold, which they are very punctual to do, for else there could be no Trade between them. The Natives of Monomotopa never live long, by reason of the badness of the waters in the Country: For at the age of five and twenty years they begin to be dropsical; so that it is a great wonder if any among them live above forty years. The Province where the River Seine has its head, is called Monkaran, and is under the Jurisdiction of a certain King, beginning a hundred leagues, or thereabouts, above Chapon-Goura. The people of that Country found great store of dust-Gold in the Rivers that fall into the Seine; but it is much coarser than the other, though they bring it to Chepon-Goura and Sofala. The Country is very healthy, and the people live as long as they do in Europe. Some years there are Cafres' that come from beyond the Province of Monkaran, even as far as the Cape of good Hope. The Portuguez have enquired after their Country, and the name; but they can tell not more, only that it is called Sabia, commanded by a King; and that they are four months generally travelling to Sofala. The Gold which they bring is very fine, and in pieces like that of Monomotopa, which they say they found in the high Mountains, digging only ten or twelve foot in the ground. They also bring great quantities of Elephants-teeths; wherewith, by their report, the Country does so abound, that you may see them in herds in the fields; and that all the Palisado's of their Fortresses, and the Pales of their Parks, are made of Elephants-teeths. Their usual Diet is Elephants-flesh; which four Cafres' will kill with their Ageagayes, or a sort of Half-pikes. The water of their Country is very bad, which is the reason that their thighs are swelled, and it is a wonder to see any one of them free. Beyond Sofala there is a Country commanded by a King, who is called the King of Beroé. In some parts of his Country there grows a Root about an inch-thick, and of a yellow colour. It heals all sorts of Fevers, causing the Patient to vomit. But because it grows very scarce, the King strictly forbids his Subjects to export it. The taste of it is very bitter upon the tongue. As for Silver-Mines, there are none in all Asia but only in Japon; but some years since, at Delegora, Sangora, Bordelon and Bata, have been discovered plentiful Ours of Tin, to the great damage of the English, there being now enough in Asia of their own besides. CHAP. XXIV. The Relation of a Notable piece of Treachery, whereby the Author was abused when he Embarked at Gomrom for Surat. IN the Month of April 1665, being ready to departed from Gomrom for Surat, in a Vessel that belonged to a Holland-broker, commanded by a Holland-Captain, the English Agent gave me a Packet of Letters to deliver to the Precedent at Surat. The Packet was large, containing not only the Companies-Letters, but several private Letters to particular persons at Surat and other parts of India. This Packet I received in the presence of one Casembrot, a Hollander, who informed another Dutchman, whose name was Wauwuck, of it: Thereupon they presently contrived a design to seize this Packet, upon the report that ran of the rapture between England and Holland. Casembrot having seen the bigness of the Packet, gives Wauwuck a description of it, and so both together they contrive another of the same form and bigness as near as they could. When I came a-board, I took the English Packet, and locked it up in my Bouccha, which is the sort of Cloak-bag that is used in that Country, and laid it behind my Bolster. There were two Shallops sent a-board us, wherein there were sixty bags of Silver, containing some fifty, some a hundred Tomans a piece. These bags they unladed very leisurely to gain time, watching when I would be gone to bed. But when they saw that I did not go to rest, the Dutch consulted together, and agreed to let fall a bag of Tomans into the Sea; and so came all a-board, sending away a Shallop to Gomron for a Diver. When I found that the Vessel would not set Sail till two or three hours after daylight, I went to rest, my Bouccha lying in the same place, half out, and half with inside of my Bolster: But when my Servants were gone, and I alone and a-sleep in the Cabin, they cunningly stole my Bouccha, took out the English Packet, and left the other which they had counterfeited, in the place; being only so many Letters of blanck-paper. Coming to Surat the sixth of May following, I gave the Packet, as I thought, which I had received from the English Agent at Gomron, to two Capuchin-Friers to deliver to the Precedent at Surat. But when the Precedent came to open the Packet before several of the Company, there was nothing but white-paper made up in the form of Letters; which when I heard, too much to my sorrow, I understood the villainous trick that Van-Wuck had put upon me. I wrote a smart Letter of complaint to the Dutch-General in Batavia, but finding no redress, was forced to undergo the hard censure of the English, who would not permit me to justify myself. However, as it is rare to see treachery go unpunished, the Complotters all died miserably. Van-Wuck fell into a violent Fever, and being charged with the theft; thinking to defend himself with an equivocation, that if he took the Cloak-bag, he wished he might dye without speaking a word, in three days ended his life just in the same manner, and at the same time that he had imprecated upon himself. Bozan his Lieutenant, after a great debauch, going to sleep upon the Terrace of the Cabin, where he lay for coolness, (there being no balisters,) rolling and tumbling in his sleep, fell down, and the next day was found dead in the Sea. The Captain, four or five days after his arrival at Surat, being met in the Street by a Mahometan, who was jealous of his Wife, and being mistaken by him for one among several Franks, that had parted him, and kept him from correcting his Wife some few days before, was stabbed by him in three or four places with a Dagger, and killed him out right. And this was the end of those treacherous people. The End of the Second Book. TRAVELS IN INDIA. The Third Book. CHAP. I Of the particular Religion of the Mahometans in the East Indies. THE diversity of Opinions among the Maahometans, does not consist in the different Expositions which they put upon the Alcoran; but in the contrariety of Belief which they received by Tradition from the first Successors of Mahomet. From thence there sprung two Sects, directly opposite: The one, which is called the Sect of the Sunnis, followed by the Turks; and the other of the Chiais, which is adhered to by the Persians'. I will not enlarge myself upon these two Sects, that divide all Mahumetism; it being my design, only to tell you how the condition of that false Religion stands in the Empire of the Great Mogul, and in the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour. When Mahumetism was first brought into the Indieses, there was an excess of pride, but no devotion among the Christians; and the Idolaters were an effeminate people, able to make little resistance; so that it was easy for the Mahometans to subdue both the one and the other by force of Arms, which they did so advantageously, that many, as well Christians as Idolaters, embraced the Mahometan Religion. The Great Mogul, with all his Court, follows the Sect of the Sunnis; the King of Golconda, that of the Chiais. In the King of Visapour's Territories the Sunnis and Chiais are mingled together; which may be said also of the Court of the Great Mogul, in regard of the great numbers of Persians' that flock thither to serve in his Armies. True it is, that though they abhor the Sunnis, yet they adhere to the Religion of the Prince; holding it lawful for the preservation of their Estates to conceal their belief. As for what concerns the Kingdom of Golconda, Koutoub-Cha, the present King, very zealously maintains the Law of the Chiais; in regard the Grandees of his Court are almost all Persians'. Aurengzeb testifies above all things an extraordinary devotion for the Sect of the Sunnis; of which he is so zealous an observer, that he surpasses all his Predecessors in outward profession; which was the Cloak under which he usurped the Crown. When he took possession of his Throne, he gave it out that he did it only out of a design to 'cause the Law of Mahomet to be more strictly observed, which had been very much neglected in the Reign of Sha-jehan his Father, and Gehanguir his Grandfather; and to show himself more zealous to the Law, he turned Faquir or Dervich, that is, poor Volunteer; and under that false pretence of Piety he cunningly made way to the Empire. And indeed though he has a great many Persians' under his pay, yet he will not permit them to keep holy the day consecrated to the memory of Hosen and He●●sin, the two sons of Ali, who were put to death by the Sunnis; besides that they, to please him, are willing enough to conform. CHAP. II. Of the Faquirs, or poor Mahometan Volunteers in the East Indies. THey reckon that there are in the Indieses eight hundred thousand Faquirs, and twelve hundred thousand Idolaters; which is a prodigious Number. They are all of them Vagabonds, and lazy Drones, that dazzle the eyes of the people with a false zeal, and make them believe that whatever comes out of their mouths is an Oracle. There are several sorts of Mahometan Faquirs. The one sort go almost naked like the Idolatrous Faquirs, having no certain abode in the world, but giving themselves up to all manner of uncleanness. There are others whose Garments are of so many different pieces and colours, that a man can hardly tell of what they are made. These Garments reach down to the half Leg, and hid the rags that are underneath. They go generally in Troops; and have their Superior of the Gang, who is known by his Garment, which is generally poorer, and consists of more patches than the other. Besides, that he draws after him a great Iron Chain, which is tied to his Leg, and is about two els long, and proportionably thick. When he says his prayers, he does it with a loud voice, and rattling his Chain all the while, which is accompanied with an affected gravity, that draws the Veneration of the people. In the mean time the people prepare Dinner for him and his company, in the place where he takes up his stand, which is usually in some street or public place. There he causes his Disciples to spread certain Carpets, where he sets himself down to give audience to the people. On the other side, the Disciples go about publishing through the Country the virtues of their Master, and the favours he receives from God, who reveals his most important secrets to him, and gives him power to relieve persons in affliction by his counsel. The people, who give credit to him, and believe him to be a holy man, approach him with a great devotion, and when they come near him, they pull of their Shoes, and prostrate themselves to kiss his feet. Than the Faquir, to show his humility reaches out his hand to kiss; that done, he causes them that come to consult him, to sit down by him, and hears every one apart. They boast themselves to have a prophetic Spirit; and above all to teach barren women a way how to have Children, and to be beloved by whom they please. There are some of these Faquirs who have above two hundred Disciples, or more, which they assemble together by the sound of a Horn, or the Beaten of a Drum. When they travel, they have their Standard, Lances, and other Weapons which they pitch in the ground, near to their Master, when he reposes in any place. The third sort of East Indian Faquirs, are those that being born of poor Parents, and desirous to understand the Law, to the end they may become Moulla's or Doctors, retire to the Mosques, where they live upon the Alms which is given them. They employ all their time in reading the Alcoran, which they get by heart; and if they can but add to that study the knowledge of some natural things, and an exemplary life withal, they come to be chief of the Mosques, and to the dignity of Moullahs', and Judges of the Law. Those Faquirs have their Wives; and some, out of their great zeal to imitate Mahomet, have three or four; thinking they do God great service in begetting many Children to be followers of their Laws. CHAP. III Of the Religion of the Gentiles, or Idolatrous Indians. THe Idolaters among the Indians are so numerous, that they are reckoned to be five or six for one Mahometan. It seems a wondered thing, that such a prodigious multitude of men should be cowed by a handful, and how so easily under the yoke of the Mahometan Princes. But that wonder well may cease, when we consider that those Idolaters are not in union among themselves; for Superstition has introduced such a diversity of Opinions and Customs, that they can never agreed one with another. An Idolater will not eat Bread nor drink Water in the House of any one that is not of his Cast; though it be more noble, and much more superior to his own. Yet the● all eat and drink in the Brahmins' Houses, which are open to all the world. A Cast among the Idolaters, is very near the same thing which was anciently called a Tribe among the Jews. And though it be vulgarly believed, that there are seventy two Casts, yet I have been informed by some of their most ingennous Priests, that they may all be reduced into four Principal ones, from whence all the rest drew their Original. The first Cast is that of the Bramins, who are the Successors of the ancient Brachmans', or Indian Philosophers, that studied Astrology. You may also meet with some of their Ancient Books, in reading whereof the Brammins spend all their time; and are so versed in their observations, that they never fail a minute in the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. And to preserve this knowledge among themselves they have a kind of University, in a City which is called Benarez, where they make all their exercises in Astrology, and where they have Doctors that expound their Law, which they very strictly observe. But in regard they are so great a number, and cannot all come to study at that University, they are all very ignorant, and consequently very superstitious; those that go for the most refined Wits, being the greatest Sorcerers. The second Cast is that of the Raspoutes or Ketris, that is to say, Warriors and warlike people. These are the only Idolatrous Indians that have any courage to signalise themselves in War. All the Raja's that I have so often memtioned, are of this Cast. These are so many petty Kings, whom their disunion has rendered Tributary to the Great Mogul. But in regard that the greatest part of them are in his service, they are highly recompensed by the large Salaries they receive for the small Tribute which they pay. These Raja's, and the Raspoutes their Subjects, are the chiefest support of the Dominions of the Great Mogul; for indeed the Raja's Jessing and Jessomseing were those that lifted up Aurengzeb to the Throne. But you must take notice, that all of this second Cast are not Warriors; for they are the Raspoutes only that go to War, and are all Horsemen. But for the Ketris, they are degenerated from their Ancestors, and of Soldiers are become Merchants. The third Cast is that of the Bannians, who are altogether addicted to Trade; of whom some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others Brokers, employed between Merchant and Merchant for buying and selling. Those of this Cast are so subtle and nimble in Trade, that as I have said before, the Jews may be their Prentices. They accustom their Children betimes to fly Idleness. And instead of suffering them to loose their time in playing in the Streets, as we generally do, they teach them Arithmetic; which they are so perfect at, that without making use either of Pen or Ink, or Counters, but only of their memories, they will in a moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagined. They always live with their Fathers, who instruct them in Trade, and do nothing but what they show them. If any man in the heat of passion chafe at 'em, they hear him patiently without making any reply, and parting coldly from him, will not see him again in three or four days, when they think his passion may be over. They never eat any thing that has life; nay they would rather dye, than kill the smallest Animal or Vermin that crawls; being in that point above all things the most zealous Observers of the Law. They never fight, nor go to War; neither will they eat or drink in the House of a Raspoute, because they kill the Victuals they eat, all but Cows, which they never touch. The fourth Cast is that of the Charados or Soudras; who go to War as well as the Raspoutes, but with this difference, that the Raspoutes serve on Horseback, and the Charados on foot. Both of them take it for an Honour to dye in Battle; and let him be Horse or Foot, that Soldier is accounted infamous that retreats in Fight; 'tis an eternal blot in his Family. Upon which subject I will tell you a story. A Soldier who was passionately in love with his Wife, and reciprocally beloved by her, had fled from the fight, not so much out of any fear of death, as out of a consideration of the grief which it would occasion to his Wife, should he leave her a Widow. When she knew the reason of his flight, as soon as he came to the door, she shut it against him, and ordered him to be told, that she could never acknowledge that man for a Husband, who had preferred the Love of a Woman before his Honour; that she did not desire to see him any more, as being a stain to the Reputation of her Family; and that she would endeavour to teach her Children to have more courage than their Father. The Wife continuing firm to her resolution, the Husband to regain his Honour and her affection, returned to the Army, where he so behaved himself, that he became famous; and having highly made amendss for his Cowardice, the door of his House was again set open, and his Wife received him with her former kindness. The rest of the Natives, that are not reckoned in the number of these Casts, are called Pauzecour. These are such as employ themselves in Handicraft Trades; among which there is no other distinction, but according to the Trades which they follow from Father to Son. So that a Tailor cannot prefer his Son, but only in his own Calling, though he be never so rich; nor marry either a Son or Daughter, but to one of his own Craft. By the same rule, when a Tailor dies, all those of his own Trade accompany the corpse to the place where it is burnt: and the same practice is observed in all other Trades. Among the particular Casts, there is one that goes by the name of Alecors, whose employment is only to clean Houses; for which every Family pays him something once a month, according to their proportion and quality. If a person of quality in the Indieses keeps fifty Servants, let him be Mahometan or Idolater, there isnot one of them will take a Bosom in his hand to sweep the House; for he would think himself affronted, it being one of the greatest scorns you can put upon an Indian, to call him Alacor. Besides, every one of those Servants knows his business; whether it be to carry the pot of Water to drink by the way, or to give his Master his Pipe of Tobacco when he calls for it; so that if the Master should bid one to do that which the other was appointed to do, that Servant would stand like a Statue, and never make him any answer. But for the Slaves, they are obliged to do what ever the Master commands them. These Alacors having no other business but only to make clean the Houses, eat the scraps of all other Casts; and so without scruple feed upon any thing. There are none but those of this Tribe make use of Asses, to carry away the filth of the Houses into the Field; for which reason none of the rest of the Indians will so much as touch that Animal; which is quite otherwise in Persia, as well for carriage, as to ride upon. Moreover, there are none of the other Indians, except the Alacors that will eat. CHAP. IU. Of the Kings and Idolatrous Princes of Asia. THe chiefest of the Idolatrous Kings of Asia, are the King of Aracan, the King of Pegu, the King of Siam, the King of Cochinchina, and the King of Tunquin. As for the King of China, we know that he was an Idolater before the Tartars invaded his Dominions. But since that, we know not what to report of certainty, in regard that the Tartars who are now Masters of the Country, are neither Idolaters nor Mahometans, but rather both together. In the Islands, the King of Japon, the King of Ceylan, and some petty Kings of the Molucca Islands are Idolaters; as are all the Raja's as well in the Empire of the Great Mogul, as in the neighbouring Kingdoms of Visapour and Golconda. In a word, all the meaner sort of people, as well in the Territories of the Great Mogul, Kings of Golconda and Visapour, as in the Isles of Achan, Java, and Macassar, though their Kings are Mahumetans, are all themselves Idolaters. Some fifty years ago, one of the Kings of Ceylan became a Christian, and was baptised by the name of John, being called before the Emperor Priapender. But as soon as he had embraced the Christian Faith, the Princes and Priests of the Country set up another King in his room. He endeavoured all he could to bring his people to follow his example; to which purpose he assigned to the Father Jesuits, twelve large Villages about Colombo, for the bringing up the youth of the Country in their Colleges; to the end that they being well instructed, might instruct others. For the King made it plain to the Jesuits, that it was impossible for them so well to understand the Language of the Country, as to be able to preach to the Natives. Besides, that they found the ingenuities of the Youth of Ceylan so quick and apprehensive, that they learned more Latin, Philosophy, and other Sciences in six months, than the Europeans learned in a year; and that they put such subtle Questions to their Masters, as were beyond imagination. Some years after the King had professed Christianity, a witty man of the Island of Ceylan, and a good natural Philosopher, whose name was Alegamme, Motiar, or the Master of the Philosophers, after he had conversed with the Jesuits and other Religious persons, was inspired to turn Christian. Thereupon he went to the Jesuits, and told them, that he desired to be a Christian; but withal he was very earnest to know what Jesus Christ had done, and left in writing. They gave him the new Testament, which he set himself to read with that heed and study, that in lesle than six months there was hardly a passage which he could not repeat. After that he again testified to the Jesuits and other Religious persons, that he had a great desire to turn Christian, in regard he found their Religion to be such as Jesus Christ had taught; but only he wondered that they themselves did not follow his example. For that he could never found by his reading, that Jesus Christ ever took any money of any body; but that they took all they could get, and never baptised nor buried unless they were well paid. But though he started the Question, he was baptised, and afterwards became a sedulous converter of others. CHAP. V What the Idolaters believe touching a Divinity. THough the Idolatrous Indians attribute to the Creature, as to Cows, Apes, and several Monsters, those Divine Honours which are only due to the true Deity; yet they acknowledge one only Infinite God, Almighty, and only Wise, the Creator of Heaven and earth, who fills all places with his presence. They call him in some places Permesser, in others Peremael, and Westnon among the Bramins that inhabit the Coast of Cormandel. It may be, because they have heard that the Circle is the most perfect of all Figures, therefore it is that they say God is of an Oval Figure; for they have in all their Pagods an Oval Flintstone, which they fetch from Ganges, and worship as a God. They are so obstinately wedded to this foolish imagination that the wisest among the Bramins will not so much as hear any argument to the contrary. So that it is no wonder that a people led by such blind Guides, should fall into such Abysses of Idolatry. There is one Tribe so superstitious, in reference to that article, that they carry those Oval Flints about their Necks, and beaten them against their Breasts, when they are at their devotions. In this dark and lamentable mist of ignorance, these Idolaters make their Gods to be born like men, and assign them Wives, imagining that theirs are the pleasures of men. Thus they take their Ram for a great Deity, in regard of the Miracles which they believe he wrought while he lived upon Earth. Ram was the Son of a potent Raja, who was called by the name of Deseret, and the most virtuous of all his Children, which he had by two lawful Wives. He was particular beloved by his Father, who designed him to be his Successor. But the Mother of Ram being dead, the Raja's other Wife, who had her Husband entirely at her beck, prevailed with him to exterminate Ram and his Brother Lokeman from his House, and all his Territories; upon whose exclusion the Son of that Wife was declared the Raja's Successor. As the two Brothers were about to be gone, Ram's Wife Sita, of whom he went to take his leave, and whom the Idolaters worship as a Goddess, begged of him that she might not leave him, having made a resolution never to forsake him; whereupon they all three went together to seek their fortunes. They were not very successful at first; for as they passed through a Wood, Ram being in pursuit of a Bird, strayed from the Company, and was missing a long time; insomuch that Sita fearing that some disaster was befallen him, befought Lokeman to look after him. He excused himself at first, by reason that Ram had obliged him never to leave Sita alone, foreseeing by a Prophetic Spirit what would befall her, should she be left to herself. Nevertheless Lokeman being over persuaded by the prayers of his fair Sister, went to seek for Ram his Brother; but in the mean time Rhevan another of the Idolaters Gods, appeared to Sita in the shape of a Faquir, and begged an Alms of her. Now Ram had ordered Sita, that she should not stir out of the place where he left her; which Rhevan well knowing, would not receive the Alms which Sita presented him, unless she would remove to another place; which when Sita had done, either out of negligence or forgetfulness, Rhevan seized upon her, and carried her into the thick of the Wood, where his Train stayed for him. Ram at his return missing Sita, fell into a swoon for grief, but being brought again to himself by his Brother Lokeman, they two immediately went together in search of Sita, who was so dearly beloved by her Husband. When the Bramins repeat this Rape of their Goddess, they do it with tears in their eyes, and great demonstrations of sorrow; adding upon this subject, an infinite company of Fables more ridiculous, to show the great courage of Ram in pursuit of the Ravisher. They employed all Creatures living upon the discovery; but none of them had the luck to succeed, only the Monkey called Harman. He crossed over the Sea at one Leap, and coming into Rhevans Gardens, found Sita in the extremity of affliction; and very much surprised to hear an Ape speak to her in her Husband's behalf. At first she would not give any credit to such an Ambassador; but the Ape, to show that his Commission was authentic, presents her with a Ring which her Husband had given her, and that she had left behind her among her Furniture. She could hardly however believe so great a Miracle, as that Ram her Husband should make a Beast speak, to bring her the news of his health, and to testify as he did the marks of his affection. But the Ape Harman wrought Miracles himself, for being taken for a Spy by some Rhevans Servants, who therefore would have burnt him, he made use of the fire which they had prepared to burn him, to set Rhevans Palace on fire, which he almost consumed to the ground, with all the tatters and rags which were tied to his tail and his body. When the Ape had thus done, the better to escape out of Rhevans hands, he took the same way he came, and repassing the Sea again at one jump, he came and gave Ram an account of his adventures; and told him in what a sorrowful condition he had found Sita, who did nothing but mourn by reason of her absence from her Husband. Ram touched with his Wife's affection, resolved to deliver her out of Rhevans hands, whatever it cost him; whereupon he raised Forces, and being guided by the Ape, at length he came to Rhevans Palace, that still smoked, the fire had been so great; and by reason that Rhevans Servants were dispersed, Ram had an easy opportunity to see his belov'd Sita again, whom Rhevan abandoned wholly to him, flying for fear to the Mountains. Ram and Sita were infinitely overjoyed at their coming together again, and returned very great Honours to Harman, who had done him so great service. As for Rhevan, he spent all the rest of his days like a poor Faquir, seeing his Country ruin'd by Ram's Troops, who was resolved to be revenged for the injury which he had received; and from this Rhevan it was, from whence that infinite multitude of Faquirs, that swarm all over India, first took their Original. CHAP. VI Of the Faquirs, or poor Volunteers among the Indians, and of their Pennances. THE Original of the Faquirs, as I said before, came from that Rhevan, whom Ram despoiled of his Kingdom; at which he conceived such an unspeakable sorrow, that he resolved to lead a Vagabond life, and to wander about the world, poor, stripped of all, and in a manner quite naked. He found enough to follow him in a course of life that gives them so much liberty. For being worshipped as Saints, they have in their hands all opportunities of doing evil. These Faquirs wander generally in Troops, every one of which has a Superior. And in regard they are quite naked, Winter and Summer lying upon the hard ground, when it is cold, the young Faquirs, and others that are most devout, go in the afternoon to seek for the dungs of Cows and other Creatures, of which they make their fires. They rarely burn Wood, for fear of killing any living Animal which is want to breed in it; and therefore the Wood wherewith they burn their dead, is only such as has floated long in the Water, which never breeds in any sort of living Creature. The young Faquirs having got together a good quantity of dung, mixed with dry turf, make several fires, according to the bigness of the Company; round about every one of which the Faquirs seat themselves. When they grow sleepy, they lay themselves upon the ground, spreading the Ashes abroad which serve them for a Mattress; without any other Canopy than that of Heaven. As for the Faquirs that do Penance, when they are laid down in the same posture as you see them in the day time, they kindle a good fire on each side of them, for otherwise they would not be able to to endure the cold. The rich Idolaters accounted themselves happy, and their Houses to be filled with the benedictions of Heaven, when they have any of these Faquirs for their Guests, which the more austere they are, the more they honour: and it is the glory of the Troop to have one among them that does some considerable act of Penance. The Crews of Faquirs many time join together to go in Pilgrimage to the Principal Pagods, and public Washings, which they use upon certain days in the year in the River Ganges, whereof they make the chiefest account; as also in that which separates the Territories of the Portugals of Goa from the Dominions of the King of Visapour. Some of the most austere Faquirs live in little pitiful Huts near their Pagods, where they have once in four and twenty hours something to eat bestowed upon them for God's sake. The Tree whereof I have given the description, is of the same sort as that which grows near Gomron, which I have described in my Persian Relations. The Franks call it the Bannians-Tree, because in those places where those Trees grow, the Idolaters always take up their quarters, and dress their victuals under them. They have those Trees in great reverence, and ofttimes build their Pagods either under or very near them. That which the Reader sees here described, grows at Surat; in the trunk whereof, which is hollow, is the figure of a Monster, representing the face of a deformed Woman, which they say was the first Woman, whose name was Mamaniva; thither great numbers of Idolaters every day resort: near to which there is some Bramin or other always appointed to be ready to say Prayers, and receive the Alms of Rice, Millet, and other Grains which the charitable bestow upon them. The Bramin marks the forehead of all, both Men and Woman, that come to pray in the Pagod, with a kind of Vermilion, wherewith he also besmears the Idol; for being thus marked, they believe the evil Spirit cannot hurt them, as being than under the protection of their God. Number 1. is that part where the Bramins paint their Idols; such as Mamaniva, Sita, Madedina, and others; whereof they have a great number. Numb. 2, is the figure of Mamaniva, which is in the Pagod. Numb. 3, is another Pagod near the former. There stands a Cow at the door, and within stands the figure of their God Ram. Numb. 4, is another Pagod, into which the Faquirs, that do Penance, often retire. Numb. 5, is another Pagod dedicated to Ram. Numb. 6, is a Hut into which a Faquir makes his retirement several times a year, there being but one hole to let in the light. He stays there according to the height of his devotion, sometimes nine or ten days together, without either eating or drinking; a thing which I could not have believed, had I not seen it. My curiosity carried me to see one of those penitents, which the Precedent of the Dutch-Company, who set a spy to watch night and day whether any body brought him any victuals. But he could not discover any relief the Faquir had, all the while sitting upon his Bum like our Tailors, never changing his posture above seven days together, not being able to hold out any longer, by reason the heat and stench of the Lamp was ready to stifle him. Their other sorts of Penance outdoing this, might be thought incredible, were there not so many thousand witnesses thereof. Numb. 7, is the figure of another Penitentiary, over whose head several years have past; and yet he never slept day nor night. When he finds himself sleepy, he hangs the weight of the upper part of his body upon a double-rope that is fastened to one of the boughs of the Tree; and by the continuance of this posture, which is very strange and painful, there falls a humour into their legs that swells them very much. Numb. 9, is the posture of another Penitent, who every day for several hours stands upon one foot, holding a chasing-dish in his hand, into which he pours Incense, as an Offering to his God, fixing his eyes all the while upon the Sun. Num. 10 and 11, are the figures of two other Penitents sitting with their hands raised above their heads in the air. Numb. 12, is the posture wherein the Penitents sleep, without ever resting their arms; which is certainly one of the greatest torments the body of man can suffer. Numb. 13, is the posture of a Penitent, whose arms, through weakness, hung flagging down upon his shoulders, being dried up for want of nourishment. There are an infinite number of other Penitents; some who in a posture quite contrary to the motion and frame of nature, keep their eyes always turned toward the Sun. Others who fix their eyes perpetually upon the ground, never so much as speaking one word, or looking any person in the face. And indeed there is such an infinite variety of them, that would tender the farther discourse of them more tedious True it is, that I have hid those parts which modesty will not suffer to be exposed to view. But they both in City and Country go all as naked as they came out of their Mother's wombs; and though the Woman appraoch them to take them by the fingers-ends, and to kiss those parts which modesty forbids to name; yet shall you not observe in them any motion of sensuality; rather quite contrary, seeing them never to look upon any person, but rolling their eyes in a most frightful manner, you would believe them in an ecstasy. CHAP. VII. Of the Idolaters belief touching the estate of the Soul after death. 'TIS an Article of the Idolaters Faith, that the Souls of Men departing out of the body, are presented to God; who according to the lives which they lead, order them another body to inhabit. So that one and the same person is born several times into the World. And that as for the Souls of wicked and vicious persons, God disposes them into the bodies of contemptible Beasts, such as Asses, Dogs, Cats, and the like; to do Penance for their crimes in those infamous Prisons. But they believe that those Souls that enter into Cows are happy; presuming that there is a divinity in those creatures. For if a man dye with a Cows-tail in his hand, they say it is enough to tender him happy in the other World. The Idolaters believing thus the transmigration of the Souls of men into the bodies of other creatures, they abhor to kill any creature whatever, for fear they should be guilty of the death of some of their kindred or friends doing Penance in those bodies. If the Men in their life-time are famous for their virtuous deeds, they hold that their Souls pass into the bodies of some Potent Raja's: where they enjoy the pleasures of this life in those bodies, as the reward of those good works which they did. This is the reason why the Faquirs put themselves to such horrible Penances. But because that all are not able to endure so much torment in this World, they labour to supply the defect of that cruel Penance by good works. And besides, they charge their Heirs in their Wills to give Alms to the Bramins, to the end that by the powerful effect of their Prayers, their God may assign them the body of some Noble Personage. In January 1661., the Broker belonging to the Holland Company, whose name was Mondas-Parek, died at Surat. He was a rich Man, and very charitable, giving his Alms very liberally as well to the Christians as to the Idolaters; The Capuchins at Surat living one part of the year upon the Rice, Butter and Pulse which he sent them. This Banian was not sick above four or five days; during all which time, and for eight days more after he was dead, his Brothers distributed nine or ten-thousand Roupies; and in the burning of his body they mixed Sandalwood, and Lignum-Aloes, with the ordinary wood, believing that by that means the Soul of their Brother transmigrating into another body, he would come to be some great Lord in another Country. There are some that are such fools that they bury their treasure in their life-time, as it is the usal custom of all the rich Men in the Kingdom of Asen: to the end that if they should be condemned to the body of some poor miserable person, they might have wherewithal to supply their necessities. I remember one day that I bought in India an Agate Cup half a foot high; he that sold it me, assured me that it had been buried under ground above 40 years, and that he kept it to serve his occasions after death; but that it was to him a thing indifferent whether he buried his Cup or his Money. In my last Voyage I bought of one of these Idolaters sixty-two Diamonds of about six grains apiece; and while I was wondering to see so fair a parcel, he told me I needed not to wonder; for he had been fifty years getting them together▪ to serve him after his death, but that having occasion for Money, he was forced to part with them. This buried treasure stood the Raja-Seva-Gi in great stead, when he took Arms against the Great Mogul, and the King of Visapour. For that Raja having taken Callian Biondi, a small City in the Kingdom of Visapour, by the advice of the Bramins, who assured him he should found great store of treasure buried, caused the greatest part thereof to be demolish; d and found so much wealth, as to maintain his Army, which was above thirty-thousand Men. It is impossible to convince these poor Idolaters of their errors; in regard they will hear no reason, but submit themselves altogether to their old forms and customs. CHAP. VIII. Of the Custom among the Idolaters to burn the Bodies of their Dead. THE custom of burning the Bodies of the dead is very ancient among the Gentiles; which Ceremony they most commonly perform by the banks of Rivers, where they wash the dead; which is the last purgation of them from their sins. Nay, their superstition is so great sometimes, that they will carry the sick person, death approaching, to the bank of some River or Pond, and put his feet in the water. As nature fails, they dip him deeper and deeper, till at length they hold him expiring up to the chin in the River: to the end that the same time that the Soul departs out of the Body, both Body and Soul may be cleansed from all defilement; and than plunging the newly dead Body over head and ears, they bring it out, and burn it in the place appointed; which is generally near some Pagod. There are some persons that make it their business to fetch Wood, and agreed what they shall have for their pains. An Idolater being dead, all those of his Cast or Tribe assemble together at the House of the deceased, and laying the Body upon a Bier covered with clean fine Linen according to his Quality and Estate, they follow the Bier, which is carried by such as are appointed for that purpose to the place where the Body is to be burned. A● they go along they sing certain Prayers to their God, pronouncing several times the words Ram, Ram, while another going before the Bier, sounds a little Bell, to advertise the living to pray for the dead. The Body being set down by the bank of the River or Pond, they first plunge it into the water, and than they burn it. According to the quality of the deceased they also mingle with the ordinary wood Sandalwood, and other Sweet-woods. But the Idolaters do not only burn the Bodies of the dead, but the Bodies of the living. They scruple to kill a serpent, or a louse, but accounted it a meritorious thing to burn a living Wife with the body of the deceased Husband. CHAP. X. How the Wives are burnt in India with the Bodies of their deceased Husbands. IT is also an ancient custom among the Indians, that the Husband happening todye, the Wife can never marry again. So that as soon as the Man is dead, the Wife retires to bewail her Husband; some days after that, they shave of her hair; she lays aside all the ornaments of her apparel; she takes of from her arms and legs the Bracelets which her Husband put on when he espoused her, in token of her submission, and her being chained to him: and all the rest of her life she lives slighted and despised, and in a worse condition than a Slave in the very House where she was Mistress before. This unfortunate condition causes them to hate life, so that they rather choose to be buried alive with the body of their deceased Husbands, than to live in the scorn and contempt of the World. Besides that, the Bramins make them believe, that in dying after that manner, they shall revive again with him in another World, with more honour and more advantages than they enjoyed before. These are the motives that persuade the Woman to burn with their Husbands; besides that, the Priests flatter them with a hope, that while they are in the midst of the flames, before they expire, Ram will appear, and reveal wondered visions to them; and that after their Souls have transmigrated into various Bodies, they shall at length obtain a high degree of Honour to eternity. However, there is no Woman that can burn her Husband's body, till she has the leave of the Governor of the place where she inhabits, who being a Mah●metan, and abhorring that execrable custom of Self-murder, is very shy to permit them. Besides, there are none but Widows that have no children, that lie under the reproach that forces them to violent death. For as for the Widows that have children, they are by no means permitted to burn themselves; but quite the contrary, they are commanded to live for the education of the children. Those Woman whom the Governor will not permit to burn themselves, spend the rest of their lives in doing Penance, and performing works of Charity. Some make it their business to sit upon the Road to boil certain Pulse in water, and to give the liquor to Travellers to drink. Others sit with fire always ready for them to light their Tobacco. Others make vows to eat nothing but the undigested grains which they found in Cowdung. The Governor finding no persuasions will altar the Woman's resolution, but more especially perceiving by the sign which his Secretary makes him, that he had received the Coin, in a surly manner gives the Woman leave, bidding the Devil take her and all her kindred. When they have got this leave, their Music gins to strike up, and away they ding to the House of the deceased, with Drums beating, and Flutes playing before them; and in that manner they accompany the person that is to be burnt, to the place appointed. All the kindred and friends of the Widow that is to dye, come to her, and congratulate her for the happiness she is to enjoy in the other World: and for the honour which the Cast she is of receives by her generous resolution, she dresses herself as she were going to be married, and she is conducted in triumph to the place of execution. For the noise is loud of Musical Instruments, and women's Voices, that follow her singing Songs in honour of the miserable creature that is going to dye. The Bramins that accompany her, exhort her to give public testimonies of her constancy and courage: and many of our Europeans are of opinion, that to take away the fears of death, which naturally terrifies humanity, the Priests do give her a certain Beverage to stupify and disorder the senses, which takes from her all apprehension of her preparations for death. 'Tis for the Brahmins' interest that the poor miserable creatures should continued in their resolutions; for all their Bracelets as well about their legs as their arms, the Pendents in their ears; their Rings sometimes of Gold, sometimes of Silver; (for the poor wear only Copper and Tin,) all these belong to the Bramins, who rake for them among the Ashes when the party is burned. I have seen Women burnt after three several manners, according to the difference of the Country. In the Kingdom of Guzerat, as far as Agra and Dehli, they set up a little Hut above twelve foot square upon the bank of a Pond or River. 'Tis made of Reeds, and all sorts of small Wood, with which they mingle certain pots of Oil and other Drugs to make it burn more vehemently. The Woman is placed in the middle of the Hut, in a half-lying-down posture, leaning her head upon a kind of a wooden Bolster, and resting her back against a Pillar, to which the Bramin ties her about the middle, for fear ●he should run away when she feels the fire. In this posture she holds the body of her deceased Husband upon her knees, chewing Betlé all the while: and when she has continued in this posture about half an hour, the Bramin goes out, and the woman bids them set fire to the Hut; which is immediately done by the Bramins, and the kindred and friends of the Woman; who also cast several pots of Oil into the fire, to put the Woman the sooner out of her pain. After the Woman is burnt, the Bramins search the Ashes for all her Bracelets, Pendants and Rings, whether Gold, Silver, Copper or Tin, which is all free booty to themselves. In Bengala they burn the Woman after another fashion. In that Country a Woman must be very poor that does not accompany the Body of her deceased Husband to the Ganges to wash his Body, and to be washed herself before she is burnt. I have seen dead Carcases brought to the Ganges above twenty days journey of from the place, and smelled 'em to boot; for the scent of them has been intolerably noisome. There was one that came from the Northern Mountains near the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Boutan, with the body of her Husband carried in a Wagon; she travelled twenty days afoot, and neither eat nor drank for 15 or 16 days together till she came to the Ganges, where after she had washed the body that stank abominably, and had afterwards washed herself, she was burnt with him with an admirable constancy. Before the Woman that is to be burnt, goes the Music, consisting of Drums, Flutes and Hautboys, whom the Woman in her best Accoutrements follows, dancing up to the very Funeral-pile, upon which she gets up, and places herself as if she were sitting up in her Bed; and than they lay across her the body of her Husband. When that is done, her kindred and friends, some bring her a Letter, some a piece of Calicut, another pieces of Silver or Copper, and desire her to deliver them to their Mother, or Brother, or some other Kinsman or Friend. When the woman sees they have all done, she asks the Standers-by three times, if they have nothing more of service to command her; if they make no answer, she ties up all she has got in a piece of Taffeta, which she puts between her own belly, and the body of her Husband, bidding them to set fire to the Pile; which is presently done by the Bramins and her Kindred. I have observed, because there is scarcity of Wood in Bengala, that when these poor Creatures are half griddled, they cast their bodies into the Ganges, where the remains are devoured by the Crocodiles. I must not forget a wicked custom practised by the Idolaters of Bengala. When a Woman is brought to bed, and the Child will not take to the Teat, they carry it out of the Village, and putting it into a Linen Cloth, which they fasten by the four Corners to the Boughs of a Tree, they there leave it from morning till evening. By this means the poor Infant is exposed to be tormented by the Crows, insomuch that there are some who have their eyes picked out of their heads: which is the reason that in Bengala you shall see many of these Idolaters that have but one eye, and some that have lost both. In the evening they fetch the child away, to try whether he will suck the next night; and if he still refuse the teat, they carry him again to the same place next morning; which they do for three days together; after which, if the Infant after that refuses to suck, they believe him to be a Devil, and throw him into Ganges, or any the next Pond or River. In the places where the Apes breed, these poor Infants are not so exposed to the Crows; for where the Ape discovers a Nest of those Birds, he climbs the Tree, and throws the Nest one way and the Eggs another. Sometimes some charitable people among the English, Hollanders, and Portugals, compassionating the misfortune of those Children, will take them away from the Tree, and give them good education. All along the Coast of Cormandel, when the Woman are to be burnt with their Husbands, they make a great hole in the ground nine or ten foot deep, and twenty-five or thirty foot square, into which they throw a great quantity of Wood and Drugs to make the fire burn more fiercely. When the fire is kindled, they set the body of the man upon the brink; and than presently up comes the Woman dancing and chewing Betlé; accompanied by her Friends and Kindred, with Drums beating, and Flutes sounding. Than the Woman takes three turns round the hole, and every time she has gone the round, she kisses her Friends and Kindred. After the third time the Bramins casts the Carcase of her Husband into the flame; and the woman standing with her back to the fire, is pushed in by the Bramins also, and tumbles backward. Than her Kindred and Friends cast Oil and other combustile Drugs upon the fire, to make it burn more vehemently, that the Bodies may be the sooner consumed. In most places upon the Coast of Cormandel, the Women are not burnt with their deceased Husbands, but they are buried alive with them in holes which the Bramins make a foot deeper than the tallness of the man and woman. Usually they choose a Sandy place; so that when the man and woman are both let down together, all the Company with Baskets of Sand fill up the hole above half a foot higher than the surface of the ground, after which they jump and dance upon it, till they believe the woman to be stifled. When some of the Idolaters upon the Coast of Cormandel are upon the point of death, their Friends do not carry them to the side of a River or Lake to cleanse their Souls, but they carry them to the fattest Cow they can found; and laying the sick party just behind the Cow, they lift up her Tail, and provoke her to piss. If she piss, so that it falls upon the face of the sick party, all the Company are overjoyed, saying, that his Soul is happy. But if the Cow do not piss, to wash the sick party's face, they burn him with a great deal of sadness. If a Cow be sick, the owner must be careful to lead her to a Pond or River; for should she dye at his House, the Bramins would fine him. CHAP. X. Remarkable Story of Women that have been burnt after their. Husband decease. THE Raja of Velou having lost his City and his life, through the loss of a Battle gained against him by the King of Visapour's General, he was extremely lamented at Court. Eleven of his Wives also were no lesle concerned for his death, and resolved to be burnt when his Body was burned. The General of Visapour's Army understanding their resolution thought at first to divert them, by promising them all kind usage. But finding persuasions, would not prevail, he ordered them to be shut up in a Room. He who had the order, going to put it in execution, the Women in a rage told him, that 'twas to no purpose to keep them Prisoners, for if they might not have leave to do what they had resolved, in three hours there would not one of them be alive. The person entrusted, laughed at their threats; but the Keeper of those women opening the door at the end of the three hours, found them all stretched out dead upon the place, without any mark in the world to be seen that they had any way hastened their own deaths. Two of the most potent Raja's of India came to Agra in the year 1642, to do homage to Sha-jehan, who than reigned; who not having acquitted themselves as they aught to have done, in the judgement of the Grand-Master of the King's Household, he told one of the Raja's one day, in the presence of the King, that they had not done well, to behave themselves in that manner toward so great a Monarch, as was the King his Master. The Raja looking upon himself to be a great King, and a great Prince, he and his Brother having brought along with them a Train of 15 or 16000 thousand Horse, was nettled at the bold reproof which the Grand Master gave him, and drawing out his Dagger, slew him upon the place, in the presence of the King. The Grand Master falling at the feet of his own Brother, who stood close by him, he was going about to revenge his death, but was prevented by the Raja's Brother, who stabbed him, and laid him athwart his Brother's Body. The King, who beheld these two murders one upon the neck of the other, retired into his Haram for fear. But presently the Omrahs' and other people fell upon the Raja's, and cut 'em to pieces. The King incensed at such an attempt committed in his House and in his presence, commanded the Rajahs bodies to be thrown into the River; which their Troops that they had left about Agra understanding, threatened to enter the City and pillage it. But rather than hazard the City, the King was advised to deliver them the Bodies of their Princes. When they were to be burned, thirteen Women belonging to the two Raja's Houses, came dancing and leaping, and presently got upon the Funeral pile, holding one another by the hands, and being presently after stifled with the smoke, fell together into the fire. Presently the Bramins threw great heaps of Wood, pots of Oil, and other combustible matter upon them, to dispatch them the sooner. I observed a strange passage at Patna, being than with the Governor, a young Gentleman of about twenty-four years of age, in his own House. While I was with him, in came a young woman, very handsome, and not above two and twenty years old, who desired leave of the Governor to be burnt with the Body of her deceased Husband. The Governor compassionating her youth and beauty, endeavoured to divert her from her resolution; but finding he could not prevail, with a surly countenance, he asked her whether she understood what the torment of fire was, and whether she had ever burnt her fingers? Not, not, answered she more stoutly than before, I do not fear fire, and to let you know as much, sand for a lighted Torch, hither. The Governor abominating her answer, in great passion bid her go to the Devil. Some young Lords that were with the Governor, desired him to try the Woman, and to call for a Torch; which with much ado he did, and a lighted Torch was brought. So soon as the woman saw the lighted Torch coming, she ran to meet it, and held her hand in the flame, not altering her countenance in the lest; still searing her arm along up to the very elbow, till her flesh looked as if it had been broiled; whereupon the Governor commanded her out of his sight. A Bramin coming to Patna, and assembling all his Tribe together, told them, that they must give him two thousand Roupies, and twenty-seven els of Calicut. To which the chief among them made him answer, that they were poor, and could not possible raise such a sum. However he persisted in his demand, positively affirming to them, that he would stay there without eating or drinking till they brought him the Money and the Cloth. With this resolution he climbed a Tree, and setting in the fork between the boughs, remained there without eating or drinking for several days. The noise of this extravagance coming to the ears of the Hollanders where we lay, we set Sentinels to watch whether it were true, that a man could sit so long without victuals, which he did for thirty days together. The one and thirtieth day of such an extraordinary Fast, the Idolaters fearing to kill one of their Priests for want of granting him his demand, clubbed together, and brought him his twenty-seven els of Calicut, and two thousand Roupies. So soon as the Bramin saw the Money and the Cloth, he came down from the Tree; and after he had upbraided those of his Tribe for want of Charity, he distributed all the Roupies among the poor, reserving only five or six for himself. The Cloth he cut into little pieces, and gave away, keeping only to himself enough to cover his own makedness; and having made this distribution, he disappeared of a suddeh, and no body knew what became of him, though diligent search was made after him. When a Chinese lies at the point of death, all his Kindred and Friends gather about him, and ask him whither he intends to go; they tell him also, that if he want any thing, he need but only ask and have, let it be Gold, Silver, or a Woman. When they are dead they perform many Ceremonies at their Funerals, which consists chief in artificial fires, wherein the Chineses are the most expert in the world; so that he must be a very poor man that has no fireworks at his Funeral. Besides that, they put Money in a little Box, and bury it by the deceased; and leave good store of victuals upon the Grave, out of an opinion that they rise and eat. Which the Soldiers of Batavia observing, used to fill their Bellies at these Graves every time they walked their rounds. But when the Chineses perceived it, they poisoned the victuals to spoil the Dutchman's feasting. The Townsmen of Batavia taking the Soldier's part, accused the Chineses for poisoning several of the Dutch. But the Chineses pleaded, that if the Soldiers had overeat themselves, or surfeited themselves upon what was left for the dead to eat, 'twas none of their fault; for that they did not leave their victuals for the Soldiers; and besides that, among all the multitudes which they had buried, they never had heard the lest complaint before of any one that ever came by any harm by eating their food. Thus the business was hushed over; nor did the Soldiers dare to pilfer any more. CHAP. IX. Of the most celebrated Pagods of the Idolaters in India. THE Indian Idolaters have a great number of Temples, small and great which they call Pagods, where they pray to their Gods, and make their Offerings. But the poor people that live in the Woods and Mountains, and remote from Towns, are contented only with some stone, whereon they make a rude kind of Nose, and paint it with some Vermilion colour, which serves all the whole neighbourhood to worship. The four most celebrated Pagods, are Jagrenate, Banarous, Matura, and Tripeti. Jagrenate is one of the mouths of Ganges, whereupon is built the Great Pagod, where the Arch Bramin, or chief Priest among the Idolaters keeps his residence. The great Idol that stands upon the Altar in the innermost part of the Pagod, has two Diamonds for his Eyes, and another that hangs about his neck, the lest of those Diamonds weighing about forty Carats. About his Arms he wears Bracelets sometimes of Pearls, and sometimes of Rubies; and this magnificent Idol is called Resora. The Revenues of this Pagod are sufficient to seed fifteen or twenty thousand Pilgrims every day; which is a number often seen there, that Pagod being the greatest place of devotion in all India. But you must take notice, that no Goldsmith is suffered to enter this Pagod, because that one of them being locked in all night long, stole a Diamond out of one of the Idols eyes. As he was about to go out, when the Pagod was opened in the morning, he died at the door; their God, as they affirm, revenging his own sacrilege. That which renders this Pagod, which is a large building the most considerable in all India, is, because it is situated upon the Ganges; the Idolaters believing that the waters of that River have a particular quality to cleanse them from their sins. That which makes it so rich (for it maintains above twenty thousand Cows) is the vast Alms that are continually bestowed by so incredible a multitude as comes from all parts. Which Alms are not so much as at the discretion of the Donor, at the Will of the chief Priest, who before he gives them leave to shave and wash in Ganges, taxes them according to their quality, of which he has information. Thus he collects vasts sums, of which he makes little or no profit himself; all going to feed the poor, and the repair of the Pagod. The chief Bramin causes Victuals to be distributed to the Pilgrims every day; as Milk, Rice, Butter and Wheat; but to the poor, who want wherewithal to coo● it, they distribute their food ready dresst. In the morning they boil a quantity of Rice in Earthen pots of different bigness; and at the hour when the Pilgrims come for their meat, the chief Bramin order another Bramin to take a pot▪ of boiled Rice; this pot he lets fall; and if there be five, the pot breaks into five equal parts, and every one takes his own share. And in the same manner he breaks it into more pieces, if there be more persons, to whom he is to distribute the food. Which is a thing very strange and worthy observation. They never boil twice in an Earthen pot; but in a Copper pot●▪ nor have they any other Dishes, than only certain Leaves, which they fasten together, and a certain kind of a Basin, about a foot in compass, wherein they melt their Butter, and stir the Rice with the ends of their fingers when they eat. They have also a kind of a Shell, wherein they pour their melted Butter, which they will swallow down, as we do Sack. Now for the description of a particular Idol which stands upon the Altar in the Pagod of Jagrenate: It is covered from the Shoulders downward with a great Mantle that hangs down upon the Altar. This Mantle is of Tissue of Gold or Silver, according to the Solemnities. At first it had neither feet nor hands; but after one of their Phropets was taken up into Heaven, while they were lamenting what to do for another, God sent them an Angel in the likeness of that Prophet, to the end they might continued their Veneration toward him. Now while this Angel was busy in making this Idol, the people grew so impatient, that they took him out of the Angels hands, and put him into the Pagod, without hands or feet; but finding that the Idol appeared in that manner too deformed, they made him hands and arms of those small Pearls which we call Ounce-Pearls. As for his feet, they are never seen, being hid under his Cloak. There is no part open but his hands and feet; the head and body being of Sandalwood; round about the Dnomo, under which this Idol stands, being very high, from the bottom to the top, are only Niches filled with other Idols; the greatest part whereof represent most hideous Monsters, being all of different colours. On each side of this Pagod, there stands another much lesle, where the Pilgrims make their lesser Offerings. And some that have in sickness, or upon business made any Vows to any Deity, bring thither the resemblance thereof in remembrance of the good which they have received. They rub this Idol every day with sweet Oils, that make it of a black colour. And at the right hand of this Idol sits his Sister, who stands upon her feet, and is well clad, being called by the name Sotora; upon his left, stands his Brother, clothed all over also, whom they call Balhadar. Before the Idol, somewhat toward his left hand, stands the Idols Wife upon her feet, all of massy Gold, by the name of Remin; whereas the other three, are only of Sandalwood. The other two Pagods are appointed for the residence of the chief Bramin, and other Bramins that officiate in the great Pagod. All these Bramins go with their heads bore, and for the most part shaved; having no other clothes but only one piece of Calicut, with one half whereof they cover their bodies; the other part serves them instead of a Scarf. Near the Pagod stands the Tomb of one of their Prophets, whose name was Cabir, to whom they give great honour. You are to take notice also, that their Idols stand upon a kind of Altar encompassed with Iron Bars. For no persons are to touch them, but only certain Bramins, appointed for that service by the chief Bramin. Next to that of Jagrenate, the most famous Pagod is that of Banurous, being also seated upon the Ganges, in a City that bears the same name. That which is most remarkable is, that from the Gate of the Pagod to the River there is a descent all of Stone; near to which are certain Platforms, and small blind Chambers, some of the Brahmins' lodging, others where they dress th●● victuals; for so soon as the Idolaters have said their Prayers, and made their Offerings, they dress their food, not suffering any person to touch it but themselves, for fear jest any unclean person should come near it. But above all things, they passionately desire to drink of Ganges water; for as often as they drink it, they are washed, as they believe, from all their sins. Great numbers of these Bramins go every day to the cleanest part of the River, where they fill their little round earthen-pots full of water, the mouths whereof are very small, and contain every one of them a Bucket-full. Being thus filled they bring them before the great Priest, who covers them with a fine piece of flame-coloured Calicut, three or four times doubled, to which he sets his Seal. The Bramins carry these pots, some six of them tied together with six little cords fastened to the end of a stick as broad as a lath, shifting their shoulders often; travelling sometimes three or four hundred leagues with those precious burdens up into the Country. Where they cell it, or present it; but that is only to the rich, from whence they expect great rewards. There are some of the Idolaters, who when they make any great Feast, especially when they marry their children, will drink four or five hundred Crowns in this water. They never drink of it till the end of their meals; and than a glass or two according to the liberality of the Master of the Feast. The chief reason why they esteem the water of Ganges so highly, is, because it never putrifies, nor engenders any Vermin; though I know not whether they may be believed, considering the great quantity of dead bodies which they fling into the Ganges. The body of the Pagod of Banarous is made like a Cross, as are all the rest of the Pagods, the four parts whereof are equal. In the midst there is a Cupola raised very high, the top whereof is pyramidal; at the end also of every four parts of the Cross there is a Tower, to which there is an ascent on the outside. Before you come to the top, there are several Balconies and Niches wherein to take the fresh air: and round about are figures of all sorts of creatures, but very Lend work. Under the Duomo, in the middle of the Pagod there is an Altar, like a Table, eight foot long, and six foot broad, with two steps before, that serve for a footstool, which is covered sometimes with a rich Tapestry, sometimes with Silk, sometimes with Cloth of Gold or Silver, according to the solemnity of their Festival. Their Altars are covered with Cloth of Gold or Silver, or else with some painted Calicuts. Approaching the entry of the Pagod, you see the Altar right before ye, together with the Idols which are upon it. For the Women and Virgins worship without, not being permitted to enter the Pagod, not more than is a certain Tribe which is among them. Among the Idols that stand upon the great Altar, there is one placed upright some five or six foot high; but you can see neither arms, nor legs, nor body: nothing appears but the head and neck, all the rest being covered down to the Altar with a Robe that spreads itself below. Sometimes you shall see the neck set out with some rich Chain either of Gold, Rubies, Pearls or Emeralds. This Idol was made in honour and likeness of Bainma-don, who was heretofore a very great and holy Personage among them, whose name they often have in their mouths. Upon the rightside of the Altar stands the figure of a Chimaera, part Elephant, part Horse, part Mule. It is of massive Gold, and they call it Garou, not suffering any person to approach it but the Bramins. They say it is the resemblance of the Beast which carried that holy person when he lived upon earth. And that he travelled long journeys upon his back, to see if the people remained in their duty, and whether they did no wrong one to another. Between the great Gate and the great Altar upon the lefthand, there is a little Altar, upon which there stands an Idol of black Marble sitting crosslegged, about two foot high. While I was there, a little Boy who was the Son of the Highpriest stood upon the left-side of the Altar, and all the people threw him certain pieces of Taffeta, or embroidered Calicut, like Handkerchiefs, all which he returned to the people again after he had wiped them upon the Idol. Others threw him Bracelets of Coral, others of yellow-Amber, others threw him fruits and flowers; whatever they threw him, he rubbed it upon the Idol, put it to his lips, and than restored it to the people. This Idol is called Morli-Ram, that is to say God▪ Morli, and was the Brother of him that stands upon the great Altar. Under the Portal of the Pagod sits one of the principal Bramins with a great Basin by him, full of a yellow colour mixed with water. All these poor Idolaters come and present themselves before him, who gives them a mark from between the eyes to the top of the nose, than upon the arms, and upon the stomach; by which marks they know who have washed themselves in Ganges, and who not. Those that never washed themselves but in the waters of their own Wells, or have only sent for it from the River, they do not believe to be perfectly purified, and by consequence they are not to be marked with that colour. By the way take notice, that these Idolaters are marked with different colours, according to the Tribe they are of. But in the Empire of the Great Mogul, they who are painted with yellow compose the biggest Tribe, and are the lest defiled. For when they are necessitated to the deeds of nature, some think it enough to wash the part defiled; but they first rub the part with a handful of sand, than they scour it with water. After so doing, they affirm their bodies to be clean, and that they can eat their food without fear. Near to this great Pagod upon the Summer-West, stands a kind of a College, which the Raja Jessing, the most potent of all the Idolaters in the Mogul's Empire, built for the education of the youth of the better sort. I saw two of the children of that Prince there at School, who had for their Master's several Bramins, who trught them to writ and read in a language peculiar to the Idolaters Priests, and far different from the speech of the common people. Entering into the Court of that College, and casting my eyes up, I discovered two Galleries that went round the Court, where I saw the two Princes sitting, attended by several petty Lords and Bramins, who made several Mathematical Figures upon the ground with chalk. The two Princes seeing me, sent to know who I was; and understanding that I was a Frank, they sent for me up, and asked me several questions touching Europe, and particularly touching France. Whereupon there being two Globes in the room which the Hollanders had given the Bramins, I showed the Princes where France lay upon one of them. After I had taken leave, I asked one of the Bramins when I might see the Pagod open: he answered me, the next morning before Sunrising. When I came there, I observed before the door, a Gallery supported with Pillars, where there was already a great crowd of men, women and children expecting when the Pagod would be opened. By and by, the Gallery, and a great part of the Court being full, there came eight Bramins, four of each side of the Gate, with every one a Censer in his hand, followed by a rabble of other Bramins that made a hideous noise with Drums and other Instruments. The two eldest of the Bramins sing a Song; and than all the people falling into the tune, fall a singing and playing, with every one a Peacock's-tail, or some other kind of flable, to drive away the flies, that the Idol may not be annoyed when they open the Pagod. This fanning, and the Music, lasted a good half hour. Than the two principal Bramins made a great noise three times with two little Bells, and with a kind of a Mallet knocked at the Pagod-door. Which was presently opened by six Bramins within, discovering, some six or seven paces from the entrance, an Altar with an Idol upon it, which they call Ram, Ram, the Sister of Morli-Ram. Upon her right-hand she has a child made like a great Cupid, which they call the God La-Kemin, and in her left-arm a little Girl, which they call the Goddess Sita. So soon as the Pagod was open, and that a great Curtain was drawn, the people, who perceived the Idol, fell upon the ground, laying their hands upon their heads, and prostrating themselves three times. Than rising up, they threw great quantities of Nosegays and Garlands to the Priests; with which the Bramins touched the Idol, and than restored them again. Before the Altar stood a Bramin, who held in his hand a lamp of nine week lighted▪ upon which he cast Incense every foot, land than held it to the Idol. All these ceremonies lasted above an hour; after which the people departed, and the Pagod was shut. They presented the Idol with great store of Rice, Meal, Butter, Oil, and Milk-meats, of which the Bramins loose nothing. Now in regard this Idol is the representation of a Woman, the Women all invoke it, and call her their Patroness: which is the reason that the place is generally crowded with Women and Maids. The Raja, to have this Idol in the Pagod of his own house, and for taking it out of the great Pagod, has expended as well upon the Bramins, as in alms to the poor, above five Lacres of Roupies, or 750000 Liures of our Money. On the other side of the Street where the College is built, there stands another Pagod, called Richourdas, from the name of the Idol, which is within upon the Altar: and somewhat lower upon another small Altar stands another Idol, which they call Goupaidas, the Brother of Richourdas. You see nothing but the face of all these Idols, which is either of wood or jet; unless it be the Idol of Morly-Ram, which stands in the great Pagod stark naked. As for the Idol Ram-Kam, which stands in the Raja's Pagod, it has two Diamonds instead of eyes, which the Prince caused to be set there, with a Choler of Pearl, and Canopy over his head, supported with four Silver-Pillars. Some eight days journey from Banarous, bending Northward, you enter into a Mountainous Country; but which sometimes opens itself into very large plains, sometimes three or four leagues in length. They are very fertile in Corn, Rice, Wheat, and Pulse. But that which is the plague and ruin of the people of that Country, is the vast number of Elephants that breed there, and devour their Harvest. If a Caravan pass through any part of that Country where there are no Inns, in regard the people are forced to lie in the open Fields, they have much ado to defend themselves from the Elephants that will come to take away their provisions. To scare them, the people make great fires, shoot of their Muskets, hooping and hollowing ever and anon. In this place there is another Pagod, well-built, and very ancient, adorned with many figures both within and without, which are only the representations of Maids and Women; so that Men are seldom known to repair thither for devotion's-sake; and therefore it is called the women's Pagod. There is an Altar in the middle, as in other Pagods; and upon the Altar an Idol of massy Gold, four foot high, representing a Maid standing upright, which they call Ram-Marion. At her right-hand stands a Child of massy Silver, about two foot high; and they say that the Maid lived a very holy life, that that Child was brought to her by the Bramins to he instructed in her belief, and in the knowledge of well-living: but that after two or three years that the Child had lived with her, the Infant grew so knowing and ready witted, that all the Raja's of the Country longed for her company; so that being stolen from her one night, she was never seen afterwards. Upon the lefthand of this Idol, stands another Idol, representing an old Man; who, as they say, was the servant of Ram-Marion and the Infant: for which reason the Bramins do very much reverence this Idol. They never come but once a year in devotion, but they must be there upon a prefixed day, which is the first of November, though they never open the Pagod till the full of the Moon. During those fifteen days, the Pilgrims, as well Men as Women, fast from time to time, and wash themselves three times a-day, not leaving a hair in any part of their bodies, which they take of with a certain earth. CHAP. XII. A Continuation of the description of the principal Pagods of the Indian Idolaters. NEXT to the Pagods of Ingrenate and Banarous, the most considerable is that of Matura, about eighteen leagues from Agra, upon the way to Dehly. It is one of the most sumptuous Edifices in all India, and the place to which the greatest number of Pilgrims was want to resort: But now there are very few or none; the Idolaters having sensibly lost the reverence which they had for that Pagod, since the River of Gemena, that formerly ran by that Pagod, has changed its course, above half a league from it. For it requires so much time to return to the Pagod, after they have washed in the River, that they were many times defiled again before they could reach it. Though this Pagod stand in a bottom, yet you may discover it five or six leagues before you come at it, the building being very lofty and magnificent. The Stones are of a read colour, which they fetch from a Quarry, near Agra. They cleave like our Slates, some of them being fifteen foot long, and nine or ten foot broad, yet not above six fingers thick, especially when you cleave them as you would have them for use: They also make very fair Pillars. The Fortress of Agra, the Walls of Jebanabat, the King's House, the two Mosques, and several Nobleman's Houses are all built of this Stone. The Pagod is built upon a great Platform of an Octogonal Figure, paved with Freestone; being adorned round about with the figures of all sorts of creatures, especially Apes. There is an ascent to it two ways of fifteen or sixteen steps apiece, every step being two foot broad, for two persons to go abreast. One of the ascents leads up to the great Portal of the Pagod, the other behind up to the Chancel. The Pagod does not take up above half the Platform, the other half serving for a Piazza before it. The Structure is in the form of a Cross, like the rest of the Pagods, in the midst whereof a great Duomo, with two others of each side somewhat lesle, advance themselves above the rest of the building. The outside of the building from top to bottom is adorned with the figures of Rams, Apes and Elephants, and several sorts of Monsters. From one foot below every one of these Duomo's to the Roof, at such and such spaces, are Windows, some five, some six feet high, and to every Window, belongs a Balcone, where four persons may stand. Every Balcone is covered with a little Arch, supported by four Pillars, others by eight, every two touching one another. Round about the Duomo's are Niches filled with the figures of Daemons. Some with four arms, some with four legs. Some with men's heads upon the bodies of Beasts, and long tails that hung down to their thighs: There are abundance of Apes; and indeed it is an ugly sight to behold so many deformed spectacles. There is but one great door to the Pagod, upon each side whereof there are Pillars and Figures of Men and Monsters. The hinder-part is closed with a close Balister of Stone-Pillars five or six inches in Diameter, into which, as into a kind of Sanctum Sanctorum, none but the Bramins are permitted to enter: but for Money, I got in, and saw a square Altar some fifteen or sixten foot from the door covered with an old Tissue of Gold and Silver, upon which stood the great Idol, which they call Ram, Ram. You see nothing but his head, which is of a very black Marble, with two Rubies instead of eyes. All the body, from the shoulders to the feet, is covered with a Robe of Purple-Velvet, with some small embroidery. There are two other Idols of each side of him two foot high, apparelled in the same manner; only their faces are white, which they call Becchor. There I saw a Machine sixteen foot square, and between twelve and fifteen foot high; covered with painted Calicuts, representing the shapes of Devils. This Machine running upon four Wheels, they told me, was a moving Altar, upon which they carried their great God in Procession to visit the other Gods, as also to the River, whither all the people went upon their great Festival. The fourth Pagod is that of Tripeti, in the Province of Carnatica, toward the Coast of Coromandel, and Cape Comorin. I saw it as I went to Maslipatan. It is a Pagod to which there belong a great number of little lodgings for the Bramins: so that altogether it seems to be a great Town. There are several Ponds round about it; but their superstition is so great, that no Passenger dare take any water out of them, but what the Bramin gives him. CHAP. XIII. Of the Pilgrimages of the Idolaters to their Pagods. ALL the Idolaters under the Dominion of the Great Mogul, and other Princes, both on this side and beyond Ganges, at lest once in their lives go in Pilgrimage to one of these Pagods that I have named; but most generally to that of Ingrenate, as being the first and most considerable above all the rest. The Bramins and rich people go oftener. For some go every four years, some every six, or eight; and putting the Idols of their Pagods upon Pallekies covered with Tissues, they travel with their Bramins, as it were in procession to the Pagod which they most esteem. They go not in Pilgrimage, one by one, or two and two, but whole Towns, and many times several Towns together. The poor that go a great way, are supplied by the rich; who spend very freely in such acts of Charity. The rich travel in Pallekies or Chariots, the poor on foot, or upon Oxen; the Wife carrying the Child, and the man the Kitchen Implements. The Idol which they carry in procession, by way of visit, and out of respect to the great Ram-Ram, lies at length in a rich Palleky, covered with Tissue of Gold and Silver, fringed as richly; the Mattress and Bolster being of the same stuff under the head, feet, and elbows. The Bramins also distribute Flabels to the most considerable of the Company, the handles whereof being eight foot long, are plated with Gold and Silver. The Flabel being three foot in Diameter, of the same Tissue as the Pallekies; round about, it is adorned with Peacock's Feathers to gather more wind, and sometimes with Bells to make a kind of tingling. There are six of these Flabels usually employed to keep of the Flies from their God; the better sort taking it by turns, that the honour of waiting upon their God may be more equally shared. CHAP. XIV. Of divers Customs of the Indian Idolaters. THE Bramins are well skilled in Astrology; and will exactly foretell to the people the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. The second of July 1666, about one a Clock in the afternoon, at Patna in Bengala, there was an Eclipse of the Sun; at which time it was a prodigious thing to see the multitudes of people, men, women, and children, that ran to the River Ganges, to wash themselves. But it behoves them to begin to wash three days before the Eclipse; all which time they labour day and night in providing all sorts of Rice Milk, Meats, and Sweatmeats, to throw to the Fish and Crocodiles, as soon as the Bramins give the word. Whatever Eclipse it be whether of the Sun or Moon, the Idolaters as soon a● it appears, break all their Earthen Pots and Dishes in the house, which makes a hideous noise altogether. Every Bramin has his Magic Book, wherein are abundance of Circles and Semicircles, Squares, Triangles, and several sorts of Cifers. They also make several Figures upon the ground, and when they found that the good hour is come, they cry aloud to the people to feed the fish. Than there ensues a most horrible Din of Drums, Bells, and great noise of sounding Metal, which they twang one against another. And as soon as the victuals are thrown into the River, the people are to go in and wash and rub themselves till the Eclipse be over. So that in regard the waters were at that time very high, for more than three Leagues above and below the City, and all the breadth of the River, there was nothing to be seen but the heads of the people. As for the Bramins, they stay ashore to receive the richer sort, and those that give most; to dry their bodies and to give them dry Linen to their bellies. Afterwards they 'cause them to sit down in a Chair, where the most liberal of the Idolaters have provided Rice, Pulse, Milk, Butter, Sugar, Meal, and Wood Before the Chair the Bramin makes a place very clean about five foot square; than with Cowdung steeped in a kind of yellow Basin, he rubs all the place, for fear any Emet should come there to be burnt. For indeed they would never make use of Wood if they could help it; and when they do, they are very careful that there be no Worms or Infects in it. In the place which they have thus cleansed, they draw several Figures, as Triangles, Ovals, Half-Ovals, etc. Than upon every Figure they lay a little Cows-dung, with two or three small sticks of Wood, upon every one of which they lay a several sort of Grain; after that pouring Butter, and setting fire to each; by the smoke which rises, they judge of the plenty of every sort of Grain that year. When the Moon is at the full in March, they keep a solemn Festival for their Idol, which is in form of a Serpent. This Festival continues nine days; and when it comes, they do nothing but make Holiday all the while, as well men as beasts, which they beautify by making Circles about their eyes with Vermilion, with which they also colour the Horns; and if they have a particular kindness for the beast, they hung them with Leaves of Guilded Tin. Every morning they worship the Idol, and the Maids dance about it for an hour, to the noise of Flutes and Drums; after which they eat and drink and are merry till the evening, and than they worship and dance about their Idol again. Though the Idolaters never drink any strong drink at other times, yet at this Festival they drink Palm-wine, and strong water, which is made of the same in remote Villages; for else their Mahometan Governor would not suffer them to make Wine, nor to cell any which might be brought out of Persia. Their strong Water is thus made: They take a great Earthen pot, well glazed within, which they call Martavane; into one of these Vessels, that holds three hundred Paris pints, of Palma-wine, they put in fifty or sixty pound of brown Sugar unrefined, which looks like yellow Wax; with about twenty pound of a great thick bark of a Thorn, not much unlike that which our Leather-dressers use. This bark sets the Palma-wine a bubbling and working just like our new wines, for five or six days together, till it becomes of a sweet Liquor, as sour as our Crabs. Than they distil it, and according to the taste they would give, they either put into a Cauldron full, a little Bag of Mace, or three or four handfuls of Aniseed. They can make it also as strong as they please. Being at Agra in the year 1642, an Idolater, whose name was Woldas, Broker to the Hollanders, about seventy years of age, receiving news that the chief Bramin at the Pagod of Matura was dead, went to the Hollander and desired him to even all accounts; for said he, the chief Priest being dead, it behoves me to dye, that I may serve him in the other world. Thereupon having ended his accounts, he took his Coach, with some of his Kindred; but having neither eaten nor drank from the time he received the news, he died by the way; having famished himself for grief. The Indian Idolaters have a custom, that when any person gives a thing, they snap their fingers, crying out, Gi-Narami, remember Narami, who was a great Saint among them, for fear the Evil Spirit, should enter into the body of him that gives. Being at Surat in the year 1653, a Raspoute being demanded Custom for three or four pieces of Calicut, boldly asked the Governor, whether a Soldier that had served the King all his life-time, aught to pay Custom for two or three pitiful pieces of Calicut, not worth four or five Roupies; telling him it was only to clothe his Wife and Children. The Governor nettled at his sauciness, called him Be●hico, or Son of a Whore; adding, that if he were Prince he would make him pay his Customs. Whereupon the Soldier incensed at the affront, making as if he felt for Money to pay his deuce, bearing up to the Governor, stabbed him in the belly, so that he died immediately. But the Soldier was presently cut in pieces by the Governor's Servants. Though the Idolaters are in utter darkness as to the knowledge of the true God, however the Law of Nature teaches them Morality in many things. When they are married they are seldom false to their Wives. Adultery is very rare among them. And as for Sodomy I never heard it mentioned. They marry their Children between seven and eight years old, for fear they should fall into that vice; the Ceremonies whereof are these: The day before the Nuptials, the Bridegroom, accompanied by all his Kindred, goes to the House where the Bride lives, with a great pair of Bracelets, two fingers thick, hollow within, and in two pieces, with a hinge in the middle to open them. According to the quality of the Bride those Bracelets are of more or lesle value, sometimes of Gold, sometimes of Silver, Tin, or Latin, the poorest sort of all making use of Lead. The next day there is a great Feast at the Bridegroom's House, whither all the Kindred on both sides are invited, and about three a Clock in the afternoon the Bride is brought thither. Than the chief of the Bramins that are there, of which there are always several laying the head of the Bride to the Bridegrooms, pronounces several words, sprinkling their heads and bodies all the while with water. Than they bring him upon Plates or Fig-leaves several sorts of Meats, Calicuts, and Stuffs; and than the Bramin asks the Bridegroom, whether so long as God shall make him able, he will let his Wife share with him, and whether he will endeavour to maintain her by his labour. If he says yes, they all set themselves down to the Feast prepared for them, where every one eats by himself. If the Bride be rich, and be acquainted among the Nobility, their Weddings are very pompous and expensive. The Bridegroom is mounted upon an Elephant, and the Bride rides in a Chariot; the whole Company carrying Torches in their hands. They also borrow of the Governor and the Nobility of the place, as many Elephants and prancing Horses as they can get. And they walk some part of the night with Fireworks, which they throw about the Streets and Piazza's. But the greatest expense to those that live three or four hundred Leagues from it, is to get the water of Ganges; for in regard they accounted that water sacred, and drink it out of devotion▪ it must be brought them by the Bramins, and in Earthen Vessels, glazed within side, which the chief Bramin of Ingrenate fills himself with the purest Water of the River, and than seals up with his own Seal. They never drink this water till the end of the Feast, and than they give their guests three or more glasses apiece. This water coming so far, and the chief Bramin demanding a Tribute for every pot, which contains a Pail-full, sometimes a wedding comes to two or three thousand Roupies. The eighth of April, being in a City of Bengala called Malde, the Idolaters made a great Feast, according to the particular Custom of that place; they all go out of the City, and fasten Iron hooks to the boughs of several Trees, than come a great number of poor people and hung themselves, some by the sides, some by the brawn of their backs, upon those hooks, till the weight of their body tearing away the flesh, they fall of themselves. 'Tis a wondered thing to see that not so much as one drop of blood should issue, from the wounded flesh, nor that any of the flesh should be left upon the hook; besides, that in two days they are perfectly cured by such Plasters as their Bramins give them. There are others who at that Feast will lie upon a bed of nails, with the points upward, the nails entering a good way into the flesh; however while these people are under this Penance, their Friends come and present them with Money and Linen. When they have undergone their Penance, they take the presents and distribute them to the poor, without making any farther advantage of them. I asked one, why they made that Feast, and suffered those severe Penances; who answered me, that it was in remembrance of the first man, whom they called Adam, as we do. In the year 1666, I saw another sort of Penance, as I crossed the Ganges; upon the Bank of which River they had prepared a clean place, where one of the poor Idolaters was condemned to rest upon the ground, touching it only with his hands and feet; which he was to do several times a day, and every time to kiss the earth three times before he risen up again. He was to rise up upon his left foot, never touching the ground with his right all the while. And every day for a month together before he either eat or drank he was obliged to this posture for fifty times together, and consequently to kiss the ground a hundred and fifty times. He told me that the Bramins had enjoined him that Penance because he had suffered a Cow to dye in his House, and had not lead her to the water to be washed before she died. When an Idolater has lost any piece of Gold or Silver, or sum of Money either by negligence, or as being stolen from him, he is obliged to carry as much as he lost to the great Bramin; for if he does not, and that the other should come to know of it, he is ignominiously cast out of his Tribe, to make him more careful another time. On the other side the Ganges Northward, toward the Mountains of Naugrocot, there are two or three Raja's, who neither believe God nor the Devil. Their Bramins have a book containing their Belief, full of ridiculous absurdities, whereof the Author whose name is Baudou gives no reason. These Raja's are the Great Moguls Vassals, and pay him Tribute. To conclude, the Malavares carefully preserve the nails of their left hands and let their hair grow like woman's. These nails, which are half a finger long, serve them instead of Combs; and it is with their left hand that they do all their drudgery, never touching their faces, nor what they eat, but with their right hands. CHAP. XV. Of the Kingdom of Boutan whence comes the Musk, the good Rhubarb, and some Furs. THE Kingdom of Boutan is of a large extent; but I could never yet come to a perfect knowledge thereof. I have set down all that I could learn at Patna, whither the Merchants of Boutan come to cell their Musk. The most excellent Rhubarb comes also from the Kingdom of Boutan. From hence is brought also that Seed which is good against the worms, therefore called Wormseed; and good store of Furs. As for the Rhubarb, the Merchants run a great hazard which way soever they bring it; for if they take the Northern Road, toward Caboul, the wet spoils it; if the Southern Road, in regard the journey is long, if the Rains hap to fall, there is as much danger that way, so that there is no Commodity requires more care than that. As for the Musk, during the heats the Merchant loses by it, because it dries and loses its weight. Now in regard this Commodity pays twenty-five in the hundred Custom at Gorrochepour, the last Town belonging to the Great Mogul, next to the Kingdom of Boutan, when the Indian Merchants come to that City, they go to the officer at the Customhouse, and tell him that they are going to Boutan, to buy Musk or Rhubarb, and how much they intent to lay out; all which the Officer registers, with the name of the Merchant. Than the Merchants instead of twenty-five, agreed with him for seven or eight in the hundred, and take a Certificate from the Officer or Cadi, that he may not demand any more at their return. If the Officer refuses a handsome composition, than they go another way, over Deserts and Mountains covered with Snow, tedious and troublesome, till they come to Caboul, where the Caravans part, some for great Tartary, others for Belch. Here it is that the Merchants coming from Boutan barter their Commodities for Horses, Mules, and Camels; for there is little Money in that Country. Than those Tartars transport their Commodities into Persia, as far as Ardevile and Tauris; which is the reason that some Europeans have thought that Rhubarb and Wormseed came out of Tartary. True it is, that some Rhubarb comes from thence; but not so good as that of Boutan, being sooner corrupted; for Rhubarb will eat out its own heart. The Tartars carry back out of Persia Silks of Small value, which are made in Tauris and Ardevile, and some English Cloth brought by the Armenians from Constantinople and Smyrna. Some of the Merchants that come from Caboul and Boutan go to Candahar, and thence to Ispahan; whither they carry Coral in Beads, yellow Amber, and Lapis Lazuli Beads, if they can meet with it. The other Merchants that come from the Coast of Multan, Lahor, and Agra, bring only Linnons, Indigo, and store of Cornelian and Crystal Beads. Those that return through Gorrochepour, and are agreed with the Officer of the Customhouse, carry from Patna and Daca, Coral, yellow Amber, Bracelets of Tortoise-shells, and other Shells, with great store of round and square thick pieces of Tortoise. When I was at Patna, four Armenians who had been before at Boutan, returned from Dantzick, where they had made certain Figures of yellow Amber, representing the shapes of several Creatures and Monsters, which they were carrying to the King of Boutan, who is an Idolater, as are all his people, to set up in his Pagods. For the Armenians for Money will cell any thing of Idolatry; and they told me besides, that if they could but have made the Idol which the King of Boutan bespoke of them, they should have done their business. Which was to have been a Monster's head, with six horns, four ears, four arms, and six fingers upon every hand, all of yellow Amber; but they could not found pieces big enough. The Caravan is three months travelling from Patna, to the Kingdom of Boutan. It sets out from Patna about the end of December, and eight days after arrives at Gorrochepour. From Gorrochepour to the foot of the high Mountains, is eight or nine days journey more, during which the Caravan suffers very much hardship, for the Country is nothing but wild Forests, full of wild Elephants. So that the Merchants, instead of taking their rests, are forced to watch, keep fires, and shoot of their Muskets all the night long. For the Elephant making no noise in treading, would else be upon the Caravan before they were ware; not that he comes to do any mischief to the men, but to get what victuals he can found. You may travel from Patna to the foot of those Mountains in Palleki's. But generally they ride upon Oxen, Camels, or Horses, bred in the Country. Those Horses are generally so little, that when a man is upon the back of them, his feet touch the Ground; but they will travel twenty Leagues an end, and never bait, or else with a very small one. Some of those Horses cost two hundred Crowns; for indeed when you come to cross, the Mountains, you can make use of no other sort of carriage but them in regard of the narrowness and ruggedness of the Passes; which many times put the Horses very much to it, as strong and as low as they are. Five or six Leagues beyond Gorrochepour you enter into the Territories of the Raja of Nupal, which extend to the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Boutan. This Raja is a Tributary to the great Mogul, and pays him every year an Elephant for his Homage. He resides in the City of Nupal, from whence he derives his Title; but there is little either Trade or Money in his Country, which is all Woods and Forests. The Caravan being arrived at the foot of these Mountains which are called at this day by the name of Naugrocot, abundance of people come from all parts of the Mountain, the greatest part whereof are women and maids, who agreed with the Merchants to carry them, their Goods and provisions cross the Mountains, which is eight days journey more. The women carry upon each shoulder a woollen Roll, to which is fastened a large Cushion, that hangs down upon their backs, upon which the man sits. There are three women to carry one man, relieving one another by turns. And for their luggage and provisions, they lad them upon Goats, that will carry a hundred and fifty pound weight apiece. Those that will ride, are in many places forced to have their Horses hoist up with Cords. They never seed them but morning and evening mixing a pound of meal, half a pound of brown Sugar, and half a pound of Butter together, with water sufficient. In the evening they must be contented only with a few flat Peason, bruised, and steeped half an hour in water. The women that carry the men, get for their ten days travel two Roupies apiece, and as much for every▪ burden which the Goats carry, and for every Horse which they lead. After you have passed the Mountains, you may travel to Boutan upon Oxen, Camels, Horses, or Palleki's, which you please. The Country, is good, abounding in Rice, Corn, Pulse, and store of Wine. All the people both men and women are clad in the Summer with a large piece of Fustian, or Hempen-cloth; in the Winter with a thick Cloth, almost like Felt. Both men and women wear upon their heads a kind of Bonnet, much like our drinking Cans, which they adorn with Boars teeth, and with round and square pieces of Tortois-Shells. The richer sort intermix Coral and Amber Beads, of which their women make them Necklaces. The men as well as the woman wear Bracelets upon their left hands only, from the wrist to the elbow. The woman wear them straight, the men loose. About their necks they wear a silken twist, at the end whereof hangs a Bead of yellow Amber or Coral, or a Boars Tooth, which dangles upon their Breasts. On their left sides, their Girdles are buttoned with Beads of the same. Though they be Idolaters, yet they feed upon all sort of food, except the flesh of Cows, which they adore as the common Nurses of all men; they are besides great lovers of strong water. They observe also some Ceremonies of the Chinese, burning Amber at the end of their Feasts, though they do not worship fire like the Chinese. For which reason the Merchants of Boutan will give at Patna for a Serre of large pieces of yellow Amber, as big as a Nut, bright and clean, thirtyfive and forty Roupies. The Serre of yellow Amber, Musk, Coral, Ambergrease, Rhubarb, and other Drugs, containing nine Ounces to the pound. Saltpetre, Sugar, Rice, Corn, and other Commodities, are also sold by the Serre in Bengala; but the Serre contains seventy-two of our Pounds, at sixteen Ounces to the Pound; and forty Serres make a Mein, or 2824 Pounds of Paris. To return to yellow Amber a piece of nine ounces is worth in Boutan from 250 to 300 Roupies, according to its colour and beauty. Coral rough, or wrought into Beads, yields profit enough; but they had rather have it rough, to shape it as they please themselves. The Women and Maids are generally the Artists among them, as to those toys. They also make Beads of Crystal and Agate. As for the Men, they make Bracelets of Tortoise-shell, and Sea-shells, and polish those little pieces of Shells which the Northern people wear in their ears, and in their hair. In Patna and Daca there are above two thousand persons that thus employ themselves, furnishing the Kingdoms of Boutan, Asem, Siam, and other Northern and Eastern parts of the Mogul's Dominions. As for Wormseed, the Herb grows in the Fields, and must dye before the Seed can be gathered; but the mischief is, that before the Seed is ripe, the wind scatters the greatest part, which makes it so scearce. When they gather the Seed, they take two little Hampers, and as they go along the Fields, they move their Hampers from the right to the left, and from the left to the right, as if they were mowing the Herb, bowing it at the top, and so all the Seed falls into the Hampers. Rhubarb is a Root which they cut in pieces, and stringing them by ten or twelve together, hung them up a drying. Had the Natives of Boutan as much art in killing the Martin as the Muscovite, they might vend great store of those rich Furs, considering what a number of those Beasts there are in that Country. Not sooner does that creature peep out of his hole, but the Muscovites, who lie upon the watch, have 'em presently, either in the nose or in the eyes; for should they hit 'em in the body, the blood would quite spoil the skin. The King of Boutan has constantly seven or eight thousand Men for his Guard. Their Weapons are for the most part Bowes and Arrows. Some of them carry Battleaxes, and Bucklers. 'Tis a long time ago since they had the first use of Muskets and Cannons: their Gunpowder being long, but of an extraordinary force. They assured me that some of their Cannons had Letters and Figures upon them, that were above five hundred years old. They dare not stir out of the Kingdom without the Governor's particular leave; nor dare they carry a Musket along with them, unless their next Kindred will undertake for them that they shall bring it back. Otherwise I had brought one along with me; for by the characters upon the Barrel, it appeared to have been made above 180 years, It was very thick, the mouth of the bore being like a Tulip, polished within as bright as a Looking-glass. Two thirds of the Barrel were garnished with embossed Wires, with certain Flowers of Gold and Silver inlaid between; and it carried a Bullet that weighed an ounce. But I could not prevail with the Merchant to cell it me nor to give me any of his powder. There are always fifty Elephants kept about the King's House, and twenty-five Camels, with each a Pice of Artillery mounted upon his back, that carries half a pound Ball. Behind the Gun fits a Cannoneer that manages and levels the Guns as he pleases. There is no King in the World more feared and more respected by his Subjects than the King of Boutan; being in a manner adored by them. When he sits to do Justice, or give Audience, all that appear in his presence hold their hands close together above their foreheads: and at a distance from the Throne prostrate themselves upon the ground, not daring to lift up their heads. In this humble posture they make their Petitions to the King; and when they retire, they go backwards till they are quite out of his sight. One thing they told me for truth, that when the King has done the deeds of nature, they diligently preserve the ordure, dry it and powder it, like sneezing-powder: and than putting it into Boxes, they go every Market-day, and present it to the chief Merchants, and rich Farmers, who recompense them for their kindness: that those people also carry it home, as a great rarity, and when they feast their Friends, strew it upon their meat. Two Boutan Merchants showed me their Boxes, and the Powder that was in them. The Natives of Boutan are strong and well proportioned; but their noses and faces are somewhat flat. Their women are said to be bigger and more vigorous than the men; but that they are much more troubled with swell in the throat than the men, few escaping that disease. They know not what war is, having no enemy to fear but the Mogul. But from him they are fenced with high, steep, craggy, and showey Mountains. Northward there are nothing but vast Forests and Snow. East and West nothing but bitter water. And as for the Raja's near them, they are Princes of little force. There is certainly some Silver Mine in the Kingdom of Boutan, for the King coins much Silver, in pieces that are of the value of a Roupy. The pieces are already described. However the Boutan Merchants could not tell me where the Mine lay. And as for their Gold, that little they have is brought them from the East, by the Merchants of those Countries. In the year 1659., the Duke of Muscovy's Ambassadors passed through this Country to the King of China. They were three of the greatest Noblemen in Muscovy, and were at first very well received; but when they were brought to kiss the King's hands, the custom being to prostrate themselves three times to the ground, they refused to do it, saying that they would compliment the King after their manner, and as they approached their own Emperor, who was as great and as potent as the Emperor of China. Thereupon, and for that they continued in their resolution, they were dismissed with their presents, not being admitted to see the King. But had those Ambassadors conformed to the custom of China, without doubt we might have had a beaten road through Muscovy and the North part of Great Tartary, and much more Commerce and knowledge of the Country than now we have. This mentioning the Muscovites, puts me in mind of a story that several Muscovy Merchants averred to be true, upon the road between Tauris and Ispahan, where I overtook them, of a woman of four score and two years of age, who at those years was brought to bed in one of the Cities of Muscovy of a Male Child, which was carried to the Duke, and by him brought up at the Court. CHAP. XVI. Of the Kingdom of Tipra. MOst people have been of opinion till now, that the Kingdom of Pegu, lies upon the Frontiers of China; and I thought so myself, till the Merchants of Tipra undeceived me. I met with three, one at Daca, and two others at Patna. They were men of very few words; whether it were their own particular disposition, or the General habit of the Country. They cast up their accounts with small Stones likes agates, as big as a man's nail, upon every one of which was a cipher. They had every one their weights, like a Stelleer; though the Beam were not of Iron, but of a certain Wood as hard as Brazile; nor was the Ring that holds the weight, and is put through the Beam to mark the weight, of Iron, but a strong Silk Rope. And thus they weighed from a Dram to ten of our Pounds. If all the Natives of the Kingdom of Tipra, were like the two Merchants which I met at Patna, I dare affirm them to be notable topers; for they never refused whatever strong Liquor I gave them, and never left till all was out; and when I told them by my Interpreter that all my Wine was gone, they clapped their hands upon their stomaches and sighed. These Merchants travelled all three through the Kingdom of Arakan, which lies to the South and West of Tipra, having some part of Pegu upon the Winter west. They told me also, that it was about fifteen days journey to cross through their Country; from whence there is no certain conjecture of the extent to be made, by reason of the inequality of the stages. They ride upon Oxen and Horses, which are low, but very hardy. As for the King and the Nobility, they ride in their Pallekies, or upon their Elephants of War. They are not lesle subject to Wens under their throats, than those of Boutan; insomuch that the women have those Wens hanging down to their Nipples; which proceeds from the badness of the waters. There is nothing in Tipra which is fit for strangers. There is a Mine of Gold, but the Gold is very course. And there is a sort of very course Silk, which is all the Revenue the King has. He exacts no Subsidies from his Subjects; but only that they, who are not of the prime Nobility, should work six days in a year in his Mine, or in his Silkworks. He sends his Gold and his Silk into China, for which they bring him back Silver, which he coins into pieces to the value of ten Sous. He also makes thin pieces of Gold, like to the Asper's of Turkey; of which he two sorts, four of the one sort making a Crown, and twelve of the other. CHAP. XVII. Of the Kingdom of Asem. IT was never known what the Kingdom of Asem was, till Mirgimola had settled Aurengzeb in the Empire. For he considering that he should be not longer valued at Court, after the War was at an end, being than General of Aurengzeb's Army and powerful in the Kingdom where he had great store of Creatures, to preserve the Authority he had, resolved to undertake the Conquest of the Kingdom of Asem; where he knew he should found little or no resistance, that Kingdom having been at peace above 500 years before. 'Tis thought these were the people that formerly invented Guns and Powder; which spread itself from Asem to Pegu, and from Pegu to China, from whence the invention has been attributed to the Chinese. However certain it is, that Mirgimola brought from thence several pieces of Canon, which were all Iron Guns, and store of excellent Powder, both made in that Country. The Powder is round and small, like ours, and very strong. Mirgimola embarked his Army in one of the mouths of Ganges, and sailing up one of the Rivers that comes from the Lake Chiamay, to the twenty-ninth or thirtieth Degree, he landed his Army, and came into a Country abounding in all human necessaries, still finding the lesle resistance because the people were surprised. Being a Mahometan, he spared not the very Pagods, but burned and sacked all wherever he came to the thirtyfifth Degree. There he understood that the King of Asem was in the field with a more powerful Army than he expected, and that he had several pieces of Canon, and great store of fireworks withal. Thereupon Mirgimola thought it not convenient to march any farther; though the chief reason of his return was the drawing on of Winter; which the Indians are so sensible of, that it is impossible to make them stir beyond the thirti'th or thirtyfifth Degree, especially to hazard their lives. Mirgimola therefore turns to the South-west, and besieges a City called Azoo, which he took in a small time, and found good plunder therein. In this City of Azoo, are the Tombs of the Kings of Asem, and of all the Royal Family. For though they are Idolaters, they never burn their dead bodies, but bury them. They believe that the dead go into another world, where they that have lived well in this, have plenty of all things; but that they who have been ill livers, suffer the want of all things, being in a more especial manner afflicted with hunger and drought; and that therefore it is good, to bury something with them to serve them in their necessities. This was the reason that Mirgimola found so much wealth in the City of Azoo. For many ages, together, several King had built them Chapels in the great Pagod to be buried in, and in their life times had stored up in the Vaults of their particular Chapels, great sums of Gold and Silver, and other moveables of value. Besides, that when they bury the deceased King, they bury with him likewise whatever he esteemed most precious in his life-time, whether it were an Idol of Gold or Silver, or whatever else, that being needful in this, might be necessary for him in the world to come. But that which savours most of Barbarism is, that when he dies, all his best beloved Wives, and the principal Officers of his House poison themselves, to be buried with him, and to wait upon him in the other world. Besides this, they bury one Elephant, twelve Camels, six Horses, and a good number of Hounds, believing that all those Creatures rise again to serve their King. The Kingdom of Asem is one of the best Countries of all Asia, for it produces all things necessary for human subsistence, without any need of foreign supply. There are in it Ours of Gold, Silver, Steel, Led, Iron, and great store of Silk, but coarse. There is a sort of Silk that is found under the Trees, which is spun by a Creature like to our Silkworms, but rounder, and which lives all the year long under the trees. The Silks which are made of this Silk glisten very much, but they fret presently. The Country produces also great store of Gum-Lake; of which there is two sorts, one grows under the trees of a read colour, wherewith they paint their Linen, and Stuffs; and when they have drawn out the read juice, the remaining substance serves to varnish Cabinets, and to make Wax; being the best Lake in Asia, for those uses. As for their Gold they never suffer it to be transported out of the Kingdom, nor do they make any Money of it; but they preserve it all in Ingots, which pass in trade among the Inhabitants; but as for the Silver, the King coins it into Money, as is already described. Though the Country be very plentiful of all things, yet there is no flesh which they esteem so much as Dog's flesh; which is the greatest delicacy at all Feasts; and is sold every month in every City of the Kingdom upon their Market-days. There are also great store of Vines, and very good Grapes, but they never make any Wine; only they dry the Grapes to make Aqua Vitae. As for salt they have none but what is artificial, which they make two ways. First they raise great heaps of that green Stuff that Swims at the tops of standing waters, which the Ducks and Frogs eat, This they dry and burn; and the ashes thereof being boiled in a Cloth in water, become very good Salt. The other way most in use is to take the leaves of Adam's Figtree, which they dry and burn; the ashes whereof make a Salt so tart, that it is impossible to eat until the tartness be taken away; which they do by putting the ashes in water, where they stir them ten or twelve hours together; than they strain the substance through a Linen Cloth and boil it; as the water boils away, the bottom thick'ns; and when the water is all boiled away they found at the bottom very good and white Salt. Of the Ashes of these Fig-leaves they make a Lie, wherewith they wash their Silk, which makes it as white as Snow; but they have not enough to whiten half the Silk that grows in the Country. Kenneroof is the name of the City, where the King of Asem keeps his Court; twenty-five or thirty days journey from that which was formerly the Capital City, and bore the same name. The King requires no Subsidies of his people; but all the Ours in his Kingdom are his own; where for the ease of his Subjects, he has none but slaves that work; so that all the Natives of Asem live at their ease, and every one has his house by himself, and in the middle of his ground a fountain encompassed with trees and most commonly every one an Elephant to carry their Wives; for they have four Wives, and when they marry, they say to one, I take the to serve me in such a thing; to the other, I appoint the to do such business; so that every one of the wives knows what she has to do in the House. The men and women are generally well complexioned; only those that live more Southerly are more swarthy, and not so subject to Wens in their throats; neither are they so well featured, besides that the women are somewhat flat Nosed. In the Southern parts the people go stark naked, only covering their private parts, with a Bonnet like a blue Cap upon their heads, hung about with Swine's teeth. They pierce holes in their ears, that you may thrust your Thumb in where they hung pieces of Gold and Silver. Bracelets also of Tortoise-shells, and Sea-shells as long as an egg, which they saw into Circles, are in great esteem among the meaner sort; as Bracelets of Coral and yellow Amber among those that are rich. When they bury a man, all his Friends and Relations must come to the burial; and when they lay the body in the ground, they all take of their Bracelets from their Arms and Legs, and bury them with the Corpse. CHAP. XVIII. Of the Kingdom of Siam. THE greatest part of the Kingdom of Siam lies between the Golf of Siam, and the Golf of Bengala; bordering upon Pegu toward the North, and the Peninsula of Malacca toward the South. The shortest and nearest way for the Europaeans to go to this Kingdom, is to go to Ispahan, from Ispahan, to Ormus, from Ormus to Surat, from Surat to Golconda, from Golconda to Maslipatan, there to embark for Denouserin, which is one of the Ports belonging to the Kingdom of Siam. From Denouserin to the Capital City, which is also called Siam, is thirtyfive days journey, part by Water, part by Land, by Wagon, or upon Elephants. The way, whether by Land or Water, is very troublesome; for by Land you must be always upon your guard for fear of Tigers and Lions; by Water, by reason of the many falls of the River, they are forced to hoist up their Boats with Engines. All the Country of Siam, is very plentiful in Rice and Fruits; the chiefest whereof are Mangos, Durions, and Mangustans. The Forests are full of Hearts, Elephants, Tigers, Rhinocero's, and Apes; where there grow also large Bambov's in great abundance. Under the knots of these Bambou's are Emmets nests as big as a man's head, where every Emet has his apartment by himself; but there is but one hole to enter into the nest. They make their nests in these Canes to preserve themselves from the rains which continued four or five months together. In the night time the Serpents are very busy. There are some two foot long, with two heads; but one of them has no motion. There is also another creature in Siam, like our Salamander, with a forked tail, and very venomous. The Rivers in this Kingdom are very large; and that which runs by Siam is equally as large as the rest. The water is very wholesome; but it is very full of Crocodiles of a monstrous bigness, that devour men if they be not very careful of themselves. These Rivers overflow their banks while the Sun is in the Southern Tropic; which makes the fields to be very fertile as far as they flow; and it is observed, that the Rice grows higher or lower, as the floods do more or lesle increase. Siam, the Capital City of the Kingdom, where the King keeps his Court, is walled about, being about three of our Leagues in circuit; it is situated in an Island, the River running quite round it, and might be easily brought into every street in the Town, if the King would but lay out as much Money upno that design, as he spends in Temples and Idols. The Siamers have thirty-three Letters in their Alphabet. But they writ from the left to the right, as we do, contrary to the custom of Japon, China, Cochinchina, and Tunquin, who writ from the right to the left. All the Natives of this Kingdom are slaves, either to the King or the great Lords. The women as well as the men cut their hair; neither are they very rich in their habits. Among their Compliments, the chiefest is, never to go before a person that they respect, unless they first ask leave, which they do by holding up both their hands. Those that are rich have several Wives. The Money of the Country is already described. The King of Siam is one of the richest Monarches in the East, and styles himself King of Heaven and Earth; though he be Tributary to the King of China. He seldom shows himself to his Subjects; and never gives Audience, but to the Principal Favourites of his Court. He trusts to his Ministers of State, for the management of his affairs, who sometimes make very bad use of their authority. He never shows himself in public above twice a year; but than it is with an extraordinary magnificence. The first is, when he goes to a certain Pagod within the City, which is guilded round both within and without. There are three Idols between six and seven foot high, which are all of massy. Gold; which he believes he renders propitious to him, by the great store of Alms that he distributes among the poor, and the presents which he makes to the Priests. Than he goes attended by all his Court, and puts to open view the richest Ornaments he has. One part of his magnificence consists in his train of two hundred Elephants; among which there is one that is white, which the King so highly esteems, that he styles himself King of the White Elephant. The second time the King appears in public, is when he goes to another Pagod five or six Leagues above the Town, up the River. But no person must enter into this Pagod, unless it be the King and his Priests. As for the people, so soon as they see the Door open, they must presently fall upon their Faces to the Earth. Than the King appears upon the River with two hundred Galleys of a prodigious length; four hundred Rowers belonging to every one of the Galleys; most of them being guilded and carved very richly. Now in regard this second appearance of the King is in the month of November, when the waters begin to abate, the Priests make the people believe that none but the King can stop the course of the waters, by his Prayers and by his Offerings to this Pagod. and they are so vain as to think that the King cuts the waters with his Sabra, or Skein; thereby commanding it to retire back into the Sea. The King also goes, but incognito, to a Pagod in an Island where the Hollanders have a Factory. There is at the entry thereof an Idol sitting crosslegged with one hand upon his knee, and the other arm akimbo. It is above sixty foot high; and round about this Idol are about three hundred others, of several▪ sorts and sizes. All these Idols are guilt. And indeed there are a prodigious number of Pagods in this Country; for every rich Siomer causes one to be built in memory of himself. Those Pagods have Steeples and Bells, and the Walls within are painted and guilded; but the Windows are so narrow that they give but a very dim light. The two Pagods to which the King goes publicly, are adorned with several tall Pyramids, well guilded. And to that in the Hollanders Island there belongs a Cloister, which is a very neat Structure. In the middle of the Pagod is a fair Chapel, all guilded within side; where they found a Lamp, and three Wax Candles continually burning before the Altar, which is all over covered with Idols, some of Massy Gold, others of Copper guilt. In the Pagod in the midst of the Town, and in one of those to which the King goes once a year, there are above four thousand Idols; and for that which is six Leagues from Siam, it is surroundded with Pyramids, whose beauty makes the industry of that Nation to be admired. When the King appears, all the Doors and Windows of the Houses must be shut; and all the people prostrate themselves upon the ground, not daring to lift up their eyes. And because no person is to be in a higher place than the King, they that are within doors, are bound to keep their lowest Rooms. When he cuts his hair, one of his Wives performs that office, for he will not suffer a Barber to come near him. This Prince has a Passionate kindness for his Elephants; which he looks upon as his Favourites, and the Ornaments of his Kingdom. If there be any of them that fall sick, the Lords of the Court are mighty careful to please their Sovereign; and if they happen to dye, they are buried with the same Funeral Pomp as the Nobles of the Kingdom; which are thus performed: They set up a kind of Mausoleum, or Tomb of Reeds, covered with Paper; in the midst whereof they lay as much sweet wood as the body weighs, and after the Priests have ●umbl'd certain Orsons, they set it afire, and burn it to ashes; which the rich preserve in Gold or Silver Urns▪ but the poor scatter in the wind. As for offenders, they never burn, but bury them. 'Tis thought that in this Kingdom there are above two hundred Priests, which they call Bonzes▪ which are highly reverenced as well at Court as among the people. The King himself has such a value for some of them, as to humble himself before them. This extraordinary respect makes them so proud, that some of them have aspired to the Throne. But when the King discovers any such design, he puts them to death. And one of them had his head lately struck of for his Ambition. These Bonzes wear yellow, with a little read Cloth about their Wastes; like a Girdle. Outwardly they are very modest, and are never seen to be angry. About four in the morning, upon the tolling of their Bells, they rise to their prayers, which they repeat again toward evening. There are some days in the year when they retire from all converse, with men. Some of them live by Alms; others have Houses with good Revenues. While they wear the Habit of Bonzes, they must not marry; for if they do, they must lay their Habit aside. They are generally very ignorant, not knowing what they believe. Yet they hold the transmigration of Souls into several Bodies. They are forbidden to kill any Creature; yet they will make no scruple to eat what others kill, or that which dies of itself. They say that the God of the Christians and theirs were Brothers; but that theirs was the eldest. If you ask them where their God is, they say, he vanished away, and they know not where he is. The chief strength of the Kingdom is their Infantry, which is indifferent good; the Soldiers are used to hardship, going all quite naked, except their private parts; all the rest of their body, looking as if it had been cupped, is carved into several shapes of beasts and flowers. When they have cut their skins, and staunched the blood, they rub the cutwork with such colours as they think most proper. So that afar of you would think they were clad in some kind of flowered Satin or other; for the colours never rub out. Their Weapons are Bows and Arrows, Pike and Musket▪ and an Azagaya, or Staff between five and six foot long, with a long Iron Spike at the end, which they very dextrously dart at the Enemy. In the year 1665, there was at Siam a Neapolitan Jesuit who was called Father Thomas; he caused the Town and the King's Palace to be fortified with very good Bulwarks, according to Art; for which reason the King gave him leave to live in the City, where he has a House and a little Church. CHAP. XIX. Of the Kingdom of Macassar; and the Ambassadors which the Hollanders sent into China. THE Kingdom of Macassar, otherwise called the Isle of Celebes, gins at the fifteenth Degree of Southern Latitude. The heats are excessive all the day; but the nights are temperate enough. And for the Soil, it is very fertile; but the people have not the art of building. The Capital City bears the name of the Kingdom, and is situated upon the Sea. The Port is free; for the Vessels that bring great quantities of goods from the Adjacent Islands, pay no Customs. The Islanders have a custom to poison their Arrows; and the most dangerous poison which they use, is the juice of certain Trees in the Island of Borneo; which they will temper so as to work swift or slow, as they please. They hold that the King has only the secret Receipt to take away the force of it; who boasts that he has the most effectual poison in the world, which there is no remedy can prevent. One day an English man in heat of blood had killed one of the Kings of Macassars Subjects; and though the King had pardoned him, yet both English, Hollanders, and Portugals fearing if the English man should go unpunished, jest the Islanders should revenge themselves upon some of them, besought the King to put him to death; which with much ado being consented to, the King unwilling to put him to a lingering death, and desirous to show the effect of his poison, resolved to shoot the Criminal himself; whereupon he took a long Trunk, and shot him exactly into the great Toe of the right foot, the place particularly aimed at. Two Surgeons, one an English man, and the other a Hollander, provided on purpose, immediately cut of the member; but for all that, the poison had dispersed itself so speedily, that the English man died at the same time. All the Kings and Princes of the East are very diligent in their enquiry after strong Poisons. And I remember that the chief of the Dutch Factory and I tried several poisoned Arrows, with which the King of Achen had presented him, by shooting at Squirrels, who fell down dead, as soon as ever they were touched. The King of Macassar is a Mahometan, and will not suffer his Subjects to embrace Christianity. Yet in the year 1656, the Christians found a way to get leave to build a fair Church in Macassar. But the next year the King caused it to be pulled down, as also that of the Dominican Friars, which the Portugals made use of. The Parish Church, which was under the Government of the secular Priests, stood still, till the Hollanders attacked Macassar, and compelled him to turn all the Portugals out of his Dominions. The ill conduct of that Prince was in part the occasion of that war: to which the Hollanders were moved, to revenge themselves upon the Portugal Jesuits, who had crossed their Embassy to China. Besides, that they offered great affronts to the Hollanders at Macassar, especially when they trod under foot the Hat of one of the Dutch Envoys, who was sent to treat with the King in behalf of the Company. Thereupon the Hollanders resolved to unite their forces with the Bouquifes, that were in rebellion against their Sovereign, and to revenge themselves at any rate. Now as to the business of China, it happened thus: Toward the end of the year 1658, the General of Baravia and his Council, sent one of the chief of the Holland Company, with Presents in the King of China; who arriving at Court, laboured to gain the friendship of the Mandarins, who are the Nobility of the Kingdom. But the Jesuits, who by reason of their long abode in the Country, understood the language, and were acquainted with the Lords of the Court, jest the Holland Company should get footing to the prejudice of the Portugals, represented several things to the King's Council to the prejudice of the Hollanders; more especially charging them with breach of Faith in all the places where they came. Upon this the Holland Agent was dismissed, and departed out of China, without doing any feats. Afterwards coming to understand what a trick the Portugal Jesuits had put upon him, he made report thereof to the General and his Council at Batavia; which so incensed them, that they resolved to be revenged. For by the Deputies accounts, the Embassy had cost them above fifty thousand Crowns; for which they consulted how to make the Portugals pay double. Understanding therefore the trade which the Jesuits drove in the Island of Macao, and to the Kingdom of Macassar, whither upon their own account they sent seven Vessels, laden with all sorts of Commodities, as well of India as China; they took their opportunity, and the seventh of June 1660, appeared with a Fleet of thirty Sail before the Port of Macassar. The King thinking himself obliged to make defence against so Potent an Enemy, endeavoured to sustain the brunt of the Hollander with the Portugal Ships in the Road; but the Hollander dividing their Fleet, part of them fought the Portugal, the other half battered the Royal Fortress so ●uriously, that they carried it in a short time. Which so terrified the King that he commanded the Portugal's not to fire any more for fear of farther provoking his Enemies. The Prince Patinsaloa, was slain in the fight, which was a great loss to the King of Macassar, who was become formidable to his neighbours by the good Conduct of that Minister. As for the Hollanders, they took, burnt, and sunk all the Portugal Vessels, and sufficiently reimbursed themselves for their China Expenses. The thirteenth of June the King of Macassar, whose name was Sumbaco, hung out a white Flag from another Tower, whence he beheld the fight environed by his Wives. During the truce, he sent one of the Grandees of his Court to the Dutch Admiral, to desire peace, which was granted, upon condition he should sand an Ambassador to Batavia, expel the Portugals out of the Island, and not permit his Subjects to have any more to do with them. Thereupon the King of Macassar, sent eleven of the greatest Lords of his Court, with a train of seven hundred men; the Chief of the Embassy being the Prince of Patinsaloa. The first thing they did, was to pay two hundred Loaves of Gold to redeem the Royal Fortress again; and than submitting to the Conditions which the Dutch Admiral had proposed, the General of Batavia signed the Articles, which are punctually observed. For the Portugals had in all quitted the Country, some departing for Siam and Camboya, others for Macoa and Goa. Macoa, formerly one of the most famous and richest Cities of the Orient, was the principal motive that inclined the Hollanders to sand an Ambassador into China; for being the best station which the Portugals had in all those parts, the Dutch had a design to win it wholly. Now, this City, lying in twentytwo Degrees of Northern Latitude, in a small Island next to the Province of Kanton, which is a part of China, has very much lost its former lustre. But this was not all which the Jesuits and the Portugal Merchants suffered. The Chief of the Dutch Factory at Mingrela, which is but eight Leagues from this City, understanding the bad success of the Dutch in China, had a contrivance by himself to be revenged. He knew that the Jesuits of Goa and other places, drove a great trade in rough Diamonds, which they sent into Europe, or else carried along with them when they returned; and that for the more private carrying on of their trade, they were want to sand one or two of their Order, that knew the language, in the habit of a Faquir, which consists of a Tiger's Skin to cover their backparts, and a Goat's Skin to cover the breast, reaching down to the knees. Thereupon the Chief of the Factory of Mingrela taking his opportunity, and having notice that two of the supposed Faquirs were gone to the Ours, to lay out 400000 Pardo's in Diamonds, gave order to two men, which he had feed for the purpose, that as soon as the Fathers had made their purchase, he should give notice to the Officer of the Customhouse at Bicholi. Bicholi is a great Town upon the Frontiers of those Lands that part the Kingdom of Visapour from the Territories of the Portugals; there being no other way to pass the River, which encompasses the Island where the City of Goa is built. The Father's believing that the Customer knew nothing of their purchase, went into the Boat to go over the River; but as soon as they were in, they were strictly searched, and all their Diamonds confiscated. To return to the King of Macassar; you must know, that the Jesuits once endeavoured to convert him; and perhaps they might have brought it to pass, had they not neglected one proposal which he made them. For at the same time that the Jesuits laboured to bring him to Christianity, the Mahometans used all their endeavours to oblige him to stick to their Law. The King willing to leave his Idolatry, yet not knowing which part to take, commanded the Mahometans to sand for two or three of their most able Moulla's, or Doctors from Mecca; and the Jesuits he ordered to sand him as many of the most learned among them, that he might be instructed in both Religions; which they both promised to do. But the Mahometans were more diligent than the Christians, for in eight months they fetched from Mecca two learned Moulla's; whereupon the King seeing that the Jesuits sent no body to him, embraced the Mahometan Law. True it is, that three years after there came two Portugal Jesuits, but than it was too late. The King of Macassar being thus become a Mahometan, the Prince his Brother was so mad at it, that when the Mosque, which the King had caused to be built, was finished, he got into it one night, and causing the throats of two Pigs to be cut, he all besmeared the Walls of the new Mosque, and the place which was appointed for the Moulla to perform Divine Service with the blood; so that the King was forced to pull down that, and build Another. After which the Prince with some Idolatrous Lords stole out of the Island, and never since appeared at Court. CHAP. XX. The Author pursues his Travels into the East, and embarks at Mingrela for Batavia. The danger he was in upon the Sea; and his arrival in the Island of Ceylan. I Departed from Mingrela, a great Town in the Kingdom of Visapour, eight Leagues from Goa, the fourteenth of April, 1648, and embarked in a Dutch Vessel bound for Batavia. The Ship had orders to touch at Bokanour, to take in Rice. Whereupon I went ashore with the Captain, to obtain leave of the King to buy Rice. We found him upon the shore, where he had about a dozen Huts set up, which were covered with Palm-leaves. In his own Hut there was a piece of Persian Tapestry spread under him, and there we saw five or six women, some fanning him with Peacock's Feathers, others giving him Be●lè, others filling him his Pipe of Tobacco. The most considerable persons of the Country were in the other Huts; and we counted about two hundred men that were upon the Guard, armed only with Bows and Arrows. They had also two Elephants among 'em. 'Tis very probable, that his Palace was not far of, and that he only came thither to take the fresh air. There we were presented with Tari or Palm-wine; but being new, and not boiled, it caused the headache in all that drank it, insomuch that we were two days before we could recover it. I asked the reason, how the Wine came to do us so much prejudice; to which they answered me, that it was the Planting of Pepper about the Palm-trees, that gave such a strength to the Wine. We were not sooner got aboard, but a mighty tempest arose, wherein the Ship, men, and goods had all like to have been cast away, being near the shore; but at length, the wind changing, we found ourselves by break of day three or four Leagues at Sea, having lost all our Anchors; and at length came safe to Port in the Haven of Ponte de Galle, the twelfth of May. I found nothing remarkable in that City; there being nothing but the ruins made by the undermine and Canonshot, when the Hollanders besieged it, and chased the Portugals from thence. The Company allowed ground to build upon, to them that would inhabit there, and land to till; and had than raised two Bulwarks which commanded the Port. If they have finished the design which they undertook, the place cannot but be very considerable. The Hollanders, before they took all the places which the Portugals had in the Island of Ceylan, did believe that the trade of this Island would have brought them in vasts sums, could they but be sole Masters of it; and perhaps their Conjectures might have been true, had they not broken their words with the King of Candy, who is the King of the Country; but breaking faith with him, they lost themselves in all other places thereabouts. The Hollanders had made an agreement with the King of Candy, that he should be always ready with twenty thousand men, to keep the passages that hinder the Portugals from bringing any succours from Colombo, Negombe, Manar, or any other places which they possessed upon the Coast. In consideration whereof the Hollanders, when they had taken Ponte Gall, were to restore it to the King of Candy; which they not performing, the King sent to know why they did not give him possession of the Town; to which they returned answer, that they were ready to do it, provided he would defray the expenses of the war. But they knew, that if he had had three Kingdoms more, such as his own, he could never have paid so great a sum. I must confess indeed the Country is very poor, for I do not believe that the King ever saw fifty thousand Crowns together in his life; his Trade being all in Cinnamon and Elephants. As for his Cinnamon, he has no profit of it since the Portugals coming into the East Indies. And for his Elephants, he makes but little of them; for they take not above five or six in a year; but they are more esteemed than any other Country Elephants, as being the most courageous in war. One thing I will tell you hardly to be believed, but that which is a certain truth, which is, that when any other King or Raja has one of these Elephants of Ceylan, if they bring him among any other breed in any other place whatsoever, so soon as the other Elephants behold the Ceylan Elephants, by an instinct of nature they do him reverence, laying their trunks upon the Ground, and raising them up again. The King of Achen, with whom the Hollanders also broke their word, had more opportunity to be revenged upon them than the King of Candy. For he denied them the transportation of Pepper out of his Country, without which their trade was worth little. His Pepper being that which is most coveted by the East. So that they were forced to make a composition with him. The King of Achens Ambassador coming to Batavia, was strangely surprised to see women sitting at the Table; but much more, when after a health drank to the Queen of Achen, the General of Batavia commanded his Wife to go and kiss the Ambassador. Nor was the King behind hand with the Dutch Ambassador another way; whom the King beholding in a languishing distemper, asked him whether he had never any familiarity with any of the Natives. Yes, replied the Ambassador; however I left her to marry in my own Country. Upon that the King commanded three of his Physicians to cure him in fifteen days, upon the forfeiture of their lives. Thereupon they gave him a certain potion every morning, and a little Pill at night; and at the end of nine days he took a great Vomit. Every body thought he would have died with the working of it; but at length brought up a stopple of course hair, as big as a nut; after which he presently recovered. At his departure the King gave him a Flint about the bigness of a Goose Egg, with veins of Gold in it, like the veins of a man's hand, as the Gold grows in that Country. CHAP. XXI. The Author's departure from Ceylan, and his arrival at Batavia. THE twenty-fifth of May we set sail from Ponte Gall. The second of June we passed the Line. The sixth we saw the Island called Nazaco's. The seventeenth we discovered the Coast of Sumatra, the eighteenth the Island of Ingamina, and the nineteenth the Island of Fortune. The twentieth we were in ken of certain little Islands, and the Coast of Java; among which Islands there are three called the Islands of the Prince. The one and twentieth we discovered Bantam, and the two and twentieth we anchored in the Road of Batavia. There are two Councils in Batavia, the Council of the Fort, where the General presides, and where all the affairs of the Company are managed. The other which is held in a House in the City, and relates to the Civil Government, and decides the petty differences among the Citizens. All the kindness I had shown me here, was to be prosecuted by the City Council, for being suspected to have bought a parcel of Diamonds for Mounsieur Constant, my very good Friend, and Precedent of the Dutch Factory at Gomron; but when they could make nothing of it, they ceased their suit, ashamed of what they had done. CHAP. XXII. The Author goes to visit the King of Bantam, and relates several Adventures upon that occasion. BEing so ill treated in Batavia, I resolved to visit the King of Bantam; to which purpose I took my own Brother along with me, because he spoke the Language called Malaye; which in the East is as universal as Latin among us. Being arrived at Bantam in a small Bark, which we hired for ourselves; we went first and visited the English Precedent, who kindly entertained and lodged us. The next day I sent my Brother to the Palace, to know when it would be seasonable for me to come and kiss the King's Hand. When the King saw him (for he was well known to him) he would not suffer him to return, but sent others to fetch me, and to tell me withal, that if I had any rare Jewels, I should do him a kindness to bring them along with me. When I saw my Brother returned not with the persons which the King sent, I was almost in the mind not to have gone; remembering how the King of Achen had served the Sieur Renaud. For the French having set up an East India Company, sent away four Vessels, three great ones, and one of eight Guns, for the service of the Country. Their Voyage was the shortest that ever was heard of; arriving at Bantam in lesle than four months. The King also courteously received them, and let them have as much Pepper as they desired, and cheaper by twenty in the hundred than he sold it to the Hollanders. But the French not coming only for Pepper, sent away their small Ship with the greatest part of their Money to Macassar, to try the Market for Cloves, Nutmegs, and Mace. The French being so soon dispatched at Bantam, had not patience to stay till the return of the small Vessel which they had sent to Macassar; but to pass the time, must needs run over to Batavia, being not above fourteen Leagues of; so that you may be at Batavia from Bantam in a tide with a good wind. When they came to an Anchor, the General of the French Fleet sent to Compliment the General of Batavia, who failed not to answer his civility, and invited the Admiral ashore. Moreover he sent to those that stayed aboard, great store of excellent cheer, and a good quantity of Spanish and Rh●●ish Wine, with particular order to them that carried it, to make the French drunk. His order was so well followed, that 'twas easy to set the Ships on fire, according to the private instructions which they had. So soon as the flame was discovered from the General's window, which overlooked all the Road, there was a wondered pretended astonishment among the Dutch. But the French Admiral too truly conjecturing the ground and Authors of the treachery, beholding the company with an undaunted courage; Come, come, cried he, let's drink on; they that set the Ships afire shall pay for 'em. However the French Ships were all burnt, though the men were all saved in Boats which were forthwith sent to their relief. After that, the General of Batavia made them great offers, which they refused, and returned to Batavia, in expectation of their small Vessel. When it returned, they could found out no better way than to cell Ship and goods, and all to the English, and to ●●are the Money among themselves, every one according to their condition. But the trick which they put upon the English was far more bloody. The English were the first that found out the danger of sailing from Surat, Maslipatan, or any other distant parts, to Japon without touching by the way. Whereupon they thought it convenient to build a Fort in the Island of Formosa, which not only saved the loss of several Vessels, but also brought them in great gain. The Hollanders mad that the English were possessed of such an advantageous situation, being the only place in all the Island where Vessels could 〈◊〉 in safety; and finding they could not carry it by force, bethought themselves of a Stratagem; to which purpose they sent away two Ships, wherein they stored the best of their Soldiers, who pretending they had been in a storm in Sea, put into the Harbour of Formosa, with some of their Masts by the board, their Sails scattered, and their Seamen seemingly sick. The English compassionating their miseries, which was only in outward appearance, invited the chief of them to come ashore to refresh themselves; which they were very ready to do, carrying as many men with them as possibly they could under pretence of sickness. While the chief of them were at Dinner with the chief of the English, they all plied their Cups; and when the Dutch saw the English had drunk hard enough, taking their opportunity, they picked a quarrel with the Commander of the Fort, and drawing their Swords, which they had hidden under their Coats for that purpose, they easily surprised and cut all the throats of the Soldiers in the Garrison; and being thus Masters of the Fort, they kept it from that time till they were routed out by the Chinese. Now for the trick that the King of Achen served the Sieur Renaud; he having got a good Estate by Jewels, arrived at length at Achen, and as it is the custom for the Merchants to show the King what Jewels they have, the King had not sooner cast his eye upon four Rings which the Sieur Renaud showed him, but he bid him fifteen thousand Crowns for them; but Renaud would not bate of eighteen thousand. Now because they could not agreed, the Sieur Renaud carried them away with him, which very much displeased the King; however he sent for him the next day. Whereupon Renaud returning to him, the King paid him his eighteen thousand Crowns; but he was never seen after that, and it is thought he was secretly murdered in the Palace. This story came to my remembrance, when I found my Brother did not come along with those that were sent to fetch me,▪ However I resolved to go, taking with me 12 or 13000 Roupies worth of Jewels; the greatest part being in Rose Diamond Rings, some consisting of seven, some of nine, and some of eleven Stones; with some small Bracelets of Diamonds and Rubies. I found the King with three of his Captains and my Brother sitting together, after the manner of the East, with five great Plates of Rice before them of divers colours. For their drink they had Spanish Wine, strong waters, and several sorts of Sherbets. After I had complemented the King, and presented him with a Diamond Ring, a blue Saphir Ring, and a little Bracelet of Diamonds, Rubies,, and blue Saphires, he commanded me to sit down, and ordered me a glass of strong Water to whet my appetite. The glass held a quarter of a pint, and therefore I refused it, which the King very much wondered at; but being told by my Brother, that I never drank any strong Water, he ordered me presently a glass of Sack. After that he risen up, and seated himself in a Chair, the Elbows whereof were gilded. His feet and legs were bore, having a Persian Carpet of Gold and Silk to tread upon. He was clad with a piece of Calicut, part whereof covered his body from his waste to his knees, the rest being wound about his back and shoulders like a Scarf. Instead of Shoes he had a pair of Sandals, that stood by the Chair side, the straps whereof was embroidered with Gold and small Pearl. About his head he had a thing like a Handkerchief, with three Corners, bound about his head like a Fillet. His hair also, which was very long, was twisted and tied together over his head. Two persons stood behind him with great Fans of long Peacock Feathers, the handles whereof were five or six foot in length. Upon his right hand stood an old black women, holding in her hand a little Mortar and Pestle of Gold, to beaten his Betle, in; wherewith he mixed the Kernel of the Nut of Araquè, and Seed Pearl dissolved. When it was all beaten together, the old woman gave it the King over his Shoulders, who opening his mouth, the old woman fed him as our women feed their Children. For the King had chawed so much Betlè, and taken so much Tobacco, that his teeth were all fallen out of his head. The King of Bantam's Palace was never built by any curious Architect. It is a square place, encompassed with a great many Pillars, varnished over with several sorts of colours, against which the King leans when he sits down. At the four Corners there are four great Pillars set in the earth, at forty foot distance the one from the other, lined with a Mat made of the Rhind of a certain Tree, so thin that it looks like a piece of Linen, which neither Fleas nor Punies will come near. The roof was covered with Coco-Branches. Not far of, under another Roof supported with four great Pillars, he had sixteen Elephants, the noblest of all those that are in the King's service: for he has a far greater number trained up for war, that are not afraid of wildfire. For his guard he might have about two thousand men, that were drawn up in Companies under the shade of the next Trees. They are good Soldiers as well by Sea as by Land; great Mahometans, and stand not at all in fear of death. His Haram, or the women's Apartment, was certainly a very small Place. For when he had viewed what I brought him, he sent for two old women, to whom he gave some of the Jewels, to go and show them to his Wives. The two women returned back through a little pitiful door; the enclosure being nothing but a kind of Wall made up of Earth and Cowdung mixed together. Whatever he sent to the Women, they never returned any thing again. Which made me believe they would bear a good price; and indeed whatever I sold to him, I sold to good profit, and had my Money well paid me. After this we took our leaves; but the King obliged us to come next day in the evening, because he had a desire to show us a Turkey Dagger, the Haft whereof, being thin of Diamonds, he had a mind to enrich with more Stones. Coming to the English House with our Money, they wondered that the King had laid out twenty thousand Roupies, telling me, they believed it was the best part of his treasure. The next day my brother and I went to wait upon him at the appointed hour, and we found him sitting in the same place where he sat before. There was a Moulla than read to him, who seemed to interpret to him something of the Alcoran in the Arabic Language. The Lecture being ended, they both rose and went to prayers; which being concluded, the King sent for the Dagger and the Haft which was of Gold. The top of the Handle was already set with Diamonds, and upon the upper part of the cross Bar was cut in Facets, which could not be lesle worth than fifteen or sixteen thousand Crowns. The King told me, it was presented to him by the Queen of Borneo, and that it was cut at Goa; but that he put a far higher value upon it than I esteemed it to be worth. The Dagger, as well as the Sheath was full of Beazils, or Collets, in very good order; but the King had neither Diamond, Ruby, nor any other Stone to set in the Collets; and therefore desired me to help him to some that might come at an easy rate. I told him it was impossible to found Stones that would fit the Beazils; and therefore that it was better, when he had got Stones enough, to fix other Beazils according to the proportion of the Stones. To which purpose he was first to range all his Stones in Wax; which I showed him how to do at the same time; but that was above his skill. And therefore do what I could to excuse myself to the contrary, he would needs oblige me to carry the Dagger to Batavia; whereupon I took my leave of the King, and departed. CHAP. XXIII. The Author's return to Batavia. His revisiting the King of Bantam. And a relation of several Extravagancies of certain Faquirs in their return from Mecca. ABout eleven a Clock at night, we embarked for Batavia; for the night winds blowing from the Land, are the only winds to serve our turn; so that we were at Batavia between ten and eleven the next morning. There I stayed twenty days for the King of Bantam's sake, to make him believe I had sought for that which I knew was impossible to be found. I had nothing to do all the while, for in Batavia there is no other recreation than gaming and drinking, which was none of my business. At that time the Sieur Cant died, one of the Indian Counsellors, who was sumptuously buried for his good services done to the Company; but the people complained heavily of the injustice which he had done as well to the Soldiers as Mariners. Having stayed twenty days at Bantam, I resolved to go and return the King of Bantam his Dagger again; for it was impossible to meet with stones to fit his Beazils. However I took along with me some other Stones which he had not seen. Coming to Bantam, the King caused us to be lodged in one of his own Houses in the City, which was made of Bamboo's. Thither in lesle than a quarter of an hour, the King sent us some Pateches, or sweet Water-Melons, read within like Scarlet. We had also Mongoes, and a certain large Fruit called Pompone, read also within, the meat of it being soft and spongy, but of an excellent taste▪ Having stayed our stomaches, we went to wait upon the King, whom we found in the same place, with his old Mortar-bearer, who every foot fed him with Betlè with her fingers. There were sitting about the Hall five or six of his Captains, viewing a certain parcel of Fireworks, as Granado's, Rochets, and other divices to run upon the water, which the Chineses had brought; who are the most exquisite at those sports of any people in the world. When the King was at leisure, I returned him his Dagger, telling him, that Batavia was no place to meet with stones; and that such as were to be found, were valued at double the price they were worth; and that there was no place where he could fit himself, but at Golconda, Goa, or the Diamond Ours. Thereupon the old woman took the Dagger, and carried it into his Haram; nor did the King speak one word more about it. After that I showed him what other stones I had brought, a parcel whereof I sold him to good profit; the King ordering us to come the next day for payment. The next day about six a Clock in the morning, my Brother and I, and a Dutch Chirurgeon, were going along a narrow way, between a River on the one hand, and the Pales of a great Garden on the other. Behind the Pales a Rascally Bantamois, had hid himself; one of those that was newly come from Mecca, and was upon the design Moqua; that is, in their Language, when the Rascality of the Mahometans return from Mecca, they presently take their Cric in their hands, which is a kind of Poniard, the Blade whereof is half poisoned; with which they run through the streets, and kill all those which are not of the Mahometan Law, till they be killed themselves. These Furies think that in so doing they do God and Mahomet good service, and shall be saved thereby. If any of these madmen be killed, the Rabble of Mahumetans buries them as Saints, and every one contributes to make a fair Tomb. Sometimes you shall have an idle Rogue, in the habit of a Dervich, that will build him a Hut near the Tomb, which he undertakes to look to, and strew with Flowers. And as his alms increase, he adds some other ornament to it. For the Fairer and better set out the Tomb is, the more devoutly it is worshipped, and the more Alms it brings in. I remember in theyear 1642, that at Sovali, which is the Port of Surat, it happened that a Vessel of the great Moguls returned from Mecca, with a great number of Faquirs or Derviches. For every year the King sends two Vessels to carry and bring back the Pilgrims, who have their passage free. And when these Vessels are to go, the Faquirs come from all parts of India to embark. These Vessels are laden with very good Commodities, which are sold at Mecca, and the profit is distributed among the poor Pilgrims. But the principal is brought back for the next year, amounting to six hundred thousand Roupies at lest. 'Tis an ill Market when they do not gain 30 or 40 per Cent. by their Commodities; nay there are some that produce Cent. per Cent. besides, that the principal persons of the Moguls Haram, and other particular persons, sand very large gifts to Mecca. One of these Faquirs returning from Mecca in the year 1642, and being landed at Sovali, had not sooner said his prayers, but he took his Dagger, and ran among several Dutch Mariners that were unlading goods upon the shore, and before they were ware this mad▪ Faquir had wounded seventeen of them, of which thirteen died. The Canjare which he had in his hand, was a kind of Dagger, the Blade whereof toward the Handle was three fingers broad; and because it is a very dangerous weapon, I have here given you the Figure of it. At length the Sentinel that stood at the entry of the Tent where the Governor and Merchants were, shot him through the body, so that he fell down dead. Immediately all the other Faquirs and Mahometans that were upon the place took up the body and buried it: and at the end of fifteen days they put him up a fair Monument. Every year the English and Hollanders pull it down; but when they are gone, the Faquirs set it up again, and plant Banners over it; nay some there are that perform their devotions to it. But to return to the Bantam Faquir. That Villain lying, as I said, behind the Pales, as my Brother and I, and the Dutch Chirurgeon came toward him, all three abreast, thrust his Pike between the Pales, thinking to have stabbed it into one of our breasts. The Dutch man being next the River, and somewhat before the rest, the head of his Pike ran into his Breeches; whereupon we both laid hold of the Staff. But my Brother being next the Pales, presently leaped over, and ran the Faquir thorough. Whereupon several Chineses, and other Idolaters, came and gave my Brother thanks for killing him. After that we waited upon the King, and told him what my Brother had done; who was so far from being displeased, that he gave my Brother a Girdle. For the King and his Governors are glad when those Rogues are slain, knowing them to be Desperadoes, not fit to live. The next day, coming to take my leave of the English Precedent, he showed me two strings of Diamonds, and two Services of Silver, which came from England. He would have sold them all, but I only bought one 〈◊〉 of the strings of Diamonds, the other being foul; and for the Silver, I would have bought it, had they coined Silver in Batavia, as they were want to do. Formerly the Hollanders coined Reals, Half-Reals, and Quarter-Reals, bearing on the one side the stamp of a Ship, on the other V, O, C, like a Character, as in the Figure, signifying in Dutch, Vor Ost Indian, company, for the East Indian Company. Which they did for the Sake of the Chinese, who loving Silver better than Gold, carried away all the Silver that was coined at Batavia, at good rates. But at length they left it of, finding so few people that made use of Silver. CHAP. XXIV. Of the War of the Hollanders with the Emperor of Java. HAving taken my leave of the English Precedent, I returned to Batavia; where having little to do, I resolved to give a visit to the King of Japar, otherwise called the Emperor of Java. This King was formerly King of all the Island, till the King of Bantam, who was only Governor of a Province, rebelled against him; the Hollanders being made by the divisions of those two Princes. For when the King of Japar besieged Batavia, the King of Bantam relieved the Hollanders; and when they were attacked by the King of Bantam, the King of Japar came to their assistance. And when those two Kings were together by the ears, the Hollanders always aided the weakest. The King of Japar keeps his Court in a City of the same name, distant from Batavia some thirty Leagues. You may cost along the shore to it by Sea; but the City stands above eight Leagues up in the Land. From the City there is a fine Walk to the Sea, where there is a handsome Port, and fairer Houses than any in the City. And the King would live there if he thought it safe. The day before I departed, I went to take my leave of one of the Indian Counsellors, and telling him that I was going to wait upon the King of Japar, he stood amazed, in regard the King and the Hollanders were mortal Enemies; of which he gave me this account: The deceased King, Father to the King that now reigns, since the Hollanders built their Fort of Batavia would never have any peace with them. And though that during the war the Hollanders took ten of his Subjects, for one of theirs, and offered ten for one in exchange, yet he would never exchange one upon any condition whatsoever, and charged, his Son upon his deathbed never to release one. This obstinacy very much troubled the Dutch General, and all the rest in Batavia, and obliged them to consult upon ways how to right themselves. Now it is the custom when a Mahometan King dies, that his successor sends certain great Lords of his Court to Mecca with Presents, as well to engage them to pray for the Soul of the deceased; as also to give thanks to God and Mahomet for the coming of a new King to the Throne without any Impediment; and to pray for the blessing of victory over all his Enemies. But the new King and his Council were at a loss how to accomplish this Voyage; for first the King had none but little Vessels, that were want only to sail along by the shore, by reason of the inexperience of his Seamen; and in the second place the Dutch were always plying to and from about the mouths of his Havens, to surprise his Subjects if they stirred forth. For the safety therefore of his Pilgrims, the King at last Concludes upon making an agreement with the English. For which reason he dispatches away an Envoy to Bantam, to the English Precedent and his Council▪ who promised to len● him the biggest Vessel and the best mounted which the company had in the Indieses. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof the English were to pay but half Customs for ever, for all Commodities exported or imported out of his Country. Which Treaty being 〈◊〉 the English furnished him with three ●●out Vessels, Manned and Gunned beyond an 〈◊〉 rate. Thereupon nine of the principal Lords of the Court, and 〈…〉 Blood Royal, with a Train of a hundred persons, embarked themselves in the great Vessel. But all these preparations could not be carried so privately, 〈…〉 the Dutch had 〈◊〉 of it by their Spies. Thereupon the General of the Dutch makes ready three Ships, and lying just in the straight of Bantams mouth; so soon as the English came up, (for they had no other way) let fly at them so roundly, that the English fearing jest their Vessels would be sunk, struck Sail; which the Java Lords seeing, called the English, Traitors, and drawing their poisoned Daggers, cried a Mocca upon the English, killing a great number of them before they had time to put themselves into a posture of defence. And perhaps there would not one of them have escaped, had not the Hollanders come aboard as they did. Some of the Java Lords, and about twenty of their Attendants, would take no quarter; so that the Hollanders were forced to fight for't, and at last they got the better, with the loss of seven or eight men. The English Vessel being carried into Batavia, the General very civilly sent both the Prisoners and the Vessel home again; withal giving notice to the King, that he was ready to make an exchange of Prisoners with him. But the King would not so much as harken to any such proposition; returning for answer, that though the Hollanders had three times as many of his Subjects he would not release so much as one Hollander. So that the poor Dutch were kept slaves in Java, and the Javanners died iniserable in Batavia. As for the Javanners, they are good Soldiers. And it is reported, that while Batavia was besieged by the King of Bantam in the year 1659., a Dutch Soldier lying in Ambuscade in a Marsh, a Javanner, little dreaming, that any body had been there, came to the same place to discover the Enemy, and was by the Dutch man thrust with his Pike into his Body. Upon which the Javanner finding himself wounded, did not strive to pull the Pike out of the body, but thrust himself farther upon it, to the end he might come at his Enemy, whom he stabbed to the heart, as soon as he got within his reach. CHAP. XXV. The Author buries his Brother; and is again quarrelled withal by the General and his Council. WHile I stayed at Batavia, my Brother died; and it was pretty to consider what the Dutch made me pay for his Funeral. The first expense is for the Feet of those that beg leave for the Corpse to be buried of whom the more there are, the more honourable the Funeral is esteemed, I sent six, and paid them to my wonder for that seventy-two Crowns. The fee for the Pall is a right that belongs to the poor, for which I paid two Crowns. There was a Vessel of Spanish Wine drank out, that cost me two hundred Piastres. I gave twenty-six more for three Westphalia Hams, and some Neats-tongues, and twentytwo for Baked Meats. To the Bearers I gave twenty Crowns, and sixteen for a place in the Churchyard, for they asked me a hundred to bury him in the Church. And all these are Fees demanded. So that my Brother's Funeral cost me twelve hundred and twenty three Liures of French Money. Being thus put by the two Voyages which I intended to Japan and Sumatra, I was advised to lay out my Money in Requenings or Debentures of the Servants of the Holland Company; which they that have no mind to return into their own Country, as being settled in the Indieses, will cell at an easy rate; insomuch, that for sixty or seventy you may buy a hundred Paisters; the Act and Acquittance of the Seller being made and registered by the Public Notary. Thereupon I bought of one of the public Notaries, who had Bills in his hands, to the value of about eleven thousand Gelder's, at fourscore and two for the hundred. After that, I bought by means of the Advocate of the Treasury, six thousand Gelder's more, at seventy-nine for the hundred. But some few days after, meeting with the same Advocate again, he passed a Compliment upon me, and told me, he was very much troubled for those that had bought Debentures, in regard that the General and the Council had commanded him to recall all Debentures that had been sold; for they had considered, how sad a thing it would be, for the poor men to lose so much of their Salaries. I answered him, that for my part I was willing to return mine, provided I might have my Money again. About six or seven hours after, I was sent for by the General and his Council. When I came there, they asked me why I had not returned the Debentures. which I had bought. to the Advocate, who had demanded them by their order. I answered them, that they were at Bantam, whither I had sent them in order to my passage home; in regard that the English Precedent had offered me a convenience to go along with him. The Council answered me, that the Dutch Ships were as good as the English, and very courteously assured me, they would give order for a Cabin to myself in the Vice-Admiral. But withal they told me, I must deliver up my Debentures before I stirred; assuring me, that they would give me a Bill to be reimbursed my Money by the Company in Holland. I thought it very hard, for I knew not how to trust 'em; but seeing the Merchants, Commanders, and all other persons clapped up, and their Papers taken from them by force, that had bought Debentures; I thought it the best way to deliver mine, and stand 〈◊〉 their courtesy. I often pressed the General and the Council for my Bill, but after many delays the General ascertained me, that my Bill should be in Holland as soon as I. Thereupon desiring the Vice-Admiral and some others to be my witnesses of what the General promised, I took my leave of him, very much repenting my going to Batavia. CHAP. XXVI. The Author embarks in a Dutch Vessel, to return into Europe. THE next day I went aboard the Vice admiral, and the third day after we set sail, and as soon as we were out of the Straight, we discovered the Islands of the Prince. From thence being in the Altitude of the Coco Islands, we beaten about two days to discover them; but all to no purpose, thereupon we made directly for the Cape of good Hope. The forty-fifth day after our departure from Batavia, our Vice-Admiral neglected to put out his Lights; believing all the Fleet had been before at the Cape; so that it happened that one of the Fleet being behind, and not carrying any Lights out neither, it being a dark night, fallen soul upon us, which put every man to his prayers, all people believing the Vessel had been lost; and indeed had she not been a sound staunch Ship (for the Provinces were so accounted) she should never have endured so terrible a shock. At length we cleared ourselves, by cutting of the Yards of the Maestricht, that hung in our Cordage. The fifty-fifth we came within view of the Cape of good Hope; but were forced to keep the Sea, because the waves rolled so that we were not able to come to an Anchor; not that the Wind was extreme high, but because the Southwind had blown so long that it had forced the Water to that part. When the Sea grew calm, we came to an Anchor. But of all the people that ever I saw in all my travels I never saw any so hideous nor so bruitsh as the Kalmouks, of which I had spoken in my Persian Travels; and those of the Cape of good Hope, whom they call Cafres', or Hosentotes. When they speak, they make anoise with their tongues, like the breaking of wind backward; and though they hardly speak articulately, yet they easily, understand one another. They cover themselves with the Skins of wild Beasts, which they kill in the Woods; in Winter wearing the hairy part innermost, and in Summer outermost. But there are none but the best sort among them who are thus clad, the rest wear nothing but a nasty rag about their privy parts. The men and the women are lean and short; and when they bring forth a Male-child, the Mothers cut out his right Stone; and presently give him Water to drink, and Tobacco to eat. They cut out the right Testicle, because, say they, it makes them swifter to run. There are some of them that will catch a Roebuck running: They neither know what belongs to Gold nor Silver; and for Religion, they have none among them. So soon as we cast Anchor, four women came aboard us, and brought us four young Ostriches; which were boiled for some sick people that we had aboard. After that they brought great store of Tortoise-Shells, and Ostriches Eggs, and other Eggs as big as Goose Eggs; which though they had no Yolk, tasted weary well. The Birds that lay these Eggs are a sort of Geese; and so fat that they are hardly to be eaten, tasting rather like Fish than Flesh. The women seeing our Cook throw away the Guts of two or three Fowl which he was dressing, took them up, and squeezing out the Ordure, eat them as they were; being hugely pleased with the Aqua Vitae which the Captain gave them. Neither men nor women are ashamed to show their nakedness, for indeed they are but a sort of human Beasts. So soon as the Ship arrives, they bring their Beefs to the shore, with what other Commodities they have, to barter for strong Water and Tobacco, Crystal or Agate Beads; or any sort of old Iron work. If they are not satisfied with what you offer them, away they fly; and than giving a whistle all their cattle follow 'em; nor shall you ever see 'em again. Some, when they saw 'em fly, would shoot and kill their cattle; but after that for some years they would never bring any more. 'Tis a very great convenience for the Vessels that touch there, to take in fresh Victals; and the Hollanders did well to build a Fort there. It is now a good handsome Town, inhabited by all sorts, that live with the Hollanders; and all sorts of Grain, which are brought out of Europe or Asia and sowed there, come to better perfection there than in other parts. The Country lies in thirtyfive Degrees, and some few Minutes over, so that it cannot be said that either the heat or situation of the Climate makes these Cafres' so black. Being desirous to know the reason, and why they stunk so terribly, I learned it from a Girl that was bred up in the Fort, who was taken from her Mother, as soon as she was born, and was white like our women in Europe; she told me, that the reason why the Cafres' are so black is, because they rub themselves with a Grease or Ointment composed of several sorts of Drugs; wherewith should they not anoint themselves very often, and as soon as they were born, they should become Hydrop●ical, as the Blacks of Africa, and the Abyssins' are; or like the people of Saba, that never live above forty years, and are always troubled with one Leg twice as big as the other. These Cafres', as brutish as they are, have yet some knowledge of Simples, which they know to apply to several Diseases; which the Hollanders have several times experienced. Of nineteen sick persons that we had in our Ship, fifteen were committed to the care of these Cafres', being troubled with Ulcers in their Legs, and old wounds which they had received in the wars; and in lesle than fifteen days they were all perfectly cured. Every one of these had two Cafres' to look after him; and according to the condition of the wound or Ulcer, they went and fetched Simples, which they bruised between two Stones, and applied to the sore. As for the other four, they were so far gone with the Pox, that they would not trust the Cafres' with them, having been given over at Batavia, and so they all died, between the Cape and St. Helen's. In the year 1661., a Gentleman of Britanny being at Batavia, was so bit by the Gnats in the night, that his Leg exulcerated presently in such a manner, as to puzzle all the art and skill of the Surgeons in that Town. When he came to the Cape of good Hope, the Captain of the Ship sending him a shore, the Cafres' came about him, and after they had beheld him, they told him if he would trust to them they would cure him. The Captain thereupon committed him to their care, who cured him and made him a sound man in lesle than fifteen days. When a Ship comes to an Anchor in the Cape, it is the fashion for him that commands the Ship, to give leave to some part of the Mariners and Soldiers to go ashore to refresh themselves. The sickly have first leave by turns, and go to the Town, where they are dieted and lodged for seven or eight Sous a day, and are very well used. It is the custom of the Hollanders, when they stay here, to sand out parties of Soldiers upon the discovery of the upland Country, and they that go farthest are best rewaaded. With this design a party of Soldiers, under the Command of a Sergeant▪ far advanced in the Country; and night coming on, they made a great fire, as well to keep themselves from the Lions, as to warm themselves, and so lay down to sleep round about it▪ Being asleep, a Lion came and seized one of the Soldier's Arms, which the Sergeant perceiving, immediately shot the Lion with his Carbine; but when he was dead, they had much ado to open the Lion's mouth, to get out the Soldiers Arm. Thus it appears a vulgar error, to believe that Lions would not come near the fire. As for the Soldier, the Cafres' cured his Arm in twelve days. There are in the Fort abundance of Lions and Tigers Skins; among the rest, there was the Skin of a Horse which the Cafres' had killed; it was white, crossed with black streaks, spotted like a Leopard, without a Tail. Two or three Leagues from the Hollanders Fort, there was a Lion found dead, with four Porcupines Qills in his body, the third part whereof had pierced his flesh. So that it was judged that the Porcupine had killed the Lion. The Skin, with the Quills in it, is kept in the Fort. A League from the Fort, is a fair Town, that grows bigger and bigger every day. When the Holland Company arrives there with their Ships, if any Soldier or Mariner will live there, they are very glad of it. They have as much ground as they can manage; where they have all sorts of Herbs, and Pulse, and as much Rice, and as many grapes as they can desire. They have also young Ostriches, Beef Sea-fish, and sweet water. To catch the Ostriches, when they please, they got their Nests when they were young, and driving a stake in the ground, tie the Birds by one Leg to the stake, and when they are old enough they come and take them out of the Nest, from whence it is impossible to fly away. When the Hollanders began to inhabit the Cape, they took a young Girl from her Mother, as soon as she was born; she is white, only her Nose is a little flat. A French man got her with Child, and would have married her; but the Company were so far from permitting him, that they took away above a hundred Liures of the Maid's wages from her, to punish her for the misdemeanour, which was somewhat hard. There are great numbers of Lions and Tigers, which the Hollanders have a pretty invention to take; they fasten a Carbine to a stake, driven into the Earth, and lay meat round about the Gun, which meat is fastened with a string to the Trigger. So that when the Beast snatches the meat, the String pulls the Trigger, and the Gun going of, hits the Lion either in the throat or the breast. The Cafres' feed upon a Root like our Skirrets, which they roast and make bread of. Sometimes they grinned it into flower, and than it tastes like a Walnut. For their food they eat the same Root raw, with raw Fish; with the Entrails of Beasts, out of which they only squeeze the ordure. As for the bowels of the wild Beasts, the women wear them dried about their Legs, especially the bowels of those Beasts which their Husbands kill, which they look upon as a kind of Ornament. They also feed upon Tortoises, when they have so far heated them at the fire, as to make the Shells come of. They are very expert in darting their Azagaya's; and those that have none, make use of pointed sticks, which they will launce a great way. With these they go down to the Seaside, and as soon as ever they spy a Fish near the top of the water, they will not fail to strike him. As for their Birds, which are like our Ducks, whose Eggs are without any Yolk; they breed in such great quantities in the Country, that in a Bay about eighteen Miles from the Cape, you may knock them on the head with a stick. The Hollanders once carried a young Cafre to the General at Batavia, who bred him carefully up, teaching him to understand the Dutch and Portugal Languages perfectly well. At length being desirous to return into his Country, the General gave him very good clothes, and good Linen, hoping that he would have lived among the Hollanders, and been serviceable to them in the dicovery of the Country; but so soon as he got home, he fling his clothes i' the Sea, and returned wild among his fellow Natives, eating raw flesh as he did before, and quite forgetting his Benefactors. When the Cafres' go a hunting, they go a great number together, and make such a prodigious howling and yelling, that they fright the very Beasts themselves, and in that affright with ease destroy them; and I have been assured, that their cries do terrfie the Lions themselves. The women are of so hot a Constitution of Body, that at the times that their monthly customs are upon 'em, they hap to make water, and that European chances to set his feet upon it, it causes an immediate Headache and Fever, which many times turns to the Plague. CHAP. XXVII. The Holland Fleet arrives at St. Helen's. The description of the Island▪ HAving stayed two and twenty days at the Cape of good Hope, seeing that the Wind was favourable, we weighed, and steered for St. Helen's. When we were under Sail, the Mariners cried out, they would sleep till they came into St. Helen's Road. For the wind is very constant, and carries you in sixteen or eighteen days to the Road of the Island. All the trouble that our Mariners had, was that fourteen days after our departure from the Cape, they were often forced to the Topmast head, upon discovery of the Island; for as soon as you discover the Island, the Pilot must take care to steer to the Noth-side of the Island, because there is no casting Anchor but on that side, and that very near the shore too; by reason of the deepness of the water; for if the Anchors come not to take hold, the current of the water and the wind carries the Ship quite out of the Road, which there is no recovering again, because the wind never changes. So soon as the Ships came to an Anchor, part of the Seamen were sent ashore to get wild Hogs, of which there are great plenty; and to gather Sorrel, which grows in great abundance; and indeed they not only sand the Seamen, but all the Pigs, Sheep, Geese, Ducks, and Pullet's aboard, to feed upon that Sorrel, which purges them in such a manner, that in a few days they became so fat, that by that time we came to Holland they were hardly to be eaten. That Sorrel has the same operation upon the men, who boiling their wild Swine's flesh, Rice, and Sorrel together, make thereof a kind of Pottage so excellent, that it keeps their bodies open by an insensible purgation. There are two places upon the Coast of St. Helen's where Ships may come to an Anchor. But the best is that where we lay, by reason that ground is very good, and for that the water that falls from the Mountain is the best in the Island. In this part of the Island there is no plain, for the Mountain descends to the very shore of the Sea. It is not so good anchoring in the other Road; but there is a very handsome plain, where you may sow or plant whatever you please. There are great store of Citrons, and some Oranges, which the Portugals had formerly planted there. For that Nation has that virtue, that wherever they come, they make the place the better for those that come after them; whereas the Hollanders endeavour to destroy all things wherever they set footing. I confess the Commanders are not of that humour, but the Seamen and Soldiers, who cry one to another, we shall never come hither any more, and out of greediness will cut down a whole tree instead of gathering the fruit. Some days after there arrived a Portugueze Vessel from Guiny, full of Slaves, which were bound for the Ours of Peru. Some of the Hollanders that understood the language of the Negroes, told 'em how miserably they would be used, and thereupon the next night two hundred and fifty of them threw themselves into the Sea. And indeed it is a miserable slavery; for sometimes after they have mined in some places for some days together, the Earth being lose, falls down and kills four or five hundred at a time. Besides, that after they had been mining awhile, their Faces, their Eyes, and their Skins change colour; which proceeds from the vapours that arise from those concavities; nor could they subsist in those places, but for the quantity of strong Water which they give both to the men and women. There are some that are made free by their Masters, who labour however for their living; but between Saturday night and Monday morning they spend all their week's wages in strong Water, which is very dear; so that they always live miserably. Being ready to departed the Island of St. Helen's, the Admiral called a Council, to advise which way to steer. The greatest part were for steering more to the West, than to the South; because the season for sailing was far spent; and for that if we steered for the West Indies, we should found the wind more proper to carry us into Holland. But we had not sooner crossed the Line, but we found the wind quite contrary to what the Mariners expected; so that we were forced to steer to the sixty-forth Degree of Altitude with the Island, and so return by the North into Holland. CHAP. XXVIII. The Holland Fleet sets Sail from St. Helen's, and prosperously arrives in Holland. THE next day after the Admiral had called a Council, we weighed and set Sail about ten a Clock at night. Three days after our departure from St. Helen's, the Seamen were called very dully to prayers morning and evening; though all the time we stayed in the road, they never minded any such matter; which made me wonder, to found they should be more devout when they were out of danger, than when they were in jeopardy. After several other days sailing, we discovered the Coast of Island, and than the Island of Ferella, where we joined with the Holland Fleet that stayed for us. Here it is that the Commander in chief calls to accounted all the Mariners for their misdemeanours during the whole Voyage. Our Ship was bound for Zealand; but we were forced to jye out at Sea seven days before we could get into Flushing, because the Sand had changed its place. Coming to an Anchor before Flushing, two of the Company came aboard to welcome us home, and to advice us to lock our Chests, and put our marks upon them; for all Chests are carried into the East India House, where when the owners come for them, they are ordered to open them, jest they should have any counterband goods therein. Thereupon I set a mark upon my Chests, and went ashore, after I had given a good character of the Captain, and his civility to me all the Voyage, and thence proceed by Land to Middleburgh. Four days after I came to Middleburgh, I went to fetch my Chests; and finding the two Directors there, one a Zealander, the other of Horn, who came first aboard us; I produced my Keys, and offered my Chests to be opened. But the Zealander more civil than the Horner, delivered me my Keys again, and taking my word, told me I was free to take away my goods. And indeed I have always observed, that the Northern people are always more rude and ungentile than the Southern. As for the 17500 Florins which the General of Batavia promised should be paid me upon my arrival in Holland, I received so many delays and put off's, that I was length forced to commenced a Suit that lasted above two years; nor could I get a public Notary either at Amsterdam or the Hague, that would make me out a protest, every one fearing the Directors, who were both Judges and Parties. At length after five years wrangling and jangling, the Director wrote to my Brother at Batavia: (for I was than returned again to the Indieses) that if I would accept of 10000 Liures, he might receive it for me; which he did, and was forced to give them an acquittance form the whole. This is the return which I made from the Indieses in the year 1649, and the only time that ever I returned by Sea; having performed all the rest of my Travels by Land, not counting my short Voyages through the Mediterranean for any thing. And as for my first Travels, performed them all by Land, from Paris through Germany and Hungary, as far as Constantinople; whither I returned again in the year 1669. From Constantinople I went to Smyrna, thence I sailed for Ligorn; from Ligorn I travelled by Land to Genoa, thence to Turin, and so to Paris. The End. THE INDEX TO THE Indian Travels. A. ABdoul-Coutou Shakstone, the present King of Golconda, pag. 65. His Children, 66. His reply to the Cannoneer that would have taken of Aurengzeb's head, 68 See Mirgimola. Abdul Feta, Gelul Eddin Mahomet, 107. Aceph Ben Ali takes Mascate from the Dutch, 145. His wondrous Pearl. ibid. Agra, the King's Palace there, 48, 49. Alegamma Motiar of Ceylan turns Christian, and his answer to the Jesuits, 163. Amadabat, and the Trade thereof, 37. Amber, where found, 151, 152. Ambergreese, where found 152. Apes, their antipathy against the Crows, 40. The danger, of killing one, ibid. Hospitals for them, 48. How set together by the ears Asem, the Kingdom. 187. Asouf-Kan 's Policy, 112, Assists Sha-Jehan ibid. Ast-kan. 60. Takes Dultabat, 60, 61. Atek, 44. Ava, 143. Augans, a strange sort of People, 44. Aureng-abat made a City, 61. Aurengzeb his cruelty at Callabas, 33, 35. His Dominions, 106. His Power, 108. His Ambition and craft: he joins with his Brother, Morad-Backshe, 110, defeats Dara-Sha, ibid. deceives Morad, and sends him to Prison, ibid. He ascends the Throne 116. He affronts his Father, 120. His Ambassadors affronted by the King of Persia, 121. His state when he sits upon his Throne, 123. B. BAgnagar, see Golconda, pag. 61. Banarou, 52. Bannians never kill any living thing, 37. Their cruelty to them that do, ibid. Their veneration for Apes. 39, outdo the Jews, 44. Bantam the King visited by the Author; his Entertainment, 196, 197, etc. Bargant, 41. The Raja of Bargant entertains the Author. Baroche, 36. Begum-Saheb, 108, imprisoned by Aurengzeb; deprived of her wealth: her death suspected, 113, 114: restored to favour: her wit, 121. Bengala, the Revenue of it, 51. Bezoar, 153, etc. Boutan, a Kingdom; the Commodities thereof, 182, 183, etc. Bramins, a stranger story of one, 172. Brampour, 31 a Tumult there, and the occasion, ibid. Brokers Indian, 133. Buildings public in India, how reared, 35. C. CAboul, pag. 44. Callabas, 33. Callicuts, where made, 31, 33, 40, 43, 52. Cambaya, 36. Caravasera's Indian, the method therein 32. Cardamons, where had, 73. Carriages Indian, 27. Carriers; the Order and Government among them. Cast the signification and kinds, 161, 162. cattle how fed in India, 97. Chalaour, 42. Cheats in Indian Commodities, 232, 133. Check of Mecca comes to Golconda, in disguise, 66. Marries the King's Daughter, 67. Hinders him from surrendering to Aurengzeb, 68 Cheraffs-Indian Bankers, 22, subtler than the Jews, 23. Chineses' poison the Dutch Soldiers, 173. Chites, 40. Chitpour, ib. Cifers', Indian, 23. Cochin Besieged by the Dutch 88 Taken, 89. Dutch make a mock King of it, ibid. Collasar, 33. Commodities of the Great Mogul's Country, 126, etc. and their price, 128, 129, 130. Kalmouks, a description of the People and Country, 204, etc. Candevir, 93. Coral, where found, 151. Cottons, where made, 31, 36. Where whitened, 36. Colour, the Diamond-Mine, 137, 141. Coins Arabian, 1. Moguls, 2 His Tributaries, 3. Coins called Pagods, 4, 5. English and Dutch, 5, 6. Made by the King of Chida and Pera, 6. By the King of Achen, Kings of Macassar, the Celebes, and Camboya, 7. By the King of Siam, ib. By the Kings of Asem, Tipoura, Arakan and Pegu, 8. Coins of China and Tunquin, ib. Of Japon, 9 Coins Indian, representing the twelve signs, 10. Coins Indian, 22. Coins made by the Portugals, 12. Coins Muscovian, 13. Coins European, their value in India, 21, 22. Coinage Indian, 17. What loss, what gain by it, ib. Thrown about at the King's Ascent to the Throne, 107. Currant at the Diamond-Mines, 141. Cranganor, 89. promised by the Dutch at Samarin, ib. Demolished, ib. Crocodiles, may be wounded, 55. How they die, ib. Customs Indian, 17. Customs affronted by an English Captain, 17. Exacted by the Persians' from the English, 75. D. DAca, pag. 55. Daman besieged by Aurengzeb. 72. Dara-Sha his duty to his Father, 108. Defeated by his Brother, 110. He flies into Scindi, he fights a second Battle with Aurengzeb: He is betrayed by Jessomseing, 114, than by Gion-Kan, 115. His death, 116. Dehly, 45. De Lan, a Dutch Chirurgeon, let's the Mogul, his Mother, and Wife Blood, 103. Dervichs, 4. See Faquirs. Diamonds, a Discourse thereof, 134, etc. The forms of several Diamonds, 148, 149. Vulgar error concerning the purchase of them, 141. Diamond Miners, their customs, 138. Dultabat, 60, 61. Dutch sand an Ambassador to China, 192. Their revenge upon the Jesuits, 193. Dutch break their word with the King of Caudy, 149; with the King of Achen; at War with the King of Java, 202; they quarrel with the Author. E. ELephants destroy the Bannian's Idols, pag. 34; the Woods of Mirda, 43, affrighted; the loss of Aurengzeb's Army, 72; how taken, 95; how tamed, ib. Their fury, ib. The difference between them, 96. Eaten b● the Natives, ib. How taken in Ceilan, ib. The tusks due to the Lord, ib. How the female receives the male, ib. A remark peculiar to Ceilan Elephants, ib. Their Age, ib. The number kept by the Great Mogul, and his Expenses, 97; how washed, 103. Emir jemla, 116, 118. Emeralds, the vulgar error concerning them, 114. Eunuches, covetous of Monuments, 5. Exchange Indian, 26, 27. F. FAquirs; their manner of travelling, pag. 41; their Habit and Arms, ib. The respect given them; ib. Their Religion, 160: their Penances, 165, etc. Their extravagancies returning from Mecca. Feast; the Great Mogul's grand Feast when he is weighed, 122. G GAnges, pag. 51, an ordinary River, ib. and bad water, 52 Gani; see Colour. Gate, what manner of place, 34. Gehanabad, 45; the Mogul 's Palace there, 45, 46, 47. Gehanguir, ninth King of the Indians. He permits Nourhamal his Wife to Reign in his stead. He put out his Eldest Son's eyes, 111. He prefers his Grandchild to the Throne, ib. Dies, ib. Gion-Kan a Traitor; his death, 115. Goa, the present state of it 74, Golconda described, 61. The Policy and Government of the City, 64. Gold, where found, 156, etc. Gomron Road heat excessive, injures the Ships, 90. Gondicot taken by Mirgoimla, 98. Described, ib. Govaleor, 35. The Prison for the Indian Grandees, ib. Guards, how relieved at Golconda, 64. H. HAlabas, pag. 52. The Governor a great Person, ib. The cruelty of his Physician, ib. Hameth-Sheck, 107. I JAva, the King thereof, pag. 202. Javaniers, good Soldiers, 203. Jessomseing betrays Dara-Sha, 114. Idolaters belief touching a Deity, 164. Of the state of the Soul after death, 167. Of their burning their dead, 168. Their several customs, 179. Idolatrous Princes of Asia, 163. Indians cunninger than the Jews, 23. Their manner of crossing Rivers, 100, 102. Their Superstition, 97. The Penance of the Women, ib. Their Alms, ib. Their Pilgrimages, 101. Their craftinefs, 102. Their Physic, 102. Their honesty, 136, 137. Their manner of driving bargains, ib. Their Penances, 181. Indigo, where made, 36, 37, 43. Indolstan bounded, 106. Iron of Golconda, the best, 65. Island of St. Helen's described. Ivory the best, 96. Justice in India quick, 99, 100 K Kemerouf, a City, pag. 188. L LAhor, pag. 45. Letter-Carriers, 110. Lions, how tamed, 40. M MAcassar, a Kingdom described, 191. The King shoots an English Malefactor with a poisoned Arrow, 191. His difference with the Hollanders, 192. Maldives Islands, 90. Malvares, Indian Pirates, 71, 182, Mascate, 16. Maslipatan, 70. Matura, one of the chiefest Pagods of the Indians, 48. Measures Indian, 27. Mingrela, 73. A Miracle done by a Bramin, 101, 102. Miram-Sha, 107. Mirda, 43. Mirgimola, the King of Golconda's General, 67. He is suspected by the King, ib. He revolts, 68 He joins with Aurengzeb, ib. besieges the King, ib. and cunningly settles a new Peace, ib. entertains the Author at Gondicot, 98, 99 How he dispatched business, 99 He conquers Asem, 187. Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing marries the King of Golconda's third Daughter, 69. Mirza Mahomed, 68 See Check of Mecca. Moguls, why so called, 106. Money; the force of it in India, 19 What most proper to be carried into India, 18, 21. Monuments Indian; their sumptuousness, 49, 50, 52, 61. Morad-Back she, 108, Viceroy of Guzerat, ib. He rebels against his Father, 109, besieges Surat, ib. proclaims himself King, ib. He gives credit to Aurengzeb's fallacies, ib. joins with him, 110, and defeats Dara-Sha, ib. wounded, ib. He sees his error, is betrayed, and sent to Govaleor, ib. Mountebanks, Indian, 36. Multan, 43. Musk, 153. It's adulterations, ib. N NAder, pag. 35. Nahab, what it signifies, 53. Navapoura, 30, famous for Rice, ib. Nava-Sevagi revolts from the King of Visapour, 73. Nourmahal, Queen of Indai, her Extraction, 11, 12. O OBservations particular upon the Mogul's Court, pag. 124, 125, Omrahs', their duty, 122. Ormus; the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Surat, 15. Outemeda, 97. P PAgods Indian described, 92, 93. 94, 97, 102. The most celebrated among the Indians, 173, etc. Palicat, 93. Passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan, 90. Passes, where required, 44, 52. Patna, 53. Peacock's plentiful, 37. How caught, ib. Pearls, and where fished for, 145. How bred, how fished for, and at what time, 146, etc. Perca, a petty Indian King, 89. Physicians, none in India, but such as attend Princes, 102. Pilgrimages of the Indians, 119. Ponte Gall, 194. Portugals, their power in Goa, 74, 75. Their excessive proneness to revenge, ib. discover ● a strange Country, 83. 84. Priests Indian, how maintained▪ Presents given by the Author at the Great Mogul's Court, 59 R RAge-Mehide, 54. Raolconda, Diamond-Mine, 134. Rauchenara-Begum, 108, always a friend to Aurengzeb. His kindness to her; their falling out, 121. Religion of the Mahometans in the Indieses▪ 159, etc. Of the Idolatrous Indians, 161. Roads from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron, 15; from Surat to Agra through Brampour and Seronge, 30, through Amadabat, 36. From Ispahan to Agra, through Candahar, 43. From Dehly to Agra, 48. From Agra to Patna, and Daca. 51. From Surat to Golconda, 60. From Golconda to Maslipatan, 69. From Surat to Goa; from Goa to Golconda, through Visapour, 71. From Goa to Maslipatan, through Cochin, 88 From Maslipatan to Gandicot, 91. From Gandicot to Golconda, 100; to the Ours, 137, 139. 141. Rodas the Fortress, 139. Roupies, the difference of them, 20. Rubies, the forms of several, 149, 150. Rule to know the price of Diamonds, 142, 143. S Saltpetre, where refined, 53. Samarin an Indian King, 89. Saseron, 53. Say-pieces Indian, 25, 26. Sepper-chekour, 115, sent to Govaleor, 116. Sera, the signification of the word, 32. Scronge, 33. Serpents, their vast bulk, and deadly venom, 34. Seva gi' continues the revolt, 73. He finds vast Treasures, ib. Sha-Est-Kan, 20, 24, 56; buys the Author's Jewels, 104; his kindness to the Author, ib. revolts to Aurengzeb, 110. Sha-Jehan first called Sha-Bedin-Mahomet, 107. His good Government, 108. He marries a young Lady, ib. His children, ib. His love to his children ib. He rebels against his Father, is disinherited, 111. He is advanced to the Throne, 112. His cruelty, ib. He is kept Prisoner by Aurengzeb, and dies, 113. Siam, a Kingdom; the King of it, 119, etc. Siren, 143. Sodomy abominated by the Indians. 54. Solyman Chekour Defeats his Uncle, 109 betrayed by Raja Roup. flies to Nactiran, 114. Is delivered up by him, 119. Sent Prisoner to Govaleor. Soumelpour, 139. Stones coloured, where found, 145. Stones medicinal, and their effects 154, 155. Stories of the man that lost his child in Swimming, 38, Of the Merchant's Wife that desired a child, 39 Of the Merchant that ne'er told lie, ib. The Story of Monsieur Belloy, 79. Of the rich Leper in Goa, ib. Of St. Amant, and John de Rose, and the Sieur Marests, ib. 80, 81, etc. Of Father Ephraim, 85, 86, 87. Sultan Abousaid-Mirza, 107. Sultan Babur, 107. Sultan Boulaki preferred by Sha-Jehan, 111. Betrayed by Asouf-kan, 112. Retires into Persia, ib. Sultan Kourom, 107. See Sha-Jehan. Sultan Mahomed, Mogul, 107. Sultan Mahomed, Aurengzeb's Son, marries the second Daughter of the King of Golconda, 69. He flies to his Uncle, 117. Is betrayed by Emir-Jemla, and imprisoned, 118, 119. Sultan Selim, alias Jehanguir Patska, 107. Sultan Soujah, 108. Rebels, 109. He flies to the King of Arakan, marries his Daughter, 119. Plots against him, ib. His death, 120. Sumbaco King of Macassar, 192. Surat, 15. T TAmurleng, 106 Tari, what, 65. Tavernier abused at the Mogul's Court, 57, 58. Tenara a sweet place, 69. Thrones; the description of the Mogul's Thrones, 122, etc. Thunderbolts three at a time, 91. Tipra a Kingdom, 186. Travelling, the manner in India, 27, 29. Treachery, a notable piece put upon the Author at Gomron, 157. Turquoises, where found, 144. V Visapour described, 72. W. Ways; Highways in India, 100 Weights Indian for Gold and Silver, 18. Other weights, 27. Of Diamonds, 140. Of coloured Stones, 144. Of Pearls, 148. Winds hot, their stifling nature, 44. Wives of the Indians burned alive with their dead Husbands, 169, 170, 171, 172. Woods of Bambous, 94. A NEW RELATION OF The Inner-Part OF THE Grand Seignor's SERAGLIO. Containing Several Remarkable Particulars, never before exposed to public view. By J. B. TAVERNIER, Baron of Aubonne. LONDON: Printed, and Sold by R. L. and Moses Pitt. 1684. THE Author's Design. I Question not but that several Relations of the Grand Seignor's Seraglio have been published; but I am to acknowledge withal that I have not had the leisure to read any one of them. I have travelled six several times, by Land, into the East, and by different Roads, during the space of Forty Years; and most persons know, that my Employments were such, as would not allow me much time for the reading of Books. But when my Affairs afforded me any remission, I wholly employed those spare hours, in the collection of things the most worthy to be remarked, whether the Scene lay in Turkey, or in Persia, or in the Indieses, on this, or the other side of the River Ganges, or in the Diamond-Mines, which are in the Territories of divers Princes. While I am busied in putting into order those Memories, which I conceive myself obliged to gratify the Public withal, I make it a Present of this Relation of the Seraglio, attended with some Observations sufficiently remarkable, which, haply, will not be unpleasant. The Ottoman Court, which makes so much noise in the World, has not, to my thinking, been yet sufficiently well known, if I may judge of it, by what I have seen thereof myself, and have heard from several Persons. I do here communicate a faithful and ample description thereof: which I have extracted, as well out of what I had observed myself, in the several Voyages I made to Constantinople, as out of the informations I received from two intelligent Persons, who had spent many years in the Seraglio, in very considerable Employments. One of whom was a Sicilian, advanced to the Charge of Chasnadar-bachi, or chief Officer belonging to the Treasury; and after Five and Fifty years' Service in the Seraglio, was, for some slight miscarriage committed by him, banished to a place near Bursa, in Anatolia, from whence he made his escape into the Indieses. The other, a Parisian-born, named De Vienne; had been one of the Pages of the Treasury. In his Return from the Jubilee at Rome, in the Year M. DC. L. being aboard a Brigantine bound from Civita Vecchia to Marseilles, he was taken by the Pirates of Tripoli, and the Bassa finding that young Lad well shaped, and looking like one that promised much, sent him, as a Present, to the Grand Seignor. He was also packed away out of the Seraglio, after Fifteen Years Service, only upon this score, that there was some discovery made, of his holding a secret correspondence with the disgraced Sicilian, who had heretofore shown him much kindness, and indeed it was by his credit that the Parisian was first advanced to the Chamber of the Treasury. From those two men, who were in a fair capacity to make exact Observations of things, have I extracted the better part of this Relation. Though they had been forced to embrace the erroneous persuasion of Mahomet, yet were there some Relics of the good sentiments of Christianity: And whereas there was not the lest hope of recovering the honours, wherein they pride themselves who are exalted to Charges in the Seraglio, it is not to be imagined, that they could have any design to disguise things to me. They themselves thought it a certain pleasure to descend to a greater familiarity of Discourse, and to specify even the lest circumstances: but I am to discover withal, that having had their education amongst the Turks, and learned of them, to love Money, it must have been so much the greater charge to me, to give them content. I have kept them for a considerable space of time, at my own charge, and that in several places, one at Ispahan in Persia, and the other in the Indieses, where they had made their residences, and the Memoires which they supplied me withal were perfectly concordant. To the Instructions, which I made a shift to get from those two men, and to what discoveries I may have made myself, of the present state of the Grand Seignor's Palace, I shall add some necessary Observations of the Manners and Customs of several Provinces of the Ottoman Empire, slightly passing over those things, which, in all probability, are generally known. But that the Reader may with greater ease comprehend the matters I treat of, and that the discourse may not be interrupted, by the necessary explication of the several names of Charges and Dignities, I have thought it ●it, in the first place, to give a short List of them, after which shall follow another, of the different Species of Money, which are current all over the Turkish Empire. A TABLE OF THE Chapters contained in this RELATION. Of the Charges and Dignities as well of the Seraglio, as of the Ottoman Empire; AND Of the different Species of Gold and Silver, now current in TURKEY. CHAP. I. Of the Extent, and outside of the Seraglio. II. Of the first Court of the Seraglio, and particularly of the Infirmary. III. Of the second Court, in which are the lesser Stables, the Kitchens, and the Divan. iv Of the ●ivan-Hall, and the exact administration of Justice there by the Grand Seignor. V Of the inner part of the Seraglio in general, and particularly of the Quarter of the Eunuches and the Ichoglans. VI Of the Hall, where the Grand Seignor gives Audience to Ambassadors, and how they are received. VII. Of the Baths of the Seraglio. VIII. Of the Grand Seignor's Treasure. IX. Of the secret Treasure. X. Of the means used by the Grand Seignor, to augment his Treasury, besides the ordinary Revenues of the Empire. XI. A subtle way which the Grand Seignor has to bestow great Liberalities without meddling with his Revenues. Chap. XII. Of the Present which the Grand Seignor sends every Year to Mecha. XIII. Of the Cellar, and divers other Apartments. XIV. Of the Quarter of the Dogangibachi, or Grand Falconer, and some other Officers. XV. Of the Grand Seignor's own Apartment. XVI. Of the Grand Seignor's ordinary Occupations. XVII. Of the women's Quarter. XVIII. The Entrance into Constantinople of the Sultaness, (Mother to the Grand Seignor) who has the honorary Title of La Valide, on the second of July, 1668. XIX. Of the Gardens of the Seraglio. XX. Of the Princes, who follow the Mahometan Religion in Europe, Asia, and Africa. A NEW AND EXACT RELATION OF THE Grand Seignor's SERAGLIO. OF The Charges and Dignities as well of the Seraglio, as of the OTTOMAN EMPIRE. As also, Of the different Species of the GOLD and SILVER-COINS, now current in TURKEY. The Principal Heads of the following Discourse. THe Origine of the Grandees of the Port. The severe Discipline of the Seraglio. The Authority of the four Principal Bassa's, of dangerous consequence to the Grand Seignor, and how he can take it of. Observations upon Standarts. Of the Plume of Herons Feathers which the Grand Seignor wears in his Turban. The Honours and Disadvantages attending the Charge of the Grand Visier. The particular Privilege of the Caimacan. The number of the real Janissaries. The transcendent privilege of their Aga, or Colonel-General. The happy condition of the Spahis, and the Zaims. The prodigious number of Eunuches all over the Eastern parts. Exquisite Observations upon that Subject. The principal Charges of the Seraglio. The noble advatages of the Capi-Aga. The Repute and Richeses of the Kislar-Agasi, Intendant, or Overseer of the Apartment of the Women. That the Charge of Bostangi-Bachi is one of the most eminent of those belonging to the Port. The great Oeconomy of the Partisans. The Policy of the Port, to keep the Cham of the lesser Tartary in subjection. The Principal Dignities of Persons relating to the Law. The Species of Gold and Silver-Coins current in Turkey. Whence, and how, the Gold coined at Cairo is brought thither. The sincerity of the Abyssins'. The Story of the Commerce carried on in the disposal of the five Sols Pieces, French Money. The jealousies of the Persons concerned in that Trade. A mischievous Fraud mildly punished. The ancient sincerity of the Turks corrupted by the Commerce of the Europaeans. The Origine of the Grandees of the Port. THey who are advanced to Charges, whether it be in the Seraglio, or in the Empire (excepting only the Eunuches, of whom I shall give an account anon) are generally raised out of the Children taken in War, or sent by way of Presents, by the Bassa's, or out of the Tributary Children, who, about nine or ten years of Age, are taken out of their Mother's arms, through all the Provinces ' subdued by the Ottoman Princes. They are all to be of Christian Parents; and counting only the Slaves taken from the Enemy, we found the Registers of the Custom-house of Constantinople alone, that, of both Sexes, there are brought thither every year near twenty thousand. The Inhabitants of the lesser Tartary, who make continual Incursions into all the Countries, that are in hostility against the Ottoman Empire, sand up vast numbers of them, and the Grand Seignor having the choice of all those young Children, the best shaped, and such as have the most promising looks, are distributed into several Seraglios, to be there instructed in the Law of Mahomet, and all sorts of Exercises. And afterwards, out of the choice or cullings of these last is the Seraglio of Constantinople replenished; and they are to be distinguished into two Orders. The first and the most eminent is that of the Ichoglans, designed for the great Charges and Dignities of the Empire: The second, that of the Azamoglans, employed in such Offices as require only strength of body. The Ichoglans are those, in whom, besides the accomplishments of the Body, they discover also a noble Genius, fit for a high Education, and such as may tender them capable of serving their Prince, some time or other. The severe Discipline of the Seraglio. These are accordingly instructed with great care, and educared with the observance of a most severe Discipline. They pass through four several Chambers, called Odas, which are as it were four Forms, where they learn, in order, whatever is convenient for young persons, who are to be continually about a great Prince, and are as it were his Pages or Gentlemen. If they commit the lest fault, they are severely chastised, and there is a great stock of patience requisire, for any one to be advanced to the fourth Oda, which when they have attained, they begin to rake a little breath. But the hopes of being exalted to the greatest Honours, and the most eminent Dignities, makes them endure the barbarous treatments of the Eunuches; who are appointed to be their Masters, and are very liberal of the Bastinado to them: I shall give an account else where of the manner of their Education, and of those four Odas, or Chambers, where they learn those things, whereby they are qualified for the Charges, for which the Grand Seignor designs them. Though it be appointed by the received Custom of the Empire, that those Children should be all descended from Christian Parents▪ of the best extraction, and the best shaped that can be found; yet the Capi-Aga, or Grand Master of the Seraglio, the Principal of the white Eunuches, who hath the chief Command over the I hoglans, sticks not to admit into their number some natural Turks, such as may be recommendable, upon the score of their good qualities and endowments: But that happens very seldom, and that not without the particular permission of the Prince, who would rather have all those Children to be Renegado-Christians. And this is the Origine of the Great Persons belonging to the Grand Seignor, and the Port. They are all Slaves, and not having any knowledge of their Pa●ents, or Relations, they wholly apply their Affections to the Service of their Prince, who has been pleased to advance them to such high Fortunes. The Authority of the four Principal Bassa's, of dangerous consequence to the Grand Seignor, and how he can take it of. The Bassa's therefore are taken out of the Order of the Ichoglans, and the name of Bassa, or Bassa, is only a Title of Honour and Dignity, common to all the Grandees of the Port, who are distinguishable, according to the difference of their Charges. The four Principal are these. The Vizir-Azem, or Grand Vizir, the Caimacan, the Bassa of the Sea, and the Aga of the Janissaries. The Authority of these four Bassa's is so great, that sometimes they deprive their Sovereign of the Crown, and bestow it on whom they please; as it has happened, in our Age, to two Emperors immediately succeeding one the other, Mustapha and Osman, of whom the later died in Prison, by the infamous hand of a common Executioner. But on the other side; if these Bassa's know not how to take their measures rightly, they loose their heads upon the lest miscarriage, the Grand Seignor seizing to himself all their Estates at their death, and taking their Children into the Seraglio. Nay, these last are so far from succeeding their Fathers, either as to wealth or employments, even though it were the Son of a Grand Vizir, or of a Sister of the Emperor himself, that the highest advancement they are admitted to, is to be made Captains of Galleys; the policy of the Turks not permitting, that in any one House there should be a transference of power from Father to Son, that so they may be prevented from taking any occasions to disturb the State. It may be seen by this account of them, that the fortune of the Bassa's, which for a time seems so splendid, is but a tottering fortune, upon which neither the Son, nor the Father himself, what repute soever he may be in, can make any sure reliance. Observations upon the Standards. The Bassa's, who have the denomination of Viziers, carry three Banners or Standards, at the top of which there is a Horse-tail fastened, put into what colour they please themselves, green only excepted, thought they are permitted to paint the Staff, to which the Standard is fastened, with that colour. The Origine of this Custom was thus, according to the Story which the Turks relate of it. Having one day given Battle to the Christians, their Standard was taken in the heat of the Engagement, and the General of the Turks perceiving that the loss of the Standard was a discouragement to the Soldiers, who were beginning to take their flight, he with a Scimitar cut of a Horse's rail, and fastened it to the top of a Half Pike, and advanced it on high, crying out, Here is the Grand Standard, let him who loves me follow me. Immediately the Turks reassumed Courage, and having rallied, renewed the Charge, and gained the Victory. The Officers who are about the Persons of the Bassa's, have also their Standards, but they are not allowed to add thereto one of those tails; and it is to be observed, that the Bassa's, who are not Viziers, can carry but two of them; as the Beys, who are inferior to the Bassa's, and Governors of lesser Provinces, carry but one of them. When the Grand Seignor goes into the Country, there are seven Standards carried, in regard that according to the Turks, the world is divided into seven parts, or seven Climates whereof the Grand Seignor is Master, if taken according to its breadth, and 'tis for that reason that in their Language, they give him the Title of Master of all Kings. This is grounded upon what Mahomet said, That he, who after his death, should be Master of those Territories, where his Sepulchre were found, should assume the Title of Master of Chief of all the Kings upon Earth. They add, that there are but three Empires, which are, those of Constantinople, Babylon and Trebizond: And 'tis for that reason, that the Grand Seignor wears three plumes of black Heron-tops in his Turban. Take Notice by the way, that they are only the Herons of Candia which have their tops perfectly black, the Herons of all other Countries having them, either white, or of a mixed Colour. And because there must be a considerable quantity of them to make up a plume, it must accordingly be of a very great value, which possibly has occasioned its being cut of use in Europe: For as to all the Princes of Asia, they have still a great esteem for the Heron-tops; but they must not have the lest defect, and if the points of them be ever so little broken, there is no account made of them, as being things of very little value. By those three Heron-tops upon the Grand Seignor's Turban, it is known that the Grand Vizier is in the Army; inasmuch as at that time, he wears but two of them, and the thing is worthy our Observation. When the Army is to march, the Grand Seignor gives Order for the drawing up those Troops which are at Constantinople, and the parts adjacent, and having the Grand Vizir near him, he presents him to them for their General. The Soldiers, at that time, say not a Word, nor do they make the ordinary salute, till after the Grand Seignor has caused one plume of the Heron-tops to be taken out of his Turban, and to be put upon that of the Grand Vizir; and upon that Ceremony, the whole Army salutes him, and acknowledge him for their General, and from that very time are to receive their Pay from him. Having spoken of the Bassa's in general, it is requisite I should give some Idea of those who are advanced to the principal Charges of the Empire, and I shall bring into that List, the Grand Vizir, accompanied by six others, who have the quality of Viziers, the Caimacan, the Bassa of the Sea, and the Aga of the Janissaries; after whom I shall come down to the Beglierbeys, and to the Sangiacbeys, and to the Bossangi-bacbi, who has one of the most erninent Charges of the Port. The Honours and Disadvantages attending the Charge of Grand Vizir. The Vizir-Azem, or Grand Vizir, is the Licutenant-General of the Empire, and of the Armies, the principal Person of the Council, and he who, under the Grand Seignor's Orders, has the absolute dispsoal of all Affaris, relating to the State, or to the War, having in his custody the Imperial Seal. He is attended by, and has assistant to him, in the Divan, six other Viziers, whom they call Viziers of the bench, and who are properly Counsellors of State, but yet such as have not any deliberative voice, and come not into the Divan, but only to be consulted upon some point of Law, wherein they are well skilled, without intermeddling with the government of the State; or concerning themselves in any Affair, unless their advice be required. There are also five Beglerbeys, on whom the Grand Seignor bestows the qualification of Viziers, and are possessed of the greatest anh wealthiest Governments of the, Empire, to wit, the Bassa's of Babylon, Cairo, Buda, Anatolia and Romania. The three former, who are the three principal, had heretofore the privilege (exclusively to all the other Bassa's) of having carried before them (in the same manner as the Grand Vizir had) the three Horsetails, of which I have related the Story. But at the present, that privilege extends to the two other Bassa's of Anatolia and Romania, and they are all five equal, as to that point. I am now to return to the Grand Vizir, who has a magnificent Court, answerable to the greatness of the Master, whom he serves, and there are in his house above two thousand Domestics. Though he lies exposed, as well as the other Bassa's, to the indignation of the Prince, and forced to sand him his Head, when he requires it; yet does the Grand Seignor, in the Affairs of greatest importance, and such as concern the State, comply much with the Sentiments of his Grand Vizir, and his Propositions in Council are as so many definitive Sentences. 'Tis that which renders his Power so absolute, that in all the Empires and Kingdoms of the World, there is not any chief Minister of State whose Authority can be paralleled to that of the Grand Vizir. Whoever comes to make him a Visit, he rises not out of his Chair, either to give him a reception, or to conduct him out again, unless it be the Mufti, who is the principal Person relating to the Law (of Mahomet) upon whose access, the Grand Seignor himself rises from his Throne. But this particularly worth our observation, That as it belongs only to the Grand Vizir, to propose all Affairs of importance, so does it concern him to be very careful, not to advance any thing that may be displeasing to the Grand Seignor; for if it should so hap, he gives immediate Order for the strangling of him, without making him any answer at all, upon this Maxim of the Ottoman Court, that there must not be any thing proposed to the Prince, which may give him any cause of dissatisfaction. A Privilege particular to the Caimacan. The Caimacan is the Captain, and Governor of the City of Constantinople, Lieutenant to the Grand Vizir, yet so as not to have any Authority, but only in his absence; And than he performs all the functions of that important Charge; he has the absolute Command and gives Audience to Ambassadors. He is not subject, as the other Bafsa's are, to that rigorous necessity of resigning his Head; upon this account, that if he does any thing, which may be displeasing to the Grand Seignor, he lays the blame thereof upon the Grand Vizir, from whom he receives his Orders. The Bassa of the Sea is the Admiral, and Captain-General of the Naval Forces. The Beys, Governors of the Maritime Provinces, and such as are obliged to maintain the Grand Seignor's Galleys in good order, are to obey the Commands they receive from him, and to go to Sea upon the first advertisement they receive to that purpose. The number the real Janissaries. The Janizary-Aga, whom the Turks call Yengeri-Agasi, is the Colonel-General of the Janissaries. The Charge is very considerable, inafmuch as the Turkish Infantry, at this time, does for the most part pass under the name of Janizares, though such as ace really Janissaries, who derive their Institution from Ottoman the First, and their great Privileges from Amurath the Third, do not at this day amount to a Body of above five and twenty thousand Men. They have excellent Regulations amongst themselves, and are distributed into several Chambers, in the spacious Lodgings, whereof they are possessed, whether it be at Constantinople, or in other places. The order observed there is so excellent in all things, and so exactly maintained, that they live more like Religious Persons, than Soldiers; and though they are not forbidden to marry, yet it is very seldom that they do it. The great Privileges which they enjoy all over the Empire, wherein they are so highly respected, induce abundance of Persons, merely in order to their exemption from the paying of Taxes, and their being discharged from public Duties, to prevail with the Officers, by Money, to protect them, and make them pass for Janissaries. But they receive no Pay from the Prince, and all their advantage is restrained to the enjoyment of those Privileges, which indeed are great enough. It is by this intermixture of the real Janissaries, with those who are admitted by corruption, that the number of them amounts at this day to above a hundred thousand; and yet not accounting any but such as are effectively Janissaries, their Body has sometimes been so dreadful, as that they have unthroned the Ottoman Monarches, and changed the whole face of the Empire of a sudden. The great Privilege of the Aga. The Power of their Aga is very great, and there is not any Person can approach the Prince, as he is permitted to do. For he may come into the Grand Seignor's presence, with his arms at absolute liberty, and with a confident deportment, whereas all the other Grandees of the Port, without any exception, even to the Grand Vizir himself, dare not appear before him, otherwise than with their arms crofs their bodies, and the hands one upon the other, on the breast, as a mark of a profound submission. The Beglerbeys are, in dignity, next the four first Bassa's, and are as't were so many Sovereigns, in the general Government of the Empire, whereof the Grand Seignor bestows the Command on them. But in regard it is not my design to speak of the Government of Turkey, any further than is requisite for the Subject whereof I treat, there is not any necessity that I should inform the Reader of the number of those Beglerbeys, and it is enough that I have named the five principal ones, of whom I shall have occasion to speak elsewhere. I shall only add here, That those great Bassa's have under them a certain number of Sangiacbeys, who are Governors of Sangiacs, or particular Provinces, as the Sangiacbey of Salonica, or of Morea. And whereas there will also be frequently mentioned some others, under the Denominations of Spahis, Zaims and Chiaoux, we must give a short account of those three sorts of Persons. The Spahis, who make up a Body of about fifteen thousand Men, are a kind of Knights, who would pass for the Gentry or Nobility of the Country, and stand very much upon their Gallantry. They are maintained out of the Revenue of the Timars, that is to say, out of the Manors, or Commanderies, which the Grand Seignor bestows on them, according to the recompense he would make them for their services. Those Timars cannot be taken away from them, unless they be negligent in their duty, which is, that they should be in the Army, when the Grand Vizir is there in person. These are the happiest persons in all the Ottoman Empire, and as it were petty Sovereigns, in he places where they command. The Zaims differ not much from the Spahis, and, as the other, have the Command and Revenues of certain Lands, or Fiefs, which the Grand Seignor bestows on them. There is a very great number of them over all the Empire, and they look on themselves, as the Lords and Barons of the Country. The Turkish Cavalry consists of the Zaims and the Spahis, and they know what number of Horse they are to bring into Field, according to the Revenue of their Timars. The Cbaoux, or Chiaoux-Bachi, is the Chief of all the Chaoux of the Empire, whose employment it is to carry the Prince's Commands, to any part either within his Territories, or without, and to be sent upon Embassies, though indded they are but as so many Messengers, or Expresses. 'Tis ordinarily into their custody that Prisoners of Quality are committed, and they suffer them not to be out of their sight. And thus you have an account of the principal charges and Dignities of the Empire, all possessed by Persons taken out of the rank of the Ichoglans. I now come to the Officers of the Seraglio, and in regard they are Eunuches, on whom the Grand Seignor bestows the most eminent Charges, and who, besides, have the Government of the Ichoglans, I shall follow the order of the things, in my placing of them here, before I say aught of the second order or rank of tributary Children, or such as are taken in War, who are the Azamoglans. The prodigious number of Eunuches all over the East. Of the Eunuches there are also two ranks. There are some white, who have endured only a simple castration; and there are black ones, who have all cut of, even with the belly. Both sorts of them are severe, humorous and morose, and their Treatments are almost insupportable to all those who are under their Charge. There is a prodigious number of them, as well in Constantinople, as all over the Empire, and generally all over the Eastern parts of the World, where there is hardly a private Person, having any thing of abilities, but keeps an Eunuch or two, as sentines over his Observations upon this Subject. Women. And 'tis this that causes so great a commerce of Eunuches in several parts of Asia and afric, and in the single Kingdom of Colconda, where I chanced to be in the year 1659. there were put of of them in that very year about two and twenty thousand. It comes into my mind, that the Grand Mogor's Ambassador, in whose Country that Barbarism is not suffered, but the Eunuches he makes use of are brought out of other places, took me one day aside, to tell me that he cared not how soon he returned into his own Country, out of the fear he was in, jest that Kingdom of Colconda might sink into the ground, after such cruelties. Most of the Fathers and Mothers, who are extremely poor, and have no love for their Children, and whom they are also afraid that they cannot maintain, have no other shift, upon the first dearth of Provisions, than to cell them to certain Merchants, who afterwards have them gelt, and sometimes make clear work, and cut of all. Some of those who have not any thing jest, when they would urine, are forced to make use of a little Cane or Pipe, and to put it to the bottom of the belly. And whereas few escape after so dangerous an operation, such are accordingly much dearer than the others, and they are sold in Persia and Turkey at the race of six hundred Crowns; when a hundred, or a hundred and fifty, is the price of the ordinary Eunuches. For the supply therefore of all Turkey, all Persia, all the Indieses, and all the Provinces of Africa, it may be easily judged that there must come millions of them from several places. The Kingdom of Colcunda, in the Peninsula on this side Ganges, and the Kingdoms of Assan, Boutan, Arachan, and Pegu, on the other side of it, afford a prodigious number of them. All these Eunuches are either white, or of duskish colour. The black Eunuches, who are brought out of Africa, much inferior in point of number, are, as I said, much the dearer. The most deformed yield the greatest price, their extreme ugliness being looked on as beauty in their kind. A flat Nose, a frightful Aspect, a large Mouth, thick Lips, the Teeth black, and standing at a distance one from another (for ordinarily the Moots have fair Teeth) are so many advantages to the Merchants who cell them. The Seraglio at Constantinople is full of these two sorts of Eunuches: The black are designed for the custody of the Apartment where the Women are, and sent to Court by the Bassa's of Grand-Cairo. The white, who are somewhat lesle savage, and have been educated with some care, are for the Grand Seignor's own Apartment. The principal Charges of the Seraglio. The four principal Eunuches, who approach the Prince's Person, are the Hazodabachi, the Chasnadarbachi, the Kilargibachi, and the Sarai-Agasi, who have for their Superior the Capi-Aga, who has the superintendency of all the Chambers of the Ichoglans. They ordinarily succeed one the other, that is to say, the Sarai-Agasi succeeds the Kilargibachi; the Kilargibachi succeeds the Chasnadarbachi; and the last named succeeds the Hazodabachi; and in fine, the Hazodabachi succeeds the Capi-Aga, who is always of the longest standing in service of the white Eunuches. The noble Advantages of the Aga. The Capi-Aga, or Capou-Agasi, is as it were the Grand Master of the Seraglio, he is the principal in dignity and repute of all the white Eunuches, and he is always near the Grand Seignor's Person, wherever he is. He is the Person who introduces Ambassadors to Audience, and all great Affairs passing through his hands, ere they come into those of the Prince, his Charge renders him necessary to all others, and procures him many rich Presents. All those persons also who are to make any Present to the Grand Seignor, must address themselves to the Capi-Aga, in order to their being presented to his Highness, of which he makes great Advantages. No Man can enter into the Emperor's Apartment, nor get out of it, without his Order; and when the Grand Vizir would speak to him, 'tis the Capi-Aga's place, to take and present him to his Highness. Whether it be by night or by day, if there hap some pressing Affair, whereof the Vizir would give the Grand Seignor immediate notice in writing, the Capi-Aga receives it from him and brings him the answer thereto. He wears his Turban in the Seraglio, and rides up and down on Horseback, by a Privilege particularly annexed to his Charge. He accompanies the Grand Seignor even into the Apartment of the Sultanesses, but he stays at the door, as having no Command in that place. When he leaves the Seraglio, upon his being dismissed from his Charge, which very seldom happens, he cannot be a Bassa. As to his Table, all is at the Prince's Charge, and he has over and above ten Sultanines a day, which amount to sixty Livers, French Money. There have been some Capi-Aga's who have died worth two millions, all which returned into the Grand Seignor's Coffers. The chief of the white Eunuches is attended by four others, who next to him have the principal Charges of the Grand Seignor's Quarter. The Hazodabachi, is, as it were, the Lord High-Chamberlain, having under his Charge the forty Pages of the Chamber, who ordinarily approach the Grand Seignor's Person. The Serai-Agasi has the general Superintendency of all the Chambers of the Grand Seignor's Quarter, as to what relates to Embellishment, and the necessary Reparations. He has a particular inspection over the Seferli Odasi, which is the Chamber of the Pages, who are to look after the Grand Seignor's Linen, and attend him in his Progresses. 'Tis incumbent also upon him to give Order for their clothes, and whatever else they stand in need of: And his Charge does somewhat resemble that of Captain of the Louver-Castle, in France, since it is his work generally to make provision for whatever may contribute to the decency and well-ordering of that great Palace. He has for his Assistant, or Lieutenant, the Seraiket-Odasi, who is also an Eunuch, whose employment it is to have the Tapestry and Carpets which are spread upon the Floors, in the Halls and Lodgings of the Seraglio, changed every six months. The Haznadar, or Chaznadar-Bachi, is the chief Intendant of the Treasury, and has the inspection of the conduct and deportment of the Pages of that Camber. Which is not to be understood of the Treasury, designed for the exigencies of the State, and the ordinary Pay of the Soldiery, and whereof the Grand Vizir, and the three Tefterdars, or Treasurers-General have the Keys, and Intendency. But I here speak of, is the place where they keep the Jewels of the Crown, and all the other Rarities, and the wealth gathered together, from Father to Son, by the Ottoman Princes; which I shall endeavour to lay down distinctly, before the Reader's prospect, in my Relation, when I come to open to him both the Treasuries. However it is to be observed, that the Chaznadar-bachi has only the honorary title of chief of the Treasury, nay, that he cannot so much as enter into it, since that in the Reign of Sultan Amurat, the Pages of the Treasury having complained to the Grand Seignor of the ill conduct of that Eunuch, he, upon their Petition, ordered that the Chaznadar-bachi should not longer have any Command there, and that the Chaznaket-odasi should for the future exercise his Charge, without depriving him of the title thereof. But in regard the Chaznadar-bachi is the better known, and the more pronounceable Name, I shall always make use of it, instead of the other; and we must not omit giving you this remark, That when the Chief, or Overseer of the Treasury, is removed from his Charge, he is made a Bassa. Upon this counterchanging of these two Officers of the Seraglio, it is to be observed, That, amongst all the Mahometan Princes, Turks, Persians', Indians, and of what Sect soever they may be of, what has been ordered and established in the Reign of one Prince, is never revoked by his Successor: And under the same Sultan Amurat, the Capou-Agasi having committed some little impertinence, whereat the Grand Seignor took offence, he excluded thenceforwards all the Capou-Agasi's, who should be removed out of the Seraglio, from the privilege of coming into a capacity to be made Bassa's. I shall not think it much to allege upon this particular, another example of that Maxim, of which I was an eye-witness myself, in the King of Persia's Court. 'Twas in the Reign of Scach Abas, against whom some Grandees of the Court had entered into a Conspiracy, and attempted to take away the King's Life, yet with a design to have put his Son into the Throne. About Two or Three in the afternoon, when every one in Persia is retired to the Haram, which is the Apartment of the Women, the Conspirators sent to the Palaces twenty Men well armed, with Order, first, to put to the Sword all they should found at the Gates, which ordinarily are guarded only by two or three Men, armed with a massy Club, and afterwards to go and murder the King himself in the Haram, which would be but poorly defended by black and white Eunuches, who are poor Soldiers. But the intended blow of the Conspirators was prevented, and the chief Porter, a Person accounted one of the most valiant of his time, being in his Station, with two of his Servants, Georgians by Country, that is to say, valiant, as all those People are, fell upon the Traitors with his Cutlass, and beaten them back so smartly, that they thought it the best way to run for't. The King having been informed of that action, ordered him to be brought into his Presence, and after he had commended him, made this establishment, That the Charge of chief Porter, should ever continued in his Family, from Father to Son. He also commanded the Keeper of the Archives, or Records, to insert that action into the History, and wished that his own Name might be dashed out of it, and all that had been done during his Reign, if any of his Successors attempted to change any thing of his Will, and deprive the House of that Faithful Georgian of that Charge. The Kilargi-bachi is the chief Governor of the Pages of the Kilar, which is the place where they keep all the exquisite Drinks for the Grand Seignor's own drinking. It is a kind of Cupbearers Office, and the Kilargi-bachi, a kind of Cupbearer; and he is also made a Bassa, upon his removal from the Charge of Kilargi-bachi. He is moreover the Chief or all the Akegis, who are the Cooks and Confectioners, since no Body can have any entrance into those Offices, but by his Order; and he has under his custody all the Plate, which is for the peculiar service of the Grand Seignor. This Officer has for his Substitute the Kilarketodasi. Now having told you, that, upon the resignation of his Charge, he is made a Bassa, it were not amiss to advertise you further, That they who are removed out of the Seraglio, in order to their being Bassa's, aught to have been of the number of the forty Pages of the Chamber, and to have passed through one of these six Charges, of Chasnaketodasi, and of Kilarketodasi, of whom I have spoken already, of Dogangibachi, of the Chokadar, of the Seligdar, and of the Rikabdar, of whom I shall discourse anon. Otherwise, they can only be Beys, or Zaims, or Spahis, or at most, but Capigibachis, by the Grand Seignor's singular favour. The case is the same with the Cugombachi, who is the second Person of the Office of the Treasury, as also with the Anakdar-Agasi, who is the third. If these People remove out of the Seraglio, be fore they are admitted into the number of the Forty Pages of the Chamber, they have only a certain Pay, more or lesle, the highest whereof amounts not to above two hundred Asper's. I proceed to the other Officers of the Seraglio, of whom there will be some mention made in my Relation. The Dogangibachi is the Grand Falconer, and his Charge makes him a considerable Person about the Prince. The Chokador is he who carries the Royal Robe,, called the Ciamberluc, the same Officer which the French call Portemanteau. The Rikabdar is he who holds the Stirrup, when the Grand Seignor gets on Horseback. The Seligdar is the first of the Pages of the Chamber; he carries the Grand Seignor's Sword upon days of Ceremony, and they ordinarily advance to that Charge one of the handsomest Pages. The Hammangibachi is the chief Overseer of the Bath. When he leaves the Seraglio, as also when the Kamachirbachi, who is the chiefest of the Pages of Seferli, does so; their Pay is an hundred Asper's a day; and if they are in favour, it may amount to an hundred an fifty. It is to be observed in the general, that when any one of the Forty Pages of the Chamber is removed, the vacancy is supplied sometimes out of the Treasury, sometimes out of the Kilar, and sometimes out of the Seferti, and in that they take their turns. They always take out the most ancient; and they who were next to them come into their places. How that is done, we shall take occasion to explicate more plainly in the Chapter of the Treasury. The Chiamc●bachi is the grand ●aundry-man, or the Principal of those, who wash and order the Grand Seignor's Linen. The Giritbey is the chief Director of those who are exercised in shooting with the Bow, and casting the Dart. These two Exercises are much practised every Friday, in a place of the Seraglio, appointed for that Divertisement. Thus have you, in few words, an account of whatever relates to the principal Charges of the Seraglio, possessed by those who have passed through the Chambers of the Ichoglans. The Black, or Negro-eunuches▪ of whom I have but a word more to say, additionally to what I have intimated before, are appointed to guard the Apartment of the Women, and they make choice, for that Office, of the most deformed and the most Aesopical, that can be found. They are all cut even with the belly, ever since the time of Solyman the Second, who being one day in the fields, and seeing a Gelding offering to leap a Mare, inferred thence, that the Eunuches, who Kept his Wives, might likewise endeavour to satisfy their passions; for which he bethought himself of a present remedy, by ordering them to have all cut of; and his Successors have since observed that Rule. There is a great number of those Negro-eunuches, and they have their variety of Chambers, and their Regulations, as the white ones have. I say nothing here of their different Employments, and the Reader will found, in the Chapter concerning the Apartment of the Women, all can be known, that's certain upon that Subject. The credit and wealth of the Kislar-Agasi, who keeps the Apartment of the Women. The Kislar-Agasi, or, as others name him, the Kuezer-Agasi which is as much, in our Language, as to say, the Guardian of the Virgins, is the chiefest of all the Negro-eunuches, and is of equal authority and credit with the Capi-Aga, who is the Supreme of the white Eunuches. The former is the Overseer of the Apartment of the Women, has the Keys of the Doors in his custody, and has access to the Emperor when he pleases himself. The charge he is possessed of brings him in Presents from all parts; and there are not any such made to the Sultannesses, by the Bassa's, and other Persons, who stand in need of their favour, in reference to the Sultan, but there comes along with it one to himself, which makes him one of the richest and most considerable Officers, belonging to the Seraglio. I come now to the Azamoglans, who make the second Order of young Lads, wherewith the Seraglio is replenished, and out of whose number they take such as are designed for mean Officers, of whom I shall give you the List. The Azamoglans as well as the Ichoglans, are, as I said before, Tributary Children, taken away from the Christians or made Captives, by Sea, or Land. They make choice of the handsomest, the best shaped, and most robust, for the Seraglio, and they have neither wages nor allowances of any profit, unless they be advanced to some small Employments. Nor can they attain those, till after many years' Services, and what is than allowed them does not amount to above four Asper's and a half per diem. As for those who are brought up in other places, under the simple denomination of Azamoglans, and are not received into the Seraglio at Constantinople, their fortune can amount not higher, than to become Zanizaries. When these young Boys are brought up to Constantinople, the first distribution which is made of them is into the Seraglios, or Royal Houses of the Grand Seignor: there are some of them left in the City, to be put to Trades, and others are sent to Sea, to serve for seamen, and so gain experience in Navigation, by which means they capacitate themselves for some Employments. But to confine our discourse to the Azamoglans received into the great Seraglio, they are employed in several Offices, and some▪ of them are made Bostangis, some Capigis, some Atagis, some Halvagis, and some, Baltagis; which terms I shall explicate to the Reader in as few words as I can. The Bostangis are they who are employed in the Gardens of the Seraglio, out of whose number they take out those who are to row in the Grand Seignor's Brigantines, when he has a a mind to divert himself in fishing, or take the air upon the Canal. They who thus serve in the Brigantines, and row on the right hand, may be advanced to the charge of Bostangi-Bachi, which is one of the most considerable places of the Seraglio: But they who row on the left hand, are capable only of the mean Employments, which are bestowed in the Gardens. If it hap that any one of them break his Oar, by strength of rowing in the Grand Seignor's presence, his Highness immediately order him a gratuity of fifty Crowns; and there is also a certain distribution made of some Money to the others, as the Grand Seignor takes his diversion in the Brigantine. Their greatest Pay, after they have served some years, is seven Asper's and a half per diem, besides clothing and diet, which they all equally have. Bostangi-bachi one of the noblest Charges of the Port. The Bostangi-Bachi has the general Intendancy or Oversight of all the Grand Seignor's Gardens, as well those of Constantinople as those of the neighbouring Villages, and commands above ten thousand Bostangis, who are employed in the culture of them. Though he be taken out of the meanest rank of the Azamoglans, yet his power is very great, and his employment one of the noblest and most considerable about the Court. That gives him access to he prince's Person, to whom he may speak familiarly when he carries him by Sea; for he has his Seat at the Helm of the Brigantine, wherein the Grand Seignor is, who most commonly makes use of him, to carry his Orders to some Bassa, when he would have his Head. All the Grandees of the Port stand in Awe of him, and endeavour to gain his Affection by their Presents, because it lies in his power, to do them either good or bad Offices about the Prince, whom he can dispose as he pleases, when he has him abroad upon the Water. For being as 'twere at his Elbow, and having the whip of the Rudder in his hand, with the privilege of sitting in his Presence, that he may the more easily Govern it, he has than the opportunity to entertain him with Affairs of State, and the Conduct of the Bassa's, and answerable to his Passion or Interest, clearly to Acquaint him how things pass, or turn and disguise them as he pleases. In fine, if he be highly in Favour, he may obtain one of the great Governments, and become Bassa of Buda, Babylon, or Cairo, nay haply Grand Vizier, which is the most eminent Charge of the Empire. The Capigis are the Porters or Keepers of the Gates of the Seraglio, that is to say, of the first and second Courts; for the third Gate, which gives entrance into the inner Seraglio, is kept by Eunuches. The Chief of the Capigis is called Capigi-bachi, who has under him other Officers, bearing the same Name; and whom the Grand Seignor makes use of, to carry his Orders. The Capi-Aga is above all. The Attagis are the Cooks of the Seraglio, over whom as well as over the Halvagisses, the Kilargi-bachi has full Power. Every Kitchen has its Attagi-bachi, that is to say, its chief Director, or Master-Cook. And the Moutbak-Emin is the Intendant or Over●eer, who supplies the Kitchens with all that is necessary, taking care also for the Tables of the Ambassadors, according to the Orders he has received from the Grand Vizir. The Halvagisses are the Confectioners, of whom I shall have occasion to speak more at large elsewhere. They give also the same Name to those who serve the Grandees of the Seraglio, and are permitted to go out of it and into it, when they please. The Baltagis are a robust sort of People, employed in the carrying of Burdens, as Porters, and Cleavers of Wood are amongst us. Baltagi implies properly a Labouring Man, who makes use of the Wedge. The Hasteler-Agasi is the Overseer of the Infirmary, who observes what comes in and what goes out, and especially that there be no Wine brought in. I shall have occasion also, in my Relation, to speak of two others, to wit, the Emirabour-bachi, and the Ekmeggi-bachi, who are two Officers belonging to the Sultan, but have their Habitations out of the Seraglio. The Emirabour-bachi is the great Gentleman-Usher, who goes before the Grand Seignor, when he appears in public, and in all Ceremonies. The Ekmeggi-bachi is the Master-Baker, who has the oversight, and gives directi on for the Baking of all the Bread that is Eaten in the Seraglio. These two Employments are not bestowed on any of those who have their Abode within the Seraglio, but to Persons who live out of it, but have the Liberty of ingress into it, egress out of it, at any time. To be short, I shall have occasion to speak of the Caragi-bachi, and of the Cham of the Lesser Tartary, and I have some curious Observations to make upon both of them. The Oeconomy the Partizans ●r Collectors of opublick Moneys. The Caragi-Bachi is the Chief of those who collect the Tributes, and it is of him, as also of the Gemmerou-bachi, or Grand Farmer of the Customs, and of the Bazarean-bachi, or Chief amongst the Merchants, that the Grand Seignor makes use of to make Advancements when he wants Money, and that there is not any in the public Treasury, he being unwilling that they should meddle with the Secret Treasury. They must of necessity found it out, and it is no hard matter for them to do, in regard that of all the Tributes, Customs, and other Impositions due to the Grand Seignor, there is not any thing paid till the end of the Year, and these Officers oblige Men to the payment thereof, at the beginning of it. All sorts of Persons, what Religion soever they are of, except the Mahometan, are obliged to pay the Tribute without any exception, from the time of their settling in the Empire, and having attained the sixteenth year of their Age. And this Tribute, or Poll-Money, amounts to five hundred and fifty old Asper's, which neither rise nor fall, but always keep at the same rate of eighty, to a Piastro, which, in the French Money, and consequently with little difference in ours, amounts to five Crowns and ⅝. All other Christians who come into the Empire, upon the score of Trade, or Business, though 'twere but for one day, are forced to pay, at the first City where they arrive. The foreign Greeks, such as they from Muscovy or other places, pay three hundred and fifty Asper's; but the Armenians, who come from Persia, Georgia, Mingrelia, and other Countries, are taxed but at three hundred. As to the Christians, whom they call Franguis, they pay nothing; and that has given much trouble to the Ambassadors of Europe, especially to the French Ambassador, there being more French that are Inhabitants in Turkey, than there are of any other Nation. And yet though the Turks make their Year to consist but of twelve Moons, ours being near twelve and a half, they make the Tributaries pay but for twelve Moons; yet in requital, and that nothing may be lost, they make them pay that Tribute double, every three and thirtieth year, and are very frugal Husbands for the benefit and advantage of their Master. The policy of the Port, to keep the Cham of the lesser Tartary quiet. There are but two Princes in the World that are known by the Name of Cham, to wit, the Emperor of great Tartary, and the King of the little Tartary, a Vassal to the Ottoman Monarches. I conceive myself obliged, to give the Reader some information of the present condition of the latter. When the Cham of the lesser Tartary enters upon the Government, he comes to take his Oath of Fidelity to the Grand Seignor, and the Turks look upon him on otherwise than as a Governor of a Province, or at most, but as a Vassal-Prince. But those of his own Country, the Muscovites, the Poles, the Georgians, the Mingrelians, and the other Nations bordering upon him, treat him as a King, when they writ to him. The Grand Seignor uses much Policy towards the Cham, jest he should revolt from him, and tender himself more powerful than he is, by Alliances with the neighbouring Princes. For it is to be observed, That the lesser Tartary, whereof the City Caffa, near the Cimerion Streight, is the metropolis, is not a Country subdued by the Arms of the Ottomans. The ancient Kings of it did only put themselves under the Grand Seignor's protection who received them into it, upon condtion, that when the Father died, his Son, or the next of kin, his successor, was not to enter upon the Government, till he had received the Investiture from the Port, and taken the Oath of Fidelity to the Grand Seignor, obliging himself to come to him upon the first Orders to that purpose. The Grand Seignor promised in requital, that he would not establish any other than what were of their Race, to command in the Lesser Tartary. And whereas there are two Branches of that Family, he keeps one of them always banished in the Island of Rhodes, while the other Governs. But if, after Fifteen or Twenty Years, there should be any suspicion of this latter Family's having a design, to tender itself absolute, he sends for the Cham and his Children, when he has any, and sending them to Rhodes, brings thence him who was there exile, and orders him to reign in his turn, for some years. The form of his Oath you will found in the sixth Chapter of my Relation, where I speak of the Hall for Audience, and the manner, in which that Prince is there received. The principal Dignities of those who study the Law. I have only now somewhat to say of the Moufti, the Cadilesquer, and the Cadis and the others relating to the Law, which I shall do in few words. Only let it be here observed in the general, That, according to the persuasion of the Turks, the Civil Laws are part of their Religion, and that having been given them by their Prophet, they are derived from God, and require an implicit obedience. 'Tis by this course, that they are kept within their duty, and that they obey the Laws, as much out of a principle of Religion and Conscience, as out of the fear of chastisement; and in that they do not much recede from our Christian Maxims. The Muftiss and the Cadis pass therefore indifferently under the Name of Persons well skilled in the Law, as if we should reduce our Divines and our Civil Lawyers into the same Class, and in civil and criminal Causes the Moufti is often consulted. The Moufti is the honorary Chief of the Law all over the Empire, and accounted to be the Interpreter of the Koran. I speak of the Grand Moufti of Constantinople, who is the most esteemed, and the principal of all. For there are several others of them in Turkey, over whom he has no more jurisdiction, than he has over the Imans, or Priests; every one of them submitting themselves only to the Magistrate, and there being no Ecclesiastical Superiority amongst them. That hinders not but that the Grand Moufti is honoured by all the rest, and in great veneration among the Turks. The Grand Seignor never bestows that Dignity, but upon a Person of great abilities, and great integrity; he often consults him in the Affairs of greatest importance; he always follows his Directions, and he is the only Person in the World, at whose approach he rises up to receive him. The Cadilesquers follow the Moufti, and are Judges-Advocates of the Militia, the Soldiers having this Privilege, That they are judged only by them; whence they also call them, Judges of the Armies. There are but two of them all over the Empire, the Cadilesquer of Romania, and the Cadilesquer of Anatolia, who are in highest esteem next to the Moufti, and have their Seats in the Divan, immediately next to the Grand Vizir. The Mollah, or Moula-Cadis, are the Judges of great Cities, who receive their Commissions from the Cadilesquers, to whom there may be an Appeal made from their Sentence, in Civil Concerns only; for as to the Criminal part, the Cause is soon decided, and the lest Judge condemns to death without any Appeal. The Cadis are under the Mollah, and aught to be well versed in the Laws and Customs of the Country. They have also under them the Naips, who administer Justice in the Villages, and that is done with much expedition, without the help of Proctors, or Advocates. The Imans, or Emaums, are the priests of the Turks, and as 'twere the Parson's of their Mosqueys, where they take care that all things be done in order, and at the times appointed. The Hogias are the Doctors of the Law, and as it were the Regent's, and Instructors of Youth. The Sheiks are to them, instead of Preachers, and they make public Exhortations. The Muezims are they, who cry upon the Towers of the Mosquey, to call the People together at the hour of Prayer; the Turks, not using any Bells, nor the Christians, in the Levant. The Dervis are Religious Men, among the Turks, who live poorly, and indeed the very word signifies poor. They are for the most part ridiculously clothed, and all, generally, great Hypocrites. OF The Different Species of Gold and Silver-Coins, and the small Money now current in TURKEY: TOGETHER WITH THE HISTORY OF THE TRADE In Five Sols Pieces (French Money) and the Abolition of it. What Money current in Turkey. THere are but two Species of Gold-Coins current all over the Turkish Empire; the one is the proper Country Money, the other comes out of Foreign Parts. The former is the Scherif, otherwise called Sequin, or Sultanine; and that kind of Gold is worth at the present six Franks, French Money, though heretofore it yielded but five Franks, nay came so low as four. The Gold brought to Cairo and coined there. the Scheriffs come from Egypt, and Cairo is the only City of the Empire, where Gold is coined. That Cold is brought out of the Kingdom of the Abyssines, and this is the manner how it is brought to Cairo. The quantity is not the same every year, and when the passages are shut up, whether by War, or by extraordinary Rains, whereby the Fields are overflown, there comes but little Gold into Egypt, during that time. As soon as those obstructions are takn away, and that there is a freedom of Commerce, you shall see arriving at Cairo, nay at Alexandria too, several Abyssines who bring in, one man, two pounds, another four, every one more or lesle, according to his abilities. Those poor People run a thousand risks in their Travels, and 'tis almost a miracle, how they bring them to a period. Some of them are of that Country, whence the Queen of Shebo came, and which is now called the Kingdom of Sabour. Others come from places at a greater distance, and they have sometimes fifteen days journeys to make, and cannot meet with any waters to drink, but what are corrupt, and destructive to health: which I found but too true myself, when I crossed the Deserts of Arabia. If by chance they come to some Cottage or Hut, where they have killed an Elephant, it is a place for them to feast in. This considered, we need not wonder at the short lives of those miserable People, whose Bodies are destroyed in those Voyages, and who for the most part do not exceed forty years of Age. The case is the same with those, who trade with the Portugueses, on the Coasts of Melinda and Mozambico, the corrupt waters they are forced to drink in their way make them hydropical at five and twenty years of Age, and generally, all the several peoples of the Kingdom of Sabour, have the right Leg swelled ' and twice as big as the left, and seldom exceed five and thirty years. The sincerity of the Abyssines. 'Tis a miraculous thing to see the fidelity wherewith those poor Abyssines demean themselves in trading, as well those of the Southern parts, who are Christians, as those of the North, who border upon Egypt, and are Mahumetans. For after they have taken the Commodities they like for the Gold they have brought, if the Merchant they deal with will supply them with any thing further, to be paid at the●r return, and upon their own words, he is sure enough of it, and need not break his sleep for it. For if it hap that one of those Abyssines, who is a Debtor, should die by the way, some of his Relations or, Friends, whom he acquaints with his affairs, brings the Gold at the next return, for the Commodity which had been taken up; and it could never hitherto be found, that any Merchant could complain, that ever he had lost aught by any one of them. All that is to be feared, is, that they should fall into the hands of their Enemies, who rob, and kill them, and particularly on the Southside, there being lesle danger, towards the North. The foreign Coins of Gold in Turkey are the Ducats of Germany, Holland, Hungary, and Venice. They are very much sought after, and they are changed at six Livers and a half, and sometimes at six Livers and fifteen Sols; and that is done in order to the sending of them to the Indieses, where they drive a great Trade with them, as I shall make it appear in my Relations of the Levant. Sometime since, there has been some abatement made in the Discates of Venice, upon a discovery of their not being of so good an alloy, as those of Germany. There will be often mention made of Purses, in that Relation of the Seraglio. A Purse implies as much as the sum of five hundred Crowns, and it is of those Purses that the Grand Seignor makes his ordinary Presents. But a Purse of Gold, wherewith he regales his Sultanesses, and his peculiar Favourites, amounts to fifteen thousand Sequins, or thirty thousand Crowns. A Kize is also a bag of fifteen thousand Ducats. In all the Ottoman Empire, there is not any Money of Copper to be seen, and the Spieces current there must be either of Silver or Gold. True it is, that there are some pieces of Silver taken there, of a very base alloy, especially the Roup, which are quarter-Ryals, coined in Poland; and with the assistance of the Jews, the Bassa's in their several Governments, counterfeit certain foreign Coins, which are all much different from those which they are intended to imitate. The case is the same as to Silver-Coins in Turkey, as it is with those of Gold. There are some coined in the Country, as the Asper, and the Parasi, which are the lest of all. And there are some foreign Moneys, as the Spanish Ryal, and the Rixdollar of Germany and Holland. An Asper is the lest of all the Moneys, which heretofore was worth eight Deniers, French Money, that is about two thirds of the English Penny, as being of good Silver, and the value set upon them was after the rate of 80, for the Crown-piece. But in the more remote Provinces, the Bassa's and the Jews cause such an abundance of sergeant ones to be made, that at present, a Crown-piece will yield one hundred and twenty Asper's. A Parasi is another kind of small Money, which is worth four Asper's, and coined at Cairo. Groche is the Crown, or Spanish Ryal, otherwise called the Piece of eight. Kara▪ Groche is the Rixdollar of Germany. As●lani is the Rixdollar, marked with the Lion of Holland. After which follow the Pieces of four Rials, of two Rials, and of one Ryal; and heretofore the Pieces of five Sols, French Money, wherewith there was a great Trade driven in Turkey: 'Tis a thing not well known to all, and therefore the History thereof will haply not be unpleasant to the Reader. The Trade driven in the five Sols-pieces. A certain Merchant of Marseilles, without any forethought design, sent as many Pieces of five Sols, newly come out of the Mint, as amounted to the sum of two, or three hundred Crowns amongst some other Pieces of Silver-Coins, to buy Silks. The Turks found those little Pieces so pretty and so beautiful, and were at the first so taken therewith, that they thought them to be the eighth part of a Ryal, and were content to allow a Crown, for every eight of them. The Factor, perceiving it, writ to Marseilles, whence he received a very great sum in that Money, and gained very much thereby. If the French could have contented themselves with that honest profit, the commerce of those Pieces, which was quashed by the excessive frauds committed in the managment of it, might have continued still, and would have been very advantageous to them. The Turks were unwilling to trade in any other kind of Money, and in the payment of the Armies, to give the Soldier's content, there was a necessity of dispersing them among them. One day, returnig out of Persia into Turkey, I was persecuted by several Women, who would needs have me give them some Temins, (so they call that kind of Money) and I could not have any thing to eat, for any other Money. Our French Merchants were gainers at the first, after the rate of fifty, per cent. allowing in Turkey but eight of those Pieces for a Crown whereas they had twelve of them in France for the same Piece. But the other European Nations, the English, the Dutch, and the Italians, envying their happiness, came to give a check to their design, and making their complaints to the Grand Vizir, that minister ordered, That, for the future they should allow twelve of those Pieces for the Crown, or that they should not be current any longer, and that whatever sums thereof were found in the Ships, should be confiscated. The French were not at all satisfied with that; and whereas there was a necessity of submitting to the Grand Vizirs' Decree, they bethought themselves of having some of those Pieces coined, which should not have above four Sols of good Silver, which was a considerable advantage, of twenty five upon the hundred▪ They passed well enough for some time, before the Turks had discovered the fraud; they being satisfied, that the Stamp was fair, and that he Pieces looked very white: And the Women and Maidens, of the meaner sort of People, made them contribute to the ornament of their Head-tires, about which they fastened those pretty little Pieces, and they came down flaping about their Foreheads, as the wealthier sort fastened Pieces of Gold to theirs. But the better to compass their design, the French Merchants were obliged to found out other Countries, where it might be lawful for them to traffic in those Pieces. Their first recourse was to those of Dombes, Orange, and Avignon, and passing into Italy, they found work for some time for those of Monaco, and Massa. But having observed, that the Turks were more taken with the Pieces which had the impression of a Woman's Head, and those Princes being unwilling to suffer them to coin among them any Money of so base an alloy, or to give it the Stamp of Ja, the Princess of Dombes, they cast their eyes upon some Castles situate within the Territories of the Genueses, yet subject to the jurisdiction of the Empire, where they obtained what they desired, upon conditions not disadvantageous to the Lords of those places. The Pieces they got coined at Orange, where also sought after, and pleased the Turks, in regard the Stamp was beautiful, and very clear; but those of the Legate of Avignon were not so current, the Effigies thereof not being well done, and the Cross, hanging at the Neck, displeasing to the Turks. Had they contented themselves, in that Tade, with twenty five upon the hundred, it might have continued and the profit would have been considerable: but by little and little, the thing came to so great an excess, till, at last, there was not one pennyworth of good Silver in every piece. The French, to make them pass the better, gave eighteen, and sometimes twenty for a Crown, of which abuse the great Merchants of Constantinople, Aleppo, Smyrna, and other Cities of Trade, made a good hand, they giving but twelve or thirteen for the worth of a Crown, in the payments they made to the petty Merchants of the Provinces of the Empire, for the Merchandizes they brought out of Turkey, there was none of that sergeant Money dispersed, and the Armenians were far enough from burdening themselves with it, in regard that all the Money, which is carried into Persia, is presently conveyed to the Mints, upon the Frontiers, to be melted down, and afterwards coined into Abassis, whereof they give the Merchant an account, answerably to the Standard of his Money, after it has been examined; and by that means there can be no fraud committed. The same course is taken over all the Great Mogul's Empire; and of all the Princes in the World, he causes all the Species of Gold and Silver of the best Standard to be coined without admitting the lest alloy. The jealousy of the other Merchants. The Genuese Merchants perceiving that the French had, at the beginning been fortunate in their Commerce, would needs imitate them in other sorts of Money, and got two or three hundred thousand Ducats coined which they carried into Turkey. But they had not the success they expected, the Gold was so sergeant, that the cheat was immediately discovered, the Consul, and the Captain of the Vessel, were in some trouble about it, and the persons concerned therein, saved what they could of that disaster. The Germane also would needs come in for a share, taking another course all along the Dannow, quite to the mouth of it, from whence they got to Constantinople through the Black Sea. With other their Merchandizes, most whereof consisted in the sergeant Copper-wares of the City of Nu●emberg, things fit enough those Nations, which border upon the Fuxine Sea, they carried a quantity of Roups or quarter- Rials, of the Coinage of Poland, which are pleasant to the Eye, and might have been commodious enough for the Merchants, if the adulteration had been moderate. But the Italians need not be much ashamed, that the Germane should be more successful than they upon that occasion, since that both Nations came short in point of subtlety, to deceive the Turks. But to return to the French, the first concerned in this History, to which it is time to put a period. In the heat of their Commerce, and while all things were very well with them, they thought it not enough, to carry away the richest Merchandizes, but they also bought up all sorts of good Money they could meet withal, and brought it into France, to carry on and continued the coinage of their sergeant pieces. This Trade was carried on so far, through the whole extent of that vast Empire, and there was so prodigious a quantity of that sergeant Money spread abroad, that it was found by the Register-Books of the Farmers of the Customs, that the sum of what had been dispersed of it amounted to an hundred and fourscore millions of Livers, not accounting what had never come to their knowledge, and what Seamen, and other private Persons might have concealed. The other Merchants and Traders of Europe, who brought none but good Money, having exclaimed against that disorder, and renewed their complaints to the Grand Vizir; the Turks at last opened their eyes, and that principal Minister, having comprehended, that if the thing continued, in a short time, instead of Silver, there would be nothing but Copper in the Empire, prohibited the bringing in of any more of those pieces of five Sols, upon pain of confiscation, and great penalties to be inflicted on those, who durst do any thing contrary thereto. Yet could not that crying of them down, and the Grand Vizier's prohibition make the Soldiers who served in Candia, out of love with those little pieces, the beauty whereof they were so much taken withal. Notwithstanding all the Remonstrances that could be made to them, they would not be paid in any other kind of Money; and some discontented Persons and Mutineers beginning to show their Teeth, they were forced immediately to sand Galleys to Smyrna, and some other Cities of great Commerce, to bring away all that could be found of that sort of money. The incredible quantity of those sergeant pieces, dispersed in all the Provinces of the Ottoman Empire, is at last vanished, they are grown read, and no longer current. A mischievous fraud gently punished. At the First crying down of that sergeant money, before the news of it could have been brought to foreign Countries, a certain Person named Goulin, engaged all he had in the world, to make up to the sum of five and twenty thousand Crowns in those Pieces of five Sols, so extremely falsifyd, that there was hardly so much Silver as was requisite to whiten them. He came to Smyrna, where I than was, and where he soon found, that there was no way to put of his counterfeit Merchandise. Whereupon he imagined, that he might get it of, if he could make a speedy Voyage to Constantinople, where, as he had been assured, some Persons took them, even after they had been cried down. Being unwilling to hazard all by Sea, he sent away, by Land, four or five thousand Crowns, which were taken away by Thiefs, near Bursa, and carried the much greater part to Constantinople in a Dutch Vessel, of which he had also sufficient cause to repent him. After he had exposed it at the Custom-house, for the payment of the Duties, the Chief Officer of the Customs told him, that he might return within two or three days, to take back what belonged to him; and as soon as the other was gone, he caused all to be melted down in his presence. The separation being made, upon twenty thousand Crowns, which was the sum he had brought thither, there was not the full fourth part of Silver, and the Merchant coming again to the Customer, fell down all along, out of pure fear jest a severe punishment might follow the fraud whereof he was visibly convicted, seeing so much scum of brass on the one side, and so little silver on the other. But the Turks are not so rigorous, as some persons imagine, all was restored to him, nay there was no penalty inflected upon him, and they only ordered him to be gone. The ancient sincerity of the Turks corrupted by the commerce of the Europeans. Certain it is, that the Europeans, more addicted to subtlety and circumvention, than the Levantines, and for the most part not endeavouring to be sincere in Commerce, have taught the Turks several Cheats, which they were either ignorant of, or did not practise, especially since the Inhabitants of Granada, being driven out of Spain, dispersed themselves into several Provinces of the Levant. Before that time, a man might have relied on their integrity and fair dealing. But now, when you treat with them, you must stand upon your guard; so prevalent is the Example of Evil to corrupt men's minds. Nor are we to be astonished at that ancient undisguised humour of the Turks in their Commerce, since we found, that the poor Abyssines, who come from the lower parts of Ethiopia to Traffic at Cairo, and the Idolaters themselves in the Indieses amongst themselves and with Strangers, with a strict observance of an inviolable fidelity. CHAP. I Of the extent, and external parts of the Seraglio. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Origine of the word Serrail, or Seraglio, common to all the Royal Houses, as well in Turkey as Persia. The admirable Situatton of the Grand Seraglio at Constantinople. It's extent, figure, and externals. The Artillery not kept in good order, and the Gunners not well skilled. A delightful place of itself; but restraint makes it otherwise. The origine of the word Seraglio, common to all the Royal Houses in Turkey and Persia. THE Grand Seignor's Seraglio, whereof I undertake to give a Description, is the Palace where the Ottomon Princes ordinarily keep their Court. All the Royal Houses, as well in Turkey, as Persia, have the same Name, which derives it Origine from the word Serrai, which signifies a great Noble House, in the Persian Language. The Grand Seignor has many Seraglios in the Provinces of his Empire, and the principal of them are those of Bursa, and Adrianople, two Residences which that Monarch does ordinarily make use of, according to the conjuncture of his Affairs. But to confine ourselves to Constantinople, we found there three Seraglios, which have all their different Beauties. The old Seraglio is the Palace appointed for the retirement of those Women who have served the Predecessors of the Prince Regent, and whence they never get out, unless it be in order to Marriage. The Grand Seignor goes thither but very seldom, and that when he is out of humour, to pass away some days there in solitude. The Seraglio of the Hippodrome, so called from the Exercises done there on Horseback, which was built by Ibrahim Bassa, Son-in-Law, and Favourite to the Emperor Solyman the Second, serves now for an Amphitheatre for public Festivals, Exercises, Combats, Carousels, and particularly for the Circumcision of the Ottomon Princes, which is their greatest Solemnity. The third is the Grand Seraglio, whereof I make the Relation, and to which that Name is principally attributed, so as that there needs not any thing else to be added thereto, to distinguish it from the others. I shall have but little to say concerning the Structures of it, wherein there is not any thing extraordinary to be observed, but shall rather insist upon what is privately done, in each Apartment of that great Palace. The admirable situation of the Seraglio of Constantinople. The Grand Seraglio is a vast place enclosed, which reaches to that point of Land where the ancient Byzantium was built, upon the Bosphorus of Thrace, and the joining together of the Aegean Sea and the Euxine, which contribute so much to the Beauty and Wealth of Constantinople. This great City, let the Wind sit where it will, does every hour receive some refreshments or other, from one of those Seas; and the Seraglio advancing itself into the Channel, which makes a communication between them, receives the first Advantages that may be derived thence. It's extent, figure, and externals. That great Enclosure makes a Triangle, one side whereof is to the Landside, and reaches to the City, and the two others lie open to the Sea and a River which falls into it. This Triangle is unequal, and if it be divided into eight parts, that side towards the Land takes up three of them, and the five others are for the two sides abutting on the Sea. It's compass is about three Italian Miles, or one of our common Leagues. And this Palace is surrounded all about with high and strong Walls, flanked on the Seaside with square Towers, at a considerable distance one from another; and towards the City, with round Towers, which are at a nearer distance one from another, from the great Gate of the Seraglio, which is towards St. Sophia, as far as the Sea where you Embark for Galata. In those Towers, in the Nighttime, there are Guards of the Azamoglans, to see that no body approaches the Seraglio by Sea or Land; and if occasion require, they may fire some Pieces of Artillery, which stand always loaden upon a Quay of five fathom breadth, which is carried quite about the Seraglio. Upon one of those Towers, about a hundred paces from the great Gate of the Seraglio, as you go down, in order to your passage over to Galata, they have wrought a Closet, into which the Grand Seignor goes sometimes to divert himself, and to see People passing to and from, without being seen himself. Somewhat lower, and upon the Seaside, there is a spacious place covered over, under which, as if it were in a little Haven, they keep the Caicks or Brigantines, wherein the Prince takes his divertisement by Water, when he is pleased to do it. Not far thence, within the enclosure of the Seraglio, are the Habitations of the Bostangis, who are entrusted with the conduct of the Brigantines; and at a little farther distance, in your way to the point of the Seraglio, which is towards Scudaret, stands the Quarter of the Bostanchi-bachi, Overseer of the Gardens of the Seraglio, and of all the other Gardens belonging to the Grand Seignor. The Artillery out of order, and the Gunners not well skilled. Upon the Quay, which as I told you, does surround the Walls of the Seraglio, there are forty or fifty pieces of Cannon of different bigness, and there are some of so great a bore, that a man might get into them. Opposite thereto, and in the middle of the Channel, there is a Tower built upon a Rock, which the Turks call Quisler houlesi, or the Tower of the Virgins. It is kept by Bostangis, and has its Guns levelled with the Water, which better defend the Straight, than those at the point of the Seraglio, which for the most part are without Carriages, and unserviceable. Besides, they want good Gunners, and if all that Artillery were well mounted, and managed by skilful Persons, it would better keep in awe, whatever comes out of the Mediterranean, and the Black Sea. A pleasant abode, but restraint makes it otherwise. We have spoken sufficiently of the external parts, 'tis time we now enter into the Seraglio, and rather consider what passes in every Apartment of it, than the Structures thereof, wherein, as I said, there is not any thing of Magnificence, whatever some Persons might invent, who in my presence, have made noble Draughts of it, grounded on their own pure Imaginations. I have seen as much of the Seraglio, as a Stranger could do, and I have seen it several times, in several Voyages, having had time enough to consider the two first Courts, the Divan, and the Hall of Audience, but cannot celebrated them much for any great Beauty I could found in them. There is, I must confess, abundance of Marble and Porphyry in all the Apartments; but on the other side, all those Apartments are confusedly shuffled together; there is no regularity at all; most of the Rooms have but little light, and all the Ornament of them consists in Rich Tapestry laid all over the Floors thereof, and some Cushions of Gold and Silver Brokado, some whereof are embroidered with Pearls. But taking things generally, if the Walls and the Towers, which enclose the Seraglio, look more like a frightful Prison, than a Royal Palace, the Apartments whereof it consists, have not also that Wealth or Pleasure, for which the Palaces of France and Italy are so highly celebrated, and they offer not any thing which may long entertain the sight of a curious Person. All that can make the Seraglio a pleasant place of Abode, is the advantage of its situation, and indeed a Nobler cannot be imagined. For it looks towards the East, and takes up the upper part, and the descent of a sloping Hillock, from St. Sophia, quite to the Channel. The Buildings are upon the most eminent places, and have a Prospect into the Gardens, which run along the descent, as also into the two Seas which meet at the point of the Seraglio, whence the Grand Seignor may at the same time see Europe and Asia, in both which parts of the World, his Territories are very great. But never was any Prison thought a pleasant place, and there are few in the Seraglio, who rather would live in a Hut, and have their Liberty, than be continually confined in a Palace under such severe Discipline. CHAP. II. Of the first Court of the Seraglio, and particularly, of the Infirmary. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Regulations of the Infirmary of the Seraglio. The difficulties of getting Wine into it. The subtlety of some People to be received into it, tho' they are not Sick. An abominable vice common all over the East. The fruitless endeavours used to check the course of it. The sacrilegious action of two Ichoglans. The Wood-piles of the Seraglio. The great advantages of those who have the Charge thereof. The exercise of the Girit. The Grand Seignor's Liberalities. The sergeant Modesty of the Grandees of the Port. OF the many Gates which give a Man entrance into the Seraglio, as well on the Seaside, as on the Landside, that towards S. Sophia is the greatest. That is always open, the others not being so, but according to the Grand Seignor's pleasure. You first come to a great Portal, which has not any thing of magnificence, and where you only found certain golden Letters, and about them Fevillages and Compartments, according to the Arabian way of Painting. That Gate is kept by Fifty Capig●s, who have for their Arms, the Firelock, the Dart, and the Scimitar, and gives you entrance into the first Court of the Seraglio, which is four hundred Paces in length, and a hundred in breadth, without any Paving. The Regulations of the Infirmary of the Seraglio. On the right hand of that first Court, there runs all along a spacious structure, containing several Apartments or Chambers, and serving for an Infirmary to the whole Seraglio. The Gate of it is kept by an Eunuch, who has under him a great many People, employed in attending on, and ministering to the sick, whom, answerably to their quality, they dispose into convenient quarters in that house, where they may be better assisted, than in those which their indisposition had obliged them to quit. The two principal Physicians, and the two principal Surgeons, whom they call Hequinz-bachi, and Geirah-bachi, make their visits there every day, at certain hours. A man cannot imagine a place better ordered and regulated than that is: and the Grand Seignor himself sometimes comes thither in person to take an exact account of the Sick and their condition, as also to inquire whether they are well treated, whether the Physicians visit them often, and whether every Officer of the Infirmary perform the duty incumbent on him. There is seldom any place voided in that House, for as soon as one is gone out, another comes in: and though it be designed only for such as are sick, yet several persons, who are well, are brought thither, under pretence of indisposition, or to enjoy themselves a while, or to weather out some trouble or discontent. They continued there for the space of ten or twelve days, and are diverted, according to their mode, with a wretched kind of vocal and instrumental Music, which gins betimes in the morning, and holds on till night. The permission they have there to drink wine, which they never have elsewhere, is a greater inducement for their coming in thither than the music. But that permission, which, they would as 'twere conceal, and which the superstition of the Turks dares not publicly own, is accompanied by a thousand difficulties. They are not permitted to bring in any wine in the sight of the Eunuch, who stands at the entrance of the place: and if any one should be surprised in the doing of it, his punishment would be to receive three hundred bastinadoes, and a penalty of three hundred Asper's, to be paid to those from whom he had received them. But if he can cunningly get in with the Wine not having been stopped at the Gate, assoon as he is got in, he runs no risk at all, and may drink of it without fear of any chastisement, though 'twere in the presence of the Grand Seignor. The difficulty of getting wine into the Infirmary. The small quantity of Wine which can be got in by this way, would signify but little among so many People, if there were not some other lesle difficult contrivances to supply them therewith. And this is one of them. The Infirmary adjoins to one side of the Gardens, from which it is separated only by a wall which is not very high; so that the Bostangis, who found that wine goes of at a good rate, and that they who are within the Seraglio know not how to spend their money, do, in the night time, by ropes convey over the wall, so many Borrachoes or Bags of Buck-Skins, full of wine, containing forty or fifty quarts, which some other persons of the Infirmary stand ready to receive. This way brings in abundance of wine, but not without fear of being surprised by the Bostangi-bachi, who goes the rounds every night. The subtlety of some persons to be received in, though not sick. Nor is the drinking of Wine the main inducement which makes those counterfeit sick persons to seek out pretences, to go and pass away some days in the Infirmary; insomuch that some have the lewd artifice to put themselves into a slight Fever, which is presently removed. A detestable passion, and which is in a manner natural to them, though it be against nature, makes them study all the imaginable ways to satisfy it. This proves a hard matter for the Ichoglans to do, while they are in their Chambers observed and watched night and day by severe Overseers, who never pardon them the lest misdemeanour. For though the Grand Seignor be himself subject to the same passion, the very name whereof causes a horror, yet he order cruel punishments to be inflicted on those who shall presume to imitate him. He does what he can to prevent the mischief, which he would not have countenanced by his example, and imposes the prevention of it as a task upon the Eunuches, a vigilant sort of animals, whose Eyes are always open. But in the Infirmary, all these precautions prove fruitless; the Eunuches belonging to that place being corrupted partly by presents, partly by treats, or being made drunk with wine, or some other liquors, they bring in thither some young lads, of whom there is great store in the City of Constantinople. The better to overreach the Eunuches, they put those young lads into the habits of the Halvagisses, and so the cheat succeeds, in regard they are the Attendants on the Officers of the Seraglio, and all the Errands they have to do in the City. Of these Halvages, there is ordinarily to the number of six hundred, and they have only their clothing and sustenance allowed them, without any wages, till such time as they have served thirteen or fourteen years. Their wages begin at the rate of two Asper's per diem and in time may rise to seven Asper's and a half: but they have other contingent Profits, and they know well enough, how to make their advantage of the Employments they are upon. For whereas they only are the Persons who have the freedom of going and coming in and out of the Seraglio, they set double the price on every thing they buy. But their most considerable gain proceeds from the infamous commerce of those young Lads whom they bring in to their Masters, and whom they cunningly slip into the Infirmary, after they had put them into Habits like their own. They wear a white Cap, which rises up from the Crown of the Head, to a pretty height somewhat to the resemblance of a Sugar-loaf. The fruitless endeavours used to check its course. The Hasteler-Agasi, or chief Overseer of Infirmary, is indeed continually at the Gate with five or six other Eunuches, and carefully observes whatever goes in, or comes out. But all that vigilance will not do the work; nay though he had a hundred eyes, yet were it impossible for him to discern those young Lads, amidst the great number of those Halvagisses and that the rather, for these reasons, that they are frequently changed, that some of them are made Janissaries, and that new ones are taken in upon the advancement of the old ones to some other Employments. But if it should hap that the said Superintendent Eunuches should have any secret information of what's designed, and seems as if he would make some noise about it, he is presently appeased with a silk Vest, or some other Present, and 'tis thence that he derives his greatest advantages. In fine, that brutish Passion is so ordinary Abominable excess over all the East. amongst the Turks and generally over all the Eastern parts, that notwithstanding all the endeavours that has been used to prevent the effects of it, they will hardly ever be able to do it. There happened a memorable Example of this in my time. Two Pages of the Chamber, who could not have the convenience of executing Thomas Sacrilegious allion of two Pages. their wicked design in the Seraglio, would needs aggravate their crime, by going into the Mosqu●y to satiate their brutality. After Prayers where ended, they suffered all the people, to go out, and having so well hid themselves that he who shut the doors could not perceive them, they fell to the doing of an action, whereof the very Idea causes horror. The Wood Pile of the Seraglio. On the left hand of this first Court, there is a spacious Lodgement, answerable to that of the Infirmary; and that's the habitation of the Azamoglans, persons designed for the meanest Employments of the Seraglio. Within that Structure there is a spacious Court, where you shall found disposed in order, all about, and in the middle so many Wood-piles, which are renewed every year, and there are brought in thither above forty thousand Cart-loads of wood, every Cartload being as much as two Oxen can draw. Some part of this wood comes in by the Black Sea, and the rest out of the Mediterranean: and whereas there is a great quantity of it left every year, especially when the Grand Seignor does not winter at Constantinople, that remainder, which must be very considerable, is disposed of to the advantage The great profit of such as have the Charge thereof. of the principal persons among the Azamoglans. They are cunning enough to take their opportunity, when it is unloaden upon the Port, and computing, as well as they can, how much may go to make up the Piles, they proportionably sand, what they think may be spared, to the City, and lodge it in the houses, where they are acquainted. Which they may do with so much the more security, in regard that no body minds what they do, and that they perform their duty, when the Piles are completed in the season during which they are want to make their Provisions. The wood they thus convert to their own use they are paid for, and the sum raised thereby is considerable for Persons of so mean a Quality. The Exercise of the Girit. On the same side as the Infirmary, and a little lower, (for the Seraglio is a rising ground for a certain space▪ and than there is an insensible descent on both sides, quite down to the point, whereby it is terminated) you discover the great Portal of the Gardens, which they call Bagge-Karpousi. From that Gate, which overlooks the foresaid descent, and where you are as it were upon an Eminency, you descend into a very noble Place, which the Grand Seignor causes to be always kept neat and even, where the Great Persons of the Court come to do the Exercises of the Girit, or the Dart, which is performed most commonly on Fridays▪ immediately after their coming out of the Mosquey. There are about two hundred paces from the Portal to that place, and in the Court there may ordinarily be, upon those days above fifteen hundred Persons, yet so as that not any person whatsoever is permitted to go any further, unless he be called by the Order of the Girt-Bey, who is the chief Overseer, and Director of that Exercise. They who enter into the Lists, do many times amount to the number of a thousand Persons. If the Grand The Grand Seignors liberalities. Seignor himself, who is present at those Exercises, the end whereof proves many times Tragical to those, by whom they are performed, has found any particular divertisement therein, especially when there are Limbs lost or broken, he order every one to receive a Purse, which, as I told you, amount to five hundred Crowns. The distribution of those Presents is greater or lesser, according to his being in a good or bad humour, and sometimes there are distributed at his departure thence, to the number of ten Purses. The Treasurer, who is always attending on him, and has ordinarily brought along with him fifteen or twenty thousand Rials in Gold or Silver, stands ready, upon a beck to obey his Orders. The sergeant modesty of the Grandees of the Port. But this is worth our observation, That when the Prince is ready to bestow his Liberalities, on those who had behaved themselves valiantly in that exercise, the Grandees of his Court, who had appeared therein as well as others, purposely shifted themselves out of the way, and leave him to make his Presents to other lesle considerable Persons, as being such as stand more in need of them than they do. This is their custom ordinarily, whether it proceed from Generosity, or from a counterfeit and personated Modesty, it matters not. And after the Grand Seignor is withdrawn, it is lawful for those who are left in the foresaid Court, and are skilled in the handling of the Dart, to spend the remainder of the day in that exercise. But those, how great soever their performance may be, and what wounds soever they may receive, are not to expect any Presents; There's no Prince to be a spectator of their Gallantry, nor Treasurer, to distribute his Liberalities. They only lay some wagers amongst themselves, and he who gives the fairest blow, wins, and the fairest blow is in the head or face. There is ever and anon an Eye struck out, or a Cheek carried of, and that Solemnity proves very fatal in the end to some of them. And this is an account of all that is observable in the said first Court, Let us now make our entrance into the second, and observe what is most remarkable in all its Apartments. CHAP. III. Of the second Court, wherein are the little Stables, the Kitchens, and the Divan. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. A square and spacious Court, and its Embellishments. The Janissaries extremely sprightful, active, and well ordered. The number of the Kitchens. The ordinary dishes of meat that are served up in the Seraglio. The way of ordering the Pilau. A particular way of roasting in the Levant. The Turks cannot endure the Hare. Conserves of all sorts. Several Compositions of Sherbet. Receeptacles for all the Waters of the Seraglio. The little Stables. The Quarters of the Eunuches. OUT of the first Court, into which the Bassa's and Grandees of the Port, may come on Horseback, and where they are obliged to alight, if they intent to go any further, there is an entrance into another, through a second Gate, kept, as the former, by fifty Capigis. The second Court, much more noble, and more delightful, than that whereof we gave you the precedent description, is near three hundred paces square, and only the walks, leading to the several Apartments, are paved, the rest being in Grassplots, planted about with Cypress, and watered by Fountains, with rails all about, to hinder people from going upon the grass. Over the Gate of that Court; may be seen these words, written in great golden Characters. La Illahe Illa Alla, Muhammed Resoul Alla. That is to say, There is no other God than God, Mahomet is sent by God. Resoul signifies Sent, which is the greatest Title given by the Turks to their Prophet. The Janissaries well ordered. On both sides of that Court there runs a very noble Gallery, the Pillars whereof are of Marble, all along which the Companies of the Janissaries are drawn up, and disciplined when the Grand Seignor order them to show their Activity, and to appear well Armed, at the Arrival of some Ambassador, who is to have Audience. On the right hand, behind the Gallery where the Janissaries are drawn up, on the Divan-days (that is to say, upon Council-days) are the Kitchens, and the Offices of the Seraglio, distinct one from the other, and every one served by its peculiar Officers. Heretofore there were Nine of them, but now that Number is reduced to Seven. Every Office or Kitchen, has its chief Director, or Master-Cook, and there is a Superintendent above them all, named the Akegi-Bachi, who has the Command over four hundred Cooks. The chiefest of these Kitchens, which is for the Grand Seignor himself, is called Hasmoutbak. The number of the Kitchens, The Second is called Valede-Sultanum-Moutbaki, and is designed for the Sultanesses, as for instance, the Mother, the Wife, or to say better, the Princess, for whom the Grand Seignor has the greatest kindness, and who had the Happiness to bring into the World a Successor to the Empire, as also for his Sisters and Daughters. The third Kitchen, which they call Kisl r-Agazinum-Moutbaki, is appointed for the Overseer of the Apartment of the Women, and the other Negro-eunuches who are employed about the guarding of them. The fourth is for the Capou-Agasi, or Grand-Master of the Seraglio, who has the greatest access to the Grand Seignor's Person, and whose Charge (as I said elsewhere) generally extends over whatever enters into the Palace. And this Kitchen serves also for the Officers of the Divan. The fifth is for the Chasnadar-bachi, or the chief Person concerned about the Treasury, and for those who are under his Jurisdiction, and obey his Orders. The sixth is for the Kilargi-bache, or principal Cupbearer, and those who have their dependence upon him. The seventh and last, is that of the Sarai-Agassi, and of all the Officers▪ who are under his Charge. Lastly, as for the 〈◊〉 whose work lies in the Gardens, they 〈◊〉 their Meat themselves▪ and appoint some among them to execute that Office● and they provide the Commons for all the ●est. There are also some of 〈◊〉 ●ostangis employed in the Offices designed for the Grand Seignor. The ordinary meats served up in the Seraglio. There enters no Beef into the Kitchens of the Seraglio: but the ordinary consumption of every day, including all, as well those who eat within, as without, may amount to five hundred Sheep, in which number must be comprehended Lambs and Kids; and the greatest part of those Sheep are brought from the Frontiers of Persia; which Country excels all others, as to that Creature. According to this proportion of Mutton, may be computed the quantity of Pullet's, Chickens, and young Pigeons, the number whereof is limited, according to the Seasons; as also what may be consumed in Rice and Butter, for the Pilau, which is accounted the best dish in Turkey, and all over the East. Those Nations who are lovers of Temperance, and do not much study the satisfaction of the Palate, seldom have any other dish: and that not being contemptible, some haply will give me thanks for communicating the ordering of it. The way of ordering the Pilau. The Turks, and generally all the Inhabitants of the Eastern Parts, make the Pilau after this manner. According to the quality of the persons who are to be entertained, and the quantity which is to be made of it, you take either a piece of Mutton alone, or together with that some Pullet's or Pigeon's, which are to be boiled in a Pot, till they are half done, or somewhat more. When you think them so far boiled than pour out both Meat and Broth into a Basin, and the Pot being washed, put it on the Fire again with Butter in it, which they suffer to melt, till such time as it is very hot. Than they chop the meat which had been but half-boiled, into little pieces, the Pullet's into quarters, and the Pigeons into halves, and so they cast it into the Butter, they fricass it till it be of a very brown colour. The Rice being well washed they put some into the Pot over the meat, as much as they think fitting, and the Broth which had been poured into the Basin, they also put it into the Pot Ladleful after Ladleful, over the Rice, till such time as it stands two fingers breadth above it. Than is the Pot immediately covered, there is a clear Fire made under it, and they ever and anon take out some grains of the Rice, to see if it be softened, as also whether it be not requisite to put in some more of the Broth to complete the stewing of it. For it is not like the Rice brought into our parts, which presently breaks asunder, but their Rice is of such a kind, that it must be fully boiled and yet the Grain entire, as well as the whole Pepper wherewith they season it. As soon as it is come to that condition, they cover the Pot with a Cloth three or four times doubled, and set the Potlid upon that, and sometime after they make another melting of Butter, till it be very read; to be cast into the holes, which are made in the Rice with the handle of the Ladle, after which they cover it again of a sudden, and so let it stand soaking a while, and than serve it up. It is put into large Dishes with the Meat, handsomely disposed upon it, and some part will be white, that is, continued in its natural colour, some part yellow, occasioned by a little mixture of Saffron, and a third part of a Carnation-colour; done by the tincture of the juice of Pomegranate. Nay, though the meat be as fat as is requisite for the ordering of this Dish, yet to make the Pilau more delicate and palateable to them, they bestow three pound of Butter on six pound of Rice, which makes it so extraordinary fat, that it disgusts, and is nauseous to those who are not accustomed thereto, and accordingly would rather have the Rice itself simply boiled with Water and Salt. There are always two or three Dishes served up after that manner, to the Grandees of the Port, who for the most part, keep open Table, and instead of Flesh they cover them with a great Omelet or Omelet, made with good Herbs, and about three fingers thick, or with some poached Eggs, which are neatly disposed about it. A man is never incommodated by this kind of Rice, but the other, which is too fat, is not fit for those who drink Wine, and will not excite in them a desire to Eat of it often. A particular way of roasting in the Levant. Since I have given you an account how they order the Pilau, I cannot forbear making you a further discovery of the Turks management of the Kitchen, and telling you how they roast their meat. The greater sort of meat, as Sheep and Lambs are roasted whole in Ovens made in the Floor, wherein they hung them by the heads, and they are taken out thence as it were brown-baked and Cooked well enough, so as to excite Appetite. At the bottom of the Oven there is ordinarily a Basin placed, having in it some Rice and fair Water, which receives the driping of the Beast, the very Tail itself, which sometimes weighs fifteen or twenty pound, yielding a good quantity thereof, as being in a manner all fat. The Tails of the Lambs, having not so much fat, are excellent meat, and in a manner as delicate as the Sweetbreads of Veal. These Lambs being thus roasted, are always served up with Rice under them, and for the greater Tables, they serve up two of them in a Dish. So that there is no use of Spits in the Turkish Kitchens but what is for Poultry or Fowl, which they order so untowardly, that when they are brought up to the Table they appear so mangled and disordered, that it is no easy matter to distinguish the head from the feet. But it is to be observed, that the Pilau, and all sorts of Flesh-meat, are not served up, but only at Supper, about five of the Clock in the Evening; and that in the Morning those of better Quality Eat only Salads, Herbs, Fruits, and Conserves; the meaner sort of People contenting themselves with meats made of Milk, Melons and Cucumbers, according to the Season. As for Fish, the Turks care not much for it, and though the Seas and Rivers are well replenished therewith, yet they seldom Eat of them. It seldom happens also, that any Venison or Wildfowl comes into their houses, as being The Turks ●ave an aversion for the Hare. a kind of meat they do not any way relish, But above all meats they have an aversion for the Hare; which Observation I made also in the Armenians, who are of a persuasion, that the Female of that Creature has its Monthly Courses regularly, as the Woman hath. It is easily perceivable, by what account I have given, that there is no great variety or delicacy in the Turkish Entertainments, and that the French and other Europeans, would not think themselves well treated thereat. But however, their Kitchens are kept very neat, they have all the accommodations requisite for their way of dressing, and whether you consider the Dishes and other Vessels they use, or the meat itself, there is as much cleanliness as can be expected. Conserves. The Offices where the Conserves and Sweetmeats are made (there being six or seven of them) are above the Kitchens, and served by four hundred Halvagisses, who were Established by Sultan Solyman, a magnificent Prince, who also regulated all the Offices and Officers of the Seraglio. They are perpetually at Work in those seven Offices, and there they prepare all sorts of Conserves, dry and liquid, and several sorts of Syrups, as also several kinds of Turchi, which are Fruits preserved in Vinegar and Salt, into which they put a quantity of fragrant Herbs, such as Rosemary, Marjoram and Sage. Several Compositions of Sherbet. In the same Offices they also prepare the ordinary drink of the Turks, which they call Sherbet, and it is made several ways. That which is most common in Turkey comes somewhat near our Lemonade, but there is very little water in it; 'tis in a manner all juice of Lemmon, or Citron, having an intermixture of Sugar, Amber, and Musk. They make another sort of it, which is highly in esteem, and that is made with the water destilled from the flower of a Plant, which grows in Pools and Rivers, and has the figure of a Horse-shoe. These flowers are yellow, and called Nuloufer. But the Sherbet which they most esteem, and which is drunk by the Grand Seignor himself, as also by the Bassia's and other Grandees of the Port, is made of Violets and Sugar, and there is but little juice of Citron put into it. They make also another sort of drink, which they call Magion, composed of several Drugs, whereby it is made hot: and there is another sort purposely prepared for the Grand Seignor himself called Muscavi, of which he takes a Dose, when he intends to visit the Sultanesses, The principal Persons about the Court sand for it secretly to the Halvagibachis, who does not deny them, as being a great advantage to him, because he is well paid for it. Nor do they want Snow and Ice to cool all those Liquors, and the Turks are much more humorous and delicate in their Drinks, than they are in their Meat. Receptacles for the Waters of the Seraglio. At a place ten or twelve Paces distant, and opposite to these Offices is the Receptacle, or Reservatory, which distributes all the Waters of the Seraglio, and they are thence directed to every Quarter, into the places where there is a necessity of them. One of the Baltagis has his station there all the day long, to give Water as he is directed. And when the Grand Seignor passes from one Quarter to another, the Fountain of that where he is in Person, plays continually during his abode there, by a Signal which is given to the Baltagis. The little Stables. On the left hand in the same Court, and opposite to the Kitchens, may be seen the Grand Seignor's little Stables, which do not hold above twenty five or thirty choice Horses, desig'nd for his Exercises with his Favourites, and above the Stables, in great Rooms, they keep the Saddles, Bridles, Horses, Trappingss, Footcloths, and Stirrups, which are of inestimable value by reason of the abundance of precious Stones whereby they are enriched. There are some Harnesses which amount to a million of Livers, French Money. The great Stables stand all along the Canal, which beats against the Walls of the Seraglio. They are always well replenished, and in good order, and they take care that there be not so much as one vacant place therein. In those Stables does the Grand Seignor keep a great number of Horses of value, to be reserved for the War, or to be used in some Magnificent Solemnity, that Strangers may see the Splendour of his Court. CHAP. IU. Of the Hall of the Divan, and the exact Justice which the Grand Seignor causes to be admitted there. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Divan-Hall not very magnificent. The Council-days. Causes quickly decided. The causes of that expedition of Justice in Turkey. The subtle Policy of the Ottoman Family. The care which is taken to prevent the revolt of the Janissaries. How the Grand Seignor assists at the Divan, or Council. The bold action of a Timar-Spahi, who kills a Grand Vizir, and is pardoned. The noble Genius of Sultan Amurat, and by what Artifices he discovered a great breach of Trust. A kind of Beads used by the Turks at their Prayers. A noble Example of a severe Act of Justice. At what times, and how, the Grand Seignor rids those out of the way whom he suspects. The days on which Ambassadors come to the Divan. The Divan-Hall not very magnificent. THE Hall of the Divan, which belongs to this Second Court, is on the left hand next to the little Stables, as you go towards the Grand Seignor's Quarter. 'Tis a great low Hall, covered with Lead, and wainscotted and gilded in some places within, from which it derives a little Ornament. The Floor of it is covered with a great Carpet, and there are some Benches for the Officers, of whom that Council consists, which the Turks call Divan. There are, as I told you, Galleries of all the sides of that Court, which makes it look as it were like a Cloister; and 'tis under that Gallery which is on the right hand; that the Janissaries have their Station, while the Divan is sitting. Council-days▪ The Council sits, ordinarily, four days in the week, which days are answerable to the Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday of the Christians. Causes soon decided. Justice is there exactly administered to any one that desires it, and for what cause soever it be, so, as that the differing Parties have no need either of Proctors or Advocates, Names not known in Turkey, and the Persons concerned are to lay open their Cases themselves. There is no talk of delays, or putting of from one time to another; People shall not languish in Expectation, but the business is decided immediately, what nature soever it may be of. The Reason of that Expedition of justice. Though this Custom be very commendable, yet can it not be so well practised amongst Christians, because they stand upon the property of what they have, and that is derived by inheritance from some to others, and the litigious partitions of them do many times engage the Proprietors thereof in long Suits of Law. 'Tis quite otherwise amongst the Great Officers of the Port, who are all Slaves, either taken in War, or sent up, as Presents, by ●he Bassa's, and Governors of Provinces. All their Estates, when they die, return to the Grand Seignor, from whom they had receiveed them, so that it is a perpetual Circulation, and their Children, as I told you in the beginning of this discourse, are brought up to the Seraglio, to be educated there, and that without any hope of ever succeeding their Parents, either in their Estates, or Employments. The Ottoman Monarchy has always observed this subtle Policy, not to permit that any Family should aggrandise itself, and be powerful from Father to Son: but they bring it down, as soon as they have raised it up, and timely enough deprive them of the means whereby they might created Factions, to the disturbance of the State. Thence it comes, that, besides the Royal Family of the Ottomans, they know not what Gentility, and antiquity of Extraction means; there's no emulation upon that score, Charges and Dignities are bestowed answerabl to the Merit of the Person, without any consideration of his Extraction. Nay, it sometimes happens, that the Principal Ministers of the Empire are the Sons of Cowkeepers, as was one Rustan, a Grand Vizir, who made so much noise under the Reign of Solyman. And so, being not any way obliged to their Birth, they acknowledge their Fortunes to be the reward of their Education. But to return to the administration of Justice amongst the Turks. Those who make the Law their profession, and are looked upon as the Clergy of Mahomet, leave no place for suits at Law; every one knows his privileges, and what belongs to the function of his Charge, and there arise no differences among them, because all things are perfectly well regulated. In like manner, the people are ignorant what pleading signifies. There's no occasion for public Notaries, in order to Matrimonial Contracts; There's no great sums given with a daughter, and the jewels and clothes which she can get out of her Father's house, are all the portion she brings to her Husband. And this, in few words, is the reason that the Turks can put an expeditious end to all their affairs, without giving any toleration to that perifogging, which, among Christians, proves the ruin of so many People. The Officers, who sit in the Divan are, first, the Grand Vizir, the Lieutenant-General of the whole Empire, who is Precedent of it, and represents the Grand Seignor's Person; Than the six other Viziers; Than the Cadilesquers of Romania and Anatolia, who are the Judges and Intendants of the Armies; Than the three Tefterdars, or Treasurers-General; Than the Nissangibacha, the Lord Chancellor; And the Netangi, who is as 'twere the Secretary of State, with some Clerks, or Notaries. All these Officers come into the Divan-Hall, at four in the Morning, and continued there till Noon, to administer Justice. The Chiaoux-bachi has his station at the Gate, with a troop of those that are under his charge, to execute the Grand Vizirs' Orders, and has a silver-rod in his hand, as a badge of his Authority. The care taken to prevent the revolt of the Janissaries. On those days that the Divan sits, the Officers are enter●tain'd at dinner in the same Hall, which is done with much Sobriety, and little Ceremony. All is over and taken away, in half an hours time. The Grand Vizir eats alone, unless he call a Bassa or two, to keep him company. There are carried also messes of Chourba which is a kind of pottage made with Rice, for the dinners of the Janissaries, who are in their stations, under the Galleries. But if it hap that they are in a mutinous humour, and incensed against a Vizir, or against the Grand Seignor himself, not one of them will put his hand to the Chourba; but they scornfully thrust back the dishes, and by that action discover their discontent. The Grand Seignor is presently advertised of it, and sends to them the Capou-Agasi, Grand Master of the Seraglio, to know what their pleasure is, and what they desire. Than they depute one of their own Body to go, and speak on the behalf of them all, and that person whispering the Capou-Agasi in the Ear, declares to him the occasion of their discontent. That Eunuch presently carries it to the Grand Seignor; And if they have a peek against a Vizir or a Cadil●squer, or sometimes against their Aga, or Colonel, it often happens that to appease those mutineers, the Grand Seignor order them to be strangled, and sends them their heads. How the Grand Seignor is present at the Divan. Sunday and Tuesday are the principal days of the Divan, and than it is properly a Council of State, and of public affairs. The Grand Seignor most commonly assists at it, but is not seen; and that keeps in awe as well the Grand Vizir, as the other Officers. He can come thither from his own Apartment, through a close Gallery, and seat himself at a window, which looks into the Divan-Hall, and has always a velvet Curtain before it, which he draws when he pleases, and especially when he perceives that they have not done Justice. I shall produce here, an example, famous enough as to that particular, which happened in the Reign of Sultan Achmet, the Father of Amurath and one of the justest Princes, that ever the Ottoman Empire had. The bold action of a Timer-Spahi, who kills a Grand Visir, and is pardoned. The Reader is to call to mind, what I said at the beginning concerning the Timar-Spahi, on whom they bestow, during their lives, the Government and revenue of some Town, according as they have deserved by their Services. The Saphi, whose story I am going to relate, had a Timar, between Aleppo and Damas', which might bring him in a revenue of fifteen hundred Crowns. The Grand Vizir, either out of some aversion to the Spahi, or upon some false reports which had been made of him, and which he had been too forward to believe, without taking an exact information of things, took away from him the Timar, whereof he was possessed, and bestowed it on one of his own Creatures. The Spahi, finding himself so unjustly dispossessed comes to Constantinople, enters into the Divan, and presents a Petition to the Grand Vizir, wherein he remonstrates to him his long Services, and how he never was chargeable with any negligence of his duty. The Grand Vizir having read it, tears it in his presence, which was to signify as much, as that he would not answer it, and that there was nothing for for the Spahi to hope for. The Petitioner withdrew, without saying any thing: but some days afterwards, he returns to the Divan, and presents a second Petition, which the Grand Vizir likewise tears, as he had done the former, without making any answer thereto. Upon this second injury, the Spahi, full of fury, and justly exasperated, draws his Poniard, falls upon the Vizir, and kills him. The Grand Seignor, who was than at the Window, having observed that action, draws the Curtain, and with a loud voice commanded that no hurt should be offered to the person who had done it. He thereupon order the Spahi to approach, and asked him the Reason of his having demeaned himself with so much violence. The other much ashamed, humbly makes answer, but with resolution enough, That he could not forbear doing what he had done, upon the sight of so great a piece of injustice: and thereupon presenting to him the Petition, which had been torn to pieces, the Grand Seignor caused it to be read, and patiently hearkend to the just complaints which it contained. Having fully examined the Affair, his Highness commended the Spahi for the Action he had done, using the word Aferim, which is as much as to say, 'Tis well done, and which is ordinary in that Language, when they approve a thing; and thereupon, there was an additional Liberality made by the Grand Seignor to the Command which he gave, that he should be reestablished in his Timar. He thereupon took occasion to speak to the other Viziers, and to tell them, That that Example should teach them to do just things, and not to ●uffer themselves to be so blinded by favour, as not to observe Equity. The violent action of the Spahi is certainly not to be approved, though the injustice of the Vizir was manifest, but the procedure of the Grand Seignor, cannot be looked on otherwise than as most commendable, and a great Model of perfect Equity. I shall not think it much, to produce here a second Example of the exact Justice, which the Grand Seignor would have administered to the People: and in this Example there is something that is signally remarkable. A great Stone-Morter, which may be seen at the Gate of the Divan, serves for a Monumental confirmation of this Story; and whereas it is accompanied by many circumstances worthy our observation, I think myself obliged not to conceal them from the Reader. How Sultan Amurate discovered a secret breach of trust. In the Reign of Sultan Amurat, a certain private Person finding himself without Wife of Children, resolved to undertake the Pilgrimage of Mecha. Before his departure, he conceived, that he could not better dispose what he left behind him that was most valuable, than by putting it into the hands of a Hoggia, a Doctor of the Law. He thereupon left in his custody certain Jewels, in a little bag, entreating him to keep them till he returned, and declaring him his Heir, in case he died in his Pilgrimage. It was the Pilgrim's fortune to return safely from Mecha, and making no question but to get what he had entrusted the Hoggia withal, calls for what he had deposited in his hands. The other makes him a very cold answer, telling him, That he knew not what he meant, leaving him very much surprised at so unexpected an account of his concerns. The Pilgrim, smothering his discontent, and reflecting, that the thing had been done without witnesses, did nothing for some days; but afterwards, he presents a Petition to the Grand Vizir, and acquaints him how all things had passed between him and the Doctor. The Grand Vizir perceiving there was a great nicery in that affair, and that the Doctor might easily deny a thing which had been transacted without witnesses, bid the Pilgrim have patience a while, and that he would give the Grand Seignor an account of it; which he accordingly did. The Grand Seignor Commands the Vizir to be very circumspect in the management of that Affair, as being very desireous to sift out the truth of it, and orders him to sand for the Doctor, to make protestations of friendship to him, and to put him in hopes of being employed of things in great importance. Some days pass on, while the Grand Vizir minds what Game he had to play. At length, he sends for the Doctor, he commends his ingenuity, and his Conduct; and so putting him into very fair hopes, he promises him to prevail so far with the Grand Seignor, as that he should have the honour to kiss his hands, since it was not just, that so transcendent a Wit as he should be any longer unknown to his Highness. The Doctor overjoyed at that discourse, thought himself the happiest man in the World, especially when he saw, that the Grand Vizir had made him his Hougia, which is as much as to say, his Almoner. The Vizir proceeds, and according to the secret Orders he had received from the Grand Seignor, gives the Doctor another Employment, which was, that he should bring him in Report of all the Criminal Affairs which could be presented. The Grand Seignor, upon the Report a of the Hougia, asked him his advice, and what punishment the guilty Person deserved for the Crime whereof he was convinced, the execution being to be done according to the judgement which the Doctor had passed, whom he made his ordinary Reader, and would have near his Person. Five or six months pass on in this manner, ere there could be any discovery made of the falsified Trust. And it is to be observed, That the Pilgrim had given the Grand Seignor an exact Inventory of all the several things, which he had put into the little Bag. Among other things, there was particular mention made of a Tesbuch of fine Coral. This Tesbuch is a kind of Chaplet, or Sring of Beads, consisting of ninty and nine beads, upon each of which, the Turks repeat certain words taken out of some sentences of the Alcoran. That Chaplet is divided into three parts, from thirty three, to thirty three beads, by a little string, which separates them: and at the end there hanged a long piece of Coral, next to which there was another round bead, of the same material, of an extraordinary bigness. The more Puritanical sort of Turks have their Beads in their hands when they are upon visits, and especially when they approach great Persons, and that very thing made the first discovery of the Hogia's theft, and breach of trust. One day, coming into the Seraglio with his Coral-beads in his hand, the Grand Seignor, before whom he persented himself, casting his eyes upon them, and persently imagining, that it might well be the Pilgrim's Tusbuch, according to the description he had given it in the Catalogue of what things were left in the little Bag, told the Doctor, that he had a great rarity there. The other immediately approaches him, and entreats his Highness with all submission to accept of it. The Grand Seignor takes it, and making some discoveries how acceptable that Present was to him, does by that prudent dissimulation, cause a joy in him, whose Chastisement he was than contriving. But that single indicium the Grand Seignor does not think enough, but he will have other discoveries; and knowing that among other things that were in the Bag, there was a Ring, the Work of an Excellent and Ancient Master, famous for that sort of Rings which the Turks wear on the Thumb, when they shoot with the Long bow, he expects a second occasion, in order to a fuller discovery of the Cheat, and the more absolute conviction of the Doctor. 'Twas not many days ere that happened, by the contrivance of the Emperor himself, who calling for one of his Pages, one well skilled▪ in Archery, went to the place of the Girit, where he also called for a Bow, there being not any Person in the whole Empire but was inferior to him, as to strength and dexterity in the Exercises of the Bow and the Dart. When he came to bend the Bow, he complained that the Ring hurt his Thumb, presuming that the Doctor, who stood near him, and had already presented him with the Coral-Beads, would also make him a proffer of the Ring, which he had of the Pilgrims. Is it possible says the Grand Seignor, that there is not at this time any Master living, who can make a Ring any thing like such a one, whom he named? The Doctor whose apprehension was not so good, as to see that this Trap was laid for his destruction, and thinking to insinuate himself more and more into the Grand Seignor's Favour, told him, That by good Fortune he had a Ring of that very Master's Work, which he had kept a long time, and that if his Highness would be pleased to Accept of it, he would bring it thither, which he presently did. Asson as the Grand Seignor was returned to his own Quarter, he sent for the Grand Vizier, and the Pilgrim, who came into his presence, and he had in his hand the Chaplet of Coral, which he made as if he were repeating, to try whether the Pilgrim would know it again. The other having well observed it, addressed himself to the Emperor, saying, If it shall please your Highness to permit me to open my mouth, I dare affirm, that the Chaplet, you have in your hands, is very like that which I have in my little Bag of Jewels, and possible I shall not be mistaken, if I say it is the very same. Whereupon the Grand Seignor commands him to come nearer, and putting the Chaplet, and the Ring into his hands, the Pilgrim affirms, upon his Life, that they are the very same things, which he had left in the custody of the Doctor. He coming the next Morning; according to his custom to make a Report of some Criminal Cause to the Grand Seignor, that Prince, who was a person of great Ingenuity and Apprehension, proposes to him a Case somewhat of the same nature with that between him and the Pilgrim, and asked him what Punishment such a Crime deserved. The unfortunate man, blinded by a good fortune wherein he thought himself well established, and what was passed being clearly got out of his remembrance, pronounced Sentence against himself, and answers the Grand Seignor, That such a Person, deserved to be pounded alive in a Mortar. Upon that Sentence, the Emperor caused him to be immediately secured, and having ordered all his Chests to be brought into the Seraglio, by the Baltagis, whom he sent to his Lodgings, pulls out of his Pocket the Chaplet of Coral and the Ring, which a Pilgrim of Mecha had entrusted him with the custody of. He afterwards shows him the Note or Schedule of all the other Pieces, and commanding him to open his Chests, the Jewels were there found, which that unhappy man, convinced of his Gild, and trembling for Fear, delivered up into the hands of the Grand Seignor. The Pilgrim was called, who presently knew his Bag and his Jewels; and the Doctor by an open Confession, acknowledged his Crime, and Perfidiousness. The next day, the Emperor ordered the Divan to be Assembled, at which he commanded that all the Grandees about Constantinople should be present, to tender the Judgement the more solemn. He first commanded, that whatever belonged to the Pilgrim should be restored to him, together with some additional recompense: and his next command was, That the Doctor should be punished, according to his own Sentence. To that end, order was given, that a Stone should be made hollow, after the form of a Mortar, into which he was thrown stark naked, and pounded alive by the common Executioners. And that is the same Stone-Mortar which I have often seen near the Gate of the Divan, and is left there for a Memorial of so admirable and so solemn a Judgement. And this was the period of a History, whereof all the circumstances are remarkable, and which is not one of the lest Monuments of the Wisdom of the Emperor Amurat. That Prince, instead of using his absolute power at the first overture of such an Affair, thought it fit, by a perspicacity of mind and prudence, patiently to expect remote occasions, that he might thence deduce evident proofs of a concealed Crime: and his intention was to raise the Doctor to great dignities, if he had found him innocent; and to punish him severely, as he did, upon the discovery of his guilt. At What time, how, the Grand Seignor rids out of the way, those, whom he suspects. I told you at the beginning of this Chapter, that of the four days of the Week, appointed for the sitting of the Divan, those which are answerable to our Sunday and Tuesday, are the principal, as being those on which the Affairs of greatest importance are debated. They call those two days Arzghi●nz, in regard, that after the Grand Visir, the six other Visirs, and the two Cadilesquers, who assist at the Divan, have administered Justice, they go all together to kiss the Grand Seignor's hands. If any one of those Nine Judges have aught to say to him, he is permitted on those days, to speak to him freely: and it is ordinarily upon those days also, that the Grand Seignor takes his time, if he has a mind to take of any one. He than order the Bostangi-Bachi to be ready, with some of those who attend him, to execute his will; and having declared to him who they are, whom he would have strangled, the order is no sooner given, but that either at their arrival, or at their departure, it is punctually obeyed. True it is, that he does not demean himself so, but when he is afraid of some popular sedition, in case he should sand to punish them in their own Houses, where they might make some resistance. But within the Seraglio, and in sight of the Janissaries, who are in their stations near the Divan, the unfortunate Person, whom they would have to be strangled, has no more to do than to bow down his Head, and to stretch out his Neck, without thinking of any resistance, which would be to no purpose. In the Eleventh Chapter I shall give an Account at large, how they proceed to that Execution. The days on which Ambassadors come to the Divan. A little beyond the Hall of the Divan, you come to another Hall, raised up after the manner of a Balcony, where the Ambassadors are seated, when they assist at the Divan, and that they do, once in three months, and upon the days that the Janissaries receive their Pay. There is Notice sent them to be there, out of a vain ostentation, that they may see, what abundance of money goes out of the Treasury. Between these two Halls there is a Gate, which leads to the Quarter of the Baltagis. Those are a sort of strong and robust People, employed, as I told you, in carrying of Wood all about the Seraglio, and other mean and painful Offices. As to the wood, which is burnt in the Apartments of the Women, they disburden themselves of it at the Door, where the Negro-eunuches take it up, and carry it into the Baths and other Rooms, into which they only are permitted to go. And this is all that is considerable in that second Court. Let us now enter further into the Seraglio, and see how things are managed there. CHAP. V Of the inner part of the Seraglio in general, and particularly, of the Quarter of the Eunuches, and the Ichoglans. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Ichoglans Educated under a severe Discipline. The great Officers of the Port taken out of the same School. The miserable condition of the Children of the Bassa's. The great Authority of the Capi-Aga. The Classes, through which the young Lads of the Seraglio are to pass. The Quarters of the four principal Eunuches. THE inner Seraglio is that part of the great Palace of the Ottoman Emperors, which, from the Second Court, whereof we have given a description, extends to the point, at which place the Gardens are terminated, and which comprehends in general, the Grand Seignors Quarter, and the Quarter of the Sultanesses. But in regard the former is distinguished into several Apartments, appointed for the Habitations of the Officers, who ordinarily approach the Grand Seignor's Person, and are his most necessary attendants, I will conduct the Reader from one to another, and give a distinct relation of every one of them. In this Chapter, I shall treat only of those Apartments which are taken up by the Eunuches, and the Ichoglans, who are under their Discipline. The Ichoglans kept under a severe discipline. At the beginning of this discourse, I made mention of the four principal Eunuches, who have others substitute to them, to observe the actions of those young Lads, who are committed to their charge, and to instruct them, as well in the Mahometan Religion, as in the Exercises of the Body, and particularly, as to what relates to the Grand Seignor's Service. The Quarter as well of the Eunuches, as the Ichoglans stands next to the Divan-Hall, and gins to make part of the third Court, all along which it reaches on the left hand. It is divided into several Apartments, and among others, there are four, which they call Odas, that is to say, Chambers, into which are distributed six hundred Ichoglans, according to the orders of the Capi-Aga; who, with the other principal Eunuches, judges of every one's capacity. 'Tis the Capi-Aga also, who order their passing out of one Oda into another, as we remove our Scholars from a sixth form to a fifth; and the case is the same in their Odas as in our Forms, or Classes, this first of the four Odas, the severities whereof they must weather out as well as they can, being the last in point of dignity. When he makes his general Visitation, upon which follows the foresaid promotion, he turns out of the Seraglio, all those whom he thinks uncapable of doing their Prince good Service, and that such as betray their disgust of so austere a life; and than they are put out of all hopes of ever entering into the Seraglio any more, and cannot pretend to any other Fortune, than that of Spahis, with a small pay. The advantages of capacitating themselves for the most eminent Charges of the Court and the Empire, makes those who remain behind to take the greater courage, and accordingly they patiently suffer, for the space of many years, the harsh and unmerciful treatments of the Eunuches, whom, upon all occasions, they always found very liberal of the Bastinado. They are those Ichoglans, whom we may also call the Grand Seignor's Pages who The wretched condition of the Bassa's Children. are advanced to the dignity of Bassa's, Beys, Capigibachis, Haznadar-bachis, and the other great Officers of the Port. But they are particularly culled out of the number of the Tributary Children, who are taken away from the Christians, or taken in War, by Sea or Land. For, as to the Beiczades, or Children of Bassa's, whom they bring up in the Seraglio, you are to remember what I have already said, that they can never ascend higher, than to the Charges of Beys, or Captains of Galleys. When any one of these Ichoglans is desirous to remove out of the Seraglio, or if any one of the white Eunuches has the same desire, he presents a Petition to the Capi-Aga, who carries it to the Grand Seignor, he receives his dismission, and is alalowed certain Pay, proportionabl to the continuance and quality of his Services. But there are others, whom the same Capi-Aga turns out of the Seraglio against their wills, and that after they had weathered out the first years, which are the most insupportable. And that is done sometimes upon this score, that the Capi-Aga having had some contest with any one of those Ichoglans, while they where Camarades in the time of their youth, and fearing lest he should come one day to traverse his designs, he employs all his credit and interest, to remove him out of the Seraglio, but withal procuring him a Recompense and Salary, according to the number of years he has served. The Classes through which the Lads brought into the Seraglio are to pass. The first of the four Chambers, into which the Ichoglans are distrubuted, has the greatest number of them, because they are yet very young, and as it were Novices, under the first Perula and it is called the Couchouk-Oda, that is to say, the little Chamber, though it be the largest of them all, in regard it is the lowest in point of Dignity. There they are taught to read and writ, and are initiated in the first grounds of the Mahometan Law. And after they have spent six years in that Chamber, they are removed into the second, which they call Quilar-Oda, wherein being grown more robust, they are instructed in the Exercises of the Body, in shooting with the Bow, using the Lance and other divertisements of that kind. They are more perfected in the speaking of the Turkish Language, whereto they also add the Arabian, and the Persian, which they shall have occasion to use, in the Governments whereto they may be sent. There are four years spent in this second Chamber, out of which they are again removed into the third, which they call Chasnadar-Oda, or the Chamber of the Treasury. In this Chamber they begin to do the Grand Seignor some Service, and to be employed in the Wardrobe, and the Baths, and there they are also taught to Ride, and to perfect themselves in the Exercises suitable to that Station, wherein they ordinarily spend four years. Each of these three forementioned Chambers has a white Eunuch for its Chief Overseer. The Serai-Agasi has the Direction of the first; the Quilargi-bachi Commands in the second; and the Chasnadar-bachi is the Governor of the third. I shall have occasion to speak more at large of the two last, when I come to the Chapters of the Cupbearers Office, and the Treasury; and therefore I shall only add here, concerning all the three in general, that the Ichoglans, who are instructed therien, have not any Commerce with those of the fourth Chamber, of whom I shall give an account by and by, not with any other Person out of the Seraglio, or in the other Courts, but with the particular permission of the Capi-Aga, and in the presence of an Eunuch, who hears all that is said: That they cannot converse amongst themselves but at certain regulated hours; and that conversation must be managed with a great observance of Modesty, as there is an exact Obedience remarkable in all their deportmentss: And lastly, that they are all clad in ordinary Cloth, even to the Beicstades, that is, the Sons of Viziers and Bassa's who are dead, while those of the fourth Chamber wear Cloth of Gold and Silver, because they come into the Grand Seignor's presence, and often approach his Person. I shall give you an account anon of their Dormitories, that is, the places where they take their repose, as also of the Functions of the Odabachi and the Deflergi-Aga, who act according to the Orders they receive from the four Eunuches. The fourth Chamber, which is the Prince's Chamber, is called Hazoda, and I shall speak of it when I come to treat of the Cupbearers Office, and the Grand Seignor's secret Apartment. Here, the Ichoglans, who have endured hardship so many years in the three first Chambers, begin to take breath, and to be allowed more Liberty. They are permitted to converse with all Persons within the Seraglio, and they have the advantage of frequent approaches to the Prince's Person, to whom they make themselves known, and from whom they ever and anon receive favours. The Quarters of the Four principal Eunuches. Under the Gate of the third Court, where a certain number of Eunuches are upon the Guard Night and Day, there is a passage on the left hand which leads into a little Gallery, out of which there is an entrance into the Appartmeut of the Capou-Agasi; and when the Gate is open, it hides that passage, into which a man cannot enter but with some difficulty. A little further, and on the right hand of the Hall of Audience, stands the Apartment of the Serai-Agasi, who is to take care for the keeping of the Seraglio clean and in good order; and a little further yet, near a little Mosque, where the Ichoglans of the three first Chambers go to their Devotions, lies the Quarter of the Seferlis, who are an hundred and fifty of the Ichoglans, or thereabouts, particularly appointed for the washing of the Grand Seignor's Linen. When he goes into the Country, the most Ancient among them are of his Retinue; and there must be comprehended in that Number, such as play on Timbrels, and the other Instrumental Musicians, who have the same appointments with the rest. Let us now enter into the Hall of Audience, which is a Quarter as 'twere independent from others, and where the Grand Seignor receives Foreign Ambassadors. CHAP. VI Of the Hall wherein the Grand Seignor gives Audience to Foreign Ambassadors, and the manner how they are received. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The description of the Hall of Audience. The Grand Seignor's Throne. The manner how Ambassadors are received. Remarks upon the number of Vestments which the Grand Seignor orders to be bestowed on the Ambassadors of Christian Princes. The form of the Oath of Allegiance, which the Cham of the Lesser Tartary comes to take at the same place. The Hall of Audience described. THE third Court of the Seraglio, wherein we now are, is far from being so regular, as the precedent, and the Structures within sufficiently discover, that the Persons by whom it was built, minded not the observance of any Order in the doing of it. When you are at the Gate of this Court, you have just opposite to you a little Apartment, not adjoining to the others, at the entrance of which you found, on both sides, a Fountain issuing out of a Wall, the Water whereof is received into two Basins or Cisterns: And 'tis in this Apartment that the Hall of Audience stands. 'Tis an arched Structure noble enough in its kind, sustained by Marble Pillars, and there is yet to be seen in the midst of it, a small spout of Water, which falls into a Basin. This Hall is open of all sides, and at the lower end, opposite to the Gate, they place the Grand Seignor's Throne. The Grand Seignor's Throne. This Throne, which is rich enough is in the manner of an Altar, and it is brought into that Hall only upon those days, whereon the Grand Seignor is willing to give Audience to Ambassadors, and when the new Cham of the Lesser Tartary, whom he has chosen to govern there, comes to receive the Investiture of his Kingdom, and to take the accustomed Oath. The backside of the Throne, is set against a partition erected for that purpose, which is not above half a foot higher than it, and 'tis that keeps in the cushions which are behind the Grand Seignor. There are in the Treasury-Chamber eight several very sumptuous Cover purposely made to cover the aforesaid Throne: and they are so large, that they reach down to the ground on three sides of it, that is to say, before, on the right hand, and on the left: for as to the backpart, it is, as I told you, fastened to the partition. The most Magnificent of all those Cover is of a black Velvet, with an Embroidery of great Pearls, whereof some are long, and others round, and in the form of Buttons. There is another of white Velvet, set out with an Embroidery of Rubies and Emeralds, most whereof are set in Beazils, or Collets, the better to keep them in. There is a third, of a Violet-coloured Velvet, embroidered with Turquoises and Pearls. The three others, which are next in esteem to these, are also of Velvets of different Colours, with a rich Embroidery of Gold. And the two last are of a Gold-Brokado, which have also their particular Beauty and sumptuousness. The Throne is adorned with one foe these cover, according to the Grand Seignor's respect to the Sovereign, whose Embasly he receives; and he levels his own Magnificence to that of the Prince whom he would honour. The manner of receiving the Ambassadors, And this is the manner how the Ambassadors are received into the Hall. For as to the Order, and Ceremonies of their march from the Hotel, or great House of Perra, to the Port of Constantinople, and from the Port, to the Seraglio, no question but there have been Relations enough made already. After the Ambassador has dined in the Hall of the Divan, with the Grand Visir, who there expected him, while his Retinue are entertained under the Gallery, upon some old Carpets of Leather, which they spread upon the ground, and upon which there are a few Dishes of Meat set, he receives the Vests or Garments, which the Grand Seignor sends him, as well for his own Person, as for those who Accompany him, and they put them on immediately, over all the clothes they have about them, as they would do a Morning-Gown. In this Equipage the Ambassador is conducted to the Hall of Audience, by the Capi-Aga, the Grand Master of the Ceremonies, who is assisted by several Eunuches: and when he is at the Door, two Visirs stand ready to receive him, and they go on each side of him, till he comes to the place, where he is to bow, and to kiss the Grand Seignor's Garment. From the very Gate of the Court, kept by the Eunuches, quite to that of the Hall, they walk all along upon Carpets of Silk; and the Floor of the Hall, though all paved with Marble, is also covered with another Carpet of Gold, the Workmanship whereof somewhat resembles that of our ordinary Straw-Mats, and much about the same thickness. The Grand Seignor demeans himself with a great deal of gravity, while he is in his Throne; and behind the little Wall or Partition, against which it is set, you see, standing in order, the Kisler-Agasi, who is a Negro-Eunuch, and chief Overseer of the Apartment of the Women; the Seligdar-Aga, who carries the Grand Seignor's Sword; the Chokadar-Aga, who carries the Royal Robe, an Officer whom in France they call Porte-Manteau; the Riquabdar, who holds the Stirrup, when the Prince gets on Horseback; and the Hazadabachi, chief of the Chamber, which Office would be equivalent in France, to that of the Grand Master of the Wardrobe. All these forementioned Officers do all deport themselves with a great appearance of modesty, having their Arms cross their Breasts: And as to the Capi-Aga, the Introductor to the Ambassadors, and Grand Master of the Seraglio, he stands in the midst of the Hall, and in the same posture of humility. On the left side of the Throne, there is a kind of a low Seat, covered with read Velvet, with a Gold-fringe, on which the Ambassadors go and sit down, after they have kissed the Grand Seignor's Robe, till such time as those of their Retinue, who have had Vests, the number whereof is limited, have performed the same Ceremony. In the mean time, all the Bassa's are standing, in the presence of their Prince; nay, the Cham of the Lesser Tartary is not excepted out of that Law, when he comes to do homage. All this action is performed in great silence, and the Grand Seignor making no answer at all at that time, leaves it to the Grand Vizir, to make some short Compliment, in order to the dismission of the Ambassador, who withdraws with a profound reverence, without uncovering his head, or turning his back, till he be out of the Hall. The Ministers of Christian Princes and States who ordinarily reside at the Port, are the Ambassadors of England, France, and Venice, and the Resident of the State's General, who have all their respective Habitations in Pera. When there comes thither any Ambassador or Resident, from the Emperor, or from Poland, or Muscovy, they oblige them to take up their abodes at Constantinople, that they may be the more assured of their persons. Remarks on the number of Vests, which the Grand Seignor orders to be given the Ambassadors of Christian Princes▪ The Grand Seignor distinguishes the Quality of those Princes and States, and the esteem he has for them, by the number of Vests which he order to be bestowed on their Ambassadors when they come to Audience. The Ambassador of France has four and twenty allowed him; the Ambassador of England, sixteen; the Ambassador or Agent of Venice receives twelve, and the Dutch Ambassador as many. When Monsieur de Marcheville was Ambassador in Turkey, from his most Christian Majesty of France, I had the honour to be one of those who accompanied him to the Seraglio, where after Dinner with the Viziers, in the Divan-Hall, while his Retinue were treated under the Gallery, the Vests were brought according to the custom. The Ambassador coming to distrubute them to those whom he had a mind to favour, and take along with him to the Audience, he was much surprised, to found that he had got but sixteen. He immediately sent word to the Grand Vizir, that he wanted eight Vests, and that he would not go to his Audience, till he had the full number, which they had want to present to the Ambassadors of France. There was some contest about it, which retarded the Audience near an hours time; but at last Mounsieur de Marcheville persisting in his resolution, the Grand Vizir complied, and sent him eight other Vests. The Form of the Oath of Allegiance made by the Cham of the Lesser Tartary to the Grand Seignor. What remains of this Chapter must represent the manner, how the Cham of the Lesser Tartary comes into this Hall of Audience to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Grand Seignor. The Reader will be pleased to remember, what Observation I made at the beginning of this Work concerning the Family of that Tributary Prince, whom the Ottoman Emperors keep under the Yoke. The Cham who is to Reign in his turn, and according to what disposal the Grand Seignor has made of the Government, presents himself before him in the Hall of Audience, and after he has kissed his Robe, retires some paces back, and stands. Than they bring in the Alcoran, upon a great green Velvet Cushion, without any Embroidery, at the four Corners whereof there are four Tassels of Gold and Silk, and they place it on the Grand Seignors right hand. Now whereas he sits on a Carpet cross-leggd, there must be great care taken, that the Cushion be not so high as his knees; for the Turks would accounted that a great sin; and they bear sogreat a respect to the Book of the Alcoran, that they cannot touch it till they have first washed themselves. Before they open it, they kiss it, and put it upon their heads, and after they have read something in it, they kiss the writing of it, and than they rub their faces with it, before they shut it. The Prince, who is to take his Oath, is standing all this time, as I told you, with his hands stretched out one against the other, and lifted up as high as his shoulders, to receive the Book of the Alcoran out of those of the Capi-Aga, who had been to take it of the Cushion, having kissed it and touched his head with it. The Oath which the Cham takes is in these Words: Bou quittab hak juchun seadetlu, padichaim, tore fin den her ne Emir, ve ferman bana keleurse itaat ideym. That is to say, By the Truth of this Book I will 'cause to be executed all the Orders and Commands which shall be brought unto me from my Lord. And now that I have given you the Oath of Allegiance made by the Vassal to his Lord, I shall also add the Form of that, which the Ottoman Emperor requires of all the Christian Princes, who are subject to his Jurisdiction, such are the Princes of Moldavia and Walachia. It runs in these words: High isa hac Juchum, seadetlu padichaim tore fin den her ne Emir, ve ferman bana keleurse itaat Ideym. That is to say, By the Truth of Jesus Christ, I will 'cause to be executed all the Orders and Commands, which shall be brought unto me from the Emperor my Lord. The Grand Seignor requires also an Oath of Allegiance of all the Bassa's, whom he sends to the Frontiers of the Empire; as the Bassa's of Grand Cairo, Babylon, and Buda, which is more than he exacts of the other Governors of Provinces, which are not upon the Confines of his Territories, and of whom he has no ground to be afraid. Let us now make our Entrance into the Quarter of the Eunuches and the Ichoglans, whereof the Baths make a great part. CHAP. VII. Of the Baths of the Seraglio. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The prodigious strength of Body of a certain Ichoglan. The Mosquey belonging to the Apartment of the Eunuches. The Employments of the Dwarves, and the Mutes. The superstition of the Turks in the manner of paring their Nails. The Colours forbidden the Christians in whatever they wear about their heads. The Description of the Baths. Certain Abuses reformed. Why the Inhabitants of the Eastern Parts do not make use of Paper upon an undecent account. The Persians' more scrupulous than the Turks. They are great Lovers of cleanliness. Certain Chambers very commodious and divertive. The strict prohibition of Mahomet for any one to suffer himself to be seen stark naked. A certain Earth which takes of the Hair, and its dangerous effects. THE Baths designed for the Grand Seignor's own Person, and his principal Officers, take up a great space of the Quarter of the Eunuches. The little Ovens, whereby they are heated, called Kulkans, are adjoining to the Apartment of the Serai-houdasi, and fifteen Ichoglans, the most robust that can be found, are employed in keeping the Fire going. They have the denomination of Kulkangis; and five and twenty others, who are named Dellaks, are employed in the Baths, to shave and rub the Body, as also in applying Cupping-Glasses to those who stand in need thereof. Among the Kulkangis, he who is the most ancient in that Employment has a pre-eminence and superiority over the rest, whom he many times commands to exercise themselves in wrestling, and lifting a heavy Iron Bar with one hand. There are three such Bars fastened upon great Cramp-Irons over the door that goes into the Baths, and the middlemost of the three, as it is commonly reported, weighs a hundred Okkas, which amount to Three hundred and fifty pounds Paris weight, an Okka weighing three pounds and a half, or thereabouts. There was heretofore one of those Ichoglans, of so prodigious The prodigious strength of Body of a certain Ichoglan. strength, that the Grand Seignor himself would have the satisfaction of seeing a Trial whether he could with one hand lift up and turn about that Iron-bar; which he did to the great astonishment of the Prince, and presently after he entertained him with another demonstration of the strength of his Arm. Over these three Iron-bars, there hung two Headpieces of Iron whereof one was an inch in thickness, and the other about the eight part of an inch. The same Ichoglan did, in the Grand Seignor's presence, at one blow of a Battle-Axe, cut through the head-piece of an inch thick, and, at one blow with a Sabre▪ cleft the other to the middle of it. The Mosquey belonging to the Apartment of the Eunuches. Opposite to those Ovens are the Cocks, whereby the waters are distributed into the several Rooms of the Baths; and I forgot to tell you, That before you enter into that place, you found a little Mosquey, adjoining to the Apartment of the Saraiket-houdasi, where all the Ichoglans go to their devotions twice a day. If they fail the doing of it, the Odabachi, who, in every Chamber, takes notice of their demeanours, calls them to an account, and they are sure of the bastinado, as they are also for any other fault they commit; and sometimes they receive the said punishment on the soles of their feet, and, upon some occasions to such a number of blows, that the nails of their toes come of; and that is the punishment which is properly called Drubbing. The Employment of the Dwarves and Mutes. Out of that Mosquey you pass into a Gallery, adjoining to the Baths, and there the Dislis and the Geuges; that is to say, the Mutes and the Dwarves are employed in some work or other all day long. Some spend the time in learning to make up Turbans, wherein there is more work and difficulty than is imagined, especially in making up the Grand Seignior's own Turban, when he goes to the Divan. For than he takes an extraordinary large one, as do also all the Officers of the same Divan when they go to Council: and I cannot make a better representation of that kind of Turban, than by the form of our largest sort of Citrals, if they be made hollow in the middle, so as that the head might enter into that hole. Others are employed in shaving, paring the nails, and other things of that kind. They do not make use of any Scissors for the nails, in Turkey nor in any part of Asia; it being a thing forbidden by Mahomet in his Law, and accordingly they accounted the doing of it a great sin. But they make use of a little Steel Instrument, somewhat like a Penknife, and the only cutting part is the end of it, and they are dextrous enough in the performance of that Office. It is the Custom all over the East, that the Barber who trims you, should also make up your Turban, which is many times discomposed, pair the Nails of your Hands and Toes, and take away the filth out of your Ears: for the Turks and all the Inhabitants of Asia, are great lovers of cleanliness, and cannot endure the lest nastiness, either on themselves, or those who come near them, as I shall give you an account anon. Colours forbidden the Christians in their Coiffure. And having spoken so much of the Turban, it will not be unseasonable for me to communicate this Remark to you here, That in the Ottoman Empire, and all over Arabia, none but Mahumetans are permitted to make use of White for the covering of their Heads; whereas in Persia, and all over the Great Mogul's Empire, men may take what Colours they please themselves. The description of the Baths. I come now to the great Bath, which is adjoining to the Chamber of the Hamangibachis, who is the chief Overseer of it, and which makes part of the Apartment of the Seferlis, or the Grand Seignor's Laundry-men. The place where they put of their clothes, is a spacious Louver or Banqueting-house of Freestone, high enough, and in one of the most eminent parts of the Seraglio. The Floor is paved with a very delightful kind of Marble laid in square pieces; and it has two large Windows jutting out upon the Gardens, somewhat like Balconies, from which you have a Prospect of the two Seas. In the midst of that Domo or Louver, yond found a Fountain, the Water whereof is received into two Basins or Cisterns: The former, which is the highest, and withal the lest, is of one piece of White Marble, having in it a little intermixture of Read and Black Veins, and pierced through at six several places, for the reception of so many small Pipes of Copper through which the Water falls down into the other Basin, which is also of Marble, of seureal Pieces, and several Colours. Abuses rescrmed Within the Domo, there is a great number of Poles, which are disposed all about it, and supported by certain pieces of Iron coming out of the Wall. Upon those Poles they dry the Linen which they had used in the Bath; and of that Linen there are several sorts. Heretofore, the Pages were allowed only a long Piece of Linen Cloth, which came only twice about their wastes: but upon observation made, that they abused them, and that handsome young Lads playing together, snatched that piece of Linen one from the other, purposely to discover their nakedness, they use in the Baths only such Garments of Linen as are sowed close above, and reach from the waste down to the Feet, much after the manner of a Woman's Petticoat. At their coming out of the Bath, they have two other sorts of Linen to dry themselves withal, of the largeness of ordinary Table-Cloths, whereof the one is Read, with a border of Silk of three fingers breadth, which covers them, as soon as they are out of the water, from the waste downwards to the ham; and the other is White, wherewith they rub themselves. For these two sorts of Towels▪ they have but one Name, to wit, Pechetamal. Why the Levantines do not use Paper undecently. On one side of the Fountain, which is in the midst of the Domo, there is an entrance into the Bath, and near that is the Hall where they unclothe themselves in the Wintertime. A little Gallery which lies on the left hand, leads to the places designed for the easing of nature, and every seat has a little Cock, which supplies them with water to wash themselves, after they have done. It is accounted an heinous Sin among them, to make use of Paper for that purpose; and the reason they give for it is this, That, possibly, the Name of God might be written upon it▪ or might contain some Text of the Law, which would be a profanation of it, and consequently aught to be avoided. Besides, they have another opinion, That Paper is not so proper so well to make clean that part, which the necessity of the Body does ordinarily so much defile, but that there may be something of ordure left; and that being obliged to present themselves before God with an absolute Purity of Body and Mind, their Prayers could not be heard, if they should not be wholly clean. The Persians' more scrupulous than the Turks. The Persians' are yet more scrupulous than the Turks upon this account. For though they both agreed in this, That their Devotions are ineffectual, nay indeed that they are not in a condition to perform them without crime, if they be not pure, as to Body and Mind; Yet the former are of a persuasion, That the lest ordure which, through Negligence or Inadvertency, might remain upon their Persons or their Garments, would tender their Prayers fruitless and criminal, which the Turks, somewhat lesle superstitious as to that particular, will not acknowledge. They are great lovers of cleanliness. Certain it is also, That in Persia they are extraordinary Lovers of Cleanliness; insomuch that I have observed, That at Ispahan, the Metropolis of that Country, where the Streets are not paved, when there falls a little Snow or Rain, which must occasion some dirt, few People will come out of their Houses, unless they be forced thereto by some Concern of great importance. And when they do go abroad at such a time, at the House-door into which they are to enter, they put of their Shoes, their Upper-garment, the Cap which covers their Turbauts; and if they have the lest dirt or filth about them, they think themselves impure, and that it would be a disrespect to the Person whom they are to Visit. Nay, a Persian shall be very scrupulous, and make a great difficulty to receive a Man into his House in Foul Wether; and if any one presents himself into that pleasure, he makes a sign to him with his hand to keep at a certain distance from him, in the place wherein he is to enter into Discourse with him. For if by chance as he comes out of the Street, where there is some dirt, and where Horses pass to and from, and may cast some of it upon him, he has the lest spot of any daggling about him, and afterwards touch the Person whom he comes to Visit, this latter would be Nagis, that is to say, Unclean, and thereupon be obliged immediately to change his clothes; so great is the Superstition of the Persians', as to that particular. Chambers very divertive and Commodious, At the end of the Gallery, there is a door which gives you passage into three Chambers, which are so many Baths for the use of the Grand Seignor's Quarter. There is adjoining to the last of those Chambers a spacious place paved Chequerwise with Marble of different colours, and there the Ichoglans are trimmed. This place has a little eminency in the midst of it, from which there is a gentle descent of all sides, that the Water wherewith the Barbers wash their Heads and Beards may the more easily be carried of, and the place be always kept clean. On both sides of the Wall, whereby it is enclosed, there is a great double Cock, with two Keys belonging to it, which, at the same mouth, supplies them alternately with either hot water, or cold, and that falls into a Basin or Receptacle of White Marble, wherein three or four men may bathe themselves without any inconvenience, or trouble one to the other. There is also at one of the ends a little Room of Black and White Marble, and there the Barbers, who have no knowledge of any other Profession, put up all their necessary Utensils and Instruments, as Razors, Hones, Balls, and those Irons wherewith they pair their Nails: for as for Linen, they do not use any; and those who are to be shaved come in stark naked from the Waste upwards, and are covered from thence downwards, only with a Cloth, which reaches to the Ankle. 'Tis a great Rarity to meet with any one among those Barbers that knows how to let blood, and their Lancets, are much like the Fleams, wherewith our Farriers bleed Horses. Opposite to the Chamber of the Barbers, there are three other Rooms arched with Marble, the largest whereof much surpasses in Beauty those that are adjoining to it. The Floor of it is of white and black Marble, and the Walls are done about with square pieces, that are white and blue, and in every one of them you found a Flower in embossed Work, done to the Life, and which a man would take for enamel. Little Lamines or Plates of Gold cover the junctures of those square pieces, and there cannot any thing be imagined more pleasant and divertive than that Chamber is. In the Roof of it, there are several round holes, of about half a foot diameter, over which there are little Glasses made in the fashion of Bells, ordered as the Venice-Looking-Glasses are, jest any one should have the curiosity, to get up to the Roof, and laying himself upon his belly think to see what is done in the Bath. The place has no light but what it receives by the means of those holes, and while some body is in the Bath: But especially when they go out of it, the door is shut, the better to keep in the heat, and to prevent their being seen; which might be if instead of those forementioned holes in the Roof, there were Windows below, according to our Mode. All the other Baths have their Structures after the same manner, and having no light but what comes at little glazed holes, there is not any passage into it but that of the door, to the end that being presently shut, the heat might the better be kept within the Bath, and to prevent their being seen who are in it. The Second Chamber is another Bath, but as to Beauty, it is much inferior to the other; And as for the third, there is something in it which is singularly remarkable. The Floor of it is laid as with a sort of small stones, so as that the foot cannot slip, though it be wetted at their departure out of the Bath: And the whole Room is done all about with square pieces, having in them flowers of embossed work, done to the Life and covered with Gold and Azure. This is the place into which the Grand Seignor enters, when he comes out of the Bath; and he always goes into it alone, when he intends to shave himself in those parts, which are not to be named without immodesty. Mahomet's Prohibition to be seen naked. Mahomet pronounces a Curse upon those persons who suffer themselves to be seen, and upon all those who look on them: And the strict observance, of his Law requires, That both Men and Women aught to shave themselves, without using the assistance of any other hand. An Earth that takes of hair, and its dangerous effects. But most of the Inhabitants of the EASTERN Parts, the Arabians, Tartars, and the Indians, make use of a more easy expedient than the Razor, to get of hair. It is a certain Earth, which they mix with some Orpiment, or Arsenic, and which becomes soft as butter. When they are in the Bath, and begin to sweated, they take of that Earth and therewith rub the parts, from which they would have the hair to fall, and presently after they must be very careful to see, whether it gins to fall, as one would observe a Fowl, whose feathers he would take of, after it had been cast into scalding water. For if that Earth be left too long upon the parts whereto it had been applied, it burns and makes holes in the flesh, the marks whereof will remain, somewhat resembling those, which the Small Pox sometimes leaves behind it. Besides the skin of those parts, whereto this application is made, becomes in time as hard and rough as Leather; and those ungrateful inconveniences have diverted the Turks and Persians' from using that Expedient. Nor do the Christians of the Levantine Countries make use of it, though they imitate the Mahometans in the Custom of frequenting the Baths: But above all, in Persia, none make use of that remedy, but the poorer sort of people. The Ladies, not regarding the prohibition of Mahomet, employ their Female Slaves for the performance of that Office; and with a small kind of Pincers and twitchers▪ such as those, wherewith we take of the hair of the mustachces, they do, with a little more trouble, but lesle hazard, what that Earth does in lesle time, but with more danger. Our Sultanesses are yet too delicate to imitate the Ladies of Persia; nay the Men themselves, in Turkey, are not very forward to have that twitched of with pain, which the Razor can take of without any trouble. CHAP. VIII. Of the Grand Seignor's Treasury. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. Noble Relics of Antiquity. The Turks cannot endure Figures representing either Man or Beast. The Chambers of the Treasury, and their Wealth. The Blood of the Bassa's is one of the Rivers which enter into that Sea of the Treasury. The use of Aloes Wood in Turkey. A sort of Basins of a more commodious form than ours, for the washing of the hands. Tapers or Candles of a kind of wax of great value. Coffers full of all sorts of precious stones. The Precautions and Ceremonies which are observed at the opening of the Treasury. A magnificent Piece of Tapestry, wherein the Emperor Charles the Fifth, is represented, in embossed Work. A particular Relation of a Bassa named Rustan. The heroic sentiment of a Turk. The principal sources of the Wealth of the Empire. How the Revenues of Egypt are employed. THE Treasury of the Seraglio and the Ottoman Empire, the vast Wealth therein contained, and the excellent order wherewith it is governed, required my being a little more large upon that subject. I shall discover all the Rivers which fall into that Sea, and may have some resemblance to those that enter into the Caspian Sea, and are never seen to come out of it again. Noble Relics of Antiquity. Out of the Chamber, where the Grand Seignor shaves himself, you pass into a Gallery, which is Thirty Paces in length, and between Nine and Ten in breadth. There are on the one side of it, Six great Marble-Pillars, of Fifteen Foot in height, and of different colours, among which there is one of a very delightful Green, and that colour makes the Turks have a great esteem for it. You have under your feet in this Gallery a Walk of large square Pieces of Marble, and the high-raised Fretwork thereof is a Relic of Antiquity, and there are in it excellent Pieces of Painting after the Mosaic way, representing divers Persons, and which some conceive to have been made for the reception and entertainment of some great Prince, in the time of the Greek Emperors. The Turks have an aversion for Figures representing Man or Beast. The Turks, who have not among them either Gravers or Painters, in order to the making of any representation of Man or Beast, for which they have an aversion, have thought it much to endure those Figures, and not being able to refrain from disfiguring the heads, there is nothing left but the bodies, which is much to be regretted. It may easily be conjectured, that the Gallery was open on both sides, as being so still to the Court-side, and 'tis in the midst of the Wall, whereby it is enclosed on the other side, that the Door of the Treasury stands. The Chambers of the Treasury, and their Wealth. The first Treasury consists in Four Chambers full of Richeses and Rarities. The first contains a vast quantity of Long-Bows, Arrows, Crossbows, Muskets, Firelocks, Sabres, Scimitars, and other Arms of that kind, which are all so many Masterpieces, that have been presented, from time to time, to the Turkish Emperors. All these Arms are either hung up at the Ceiling, or fastened against the Wall; but in a pitiful condition, all overrun with rust, and covered with dust; and the Grand Seignor suffers them to be so neglected, because there come in daily Presents of Arms excellently wrought, the novelty whereof makes him forget the old ones; as also for that it is the humour of the Turks, not to make any great account of Curiosities, but at the very time they are presented with them. The Second Chamber is a very spacious Arched Structure, of the same height and Architecture as that of the Bath, of which I gave you an account in the precedent Chapter, where they go and unclothe themselves in the Summer time: And there is no difference between them, save only that this last has no overtures in the Roof. That place contains Six great Chests, or Coffers, each of them of Twelve Foot in length, Six in breadth, and Six in depth; and if the Covers were not broken to pieces, two men would found it a hard matter to lift them, they are so weighty. These Coffers, which are called Ambars, are full of all sorts of clothes for the Grand Seignor's use, as Vests, rich Furs, Magnificent Turbans, and Cushions embroidered with Pearls. Besides the Six Coffers before mentioned, there are Eight others, which are but Eight Foot in length, and four in breadth; and these are filled with Pieces of Scarlet, English and Dutch clothes, of the finest sorts, Pieces of Velvet, Gold and Silver Brokadoes, Embroidered Coverlets and Counterpanes for Beds, and other rich Commodities of that Nature. As for the Bridles and Saddles covered with precious Stones, they are disposed upon supporters of Wood or Iron, coming out of the Wall: and all this Chamber is generally very well kept, and all things are neat, and in good order. The Third Chamber is very spacious, and is more like a great Hall. The first thing that entertains your Eye, is a great Coffer, the inside whereof is divided into three parts, and makes as it were Three other Coffers, one upon the other: but they are opened all on the outside, so as that if there be any thing looked for in the undermost, there is no necessity of stirring the uppermost. The lowermost Coffer contains those sumptuous Cover for the Grand Seignor's Throne, of which I have spoken in the Description of the Hall of Audience. In the middlemost are disposed the Horses and Trappingss, enriched with Embroidery, and some of them with Pearls and precious Stones, which are used in great Solemnities. In the uppermost Coffer, are kept the Bridles, Breast-Pieces, Cruppers, and Stirrups, which are recommendable upon the score of the Diamonds, Rubies Emeralds, and other Precious Stones, whereby they are enriched: but the greatest part of them is covered with Turkish-Stones, which they have the art of setting excellently well. The Blood of the Bassa's one of the Rivers that fall into the Sea of the Treasury. It is a most astonishing sight, to behold the quantity of those precious Harnesses: but it is such only to those, who are ignorant, how the Grand Seignor replenishes his Treasury with so much Wealth. It happens thus, That there being a frequent mortality amongst the Bassa's and others, who are Governors, of Provinces, whether it be by a natural death, or a violent, and all they have in the World falling to the Grand Seignor, as I told you elsewhere, and being brought into the Seraglio, there are ordinarily found, amongst their rich Harnesses, some Bridles covered with precious Stones, and those Bridles are brought into the Treasury. The Case is the same with the Gold and Silver ready coined, and all the Jewels, and whatever else those Bassa's were possessed of. But as to their Saddles, which ordinarily are covered with Plates of Gold of the thickness of a Ducat, they are put into the hands of the Imbrohor-bachi, who is the Master of the Horse, and come not with●n the Seraglio. There are besides, in the very same Chamber, several other Coffers of different Bulks, wherein there is contained abundance of most precious things. Some of them are full of rich Swords, adorned with precious Stones, as also of Sabres which have the same Ornaments. For the Turks when they are on Horseback, make use of both Sabres and Swords, of a good length, and somewhat broader than ours. They wear the Sabre on one side, and fasten the Sword all along the Saddle, as they also do the Battle-Axe, yet so as that this last passes under their Thighs, which cannot incommode them much, because when they are mounted, they ride with very short Stirrups. The Sides, and the Handles of the Battleaxes which they carry in Triumph, are also covered with precious Stones; and in all their Accoutrements the Turks are Magnificent, and do not spare for Money. When the Grand Seignor designs to honour a Bassa, he sends him one of those Swords, or one of those Sabres, with a Vest of Gold-Brockado, lined with some rich Fur. But these sumptuous Pieces do but pass to and from, in as much as that upon the Death of the Bassa's, whose Estates fall to the Grand Seignor, and consequently are brought into the Seraglio, they are still found again in the Treasury, as in their Centre. The use of Aloes Wood used in Turkey. There are yet other Coffers filled with Amber-geeece, Musk▪ the precious Wood called Lignum Aloes, and Sandalwood. There is a certain sort of this Lignum-Aloes, which is worth a thousand Crowns the Pound, according as it is Fat, or Oily, the most Oily being always the best, and the Turks are very expensive in this Aloes Wood When some Persons come to visit them, and assoon as they are sat down, it is their custom to present them with a Pipe of Tobacco, with some Lignum Aloes in it, which is done after this manner. They take of that Wood, according to the Oiliness of it, and consequently its making a greater fumigation, the quantity of a Pea, or a small Bean, and after they have moistened it a little they put it over a few Coals in a Chafing-dish, in a kind of Perfuming-Pot, which they present one after another, to all the Company. There comes out a thick Steam or Exhalation▪ wherewith every one Perfumes his Head and his Beard, and sometimes the inside of his Turban, after which he lifts up his hands on high, crying Elmendela, that is to say, Thanks be to God. But before they present them with the Perfuming-pot, there is some Rose-water brought in a Vessel of Gold, or Silver, according to the Quality of those who make the Visit. This Vessel is commonly a foot in height, the lower part of it being about the bigness of a man's fist, and from thence growing gradually smaller and smaller to the top of it, which is about the bigness of ones little finger. At the top of it there is a little hole, out of which comes the Rose-water, wherewith they wash their hands and faces, and than hold them over the suffumigation of the Lignum Aloes, which not only dries up the water, but also sticks so much the closer to the hair of the Head and Beard. Basins of a more commodious fashion than ours. There are also in those Coffers abundance of Aromatical Simples, and precious Drugs, Bezoar-Stones, and store of Mastic, wherewith the Sultanesses, and the young Maids of the Seraglio pass away their time. They have of it perpetually in their Mouths▪ and this Mastic sweetens the Breath, and cleanses the Teeth, upon which score they are the better beloved. There may be seen also in the same Chamber, and in other Coffers, abundance of Plate, both Gold and Silver, which is never used, the Grand Seignor having other pieces, for his ordinary use, in the Kilar, whatever is served up to his own Table being altogether in Porcelain. There are, amongst other Pieces, several Basins and Ewers, whereof some are enriched with several sorts of precious Stones. Those Basins are of a fashion more commodious than that of ours, and it is an evident Mark of the cleanliness of the Levantines. They are found, and about half a foot in depth, and covered as it were with a Plate or Server▪ full of little holes, which makes the concavity of it of equal height with the sides, and so hides the dirtiness of the water which lies at the bottom of it. They do not rise after their refection, in Turkey, till they have washed their Mouths and their Hands, to do which they bring you Soap and warm Water; and amongst Persons of Quality, they present Rose-water or some other sweet Water, into which you put the corner of your Handkerchief. Tapers of a kind of Wax of great value. They have also in those Coffers great Tapers, or Wax-Candles of above two foot in length, made of a certain very dear composition, of a greyish colour, which has some resemblance to Wax, and is brought out of Ethiopia, every Taper amounting to near a hundred Crowns. They are not used but only when the Grand Seignor goes to visit the Sultanesses, and than there are two of those Tapers lighted, and set in great golden Candlesticks, enriched with precious Stones. When they are a little above half burnt out, the Negro-eunuches, who serve in the Haran, light others, and, out of civility, make a Present of the forementioned remainders to the principal Women attending on the Sultanesses. There is moreover in one of those Coffers, abundance of Clocks and Watches, German-work, as also of Knives and Ink▪ horns, after the Turkish Mode, all those pieces being the choice Productions and Masterpieces of great Artists, and adorned with precious Stones. There is to be seen, in fine, all along the Walls, but covered with a Scarlet Stuff, several Arms, after the Turkish-Mode, neatly kept in order, as Bows, Arrows, Targets, Battleaxes, excellently well wrought, and most of these Pieces are of a considerable value. An inestimable Coffer of all sorts of precious Stones. But what is most precious in that Chamber and transcends all the rest is a strong Coffer all of Ironwork, which contains another of about a foot and a half square, wherein there is a vast Treasure. When this Coffer is opened, you see a kind of Goldsmith's Jewel Box, wherein are ranked all sorts of Jewels of highest value, as Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds, a huge number of excellent Topazes, and four of those Gems called Cats-eyes, which are so beautiful, that they are not to be valued. Having satisfied your curiosity with the former, you come next to certain little Drawers full of several Jewels, great Roses of Diamonds, Pendants, other Roses of Rubies and Emeralds, Strings and Chains of Pearls and Bracelets. There stands aside by itself a Cabinet, where are the Sorgouges, or the thing wherein are fastened the Heron-tops, which the Grand Seignor wears in his Turban. They are as it were little handles, made in the fashion of Tulips, covered over with the most precious Stones of the Seraglio, and 'tis into this that the Heron-top enters, that rich Plume of Feathers, whereof I have elsewhere given the description. Of these Handles, some are higher and more precious than others; and my Overseer of the Treasury assured me, That, of all sorts of them, great and small, there are above a hundred and fifty. The lesser ones serve only for the Campagne, and the great ones, which are the richest are reserved for the Pomps and Magnificence of the Court, and when the Grand Seignor marches in Ceremony to Constantinople. If he has a desire to satisfy his sight with the lustre of his precious Jewels, he Order the Coffer to be brought into his own Chamber; but if he call for some particular Piece of the Treasury, he gives order to the Chasnader-bachi, to fetch it, and that Chief Officer of the Treasury cannot enter into it, without abundance of mysterious precautions. Precautions and Ceremonies observed at the opening of the Treasury. There are always Sixty Pages, more or lesle, belonging to the Chambers of the Treasury. The number of them is not fixed, but the Credit of the Capi-Aga, and the Chasnader-Bachi, may augment or diminish it, according to their inclinations and interests. Unless they fall into disgrace, as he had done from whom I have some part of these Instructions, they never go out of the Seraglio, but upon their advancement to some considerable Government, or the settlement of a handsome Pension for their maintenance; and so, provided they do nothing amiss, they are well enough accommodated for their lives. The Chief Officer of the Treasury having received Orders from the Grand Seignor to bring the Piece he would have, assembles all the Pages in their Chamber, and sends for the Anakdar-Agasi, who has the Custody of the Keys. This last having given three strokes with his hand upon the Drawer, wherein they are enclosed, takes them out of it, and following the Chasnadar-Bachi, attended by the Sixty Pages, they all make their appearance together at the door of the Treasury. The first thing that is done is the untwisting of a Chain, which they had put there for the better securing of the Seal, which the Chief Officer of the Treasury had set over the hole, and having found it entire, he order it to be broken by the keeper of the Keys, and commands him to open. Assoon as they are got into the Chamber into which the Chasnadar-bachi knows they are to go, he sets himself down upon a low Bench, and declares what Piece it is that the Grand Seignor requires. They thereupon open the Coffer, wherein it aught to be, than they present it to the Chasnadar-bachi, and, if he be desirous of that honour, he has the privilege to be himself the Bearer of it to the Grand Seignor. Than has he a fair Opportunity to secure something that is precious to himself, if he has the dexterity to do it without any discovery. When he is in the Treasury, he needs only say, That the Grand Seignor desires also the Piece, which he has a mind to convert to his own use, and causing all to be immediately carried to his own Chamber, he there leaves what he would keep, and presents to the Prince only that which he had commanded to be brought him. Not but that whatever is received into the Treasury and whatever goes out of it, is exactly set down and enroled by the Haznaquatib, or Clerk, who keeps the Registers; and the Cheat might be easily discovered, when at the quitting of his Charge the Chasnadar-bachi gives an account of all things to his successor. But it ordinarily happens, that they are friends, and that the Chasnadar-bachi, who does not leave his Charge, but upon his advancement to that of the place of the Capi-Aga, in case he should dye, or be exalted to a higher Dignity, or upon his being made a Bassa and Governor of a Province, proposes him, among the Pages, for whom he has the greatest affection, and who is his Confident, as a Person qualified for the Charge of principal Officers of the Treasury. Accordingly being his Benefactor, he gives in his Accounts as he pleases himself, and delivering unto him an Inventory of what is in the Treasury, he withal produces a Memorandum of the Pieces, which had been taken our thence, during his Surintendency, by the Grand Seignor's Orders. The Clerk of the Treasury, might, notwithstanding their intelligence and combination, discover the intrigue; but being one of the eldest Pages of the Chamber, and in a capacity of advancement to the Charge of Chasnadar-bachi, he shuts his eyes, and so avoids the creation of Enemies, thinking it more prudence, to be appeased, by the Presents he receives as well from him who enters into the Charge, as from him who quits it. But these Thieveries are not very often committed, and if there were but the lest discovery made threof, a severe punishment would soon be inflicted both on the Author and his Complices. As to the little Chest or Coffer, wherein the most precious Jewels are kept, it is impossible to get any thing out thence: for when the Grand Seignor would have any Piece taken out of it, he order the Coffer itself to be brought into his Presence, by the principal Officer of the Treasury, accompanied by the Keeper of the Keys, and all the Pages; and before he opens it, he takes notice whether the Seal be entire. After he has taken what he desired, the Coffer is locked up in his Presence the Seal is set upon it, and it is carried back into the Treasury with the same Ceremony. Than do the Sixty Pages receive, ordinarily some demostrations of the Grand Seignor's Liberality, which may amount to ten or twelve Purses, to be divided amongst them. Rich Tapestry, wherein Charles the Fifth is represented, We are not yet got out of the third Chamber of the Treasury, which may pass for one Spacious Hall, the middle part whereof is taken up by a Scaffold, of nine or ten foot square, the height, the length, and the breadth being equal. This Scaffold is covered and surrounded with a piece of Tapestry of Gold and Silk, and in the upper part of it, there is, in embossed Work, the Effigies of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, seated on a Throne having in one hand, a Globe, and in the other, a Sword, surrounded by all the Grandees of the, Empire, doing him homage. At the bottom of the said Piece of Tapestry, there may be read certain Verses in Gothick characters: And the upper part of the Scaffold is full of Books in the Latin, French, Italian, high German, English, and other European Languages. There are also some Treatises upon the subject of Navigation, together with two Globes, the Celestial▪ and the Terrestrial, and some Geographical Maps drawn upon Velom: whence it may be conjectured, that they were all taken at Sea, by some Turkish Pirate, and sent as a Present to the Grand Seignor. But not being carefully looked after, the dust has quite spoiled both the Tapestry, and the Books, and so they remain there as a Monument of some Victory gained over the Christians. A remarkable Story of the Bassa Rustan. The Fourth Chamber of the Treasury is very dark, and has no other light than what it receives from a little Garret-Window, which looks into the Court, and has three strong Iron-bars, one over the other. Over the Door, there are these words Engraved in the Turkish-Language; Money acquired by the Diligence of Rustan. Take here an account of what occasions this Monument, which they were pleased to Erect, to perpetuate the memory of a Grand Visir, as I have been told it, by several Persons in Constantinople. He was the Son of a Cowkeeper, and had followed the same Employment himself: but he had a Genius that might become a Person of the highest Extraction, and which raised him to the Charge of Grand Visir, and the Honour of being Son-in-law to Solyman. He had many traverses of Fortune, and was for some time out of Favour: but in fine, Solyman, who had great Affairs to manage, and was engaged in a War with Persia, coming to a little indigency of Money, sent for Rustan, and bestowed on him the Superintendency of his Revenues. He knew him to be a Man of great Abilities, and capable of putting them, in a short time, into a good posture; and accordingly his pains and diligence in the management thereof proved so successful, that he presently filled Solymon's Coffers, and re-established the Affairs of the Empire. The Heroic Sentiment of a Turk. Upon which occasion I shall here set down a thing which is still fresh in the remembrance of many Turks, who received it from their Fathers. The Turks have so great a zeal for the welfare of the State. that one of the Grandees of the Port, an Enemy of Rustans, and one, who, upon other occasions, would gladly have ruin'd him, protested to one of his Confidents, That, though it were in his power to do him an ill turn, yet he would not do it than, because he had, by his Industrey and Labours, upheld the State, which he retrieved from the Precipice of destruction, and was in a fair way to make a considerable augmentation of its Revenues. This generous and heriock Sentiment in the Soul of a Turk, who at his first rise was but a simple Slave, would meet with but few Examples amongst Christians. But, to reassume our discourse concerning the Fourth Chamber of the Treasury. It is full of Chests of two foot in length, and a breadth and depth proportionable thereto, fortified with plates of Iron, and made fast, each of 'em, with two Chains. The number of them is not always the same, because the Money is coming in, and going out of that Chamber, and the Coffers are transported thence according to the occurrent exigencies, for the payment of the Janissaries, and the maintenance of the Armies. The principal Sources of the Wealth of the Empire. All the Gold and Silver which is brought into the Treasury rises out of the Revenues of the Empire, and out of the Sale of what Goods the Bassa's leave at their departure out of this World. As to what is raised out of the Empire, which dilates itself so far into the three parts of our great Continent, and comprehends so many Kingdoms, it may be easily imagined, that it must supply the Treasury with vast Sums; but it is not easy so to ascertain them. It's revenues consist principally in the collection of the Tributes, and in the Customs: and the three Tefterdars, or Treasurers-General, give an account to the Grand Vizir of the Receipts of the Provinces. That Principal Minister has the custody of one Key of that fourth Chamber of the Treasury, and the first Tefterdar has that of another, and besides that, it is always sealed with the Grand Seignors Seal. It is ordinarily opened, but upon those days, on which the Divan sits, that is, on Council-days, either for the reception of Money into it, or for the taking of any out, to defray the Charges of the Empire. What is so received into it is for the most part in Silver; and as to the Species of Gold Coins that are brought into that Chamber, they come from four Sources, two whereof are upon a Foreign account, and the other two upon that of the Country. One of the two former consists in the Commerce of the French, English, Dutch, Italians, Moscovites, and Polanders, who bring in Ducats out of those Provinces. The other is the annual Tribute, which the Cham of the Lesser Tartary, the Princes of Transylvania, Moldavia, and Walachia, the Republic of Ragusa, and part of Mingrelia and Russia, are to pay the Grand Seignor in Gold, which amounts to very great Sums. One of the two Sources of the Country poceeds from what is found upon the removal of the Bassa's, whereof the very coined Gold makes the best part; the other from the Revenue of Egypt, where there is an annual coinage of a certain number of Sequins, according to the quantity of Gold, which is brought thither out of Ethiopia, and being coined into Sequins, is all conveyed thence into the Treasury. The Revenues of Egypt ho● employed. The Revenue of Egypt may amount yearly to twelve millions of Livers, (that is, about one million and two hundred thousand Pounds Sterling) which must be divided into three parts. Five millions of the twelve, are brought into the Grand Seignor's Treasury. Four millions of the foresaid Sum, are employed in the maintenance of the Officers and Soldiers of that Kingdom: And the other three are designed for the rich Present, which the Grand Seignor sends every year to Mecha, for the Expenses which relates to Religious Worship, and to fill the Cisterns of Arabia, which are supplied with Water, brought by Land, many days Journeys. Of the five Millions Which are brought into the Seraglio, the greatest part is in Sequins, according to the quantity of Gold, which the Abyssines bring into Egypt, and the rest in Dutch Rixdollars. All is brought together into the Coffers of the fourth Chamber of the Public Treasury. But as to the Sequins they are carried into the Secret Treasury, which it is time for us now to open, and give the Reader an account of according to the description which has been made to me thereof, by two men whom their Employments obliged to enter into it often. CHAP. IX. Of the Secret Treasury. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. A Vault under ground, into which few Persons have access. The great frugality of the Emperor Amurat. Ibrahim his Successor, charged with evil Conduct. The Grand Seignor's precautions for the security of his Treasure. His Liberalities to the Grandees of the Port. A Voult under ground, into which few have access. WIthin the fourth Chamber of the Treasury, you found a door laid all about with good store of Iron-bars which opens the first passage, to the place that contains the Grand Seignor's Secret Treasure. It is never opened, but when he himself has a mind to enter into it; and he does not enter into it but when the Grand Vizir advertises him, that it is time for him to do so, and that there is a considerable Sum to be carried in. In the first place, by the light of Torches they go down a Staircase of ten or twelve steps, at the bottom of which, after an advancement of seven or eight paces further, they found a second Door, fortified with Ironwork as the former, but much lesle, so that a man is obliged to stoop ere he go into it. When it is opened, and that they have made their entrance through it, as if they had passed through a Wicket, they are under a great Vault, where they found a great many Coffers, of the same largeness, as those of the Chamber we came last out of. The great frugality of the Emperor Amurat. In those Coffers they have, for these many years, laid up all that was not expended upon the Public account, of the great Revenues of the Ottoman-monarches, and so it may be called his Private Exchequer, into which there is nothing but Gold has entrance, all the Silver being carried into the other Treasury, to be thence taken out again and disposed of, as occasion required. After the death of Amurat, Ibrahim, his Successor in the Throne, found in that Treasury four thousand Bags, which they call Kizes, and every bag contains fifteen thousand Ducats of Gold, which amount to thirty thousand Crowns, and those reduced to our Pounds, come to thirty Millions Sterling. 'Twas the same Amurat (a prudent and valiant Prince, a man of great Parsimony, and as great conduct in Military Affairs, of whom I have often had occasion to make mention) who entered into a War against the King of Persia, and besieged Bagdet, or Babylon, which he took on the Twenty Second of December, 1638. I remember, that I was than but Five Days Journey from that place, in the Deserts of Arabia, as having left Aleppo, in order to my going to Balsara, and that of the Threescore and five days, which the Caravan spent in that Journey, for nine of them, we were destitute of Water, which must needs press very hard, both on the Men and the Camels. Ibrahim charged with ill▪ management of the Treasury. Ibrahim, therefore, at his coming to the Crown, found, in the secret Treasury, that prodigious quantity of Gold, whereto he could not make any augmentations; nay some, on the contrary, are of opinion, That he was forced to use some part of it, through his ill Conduct of the War of Candia. True it is, That the long continuance of that War made a great hole in the Revenues of the Empire; but there are Two great Reasons, which divert me from giving absolute credit, to such as affirm, That those Exigencies reached the Secret Treasury, For, in short, it is as 'twere a fundamental Law among them, That, before any thing is taking out thence, it is requisite, the Empire should be in imminent danger of ruin; And it is manifest, That though the Turks could not reduce Candia under their Jurisdiction, yet their Empire was so far from being near its decadence, that it still continued powerful. Besides, it is to be observed, That when the Grand Seignor loses a Battle, it is a disadvantage to his provinces, upon the score of their being thereby depopulated, and so much the lesle cultivated; but that it is an advantage to his Coffers, in regard there's so much the lesle comes out of them. The reason of it is evident, because he pays the Veteranes, or Soldiers of long standing, seven or eight Asper's a day, and that those of the new-raised Forces do not stand him in above one and a half, or two at the most; their pay augmenting with the time, answerably to their services, and the Prince's good Pleasure. Whereto it is to be added, That when an Emperor dies, his Successor augments the pay of the Janissaries, by an Asper, or two, per diem. It must be acknowledged indeed, That there died a great number of Turks in the War of Candia: but it is certain also, That if we consider the great number of Kingdoms and Provinces, whereof the Empire consists, among which there are some very fertile, and very well peopled, it is an easy matter to raise numerous Armies, and to recruit them, when they have been weakened, by a Defeat, or by some Sickness, which often happens among them. Upon these two grounds, I cannot be induced to believe, that Ibrahim was obliged to make any diminution of the Secret Treasury: but I am very apt to believe, that he made not any great additions thereto, because he had not either the good Conduct, or good Fortune of Amurat, and ordinarily, the one avails not much without the other. All the Gold that lies interred under that Vault is in Leather-bags, every Bag containing Fifteen thousand Ducats, that is Seven thousand five hundred pounds Sterling: and 'tis with his own hand that the Grand Seignor puts his Seal to them, which is the same that his Predecessors had used before him, save only the name, which must be that of the Prince than reigning. Amurat's Seal had these words The Grand Seignor's Precautions for the security of his Treasury. graven upon it. Nasrum min allahi abdihil melekil Mourath. Which signifies, The Assistance of God is upon his Servant the Emperor Amurath. And this is the manner how the Bags of Gold is brought into the Secret Treasury. All the Gold and Silver which come into the Seraglio, is first carried into the Chamber of the Treasury, and each of them is disposed into the Coffers designed for them. When there is as much Gold as will amount to two hundred Kizes, the Grand Vizir giveth notice of it to the Grand Seignor, who appoints a day, for the disposal of it into the Secret Treasury. The day being come, the Grand Seignor, led under the Arm by the Chasnadar-bachi, who is on the left hand, which is accounted the more honourable amongst the Turks, and by the Seligdar-Aga who is on the right, comes into the Chamber of the Treasury, where the Sixty Pages expect him, ranked in order on both sides, with their hands cross their Breasts. The Grand Seignor, having passed through the Chamber, and ordered the first Door of the Secret Treasury to be opened, enters into it, by the light of several Torches of white Wax, and is followed by the Pages, two by two, till they are within the Vault, into which the Bags are brought, tied with a Silk-string. Upon the string they put a piece of read soft Wax, whereto the Grand Seignor sets his Seal himself, which is upon a Gold-Ring, wherein are engraven the words before mentioned, with the name of the Prince than reigning, after which they put the Bags into the Coff●● which are all double chained. His Liberalities to the Grandees of the Port. Before they come out of the Vault, the chief O●●●er of the Treasury, does ordinarily make this Compliment to the G●and Seignor; Seadetlu padichaim ●umijd dur quibou bendelerignus euzre ibsan che●iignus izbar ideses: That is to say, My Emperor, we hope, that you will make a 〈◊〉 of your Liberalities to your Slaves. According to the humour the Grand Signior is than in, he orders, That there should be a distribution of Twent● or Thirty Purses amongst all those who ●ave accompanied him, every Purs● as I told you before amounting to Five hundred Crowns. The Grand V●zir and the other Grandees of the Port, are permitted to enter into the Chambers of the Treasury, where the sumptous Harnesses, and the Precious Stones are kept, when the Grand Seignor comes thither himself, but they are not to go as far as the Secret Treasury. They stay for him in the Fourth Chamber, when he is to come out of the Vault and than he order the Coffer of his Jewels to be opened, to show them the most precious things there are in it. And whereas there are always some Favourites attending there, as also divers other persons, whom the Prince looks upon kindly upon the score of their merit, it seldom happens, but that they all receive some Present or other from him, and he makes not any, but what is of very considerable value. The Treasury being shut up, the Grand Seignor returns to his own Quarter, and all the Grandees accompany him to the Gate of it. CHAP. X. Of the Means which the Grand Seignor makes use of, to augment his Treasures, besides what is done by the ordinary Revenues of the Empire. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Presents made by the Bassa's to the Grand Seignor, when they enter into their Charges. The Trade driven by the Jews very hazardous to them. The extraordinary Wealth of the Bassa's. The great Advantages of the Chaznadar-Bachi, and the Pages of the Treasury. The prohibition of lending Money upon Interest. The Persians' but poor Casuists. Formalities observed in Turkey about Schedules. BEsides what may be left every Year in the Treasury, or Exchequer, out of the ordinary Revenues of the Empire, after all charges deducted, the Grand Seignor has Two other Expedients very Conducive to the augmentation of both the Treasuries, to wit, the entrance of the Bassa's upon their Governments, and their removal out of them, whether it be by some disgrace, or by their natural, or violent deaths. The Bassas Presents to the Grand Seignor, upon their advancements. All the Bassa's, on whom the Grand Seignor bestows Governments, and generally all those, who are removed out of the Seraglio, upon their advancement into Charges, are obliged, before they take possession of them, to make him Presents, every one, answerable to the benefit he has received from the Prince. For example, the Bassa of Cairo, assoon as ever he is nominated to that Government, knows, that two Millions of Livers, that is reduced to the English account, two hundred thousand pounds sterling, will hardly make good the Presents, which are expected from him at the Port, that is, those due to the Grand Seignor himself, and to the principal Sultanesses, as also to the Mufti, the Grand Vizir, the Caimacan, and other Persons of Credit in the Court to whom he is engaged for his advancement to that Charge, and of whom he may stand in need for the future. The Present he makes the Grand Seignor himself, amounts to Five hundred thousand Crowns, and the rest will come to Two hundred thousand. Add again to that, Five hundred thousand Crowns, which will be expended in the Bassa's equipage, and so before he sets his foot in Cairo, his own Purse, or those of his Friends, will be drained of Three Million and six hundred thousand Livers. The hazardous Trade of the Jews. When he comes out of the Seraglio, if he want much of the aforesaid Sum, there is a necessity of borrowing; and if the purse of his Friends cannot do it, those of the Jews are readily opened for his supply. They run a great hazard, upon hopes of the great profit of making Cent. per Cent. interest which the Bassa does promise' them. And to be the sooner reimbursed of the Money they have so hazarded, lest his Government be but a short one, they teach him a thousand lewd ways, to suck out the People's blood, and particulary to harass the poor Christians. If the Bassa's can but quietly enjoy their Governments, for one year, nay for six Months, the Jews make a good hand of it, and recover the Smms they had advanced. But, one the other side, they run a great hazard in regard that it happens, many times, the Grand Seignor sends for the head of a Bassa, before he has had time enough to settle himself in his new Government, and than, they who have lent him Money are not to hope ever to recover any part of it. From what has been said, it may easily be concluded, That the greatest part of the Money of the whole Ottoman Empire is in the Grand Seignor's hands, and among the Jews; I mean the Jews of Constantinople. For as to those who live in the Provinces, the world goes but ill with them, and they are in a much more wretched condition, than the Christians; in regard they do not follow any thing of Husbandry: and their inclinations being altogether bend for Traffic, and the management of the public Taxes or the Customs, 'tis impossible there should be employment for them all. The 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉. The Grand Seignor therefore receives very considerable Sums from the Bassa's, and other persons, on whom he bestows Charges, even before they have taken possession of them. But that amounts to little or nothing in comparison of the advantages which he makes, upon their removal out of them, and especially when they have had a fair time to gather Treasures, by their insupportable exactions from the people. Some of these Bassa's have come to that excessive Wealth and Power, that their Revenues were equal to those of many great Princes. Such was the fortune of one Machmut, Beglierbeg of Europe, under the Reign of Mahomet the Second; and that, of the Grand Vizir Nassuf, under Achmet the First. At the death of the latter, there were extraordinary Richeses found in his House, in Silver, Gold, and Jewels, and all was brought to the Seraglio, along with his head. It may easily be conjectured, by the number of the greater and lesser Governments, whereof the Empire consists, that there is a considerable mortality amongst those, who derive their Charges and Fortunes from the pure Munificence of the Grand Seignor, and whose acquisitions thereupon falling to him, must of necessity make vast additionals to the Seraglio. But besides those who are gently conveyed out of this World, by a natural death, there hardly passes a year but, violent death comes and acts its part, and upon the lest jealousy, or any fantastic apprehension the Grand Seignor may have, a Bassa receives a peremptory Order to stretch out his Neck, and he is immediately strangled. In the next Chapter, I shall give the Reader an Account, of the formality and ceremony, which is observed upon that occasion, where he will found somewhat worth his remarking; and I think I may confidently affirm, That they who know it is the custom, to strangle those, whose Lives the Grand Seignor would take away, know not all the Particulars observable in that Action. The Bassa's Goods brought into the Seraglio. Assoon as a Bassa, or other Grandee of the Port is dead, howe'er it came to pass, and an Inventory of his Goods taken, of which by the Laws of the Country the Prince is the only Heir, all is carried away into the Seraglio, and the Baltagis bring it in Coffers to the Door of the Treasury. The Chasnadar-bachi, having disposed them into one of the Chambers, Commands the Locks to be broke open, and the Coffers to be emptied in his presence; And 'tis than, that as well he himself, as the Pages of the Treasury endeavour to make their advantages of that Rich Booty. For there being ordinarily, amongst the other things, Jewels of great value, such as that wherein the Heron-tops are fastened in their Turbans, or a Poniard enriched with precious Stones, or some Carcanet of Pearls, if one or other of those Pages can make a dexterous and clean conveyance of some Piece, 'tis his own and he puts it to what else he has in stock, reflecting on what he has to do, at his departure out of the Seraglio, in order to his establishment in some Charge, and the great Expenses he must be at upon that account. The Chasnadar-bachi, who does his work first of all, and with more liberty, does sometimes connive at what he sees done by the others, remembering that he has been as they are, and was than glad, that he was not reproved for so doing. Yet if he perceives that any one of them has secured to himself a piece of great value, assoon as he is got to his Chamber, he secretly sends for him, and makes him restore it, paying him one half of its worth, and so keeps it himself. The great advantages of the Chasnadar-bachi, and the Pages of the Treasury. There are yet other great advantages accrueing to the Chief Officer, and the Pages, from those things which are brought into the Seraglio, upon the death of the Bassa's. When the Chasnadar-bachi has advertised the Grand Seignor, that, in the Coffers, which had been brought in, there were many things not fit for the Service of his Highness, and that it were better to put them of, before they were injured by the moisture or the dust; the Prince gives his permission for the sale thereof, and thereupon they take out of the Treasury what they do not accounted worthy of a place there. Immediatedly, they sand for the Bazarcan-bachi, or Chief of the Merchants, who is the best skilled in those things, and who, in the presence of the Chasnadar-bachi, and the Pages of the Treasury, sets a value on every piece, to their satisfaction; for he does not prise it at above half the worth. All the Jewels that will bear a good price, and all the precious stones are disposed into the Treasury, and they expose to sale only things of lesle value, yet such as are worth much: as Trappingss for Horses, Poniards, Sabres, garnished with Gold, Garments, rich Furs, Sasches, Turbans, and other things of that nature; all the pieces being valued, the Chasnadar-bachi sets aside the best of them, to be sent, together with the value set upon them, to the principal persons of the Seraglio, with whom he is glad to hold a fair correspondence, and they pay for them the more willingly, because they have them at an easy rate. The rest is distributed among the Pages, according to the valuation, and having made choice of such things as they will keep themselves, sand away what they do not like, to be sold in Constantinople, by the Halvagisses, wherein they also make a vast advantage, considering the apprisement; not accounting what the same Halvagisses may hedge in for themselves, as a compensation for their trouble. When there is such a sale made, the Jews are always waiting about the great Gate of the Seraglio, not daring to come too near, for fear of a chastisement of the Bastinado from the Kapigis, which they are very free to give them. They stand in expectation of these Halvagisses, with their bags full of Ducats and Rials, and make the best bargains they can with them. These sales are seldom made above once in two years, and the lest of them does ordinarily exceed five hundred thousand Crowns, nay some have amounted to eight hundred Thousand. The Grand Seignor is soon advertised, what money has been raised by the sale, and giving orders for the disposal of it into the Treasury, he at the same time bestows ten or twenty Purses on the principal Officer, and the Pages of the Treasury. He does not make them that Present out of any other design, than to show his Grandeur, as being not ignorant of the advantages they have made by the Sale; but he tolerates that custom, and knows well enough, that sooner or later, all those profits will come again into the Treasury. The prohibition to lend at Interest. 'Tis upon the same consideration, that the Grand Seignor permits a manifest breach of the Law of Mahomet, which prohibits the taking of any interest for money lent; for he suffers the Pages, and others to lend considerable sums to the Jews, at the rate of fifteen upon the hundred, interest. And the Persians' have found out a very pleasant evasion, to stave of the reproach which might be made to them, of their transgressing against the same prohibition. The Persians' ill Casuists. The evasion is this. When they lend out money to any one, they have a Bill or Schedule made of the sum that's lent. Than they compute what the interest will amount to, which is commonly after the rate of twelve in the Hundred. That done; they take a handkerchief, or some old Sasche, and giving it to the Person whom they lend the money to, they make him writ a second Note, upon the score of the interest, wherein it is expressed, that the debt is for commodities bought, and duly received. And thus do they think to elude the reproaches of their own Consc●encies, and imagine, that they do not offend against the prohibition of Mahomet. The promise which the Debtor makes in writng, is not signed by him, it being not the custom of the Country, but he puts his seal to it. And yet that too is not sufficient, and it is further requisite, that they go before the Cadi, or the Judge of the Law, who consummates the work, by putting his own Seal to the writing. I have made appear, in this Chapter, the Means and Expedients, which the Grand Seignor makes use of, to augment his Revenues; we shall see in the next, the ways he has to exercise his Liberalities, without any charge at all to himself. CHAP. XI. A Subtle Expedient, whereby the Grand Seignor exercises great Liberalities, and meddles not at all with his Revenues. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Commendable Policy of the Turks. The Ceremonies attending the Presents sent by the Grand Seignor, to those whom he would honour. The particular way used by Mahomet the Fourth, to show himself liberal, without any charge to himself. Formalities observed at the Death of the Bassa's, who are strangled by the Prince's Orders. When, and how they strike of the Head in Turkey. A prohibition against shedding the blood of the Mahometans, who are condemned to Death. The Inventories of the Goods of Bassa's deceased, not faithfully taken. The Causes inducing the Turks to defy Death with so much constancy. How difficult it is to get out of Turkey. Presents made to the Sultanesses. THE Two expedients which the Grand Seignor makes use of to augment his Treasury, besides what comes in by the ordinary revenues of the Empire, are much of the same nature, with those he uses, to bestow great largesses, without disbursing any thing himself. He makes his advantages of all; the Bassa's are as so many sponges, and he squeezes them, as well while they are living, as when they are dead, and at their cost assigns recompense to those, who have done him some acceptable service. Let us take things in order, one after another, and show in the first place, how he manages his subtle design, while the Bassa's are living, in getting out of them wherewithal to make ample gratifications, without any diminution of his Revenues. Amongst the Political maxims of the Ottoman Monarches, this is one of the most remarkable. They would have the Bassa's to be respected in their several Governments, by the People, as much as if they were there themselves in Person: and to make a greater, and a more lively impression of that veneration in their minds, they think it fitting, to honour them, from time to time, with some Present, which is carried to them with much Ceremony. This Present, which is a certain demonstration of the Esteem, which the Prince has for the Person to whom he sends it, is commonly some Rich Garment; and when he is willing to make it complete, he adds the Sabre, and the Poniard, garnished and adorned with precious stones. The Grand Seignor, upon the consideration beforementioned, finding himself as it were obliged to make a Present to that Bassa, knows well enough, that he will be sure, on the other side, to sand him one which shall be worth ten times as much, and to make another to his Envoy, which he must look on as a recompense of his Services. But it is not always the Grand Seignor's design, by such Presents, to honour the Bassa, and keep the People the more in subjection to him. It happens many times, that when he intends to ruin him, he makes him a Present, that he may thence take occasion, in case he does not receive another from him, such as he desires, to sand another Messenger for his Head. The Present, upon that occasion, is not a Vest, or a Garment, but, a Sword, or a Battle-Axe, which are very Ominous Presents, and Advertisements to the Bassa, that the Grand Seignor has little kindness for him. To divert the Storm, which he sees likely to fall upon him, he doubles the Present he should have made, in case he had sent him but a Vest, which is a pledge of his Affection. And if that Bassa be one of those, who Commands in the greater Governments, the Present which he sends to the Grand Seignor, aught not to amount to lesle than Two hundred Purses, that is to say, a Hundred thousand Crowns, not comprehending what is particularly given to the person who is sent by the Emperor. The Ceremonies attending the Presents sent by the Grand Seignor to those whom he would honour. The Persons charged with this Commission are, for the most part, such as the Grand Seignor is willing to be Munificent to. So that, all things considered, the Present is not so much designed for him who receives it, as for him who sends it, and the Person who carries it: And in this consists the artifice of exercising great Liberalities without disbursing any thing. The Ceremony performed at the delivery of this Present of the Grand Seignor, is this: He who carries it being come to the place where the Bassa lives, to whom it is sent, and having advertised him of it, this latter, with the noise of Drums, Trumpets, and Hautbois, assembles the People together, some of whom mount themselves on Horseback, to do him the greater honour. The Bassa himself marches in the Head of all, and they who are not mounted follow afoot, together with the Courtesans, or common Strumpets of the place, who are obliged to assist at this Ceremony, dancing after a Tabour, and putting themselves into a thousand lascivious postures, according to the Custom of the Country. The Messenger who brings the Present makes a halt, in expectation of this Cavalcade, in some Garden near the City, or in the Fields under a Tent, which he had got set up for that purpose. After mutual Salutations, he casts the Vest over the Bassa's shoulders, putting the Sabre by his Side, and thrusts the Poniard into his Sasche before his Breast, telling him, That the Emperor their Master, honours him with that Present, upon the good report which had been made to him, that he has demeaned himself well, that he does not tyrannize over his People, and that there is no Complaint made, of his being defective in the Administration of Justice. This Compliment past, the Bassa, in the same order, and amidst the Joyful Acclamations of the People, takes his way, and the Grand Seignor's Envoy along with him, towards his House, where he entertains him at a great Treat, and, after all is done, with a Present, which amounts to Ten thousand Crowns at the lest. For, as I told you before, if the Present be carried to one of the Bassa's who are in the greater Governments, as the Bassa's of Buda, Cairo, or Babylon, they shall not escape under Thirty or Forty thousand Crowns, and the Present which is sent to the Sultan, aught to amount to a hundred thousand. Nay it many times happens, that the Grand Seignor appoints what he would have their Present to his Envoy to amount to, and that especially, when he sends such as he has a particular kindness for, and would amply gratify. The particular way used by Mahomet iv to show himself liberal, without any Charge. The Emperor Mahomet the Fourth, who now sits on the Throne, has a particular inclination to exercise Liberality, and to bestow Rewards on those who serve him; but he does it so, as that it costs him nothing, and consequently, there is no occasion of taking aught out of the Treasury. When there is not an opportunity to sand the Person whom he has a desire to gratify, into the Country with some Present, he has another Expedient, which will do the work. His Darling Divertisement is Hunting, and he takes but little pleasure in any other Exercise. He thereupon order the Person whom he would recompense, to be one at the Sport, and having killed a Stagg, or some other Beast, he order him to go and present it, from him, to one of the Grandees of the Port, whose abode is either at Constantinople, or some place near it. This Present is received with great demonstrations of joy, real, or apparent, the person, to whom it is brought, is immediately to take order for the sending back of another, much exceeding it in value, to the Grand Seignor. And that consists ordinarily in excellent Horses, good pieces of Gold-Brocado, or rich Furs. But his work is yet not half over; there must be much more done for him, through whose hands he has received the Present, and he escapes very well, when, not accounting what he sends to the Grand Seignor, the carriage of it costs him but Ten thousand Crowns. Nay many times, he is forced to double the Sum, when he has not been so liberal, as the Prince expected he should have been; for he presently dispatches away an Officer, to reproach him with the slender account he has made of his Present, and the small recompense he had received, whom he had employed to bring it him. To these reproaches he sends him an express Order, to make an additional Reward of Twenty or thirty Purses, which is immediately put in execution: and as to the Present which the Grand Seingor has received, he commonly makes a distribution of it, amongst those, who are than about him. And these are the Advantages which the Grand Seignor screws out of the Bassa's, and other Grandees of the Port, whilst they are alive. Let us now consider those which accrue to him by their death, in order to the recompensing of those, whom he favours, without being obliged to take any thing out of his Coffers. When the death of a Bassa is resolved upon, the Grand Seignor delivers the Commission to him, whom he has designed to be kind to; and he finds it much more advantagous', to bring him the Sentence of his death, than to bring him a Present from the Prince. Formalities observed at the death of the Bassa's, who are strangled by the Prince's Orders. If the Execution is to be done in Constantinople the ordinary Executioner is the Bostangi bachi, who is always about the Grand Seignor's Person, and he himself does the Work. But if there be a necessity of going into some remote Province, 'tis commonly either a Capigi-bachi, or one of the principal Bostangis, whom the Prince has a mind to show his kindness to, who is sent to perform the Execution. He who carries the Order, accompanied by five or six Capigis, sometimes manages his Affairs so, as to arrive at the place, while the Council is sitting. But if that cannot be so ordered, he goes to the Bassa, and commands him in the Grand Seignor's name, to call one immediately. That Council consists of the Bassa's Lieutenant, the Mufti, the Cadi, the chief Commander of the Janissaries belonging to that place, and some other persons concerned in the administration of Justice, who are of the most considerable of the Province. The Council being assembled, the Capigi-bachi enters, attended by his people, and presents the Bassa with the Grand Seignor's Letter. He recives it with great respect, and having put it three several times to his forehead, he opens it, reads it and finds that the Prince demands his head. He makes no other answer to that Order, than what he does in these few words; Let the Will, says he of my Emperor be done: only give me leave to say my Prayers which is granted him. His Prayers being ended, the Capigis seize him by the Arms and the chief of them presently takes of his Girdle or Sasche, and cast it about his Neck. That Girdle consists of several small strings of Silk, with knots at both ends, which two of the company immediately catch hold of, one drawing one way, and the other, t'other-way they dispatch him in an instant. If they are unwilling to make use of their Girdle they take a handkerchief, and with the Ring which they use, in the bending of their Bows, and which they ordinarily wear on the right-hand Thumb, they thrust the hand between the handkerchief, which is tied very close, and the Throat, and so break the very Throat-Bone. Thus they make a shift to strangle a man in an instant, suffering him not to languish in pain, that he may dye a faithful Mahometan, and not have the time to enter into despair; the Turks thinking our way of hanging Criminals, who are so long in torment upon the Gibbet a strange kind of Execution. When and how they strike of the Head in Turkey. Though I have often used this expression, That the Grand Seignor sends to demand the Head of any person, whom he would rid out of the way; yet they never cut it of, but when he expressly declares his desire to see it, and than it is brought to him. If it be from some place at a great distance, they take out the Brains, and fill the empty place with Hay; and it was my fortune to see two Heads so ordered at the same time, which they carried in a Bag. They were the Heads of the Bassa's of Kars, and Erzerom. It is further to be observed, That when the Sentence of Death is passed by t●● Prince against any one, what quality soever he may be of, the Turks make no further Account of him; and when they speak of him, treat him not otherwise than they would do a Dog. The Bostangi, who had been commissionated to bring those two Heads to the Grand Seignor, finding himself weary, and indisposed at a Village, in Armenia, where it was my chance to be at that time, and having understood that there was a Frenchman in the Inn, asked one of my Servants whether I had any wine, and would be content to let him have any, to cheer up his Spirits. I immediately sent him some in a large Flagon; whereupon having entreated me to come and take a Glass with him, which I thought it not fit to deny, he would needs show me, whether I would or not, the Heads of those two Bassa's; a sight I had no great curiosity to see. A Prohibition against shedding the blood of the Mahometans who are condemned to death. When there is no order given for the bringing of the Head, they bury the Body about Midnight, without any ceremony, and the memory of the Bassa, who had made so much noise before, is soon extinguish▪d and laid in the dust. But it is moreover to be noted, That it is the Custom in Turkey, not to cut of the Head of any one, till after they have strangled him, and that the blood is quite cold; it being against their Law, That the blood of a Mussulm●n (that is, one of the Faithful) should be spilt, upon any occasion, but in Warr. The Inventovies of the Goods of Bassa's deceased, not faithfully taken. The execution being over, he who brought the Order for it, makes an immediate Seizure of all that belonged to the deceased Bassa; and after he has set aside what he liked best for his own use, whether in Gold or Jewels, he brings the same persons, who had been at the precedent Council, to proceed to the Inventory of his Goods, which are afterwards, as I have said elsewhere, transmitted to the Chambers of the Treasury. They who assist at the taking of that Inventory, know well enough, that many things, which belonged to the deceased, are embezzled but they are so far from repining or murmuring at it, that they sign and attest, that there was not any more found. They are afraid, if they demeaned themselves otherwise, lest that Officer of the Seraglio, whom the Grand Seignor has sent, and who possibly is in favour, should do them ill offices at the Court, and spread some false report of them; whence, according to the Example they have than before their eyes, might hap, in like manner, the loss of their Charges, and Lives. They therefore think it prudence, to connive at what ever is done by that Envoy, as being otherwise persuaded, that he will not be disowned by the Grand Seignor, who is not ignorant of what's done upon those occasions. Nay on the contrary, and whatever he may have dextrously secured to himself of the Bassa's Goods, they make him some additional Presents of their own, at his own departure from them, engaging him thereby, to speak well of them to the Grand Seignor, and to the Grand Vizir, at his return to the Port. And than also, not accounting what he had taken beforehand, and what Custom tolerates, he receives new marks of the Liberality of his Prince, who is satisfied that he has so faithfully executed his Orders and so he participates of what is set down in the Inventory, when the Bassa's Goods are brought into the Seraglio. The Causes inducing the Turks to defy Death with so much Constancy. Some possibly, will be apt to imagine, that this Sentence of Death passed in the Grand Seignor's Letter, should rais● some disturbance and astonishment in the Soul of him who reads it, and who reading therein his own Condemnation, knows that it must be immediately executed. Yet is it not apparent in his Countenance, that he is much startled at it, he is not surprised therewith, he sees that few of his Companions escape the same fate, and he has disposed himself for such an end, assoon as he first took possession of his Charge. Besides, the Turks have a strong persuasion, That the Decrees of Predestination are irrevocable, and that it is impossible to avoid them; which makes them look Death in the face, with such a degree of constancy and interepity, as tender them in a manner insensible. To which reflection we may add this, That that ready and implicit obedience and submission of the Turks, to the Orders of their Sovereign, is rather a principle of Religion, than of State, which has been instilled into them, by a most subtle piece of Politics; and they believe, That, if they die by the Command of their Prince, they go strait into Paridise. The Difficulties of making an Escape out of Turkey. As for the opportunity of making an escape out of Turkey, by any one who might have some presentiment of his destruction, it is to no purpose to think of it. All the Officers and the Slaves, whom the Bassa's have in their Retinue, are so many Spies, and observers of their Actions; and it is impossible for them, to conccal what they do from them. 'Twere dangerous for a man to entrust a Secret with any one of them; they are mean Souls, and uncapable of any gallant Action, besides that the Ports and Passages are equally shut up against both. If there be the lest discovery made thereof, the Governor of the Frontier places would immediately have Orders from the Port, to take the Field; nay if there were not any such, they are but over-diligent, in enquiring after, and informing themselves of all those, who pass through the extent of their Jurisdiction. Besides, though there were some likelihood of compassing it, and that, travelling only in the Night time a man might get into some Neighbouring State; yet Turkey being in a manner quite surrounded by Nations who abhor the Domination of the Ottomans; 'twere as much as to leap out of the Frying-pan into the Fire, and to go and pass for a Spy, amongst a sort of people, who would give no quarter. Whence it might be imagined, that there were lesle difficulty in attempting an ascape by Sea, than to hazard it by Land: but the former is the much more difficult, and the severe prohibitions made to the Christians, upon pain of death, not to take any Turk or Slave, into their Ships, which are exactly searched, before they weigh Anchor, shut up all the Ports of Turkey, against those of the Country, who might be desirous to get out of it. True it is, however, that few years pass, but that a considerable number of Slaves are conveyed away, by the charity and contrivances of the Christian Consuls, and Merchants. They are secretly kept at the Houses of some Christian Inhabitants of the Country, whose Secrecy and silence are bought with Money; and the same receipt stops the mouths of those, who have the oversight of the Ports, and are warmly entertained with drinking, while thy cunningly get the Slaves aboard the Vessel, which has been visited, and is than ready to set sail. They would be loathe to run themselves into that danger for natural Turks: there would be some ground to fear, that it might be some Plot on their side, to surprise and try the Christians; and it seldom happens that they have a thought of making any escape. They know well enough, that, whether it be by Sea, or Land, (excepting only the Kingdom of Persia, where they are hated upon the account of the difference of Sects) they cannot make their escape any where but into Christendom, where they would not be permitted the exercise of their Mahometan Religion, which they would not renounce for a thousand lives. Presents made to the Sultanesses. ere we close up the Discourse concerning the Liberality of the Ottoman Monarches, it is to be observed, that sometimes they make very considerable Presents, which they take out of the Grand Treasury, and which are paid in Silver only, if they are ordered for the Grandees of the Port, whether in the Seraglio, or out of it. Those Presents consists ordinarily of a Purse of Gold, which amounts to Fifteen thousand Ducats, or Thirty thousand Crowns; and when there are any such made to the Sultanesses, they receive all in Gold. To do that, there's no occasion of going to the Secret Treasury, there is gold enough in the Fourth Chamber, into which they at first bring in all the Gold and Silver of all the Revenues of the Empire; and that Sum, which makes no great hole in the great heap, returns again into the same place, by several ways. CHAP. XII. Of the Present, which the Grand Seignor sends every Year to Mecha. THE PRNCIPAL HEADS. The third part of the Revenue of Egypt, how employed. The great Wealth of the Sheck of Mecha. Ceremonies observed at Mahomet's Tomb. The Caravan of Cairo. The Present sent from Mecha to the Great Mogul. The Opinion of the Mahometans, concerning Mecha and Medina. THat I make here a particular Chapter of the Present, which the Grand Seignor sends every Year to Mecha, is occasioned by this third part of the Revenue of Egypt, which is peculiarly designed for it; and upon this Consideration withal, That I have singular Remarks to make upon that subject. The third part of the Revenue of Egypt, how employed. Three Millions of Livers, of Twelve, of annual Revenue, which the Kingdom of Egypt pays the Grand Seignor, are partly expended in the Rich Carpet, and the Sumptuous Tent, which he sends to the Sheck, every year, in honour to Mabomet's Tomb. Another part goes to the payment of those who serve in the Mosqueys; As for instance, the Imans, who are Priests; the Cheuches, who are their Preachers; the Muezims, who, by their noise on the Towers of the Mosqueys, call the people to their Devotions; and the Kaijms of Mecha and Medina, who look to, and keep clean the Mosqueys, and light the Lamps. We must also put into the Account of these Three Millions, the Sustenance of all the Pilgrims for the space of Seventeen days, the Grand Seignor sending, for that end, a sufficient Sum to the Sheck. This Sheck, who is, as 'twere the Supreme Person upon the score of the Law, and the high Priest of all the Mahometans, what Country and Sect soever they be of, makes the poor ignorant people believe, that there come every year to Mecha, Seventy thousand Pilgrims, Men and Women; and if that number were not complete, the Angels would come in human forms, to make it up. The great Wealth of the Sheck of Mecha. This Prince, whom we call the Sheck, for whom all the Mahometans have a great Veneration, is very Rich, and very powerful, and that may be easily conjectured, by the Presents, which he receives every year from the Grand Seignor, and the other Mahometan Princes. The Presents are all his own, to be disposed of as he pleases, at the end of the Year, when new ones are sent to him. He makes his advantage also of all the presents that are made by the Pilgrims, and of the Sums of Money, which those very Princes sand him, to be distributed in Alms, which he also disposes of as he pleases; and all these Presents put together, make him such a Revenue as is hardly imaginable. For Mahumetism spreads very much into Europe, Asia, and Africa, and that much more th●n is commonly believed as I shall more distinctly make it appear, at the end of my Relation, in a particular Chapter, which I design for the handling of that matter. Ceremonies observed at Mahomet's Tomb. From several Parts of the World, there come Caravans to Mecha, and when the Devotion is to begin, the High Priest, assisted by all the people belonging to the Law, spends night and day, in saying of Prayers, and performing the necessary Ceremonies. On the Seventh day, all the Pilgrims are assembled together before the Sheck's Tent, who appears at the entrance of it, and standing upon a low Stool, that he may be seen by those who are at the greatest distance from him, Prays, and gives his Bendiction to all the people, putting a period to the Devotion, with these words, That God would enable them to return in Peace, as they came thither. From that minute, every one must bethink himself, that he is to be at his own charge; the Sheck gives not more, and 'tis than that he gins to make great advantage to himself. For whatever is sold for the Sustenance of the Pilgrims, comes from him; and besides, he holds a correspondence with the Masters of the Caravans, of whom the Pilgrims are forced to buy conveniences for their riding back again, at more than three times the rate they are worth, when the Beasts they had brought out of their own Countries have failed them by the way. The Caravan of Cairo. The Caravan of Cairo is the most numerous, and the most considerable of all the Caravans, that come to Mecha. The Caravan-bachi, who is the Captain and Conductor of it, makes his gains by it, at his return, worth him Two hundred thousand Crowns; and there is a great competition about his place, which is at the disposal of the Bassa of Cairo, and commonly carried by the highest bidder for it. The Captain of this Caravan is also Master of the Waters, which are carried into the Cisterns, and it is according to his Orders that they are distributed; and whereas that distribution is equal, as well in Relation to the Poor, as to the Rich, if the latter would have any beyond the quantity allowed them, they must pay dearly for it; and the Captain, who sets what imposition he pleases upon it, makes a considerable advantage thereby. The Present sent from Mecha to the Great Mogul. But let us return to the Grand Seignor's Present. The Tent, and the Carpet, which he sends, are two Pieces equally precious, as well for the excellency of the Stuff, as the additional embellishments hereof. The Carpet is designed for the covering of Mahomet's Tomb; and the Tent, which is erected hard by the Mosquey, is for the Sheck, who does not stir out of it, during the Seventeen days of Devotion. This high Priest of the Mahometan Law, has found out the Secret knack, of extracting inexpressible Sums of Money, out of that Carpet and Tent, which are renewed every year: and when the new Present is arrived from the Grand Seignor, he sends, as 'twere out of a singular favour, certain pieces of the Curtain of the old Tent, to several Mahometan Princes, of whom he receives Magnificent Presents in requital. This Curtain, which is set up on the outside of the Tent, quite round it, to hinder the people from seeing those that are under it, consists of several pieces, six foot high, and of a great length: and the Sheck endeavours to persuade those Princes, That if they fasten one of those pieces to their Te●ts, when they are going to engage in a War, against those whom they accounted Infidels, good fortune will be sure to attend them, and it will not be long ere they gain the Victory. But if he sends either the whole Curtain, or the Tent, or Carpet entire, it must be to a great Monarch indeed, such as the great Cham of Tartary, or the Great Mogul: and that he does, once in ten, or twelve years; one while to the one, and another, to the other. Of this we have a late instance, in Aurengzeb, who at the present is King of the Indieses, and whom we otherwise call the Great Mogul. For upon his establishment in his Throne, the Sheck sent him the whole Curtain belonging to the Tent; and great joy there was at his Court, that the King had received so Magnificent a Present, from the Holy Place, as they call it. The Sheck was soon after made sensible of the Royal Liberality of that Great Monarch, one of the Richest and most Powerful of the Universe; and thus does that Spiritual Head of the Mahometan Religion, who has a kind of Superintendency over all the Members, know how to make his advantage of them, and has found out the way, to enrich himself, at the cost of all the Princes and Nations, who submit themselves to the Mahometan Law. I question not, but that they who have writ of the Religion of the Turks, have given some account of the Pilgrimage of Meeha, which is one of the most essential parts thereof; and therefore, as well for that reason, as also for that I should digress too much from my subject, I aught not to prosecute that matter any farther. I shall take occasion here, to make three Remaks, which I have originally learned of one of the most learned in the Rubrics of the Mahometan Law. The first is, that the Turks, by an ancient Tradition, believe, That Mecha is the place where God commanded Abraham to build him an house; and that while he was there, all Nations came thronging to visit him: and that it is also the same place, where Mahomet received the Alcoran, from Heaven. The second relates to the Commandment imposed upon all the Mahometans, to be, once in their lives, concerned in the Pilgrimage of Mecha. For it is to be observed, That the obligation does not extend to the poorer sort of people, who have hardly wherewithal to live upon, and would bring great misery on their Families, by their absence, as being not able to leave them what is requisite for their sustenance. The third Remark is concerning the preference of the two Cities of Mecha, and Medina. The former is the place of Mahomet's birth, which it was his design to honour, and make known, by that famous Pilgrimage, whereto he obliges all those of his Law. The latter is the place of his Burial, of which there is abundance of fabulous relations. Mahomet, in his Alcoran, does only enjoin their going to Mecha, where there are no other Relics of that false Prophet, than one of his Sandals: And the Doctors of the Law are also of opinion, that there is no obligation of going to Medina, and that without seeing that City, a man satisfies the Command of Mahomet. I shall treat at large of the Pilgrimage of Mecha, in the last Chapter of this Relation of my Travels, and of the different Roads by which the Mahometans of Europe, Asia, and Africa, are conducted to the Tomb of their Prophet. CHAP. XIII. Of the Cupbearer's Quarter, and of divers other Apartments. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Ancient Custom practised, when the Grand Seignor is presented with any thing to drink, between Meals. A way to quench thirst at Meals, wholly particular to the Levantines. The composition of Treacle. A stately service of Gold-Plate. Beds according to the Turkish mode. Ways to satisfy the Necessities of Nature different from ours. The Causes of the abominable Sin committed by the Turks, who are confined within the Seraglio. I Have discovered many things particularly observable, concerning the Treasury of the Ottoman Monarches, and there are yet some very Remarkable passages to be communicated, relating to the other Quarters of the inner part of the Seraglio. Between the Treasury, and an obscure Vaulted Gallery, in length between Fifteen and Twenty paces, which conducts you to an Iron-Door, by which there is a passage into the Gardens, you found, on the left hand, the Apartment of the pages of the Kilar, or the Cupbearer's Office. That is the place where they prepare the Sherbets, and other Liquors, for the Grand Seignor's own drinking, and where they keep the Wine, The Ancient Custom practised when the Grand Seignor drinks between Meals. if it happens, that he drinks any, as Sultan Amurath did, of whom I have often had occasion to speak. 'Tis an ancient Custom, That when the Grand Seignor calls for Water to drink between meals, every time he so calls, costs him ten Sequins, or Chequins. The Ceremony observed therein is this: In the Chamber called the Hazoda, which is the Apartment of the Forty pages, who are always near the Grand Seignor's person, there is perpetually one of: them standing Scentinel at the Entrance, which leads to the Cupbearer's Office, where two pages of the same Quarter are in like manner upon the Scentry. When the Grand Seignor is thirsty, and calls for water, the Page of the Hazoda, immediately makes a sign to the two Pages of the Kilar, of whom one advances up to the Kilar-bachi, or Cupbearer himself, crying out Sou, which signifies Water, to advertise him, that the Prince would drink; and the other runs to the door of the Hazoda, where the most ancient of the Forty Pages gives him Ten Sequins. That Page is the Treasurer of the said Chamber, and he pays the small Sums which the Grand Seignor gives Order for, an Office which might be called in English, The Treasurer of the petty Enjoyments. The Water is sometimes brought in a Cup of Gold, sometimes in a Vessel of Porcelain, placed upon a large Server of Gold, about two foot diameter, and enriched with Precious Stones within and without. That is looked on, as one of the richest pieces of Plate belonging to the Seraglio. The principal Cup Bearer, who is a white Eunuch, carries it with great Ceremony, attended by a hundred Pages of the Kilar, whom he ordinarily has under his Charge, and upheld under the Arms by two of them, who walk on both sides of him. For it is required, That he should carry it lifted up above his head, and so he cannot see his way but by looking under it. When he is come to the Door of the Haz-Odd, the Pages of the Kilar, who have accompanied him so far, pass not further, save only the two who uphold his Arms, and the Pages of the Chamber go along with him quite into the Grand Seignor's Presence. But when they come to the door of the Chamber, two of the more ancient among them, take the places of the two Pages of the Kilar, and complete the conducting of the Kilargi-Bachi, under the Arms, to offer the Cup to the Prince. When he has not any thing to say to him, he carries it back again into the Kilar; but if he will take his opportunity to entertain him with some Affair, he delivers the Cup and the Server into the hands of one of the Pages, who led him under the Arms, and he delivers it to those, who, belonging to the Cupbearer's Office, waited there in expectation of his return. A way to quench thirst at meals, wholly particular to the Levantines. 'Tis in the same place, to wit, that under the oversight of the Cupbearer, they keep all sorts of refreshing and cooling Waters, as that of Peaches, Cherries, Raspices, and such other fruits. The Turks do not drink during their refection, that is, not till they have given over eating; and because it is possible they may be dry, whilst they eat; take here the manner how they quench that thirst. They are served at Table with these Waters, in great Cups or Porcelain, which hold about two Quarts, and the better to distinguish them, they put into every one of those Cups, some of the same fruit, from which the Water that is therein had been extracted, and which they had preserved for that purpose. Every one has lying by him a Wooden spoon, which holds three or four times as much as any of our ordinary ones, and whereof the handle is of a length proportionable: for as to Gold and Silver spoons, it is not their custom to use any. With those spoons, they can take out what is in the Cups, according to the Water which they most fancy, and so they suspend thirst, taking ever and anon some spoonfuls of it. The Composition of Treacle. It is also in the Cupbearers Apartment that the Treacle is made, which the Turks call Tiriak-Farik, and there is a great quantity of it made, because they use it as an Universal remedy, and charitably bestow it on all sorts of people, as well in City as Country, who are desirous of it. The Vipers which are used in this composition are brought out of Egypt, and they make no account of those which other Countries afford, or they are of opinion at lest, that the former are much the better for that purpose. A stately service of Gold Plate. Before the Apartment of the Kilar, there is a Gallery whereof the floor is paved with square pieces of Black and White Marble, and sustained by eight fair Pillars of White Marble, and at the end of it is a little Quarter, where the principal Cupbearer has his residence. There also are the Lodgings of his Substitute, the Kilarquet-houdasi, who is not an Eunuch, as the Kilargi-bachi is, and who, at his removal out of the Seraglio, is ordinarily advanced to the charge of a Bassa. The Kilargi-bachi has in his custody all the Gold and Silver-plate, the Basins, the Ewers the Bowls, the Cups, the Servers, and the Candlesticks, the greatest part of that service being garnished with Diamonds, Rubies and Emeralds, and other precious Stones of value. As for golden Dishes and Candlesticks, without any additional embellishments of precious Stones, there are some so large, and so massy, that there must be two men to carry one of them. These Candlesticks are made after a fashion quite different from ours. They are ordinarily two or three Foot high, upon a Base of above twelve inches Diameter, and the upper part thereof is as 'twere a Box or kind of Lamp, with its beak, and it may contain above a pound of suet. 'Tis to prevent the fall of any thing upon the Carpet, that they make the foot of the Candlestick so large as I told you; and besides, it is requisite, that it should bear some proportion to the height. The match, or wick, which they put into the Suet, beaten into small bits, is about the bigness of a Man's thumb, and consequently must needs make a great light in the Room. As to the Kilar●uet-hondasi he is the Superior over the Halvagisses, and Akegis, who are the Cooks and the Confectioners, of whom not one can enter into service, but by his Orders. In my discourse of the Treasury I made no mention of the Quarter of those Officers, who serve there, because my design was to follow the order of the Structures of the Seraglio, and to conduct the Reader, by little and little, out of one Court into another, and out of one Quarter into another. That of the Pages of the Treasury, is hard by the Kilar, and gins with a Gallery, paved with square pieces of Marble, of different colours, sustained by eight Pillars, of the same material, and whereof the sides and the roof are painted with all sorts of flowers, in Gold and Azure. That Gallery is open on the one side, and on the other you found in the midst of it, the Door leading into the Apartment of the Pages, with three great Windows on the right hand, and as many on the left: And 'tis there that the six most elderly Pages of the Treasury have residence night and day. From that door, along a walk paved with white Marble stones, very large ones, about fifteen paces in length, and five in breadth, you come to another Portal, of the same material, sustained by two Pillars of black Marble; over the said Portal, there may be read these words, which are ordinarily enough in the mouths of the Turks, and which I have explicated elsewhere; La Illahe Illa Alla, Muhammed Resoul Alla. Beds according to the Turkish mode. It gives entrance into a long Hall, where there may be seen on both sides a kind of Seat, or Scaffold, a foot and a half in height, and between seven or eight in breadth. Every Page has but four foot in breadth for his reposing place, as well by day, as by night: And for their Beds, they are permitted to have under them, only a Woollen Coverlet, four times doubled, which seryes them for a Quilt, and over that they ordinarily have one of Gold or Silver-Brockado, or some other sumptuous Silk-stuff; and in the Winter time, they are permitted to have three of them. They are not to have their Coverlets all of Wool, which would be so much the warmer, because it would not be a decent sight for the Grand Seignor, when he comes ever and anon, in the night time, pretending indeed as if he would surprise them, and see how they demean themselves, but in effect, sometimes to cover lewd designs. 'Tis between those Coverlets that the Pages take their repose, having their Waistcoat and Drawers on; for there is no talk of any other kind of Linne, either in Turkey, or any part of the East; and whether it be Winter or Summer, they always lay themselves down to sleep, half clad, without any great Ceremony. Ways to satisfy the necessities of nature different from ours. Over the Beds of the Pages, there is a Gallery, which goes quite round the Hall, and is sustained by Pillars of Wood, painted all over with read varnish, and there they have their Coffers, wherein their clothes are kept. Every one has a Coffer to himself, but the twelve Signior Pages have each of them two Coffers, and one of those twelve has the Key of the Gallery in his custody. It is ordinarily opened but one day in the Week, which is answerable to our Wednesday, and than, every Page goes, and takes out of his Coffer, what he stands in need of. If any one of them must of necessity look for some thing there upon any other day, he gets five or six Pages together, and they all go to the principal Officer of the Treasury, and he commands the Rafgis, who has the Key of the Gallery in his custody, to open it for them, and to have a care that they meddle not with the Coffers of their Companions. At one of the ends of the Hall, there is a Door, which conducts you to the Fountains, where those that have their dependence on the Treasury go and wash, when they are called to their Devotions. There are seven Copper Cocks for that conveniency, and as well the pavement as the Walls, of that place are of white Marble. The places appointed for the easing of Nature are on the right hand, divided into four little Rooms, which are always kept very clean, and paved with square pieces of white Marble; as the Room of the Fountain is. The Turks do not sit down, as we do, when they are in those places, but they squat down over the hole, which is not half a foot, or little more above the ground. That hole is covered with an Iron plate, which rises and falls by a Spring, and turning one way or other, at the falling of the lest weight upon it, it comes to the station it was in before, assoon as the ordure is fallen from it. I have observed elsewhere, that the Turks, and generally all the Mahometans, do not use paper in such cases, or upon any undecent occasion, and when they go to those kinds of places, they carry along with them a Pot of water, to wash themselves withal, and the Iron-plate is also made clean at the same time. And so the hole being always covered, and the Iron-plate always kept clean there can be no ill smell in the place, and that the rather, for that a small current of water, which passes under that place, carries away all the Ordure. The Causes of the abominable Sin committed by the Turks who are confined within the Seraglio. But it were to be wished, that they would not so much concern themselves in keeping those places so clean, provided they could forbear polluting them with those detestable impurities, which I should gladly have left unmentioned, did I not fear the reproach might be made to me, of my having been defective in point of exactness. I have already said something of it, in the Second Chapter of this Relation, and it is a subject, which is to be slightely passed over, that so there may be but imperfect Idaea's left of it. It is therefore in those places, that the Pages make their nocturnal assignations, in order to the committing of the worst of all crimes, which yet they found it very difficult to put in execution, because they are so narrowly watched; and if they are taken in the very act, they are punished with so great severity, that sometimes they are even drubbed to death; of which chastisement, I have elsewhere given an account. In like manner, to prevent the committing of that infamous act, in the places where they take their repose, there are two Torches lighted, which last all the Night, and three Eunuches are ever and anon going their Rounds, by which means the Pages are deprived of the opportunities, which otherwise they might have, to offend. But we need not go far, to found out the Source of this Evil: the strictness of the restraint they are in, and their being deprived of the sight of Women, induce those Young Men to practise such defilements, and hurry the Turks into a Gulf, to which they, by an execrable passion, are, naturally but too much inclinable. The Ichoglans, who are brought very young into the Seraglio, know not what a Woman is, but by the instinct of Nature; and there are some of them, who, for one day's sight and enjoyment of a Woman, would be content to dye the next. All those Nations generally have so great a bent to lubricity, that it seems impossible they should quit it, but with their lives: what they cannot do one way, they endeavour to do another; and they of the Seraglio do all they can to elude the inspection of their Overseers. The Reader may call to mind the Action of the two Pages, who hide themselves in the Mosquey, and that single Example is enough, to show, how they seek out all the ways imaginable, to satisfy their brutish passion. The Quarter of the Kasnadar-bachi, as also that of his Companion, or Substitute, is adjoining to that of the Pages of the Treasury, and from their Chambers, they have a Prospect into a little Flower-Garden, which belongs to them. We have yet some other Chambers to view, before we come to that, which they call the Hazoda, which is the Apartment of the Forty Pages of the Chamber, and the entrance to that of the Grand Seignor. CHAP. XIV. Of the Quarter of the Dogangibachi, or Grand Falconer, and of some other Officers. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. Magnificent Chambers. The ordinary Revenues of the Grand Falconers. The Magnificence of the Ottoman Princes, in what relates to Hunting. Birds supplying the places of Dogs, in running down a Deer, or a Hare. The delicate Chamber of the Selidgar-Agi, who carries the Grand Seignor's Sword. The excellent Order observed in the Seraglio. Magnificent Chambers. THE Dogangibachi, or Grand Falconer, and the Pages, whom he has under his Charge, have their Quarter between that of the Pages of the Treasury, and that of the Pages of the Chamber. The place appointed for the Pages of the Falconry, has nothing in it extraordinary, and a man cannot make a discovery of any thing of beauty therein: but on the other side, the two Chambers, where the Grand Falconer Lodges, have something that's Magnificent and are as sumptuously furnished, as any other Rom of the Seraglio. The first, which serves for an Antichamber, is lesser, and they are both of them paved with a Checquer-work of black and white Marble, having the Roof beautified with Flowers, painted, and guilt. But that of the second Chamber is the more sumptuous by much, as having large Flowers, in embossed Work, every Flower in its square piece, and the Junctures all covered with Gold. The Walls are excellently wainscoted, wherein also they have not spared for Gold, and on both sides, there are cross-barred Windows, whereby the Chamber receives much light. The Marble Chequerwork of the Floor is not seen, as being covered with a silken Carpet, upon which there are laid, in several parts of the Chamber, a certain number of Quilts, two or three Foot in breadth, and about four Inches thick. Some of them are covered with Velvet, or Satin, of different Colours; others with Gold-brocadoes, and every one has its Cushion of the same Stuff, between three and four foot in length, and about two foot in height. These Cushions are laid behind their backs, when they are sitting, after their Mode crosslegged, and those little Quilts are to them, instead of Chairs, and Couches, in a Chamber The ordinary Revenues of the Grand Falconer. If the Grand Falconer be removed out of the Seraglio, it is upon his advancement to the Charge of one of the principal Bassa's, and to one of the greater Governments, as that of Cairo, or Babylon; and while he continues in the Seraglio besides his Table, which is all at the Prince's charge, he is allowed an annual Revenue, of ten or twelve thousand Crowns. The Pages of the Falconry, carry Hawks on their Fists, and feed them: they have the liberty to go and exercise them in the Gardens, and they all attend the Grand Seignor, when he goes a Hawking, or Hunting. They wear the same Stuffs, as the Pages of the Treasury, and may also put on Vests of Cloth, but made after such a fashion, as makes them easily distinguishable from the Ichoglans, of the first and second Chamber, who are always clad in woollen-cloth. For the Pages of the Falconry have their Sleeves made narrower, and narrower, from the Shoulder to the wrist, and they are there fastened close with Buttons; but the Sleeves of the Pages of the Treasury, are as wide below, as they are above, and that makes the difference between them. The twelve Signior Pages of the Falcoury have the same slaveries and advantages, as the Pages of the Treasury, and are their Fellow-Commoners; but the other Companions of the former, are treated after the same rate as the Pages of the Seferlis, who wash the Grand Seignor's Linen, and they all common at the same Table. The Magnificence of the Ottoman Princes in relation to Hunting and Hawking. Besides the forementioned Pages, the Grand Falconer has under his command near eight hundred other persons, as well in Constantinople as the parts adjacent thereto, perpetually employed in the ordering and training up of all sorts of Birds for the Game, and there come none into the Seraglio, but what are so ordered, and taught. Though there may be a very great number of such, yet does not the Grand Seignor make use of any, but what have some stone of value about the neck, nay sometimes such as may be valued at ten thousand Crowns. All the Mahometan Princes are very sumptuous, in all things relating to their Game, and particulary the King of Persia. Nothing can be imagined more Glorious, or Magnificent, than the long Train of the Grandees of his Court, when they return from their Sports. They all march in an excellent order, every one with a Hawk on his Fist, and every Hawk having about the neck, either a Diamond, or some other precious stone, of great value, with the hood all embroidered with Pearls; which must needs make a most delightful show. Birds supplying the place of Dogs, in running down a Deer or Hare. The Turks, and other inhabitants of the Levant, breed up, in order to their divertisements, several sorts of Birds, which the Europaens make no use of at all, and they are of a larger size, and stronger, than ours. With those, instead of Dogs, will they run down a Hare, or a Stag; and they have also the diversion of hunting the Wild Boar, and other savage Beasts. But what makes that Sport the more delightful is this, that in Persia the Country is all open and champion, and there are no Woods, into which the Hawk, or other Bird, might get out of their sight. He discovers the Beast at a great distance, fastens of a sudden upon it, so as that it cannot get lose from him, and sticking close to the Head, picks out the Eyes of it, vexes, and torments it, and retards the swiftness of its course, by which means, the Huntsman come up the sooner to it, and dispatch it. But they do not give the fatal blow, till the Prince has ordered them to do it, or till he has shot of an Arrow, or discharged his Firelock: upon which signal, they who are about him are permitted to exercise their courage and dexterity. Next adjoining to the Apartment of the Pages belonging to the Falconry, there is a long Gallery, which is open but of one side, and in the floor of it, there is a little ascent. It is sustained by ten Pillars of Marble, of several colours, and paved with a square-pieced work of the same material; with a Wainscotage, wherein there are some flowers painted, but very meanly. The Seligdar-Aga's Chamber, who carries the Grand Seignor 's Sword. From the end of the foresaid Gallery, turning on the right hand you come to the Chamber of the Selidgar-Aga, who carries the Sword before the Grand Seignor. Some part of that Chamber is covered with Carpets, the other has a Seat or Scaffold, raised three foot high, but of a considerable breadeth to which they ascend by so many steps of white Marble, of four foot in length, the remainder of which Seat, being divided from the Chamber by a Ballistered work, partly gilded with Gold, and partly Green. All within that enclosure of Balisters is covered with rich silken Carpets, and all about, as well to the Wall side, as to that of the Balisters, there are sumptuous Cushions of all sorts, of Gold and Silver-brocadoes. The Walls of the Chamber are all gilr, and at equal distances, there are flower-pots painted, rarely well diversified, and affording a most delightful prospect. The place where the Selidgar-Aga sits, is at the corner of that part of the Chamber which is enclosed with the Balisters, on the right hand, and over his Head hung the Swords and Sabres, which he carries before the Grand Seignor, whithin the Seraglio; and after him, when his Highness goes out of the Seraglio. The excellent order observed in the Seraglio. Assoon as of Prince is come to the Crown, whatever he ordinarily wears, is never returned into the Treasury, till after his death: And the Chasnader-bachi, who is the Overseer of it, finds by his Registries, whether all the things that were taken out of the Treasury, during the Grand Seignor's life, are brought into it again at his death. Whenever any piece is taken out, the Seligdar-Aga, to whom it is delivered, gives the Principal Officer of the Treasury an acknowledgement, under his hand, of his having received it; and by that means nothing can be embezzled, good order being strictly observed in all things, relating to the Seraglio. In some other parts of the Chamber you found hanging up Poniards and Knives, all rich Pieces, and beset with precious stones, which as all the rest, are exactly Registered in the Books of the Treasury. On each side of the said Chamber, there are two little Rooms, for four Pages of the Seferlis, who wait on the Seligdar-Aga, and are always about his person. 'Tis now time that we pass into the Grand Seignor's Quarter. CHAP. XV. Of the Grand Seignor's Apartment. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Chamber of the Forty Pages. A noble Monument of the Valour of Amurath. The situation of the Mosqueys in Turkey. The Ceremonies of their Devotions. A Magnificent Winter-Chamber. The mysterious Seal of Mahomet. The great Superstitions of the Turks. A fantastic, and covetous knack of Devotion. The Relics of Omar. A ridiculous Sect. The Grand Seignor's Quarter. The Emperor Amurath's Belvedere, or place of Prospect. The Excellent Wines of the Isle of Tenedos. A perfidious Act justly punished. The Fortune of a beautiful Sicilian Virgin. The Grand Seignor's Bedchamber. The ancient veneration of the Turks for Mahomet's Banner. A word farther of the Prince's Apartment. THough the inner part of the Seraglio aught properly to be divided into but two great Quarters, which are the Grand Seignor's own Quarter, and the Quarter of the Sultanesses; yet have I thought it more convenient, for the Reader's better remembrance of things, to distinguish to him the different parts, of which the former consists answerably to its several uses: and after a large account, given of the Baths, the Treasury, the Cupbearer's Office, and the Falconry, I come now to the particular Apartment of the Grand Seignor's Person. The Chamber of the Forty Pages. The Has Oda is the first structure that offers itself to your view, and 'tis by that name the Turks call the fourth and highest Class of the Ichoglans, which is the Chamber of the Forty Pages, who are hourly employed in the Grand Seignor's Service. This Chamber is of the same largeness, as that of the Pages of the Treasury, and furnished much after the same rate; but it is not near so lightsome, or rather, it wants light. As there is not so great a number of them, so have they accordingly more place to sit, or lie down; and in the midst of the Chamber, you found a little square place, raised up somewhat higher than the Beds of the Pages, whence the Hazodabachis, their Governor, may observe all their actions, and see how they demean themselves. He has order to give the Grand Seignor notice of it, Rewards being the consequences of good actions, as chastisements are, of bad ones; and it is also incumbent upon him to make speedy provision of all the things they stand in need of. Over the Door of that Chamber, these words, La Illa He Illa, etc. whereof I have often made mention, are engraved in large golden Letters; and at the four corners, are the Names of Mahomet's four Companions, Ebou-beker, Omar, Osman, and Ali, engraved in like manner in black Marble. When the Grand Seignor has made a Bassa, and that he is to take his leave of his Highness, togo to his Government, he comes out at that Door, where all those names are engraved, and as soon as he is come out, he turns his face again to the Door, and kisses the Threshold of it, with great humility. As soon as you are come into the Chamber, you found on the right hand several words of the Law, written, and enchased, in guilt squares, and one of these Writings is, of Sultan Achmet's, the Father of Amurath. On the left hand, you A noble Monument of Amurath's Valour. found, fastened to the Wall, a Coat of Mail, a Head-piece, and a great Buckler; it is one of the Monuments of Amurath's Valour. During the Siege of Bagdet, or Babylon, a Persian coming out of the City, and challenging any one of the Besiegers to meet him, that Prince, one of the most courageous and strongest men of his age, would needs receive him himself, without any other Arms, than a Sabre in his hand, though the Persian was armed from head to foot. Amurath who was not only a prodigious Person as to strength, and valour, but also well skilled in the use of a Weapon, afforded him not the time to consider whom he had to deal withal, but immediately gave him such a furious blow with the Sabre, over the right shoulder, that he cut his coat of Mail quite to the Middle of his Body, and left him dead upon the place. Opposite to the Hazoda, or the Chamber of the forty Pages, there is a Gallery of a considerable length, and particularly remarkable for its Structure. It is open on both sides, and has, of each, a row of white Marble-Pillars; but it is built after the Serpentine fashion, and they who walk in it are, every six paces, out of sight one of the other. There are, under this Gallery four great priests, to put up the accouttements of the four Officers, who are always about the Grand Seignor's Person, to wit, the Seligdar-Aga, the Chokadar-Aga, the Requabdar-Aga, and the Hazodabacht, of whom I have spoken at the beginning of this Relation, when I gave a List of the Grandees of the Port. The situation of the Mosques in Turkey, This Gallery, of so fantastic and so extraordinary a Structre, is not far from that other, which is a continued ascent, and whereof I made mention in the precedent Chapter. Opposite to this last, there is a Mosquey of the middle sort, as to the largeness, the length of it somewhat exceeding its breadth, and it stands North and South, a situation the Turks observe in all their Mosqueys, which are always turned towards Meeha, which place is Meridional to all the provinces of the Empire. There is in the Wall, opposite to the South, a kind of Niche, which they call Mihrab, into which the Iman, who is their Priest, gets up, to say Prayers at the accustomed hours, and the Grand Seignor is present thereat, with the forty Pages of the Hazoda, in a little Room, the Window whereof is opposite to the Niche. On both sides of the said Niche, there is a Gallery sustained by five Pillars, some whereof are of green Marble, and the rest of Prophyry. And in the Mosquey, and in the Chamber, or Room, into which the Grand Seignor comes-to do his Devotions, and in the two Galleries, there's no going but upon rich Carpets. You are not to look for aught of Painting there; nor have the Walls any other Ornament, than that of the whiteness of the Marble, whereof they are built. But there are a great many Writings, in large Arabic Characters, enchased in gilt Borders, hanging up in several places, and those Writings contain only things taken out of the Law of Mahomet. The Window of the Chamber into which the Grand Seignor comes to do his Devotions, is six foot in length, and three foot high, and has a Lattice with a Curtain behind it, as it is in several Chapels, which our Christiau Princes have in their Palaces. There is also opposite to the same Niche, beforementioned, such another Window, and such another Chamber, for the Sultanesses, and when the Muezim, whose station is of one side of the Iman, and who is as it were his Clerk, hears the drawing of the Curtains, he immediately rings a small Bell which is the signal, that the Grand Seignor and the Sultanesses are come into their several Rooms. The Ceremonies of their Devotions. Upon their arrival, the foresaid Muezim gins to sing these two words, Allabu, Ek●er, which signifies, God is Great, repeating them four times: and afterwards, having added thereto some words, speaking as 'twere to himself, the Iman in his turn, sings these following; Flhamdu lillahi Rabbil alemijn, that is to say, The Grace of God is the Master of all things. He thus continues the Prayer, prostrating himself several times to the ground, and all the people present do also prostrate themselves as he does, In the midst of the Domo of the Mosquey, there is a Hoop of Iron, all about which there hangs a great number of Lamps, of Venice-Crystal, and there are also some disposed along the Galleries, of the same Metal, they being not permitted to have in their Mosqueys, either Gold or Silver. They do not light those Lamps, but only for the Prayers at night, and the fire casting a reflection one those Crystals, creates a most delightful Object to the sight. The Chamber of the Sarai-Agasi, one of the four Principal Eunuches, is adjoining to that Mosquey, and the lest of all the Chambers, of the Officers, belonging to the Inner-part of the Seraglio. He has but little place more than is requisite for him to sleep in, and he is waited on by two Pages of the Couchouk-Oda, or the little Chamber Adjoining to the Door of the Hazoda, there is a Hall paved with a Checquer-work of black and white Marble, in the midst whereof there is a Basin of the same material, but of several Colours, out of which there is an ascent of water four or five foot high. That water is received into a second Basin, made in the form of a Scallop-shell, out of which it falls again into a third, much larger than the two precedent ones. The upper part of the Hall is built Domo-wise, having therein some Windows, which give it light, and a certain piece of dull Painting is all the Ornament of its Walls. At your entrance into this Hall, you see two Doors, one on the right hand, the other on the left. That on the left hand conducts to a Flower-Garden? and the other is the door of a Chamber, into which the Grand Seignor comes sometimes in the Winter-Season. A magnificent Winter Chamber. This Chamber is one of the most sumptuous of any in the Seraglio. It's Arched Roof is divided into a great number of little Cells, Trianglewise, distinguished by two little fillets of Gold with a green streak in the midst, and out of every Angle, there jurs somewhat like the bottom of Lamp, excellently well gilded. Though the Walls are of a curious white Marble, yet is there a delicate piece of Wainscotage, of about the height of a man's waste, carried quite round the Room, and the rich Carpets, upon which you walk, deprive your sight of the large squares of Marble, of several colours, wherewith the Floor is embellished. Of a great number of Cushions, which are placed along the Walls, some are embroidered with Pearls, and precious Stones, and set there only for ostentation; the others, which are for service, are covered with Gold, or Silver-brocadoes, and other costly Stuffs. At one of the corners of the Chamber, there is a little Field-bed, about two foot in height, embroidered all over, the Counterpane, the Cushions, and the Quilt; and that Embroidery is all of Pearls, Rubies, and Emeralds. But when the Grand Seignor is to come into that Chamber, they take away the Counterpane and Cushions, which are lesle fit for Service than for Ornament, and they bring in others of quilted or tufted Velvet, or Satin, upon which the Grand Seignor may more conveniently repose himself. Mahomet's Mysterious Seal. Towards the feet of the said Bed, there is a kind of Niche made within the very Wall, in which there is a little Ebony Box, about half a foot square, and in that is locked up Mahomet's Seal. It is enchased in a Crystal, with a Bordure of Ivory, and taking all together, it may be four inches in length, and three in breadth. I have seen the Impression of it upon a piece of Paper but he who showed it me, would not suffer me to touch it, only upon this score, that he looked on it as a great Relic. Once in three months this Chamber is made clean, and the Carpets are changed, the Pages of the Treasury being employed in that Office. And than it is, that the Chasnader-bacht opens the Box, and having in his hands an embroidered Handkerchief, he takes out the Seal, with great respect and reverence, whilst the Seignor of the Pages holds a golden Cup, garnished with Diamonds and blue Saphris, on the top of which there is a kind of Perfuming-Pot, out of which there comes an exhalation of all sorts of sweet Scents, whereby the whole Room is in a manner embalmed. The Page holds that in both his hands joined together, and lifting it up higher than his Head, all those that are present immediately prostrate themselves to the ground, as an acknowledgement of their veneration. As soon as they are up again, the Page brings down the Cup, lower than his chin, and the principal Officer of the Treasury, holding the Seal over the smoke, all those who are in the Room, come and kiss the Crystal which covers one of the most precious Relics, that they have of their Prophet. I have used all the endeavours I could, to get out of my two Officers of the Treasury, who had often kissed that Crystal, what Observations they might have made, as to the material whereof the Seal was made and what Letters were engraved upon it; but they told me, that by the reason of the smoke, and the Chyrstal, which covers the Seal, not to insist on the small time they have to observe it, during the act of kissing it, it is not possible that any one can give a certain judgement of either the Stuff, or the Engraving of it. Upon the fourteenth day of the Ramazan, that is to say, the Lent of the Turks, the Grand Seignor comes in person into that Chamber, accompanied only by the Seligdar-Aga, and taking of the Crystal, which lies over the Seal, he delivers it into his hands, ordering him to make the Impression of it upon fifty little bits of Paper, which are not much bigger than the Seal itself. This Impression is taken of with a certain gummy Ink, which is prepared in a Porcelain Dish, whereinto he thrusts his finger, and rubs the Seal with it, and keeps all those Printed Papers, for the use, to which his Highness designs them, as we shall see, ere we come to the end of this Chapter. The great Superstition of the Turks. Within the same Chamber, and adjoining to the place, where the Seal is kept, there is another Box or Coffer, of a larger size, covered with a Carpet of green Velvet, with a great fringe of Gold and Silver, wherein is kept, Mahomet's Hirka. It is a Garment with large sleves of a white Camlet, made of Goat's hair, which the Turks do also look upon as a great Relic. The Grand Seignor having taken it out of the Coffer, kisses it with much respect, and puts it into the hands of the Capi-Aga, who is come into the Room by his Order, after they had taken the Impression of the Seal. The Officer sends to the Overseer of the Treasury, for a large golden Cauldron, which is brought in thither by some of the Seignor-Pages. It is so capacious, according to the description which they gave me of it, as to contain the sixth part of a Tun, and the outside of it is garnished, in some places, with Emeralds, and Turquezes. This Vessel is filled with water within six singers breadth of the brink, and the Capi-Aga, having put Mahomet's Garment into it, and left it to soak a little while, takes it out again, and wrings it hard, to get out the water it had imbibed, which falls into the Cauldron, taking great care, that there falls not any of it to the ground. That done, with the said water he fills a great number of Venice-Chyrstal Bottles, containing about half a pint, and when he has stopped them, he Seals them with the Grand Seignor's Seal. They afterwards set the Garment a drying, till the twentich day of the Ramazan, and than his Highness comes to see them put up again in the Coffer. A ridiculous and covetous ' knack of Devotion. The next day after that Ceremoney, which is the fifteenth after their grand Fast, the Sultan sends to the Sultanesses, and the Grandees of Constantiople as also to most of the considerable Bassa's of the Empire, to each of them, an Impression of the Seal, in a little scrip of Paper rolled up, and well fastened with Silk, and with that, one of those Bottles full of water, which is looked upon as a great favour. But it proves a very dear favour to those who receive it, and for a scrip of Paper, and a Glass of water, they must sand back again to the Grand Seignor a very considerable Present, not accounting what they bestow one those persons, who bring from him, those testimonies and marks of his Affection. It is to be observed also, That the Capi-Aga is allowed to multiply the said Water, as far as he thinks requisite, and answerably to his desire of multiplying the Presents. All he has to do, is only to fill up the Cauldron, as it is emptied, and that additional water is as good as 'twas before, since it is intermixed with that wherein Mahomet's Garment had been soaked. For there are many persons, to whom he sends those Bottles, with out the impression of the Seal, upon the little piece of paper, and he has a snack out of all that is bestowed on the Bearers of those Presents. But he is not permitted to make that multiplication of the Water, any longer than for the space of three days; that is to say, till the Seventeenth of the Ramazan, after which time, the additional intermixture of it would not have the Virtue, which they imagine it has, As soon as this Present is received by those to whom it is sent, they take the paper, which has the impression of Mahomet's Seal, and after they have left it to soak a little while in the Water of the little Crystal bottle, they take of the water and the paper, swallowing down both together with great devotion. But it is to be noted, That no body must be so presumptuous as to open that paper; for they swallow it down a● it is brought to them, after a little soaking in the water, they being not permitted to see the impression of the sacred Seal: And they who receive only the little bottle, without the paper, sand for one of their Imen, who are as 'twere, their Priests, and get him to writ down these words in another piece of paper, Lafoy he Illa, Alla bull, vahidul gebber, That is to say There is no other God than God, the punisher of Crimes. There are others, who order these words to be writ down; La Illa he Illa, Allahul meliqued vehhab; which signifies, There is no other God than God alone, the Liberal Emperor, and Pardoner of Offences. The paper having those words written upon it, is put into the water of the little Bottle, and so they swallow down both together, with a strong persuasion, that those words have the same verve, as the impression of the Seal. There is also to be seen, in the same Chamber, a very homely kind of Cutlass, hanging by the Wall, near the place where the Prophet's Seal The Relics of Omar. and Garment are kept. The Scabbard is covered with Green cloth, and they have it by Tadition, that it had been the Cutlass of Omar, one of Mahomet's four Companions, who governed after him, though Ebou-Bequer was the elder of the two, and Father-in-law to Mahomet. The Arabians affirm, That Ebou-Bequer was a Jew, by extraction, and one of the most learned of his time; and that, having renounced the Mosaic Law he taught at Mecha, in the Schools, after which he beset himself to compose some part of the Alcoran. Near the Cutlass, there is also to be seen a kind of short Sword, for which they have, in like manner, a great veneration, upon a persuasion, that it some time was the Sword of a certain person named Ebou-Nislum, with which he cut to pieces, those, who had spread a Heresy in the Law of Mahomet. He came not into the World till Four hundred years after the death of the Prophet, and at length destroyed that Sect, which during the space of two Ages before, had given much trouble to the true Mahometans, and gained several Battles against them. A ridiculous Sect. The said Sect was grown very powerful under the denomination of Muhacriguu, and I have met with some remainders of it in the Mountains of Churdistan, which is the ancient Chaldees. Those people are very remarkable for their superstition, and much more for their ignorance; and a man must have a great care of striking a black Dog, in their presence, or cutting an Onion with a Knife; for their way, when they are to eat an Onion, is to truth it between two stones. The came of that gross ignorance, is their not having any Person among them, to instruct them; and a man may Travel five or six days Journey in their Country, and not meet with either a Mollah, or a Mosquey. The same reason may also be given for their being, for the most part, uncircumcised, and that they who have received Circumcision, had it not till they were Twelve or Fifteen Years of Age, and that accidentally by going to some place at a great distance, to found out a Mollah, and defraying the Charges of their Friends and Relations, who must accompany them to that Ceremony. The Grand Seignor's Quarter. Between the Chamber, where these noble Relics are to be seen, and that of the Forty Pages, of which I have given an Account at the beginning of this Chapter, you have the Prospect of a triple Portal of Porphyry, that is, three doors at a small distance one from the other, whereof that in the middle gives entrance into the Grand Seignor's Apartment. The two others lead to the Lodgings of the Chokadar-Aga, and the Riquab●ar-Aga, and those lodgings are very dark, because they are not in a place where light can be brought into them, and that at the first building thereof, they could afford each of them but one little Window. But abating that inconvenience, they are well enough furnished, according to the mode of the Country, you tread upon nothing but silken Carpets; there's no want of Brokado-Cushins and emboydered ones, and the Walls, which are all of white Marble, entertain the Eye with pots of Flowers plainly painted, at certain equal distances, about which there has been an ingenious appi●ation of Gold and Azure. The Grand Seignor's Quarter gins with a Hall, which is spacious enough, and the embellishments of the inside of it are correspondent to those of the outside. It is an incrustation of Marble, of several colours, and the Floor of it is covered only with the large Woollen Carpets, which are brought out of Persia, but such as are more sumptuous, and much more highly esteemed, than those which are made of Silk. All about the Hall, for the space of Five foot, there are spread Coverlets of Silk, of a light colour, some Tufted, some Embroidered, and upon the Coverlets, there are several sorts of Rich Cushions, four foot in length, and between two and three in breadth. Amurath's Belvedere. Of the two Doors, which are within the Hall, one goes to the Apartment of the Pages, the other to the Quarter of the Sultanesses, and as you go out by this last mentioned, you enter into a Flower-Garden, in the midst whereof there is a Basin with its waterwork. From one of the ends of the Garden you pass to the Revan Kou●bi, that is to say, a Chamber supported by Pillars. It is a Belvedere, or spacious Room, having a delightful Prospect of all sides, which the Sultan Amurath caused to be built, at his return from the Persian War, after he had taken the City of Babylon from Sach-Sefi, the King of that Kingdom, ruin'd the Province of Tauris, and added that of Erivan to his Conquests, by the perfidiousness of the Governor. I shall give you an account anon, how he was justly punished, for that act of Treachery, and I reserve the Complete history of his baseness, for the Relations of my Travels. This Room or Arbour, which we call the Blvedere, from the delightfulness of its Prospect, is built in an Eminent place, upon a steepy Rock. It is a noble Arched Roof, and the Walls, which are raised no higher than that a Man may rest his Elbow on them, are all of White Marble, with some Arabian Verses thereon, cut and gilt. It is open on all sides, and the Lattices all about it, hinder those that are within it from being seen by such as are on the outside, and afford them withal one of the most delightful Prospects in the World. For, from that Room, they have the sight of all Galata and Pera, all that pleasant Landscape of Asia, about Scutaret and Chalcedon, the Port of Constantinople, one of the noblest of all Europe, and the Channel of the Black Sea, which at the point of the Seraglio, is intermixed with the Waters of the Medeterranan, where there is observable in the midst, as it were, a white foamy streak, which seems naturally to denote the Confines of Europe and Asia. The Excellent Wines of Tenedos. 'Twas in this pleasant Arbour, that Amurath was often want to divert himself, with that Governor of Erivan, who had taught him to drink Wine, whereto he had so easily accustomed himself, that many times, he spent three days together, in a continued debauch. The only Wine he drunk was of the Islands of Tenedos, the most excellent of any of the Islands of the Archiphelago, and the lest intoxicating; and he soon became as good a proficient in the drinking of it, as the Master, who had taught him to do it. This Persian Governor was a man extremely inclined to Debauchery, insomuch that before his perfidious delivery of the Place to Amurath, as I passed through Erivan, in one of my Voyages to Persia, he entreated me to make my Abode there for the space of fifteen days, and to humour him, there was a necessity of spending whole Nights in Drinking, so that I saw him not all the Day long, which I question not but he employed in the management of his Affairs, and taking his repose. Perfidiousness punished. But, at the long run, lewd actions meet with the Punishment they justly deserve. Shach-Sefi, King of Persia, would not entertain any proposition of Peace, not nor so much as give audience to an Ambassador from the Grand Seignor, whom I saw sent back from Ispahan, where I than was, unless Amurath would dedeliver up the Traitor, in order, to his punishment. Whereupon, they being both one day at their ordinary debauch, in the Belvedere, the Grand Seignor, without any formality, ordered him to be Strangled, in his presence. The fortune of a beautiful Sicilian Lady. It was sometimes also Amurath's custom, to bring into that pleasant place, the Principal Sultanesses, as, his Mothers, his Sisters, and such others as he had the greatest kindness for. But his most frequent assignations there, was with a Sicilian Lady, for whom he had a great affection, and who being extremely handsome and of a mild disposition, obtained of him whate'er he desired. She was taken at Sea, by the Pirates of Barbary, as she was upon her Voyage into Spain in order to her intermarriage with one of the Grandees of that Country: And the Bassa of Algiers▪ sent her a Present, to the Grand Seignor, who took a particular fancy for her, and made her as happy, as a Woman can be, who must endure the restraint of the Seraglio. The Grand Seignor's Bedchamber. From that door of the Hall, which gives entrance into the Flower-garden, you pass, on the right hand, into a kind of Gallery, about fifty paces in length, and twelve in breadth, the pavement whereof is a Chequerwork of Black and White Marble, at the end of it there is a great Structure, which is wholly of Marble, and what first entertains the Eye is a pretty lage Door, over which there is a kind of a flat arched Roof. And both the Roof, and the Door, are adorned with flowers in embossed work; and amongst those flowers, there are certain impresses cut in the Marble, and all curiously Gilt. About five or six paces from that Door, you come to another not inferior to it, as to beauty, which is that of the Grand Seignor's own Chamber. It's Ceiling, or arched Roof, is according to the model of the Winter-room, whereof I have given you a Description at the beginning of this Chapter. The only difference between 'em is, in what issues out of the Angles of the little Arches; and whereas in the other Room they represent the bottoms of Lamps, gilded with Gold; in this, they are balls of Rock-Crystal, cut Facet-wise, with an intermixture of precious stones, of different Colours, which must needs give a very divertive entertainment to the Eye. The Floor of it is covered with Carpets, which, as to Beauty and Excellency of Workmanship, exceed those of the other Chambers; and the same thing is to be said, as to the Quilts, the Counterpanes, and the Cushions; the most part of this Furniture being adorned with an Embroidery of Pearls, and the whole Room which is very spacious, having in all parts, several other sumptuous embellishments. And whereas this Room was Originally designed for the Grand Seignor's Summer-Divertisement, it is accordingly the more lightsome, and has large Windows on three sides of it. As to the Sultan's Lodging, he complies with the custom of the Country, or rather that of all the Eastern parts. There is no Bedstead set up, but towards the Evening the Pages spread three Quilts one upon the other, at one of the corners of the Chamber, and place over it a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, garnished with an embroidery of Pearls. The Ancient Veneration for Mahomet's Standard. On the right hand, as you come into this Room, there is a Cub-board, or Press, wrought within the very Wall, where they keep the Bajarac, that is to say, the Standard of Mahomet, which has these words for its Impress, or Motto, Nasrum min Allah, that is, in our Language, The Assistance is from God. This Standard was heretofore in so great veneration among the Turks, that when there happened any Sedition, either at Constantinople, or in the Armies, there was no safer or more expeditious remedy to appease it, than to expose that Standard to the sight of the Rebels. And that very Expedient has many times proved very fortunate to the Ottoman Princes, when they have been reduced to their great Extremities, by the secret Combinations of some Factious Persons. Than does the Grand Seignor sand some of the Mullahs, who are in the nature of Priests, amongst the Turks, with the Standard, and being come up to the first Ranks of the Rebellious Forces, they speak to them, in their Language, to this effect: This Banner is the Standard of the Prophet; all they who are Faithful, and Obedient, aught to come and submit themselves at the Foot of this Standard; and they who will not come to it, are Unbelievers, and they aught to be destroyed. But some years since, the Turks made it appear, that they made but little account of that Standard; for Hassan, one of the Bassa's, who gave the Grand Seignor so much Trouble in the Year 1658. turned his back on Mahomet's Banner, and, followed by his own Party, compassed the Design he was engaged in. A word further of the Prince's Apartment. Out of the Grand Seignor's Chamber, there is a passage into a great Hall, the place appointed for the Reception of the Pages who approach his Person; and there is adjoining to it a Bath, which is filled by three Cocks, where they wash themselves, when they go to their Devotions. Out of the same Hall, there is an ascent of some steps, which brings you to a small Closet, only Wainscoted about, but well Painted, and well Gilt. That Staircase is always covered with a read Cloth, the Room is open on all sides, having fair Windows, wherein Talc is used, instead of Glass; and from thence you have, in a manner, the same Prospect as from the Belvedere, built by the Emperor Amurath. CHAP. XVI. Of the ordinary Employments of the Grand Seignor; The particular inclinations of the Emperour-Regent, Mahomet IU. And the present State of the Ottoman Family. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. Some inclinations common to all the Monarches of the Eastern-parts. The Life of the Seraglio, delicious to one single Person, and incommodious to many. The Mahometans zealous observers of their Law. The regulated times of their public Devotions. The ordinary Employments of the Grand Seignor. How his Table is served. The Sultan, when obliged to go, in Ceremony, to the Mosquey. The wicked contrivances of the Moufti to get Money. The present State of the Ottoman Family. An extraordinary Example of a Father and a Son, who were successively Grand Viziers. The portraiture of the Sultan-Regent, Mahomet. The Ancient Custom of the Turkish Emperors, to live by their Labour. The Grand Seignor's subtlety, in revenging himself of the Moufti Inclinations common to the Eastern Monarches. THE Ottoman Monarches, and generally all the Princes of Asia, what Reputation soever they may have gained, for their Valour, have always been guilty of a bent to Voluptuousness, and Effeminacy, and found great Charms in a slothful kind of Life. They come out of their Seraglios as seldom as they can, and that only, when an indispensable necessity forces them to show themselves in public, whether it be at the head of their Armies, or in those Ceremonies, wherein the Law, or common Civilities, require their Presence. True it is, that some of them were not so great Lovers of Retirement as others, and preferred the hardships of War, the Divertisements of Hunting, before the blandishments of Ease, and the conversation of Women: But those may be reduced into a very small number, and the greatest part of them being more addicted to mind their quiet, and to lead a Life voided of disturbance, have transferred all their concerns, Civil and Military, to the management of the principal Minister of State, thinking it enough to content themselves with the account he was pleased to give him thereof. The Seraglio a place delicious to one fingle person, and incommodious to many. It may be said of the Seraglio, That it is a delicate, but withal a solitary place of abode: but as to the Observations I have made of things, it is delicious only to a single person, and solitary to all the rest. Of the many Thousands, of the Male Sex, who are there as 'twere in Prison, and have a dependence, one upon the other, none but the Prince himself has the sight of Women; for the Negro-eunuches, whom their deformity of Body and Countenance has, in a manner, transformed into Monsters, are not to be admitted into the number of Men. The Mahometans zealous observers of the Law. But though the Otoman Monarches, and generally all that may be comprehended under the denomination of Turcism, are involved in Voluptuousness, as not having any tincture of aught relating to polite Literature, yet this is particularly recommendable in them, that their great pursuance of pleasures does not ever make them neglect the Divine Worship, and that, setting all things aside, they are careful to perform what the Law requires of them, upon that account. They are exact and punctual, even to superstition, in all their exercises of Piety, in their ways of washing themselves, in their Prayers, in their Fasts, in their Alms, and in their Pilgrimages; which are the Five principal Articles of the Mahometan Religion. The regulated times of their Devotions. It is a thing sufficiently well known to all people, that the Turks go to their Prayers, or Devotions, five times a day, that is, in the space of a natural Day, which amounts to four and twenty hours. For the performance of this work, there are no certain hours appointed, and it is according to the Sun's being above the Horizon. Upon which account, there is a greater interval between their several Offices, in the Summertime, than there is in the Winter, and they place the principal part of their Devotion upon observations of that nature. The first exercise is to be performed at the break of day, before Sunrising; the second at Noon; the third, between that time and Sunset; the fourth, immediately after his setting; and the last, about an hour and an half after Night: in all which, unless sickness intervene, they are very punctual, so that nothing of business, how important soever, shall divert them. Their fervour in Acts of Devotion. Nay, on the contrary, some are so zealous, and their fervour is so remarkable, that being once fixed in their Prayers, they could not be put out of them, though 'twere to force back an Enemy, who were entering into the City, or that word should be brought them, that the house wherein they are, was on fire. They are moreover of a persuasion, that it is a great sin, for them to put their hand to any part of the body, to scratch▪ themselves, if there should be occasion; and they would have the external part to be answerable to the internal, and correspondent to that abjection, which aught to be the state of the Soul, in the presence of God, during their Exercises of Devotion. The Grand Seignors ordinary Employments. Nor does the Grand Seignor himself desire to be dispensed from the obligation of performing these acts of Devotion, any more than the meanest of his Subjects; but, on the contrary, he is very religious in that observance of their Law, and he always gins the day with the Offices appointed for that part of it. We need say not more, than that he rises at the break of day, nay sometimes he is up before, and goes into the Bath to wash himself, especially when he has lain with one of his Wives, or Concubines. Having finished his Prayers, he diverts himself in shooting with the Bow, or more commonly in looking after his Horses, and riding some of them: and sometimes he sets himsef in a Gallery, where he cannot be seen by any, and contents himself with the diversion of seeing some exercises performed by his Pages. If an one of them does something that he is much pleased withal, he sends him a Vest, or some other thing of value, as an encouragement for his doing better another time, and to raise an emulation in his Companions. Upon Council-days, he comes through the close Gallery, to the Window, which looks into the Divan Hall, to see what they are doing there: and upon the rising of the Council, he returns to his own Quarter, where his Dinner is brought up to him. The Services of his Table. In the services of his Table, there is not any great varitey, or delicacy, the Dishes that are served up, being answerable to the Bill of fare, which I have given you in the Chapter, where I treat of the Kitchens. He takes his refection, sitting, crosslegged, as Tailors do amongst us, being surrounded with sumptuous Brocado-cushions, which keep from him the dampness of the Walls, and upon the Carpets which cover the Scaffold, or Balcony, where he is seated, they spread others of Spanish-Leather, jest the former should be prejudiced by any thing of greasiness, which might fall on the Tablecloth, and soak through it. This Cloth, which is laid over the Spanish-Leather-Carpet, is of those sumptuous painted clothes, which are made in the Indieses, and embroidered all about: and as for Napkins, there are not any used amongst the Turks, who are near, and cleanly at their Meals, and if sometimes there be any occasion of wiping, 'tis done with a little handkerchief. At their refections, they use the right hand only, and when they have done, there is a Basin of warm water and soap brought up, for them to wash, and every one takes out his Handkerchief from under his Sasch, or Girdle, to wipe his hands and mouth. Nor must you expect in Turkey to found Knives and Forks laid on the Table, but every one has his Knife lodged in his Sasch, and makes use of, when occasion requires: but they have no great use for them, inasmuch as their Bread being made thin, as 'twere into Cakes, and eaten in a manner as soon as 'tis out of the Oven they break it with their fingers, and all the meat, which is served up to them, is cut into small pieces, which is also the custom in Persia. But the Spoons they use, in taking their Pottages, and whatever is liquid upon the Table, are much larger than ours; and they are wooden ones. The Pages of the Kilar, that is the Cupbearers Office bring up the Bread, and the Sherbets, and the Pages of the Chamber go and take the meat, at the Prince's Apartment, out of the hands of the Officers belonging to the Kitchen, who bring it in Dishes covered with Porcelain, the Grand Seignor not using any Gold Vessels at his own Table. After Dinner, the Grand Seignor says his Noon-Prayer, and sometimes, on Sundays and Tuesdays, which are the principal Council-days he comes into the Hall of Audience, to discourse with his Ministers of State, concerning his Affairs. On the other days, he walks in the Gardens of the Seraglio, sometimes with his Eunuches, sometimes with the Sultanesses, or with the Dwarves and Mutes, who show a thousand apish tricks, to divert him: and sometimes he goes a hunting, or fishing, according to his inclination. But neither his Affairs, nor his Recreations do ever divert him from performing the five Exercises of Devotion, at the times appointed by the Alcoran; and it is the general Persuasion of all the Turks, that if they neglect them, they bring down God's curse upon themselves, and that they cannot avoid the ill consequences thereof. The Sultan, when obliged to go, in Ceremony, to the Mosquey. I have said elsewhere, that Friday is to the Mahometans, what the Saturday is to the Jews, and the Sunday to the Christians, in regard it was upon the said day, that Mahomet took his flight from Mecha; and I have also given this further intimation, that the Turks count their Months only by the number of the Moons. There is an ancient Custom, whereby the Grand Seignor is obliged upon all the first Frydays of the several Moons, to go to the new Mosquey, in regard that S. Sophia is too near the Seraglio, and besides that there is not, between those places, room enough for so great a Train, as that of the Sultan, the people of Canstantinople would not have the satisfaction of seeing him. His Devotion is so great, that he seldom misses that Ceremony, and when there passes a first Friday of the month, without his appearance in it, the people is presently of opinion, that he is sick and thereupon turbulunt spirits are mutining their factious designs. On those days do they, who have any complaints to make, of some injustice that has been done them, take their opportunity and plant themselves in the way through which he is to pass, with Petitions in their hands, which upon a sign made by the Sultan, are received by Eunuches. If the injustice be very great and the person who presents the Petition be extremely oppressed and injured, he holds a lighted Torch over his head, which is ordinarily practised in Turkey upon the like occasions, and by that mysterious comportment, intimates to the Prince; That if he does not do him justice, his Soul shall burn in the other World, as that Torch does in this. Upon the Emperor's going out of the Seraglio, the principal Sultanesses, his Mother, his dearest Consort, or his Sisters, are in a Room over the great Gate of that Palace, with Bags full of Asper's, which they fling among the people, that they may pray, That God would graciously harken to the Devotions, which the Grand Seignor is going to perform. His March is after the same Order, and with an observance of the Pomp, as that of the ancient Greek Emperors, and I question not, but that those Authors, who have written of the Ottoman Empire in general, or particularly of the City of Constantinople, have made sufficient descriptions, of that Ceremony, and therefore I shall think myself dispensed from the obligations of giving a new one of it. I shall only say this of it, That it is very Magnificent, and that there is not any Monarch in the World, who makes so great an exposal of Gold and precious Stones together, wherewith the Harnesses and Trappingss of most of the Horses, as well of the Grand Seignor, as those of the Bassa's are all covered. The wicked contrivances of the Moufti, to et Money. At their return from the Mosquey, the Moufti, on Horseback, and at the head of a wretched Crew of Greek Christians, of the meanest sort of people (for there are very few Armenians among them) expect the Grand Seignor, at the Gates of the Seraglio, and telling his Highness, That those people were Misbelievers, who had embraced the good Law, entreat him to relieve them, and to make some provision for their Livelihood. Upon this Exhortation, the Sultan order twenty or thirty Purses to be distributed amongst them; nay sometimes his Charity is so great, as to amount to twenty thousand Crowns, which are received by the Moufti, and the distribution thereof is made, as he pleases. But the greater part of it he converts to his own use, and holds an infamous Correspondence with most of that wretched Crew, who though they often present themselves for that Benevolence, he pretends not to have any knowledge of at all. By this Imposture, which is so palpable, and suits well enough with the followers of Mahomet, does that Highpriest of the Mahometan Law, put yearly into his Purse, a considerable Sum of Money, which is no small augmentation to his Revenue. But the Case is the same with him, as with the Bassa's: that is, he is not exempted from refunding, and we shall, by and by produce a very late Example of it. And this may serve for a general Account of the ordinary Lives of the Ottoman Monarches while they are within the Scraglio. In their Armies, they have other Employments, especially they, who have Military Souls, as there have been some among them, of whom Histories have given us a very noble Character. The present State of the Ottoman Family. I come now to the present state of the Ottoman Family, and to the particular inclinations of the Grand Seignor, who now Reigns. Mahomet, the Fourth of that Name, the Son of Ibrahim, and a Circassian Lady, was Born in the Year 1643. and he is, by that account, got into the Thirty fourth Year of his Age, and the Twenty fourth of his Reign. He has two Brothers, Bajazet, and Orchan, but they are by another Mother, who is still living, and is perpetually studying how to preserve them. He has also a third Brother, named Solyman, who is the second of the Sons of Ibrahim, according to the order of their Nativities. But the Mother of the last mentioned Son is dead; and thence it comes, that the Soldiery, who conceive greater hopes of that Prince, than of either Bajazet, or Orchan, his Brethrens, pity him the more, and have the greater Affection for him, upon that very score of his having lost the support, which he might have expected from a Mother. Ever since the time of Bajazet the Second, who first introduced that inhuman and cruel Custom, of securing the Throne of the Sultan-Regent, by the death of his Brethrens, few of those unfortunate Princes have escaped the Barbarism of their Elder-Brother, and they, amongst them, who have been treated with somewhat lesle of inhumanity, have pined away their Lives in a strict and doleful Imprisonment, being not permitted to see any body. This was the Treatment of Ibrahim, the Father of Mahomet, during the Reign of Amurath, his Brother, the Son of Achmet, by Kiosem, a Woman of Excellent Parts, and well versed in the Management of Affairs. Mahomet's Brothers are now treated after the same rate, and the Mother of Bajazet, and Orchan, uses all the endeavours she can, to secure to them the Affections of the great Officers of the Port, and the Janissaries, who are somewhat disgusted with the capricious humour, and extraordinary Covetousness of Mahomet. This Prince was advanced to the Throne in the Year 1650. after the Death of Ibrahim, his Father, who was strangled by the Janissaries in a Sedition. He being than but Seven Years of Age, the Regency was bestowed, during his Minority, on the Old Sultaness, Mother to Ibrahim, who soon after abused her Authority, and raised a dangerous Faction against her Grandchild Mahomet, wherein she lost her Life. An extraordinary Example of a Father and Son successively Grand Viziers. The present Grand Seignor, who is a Person much addicted to his Pleasures, and takes a particular diversion in Hunting, leaves the management of Affairs to his Grand Vizir Achmet, who has succeeded Coprogli, his own Father, in that principal Charge of the Empire. 'Tis a thing which may well pass for a Prodigy, amongst the Turks, and such as that there has not yet been any Example of it seen, as perhaps there will not be any other hereafter. I have shown, that it is a thing absolutely contrary to their Politics; and therefore had it not been for the great and particular obligations, which the Empire had to Coprogli, who on the other side, cunningly represented to the Grand Seignor, that he never durst trust any but his own Son, with the Secret of Affairs, whereof he only had the Key, this very Achmet, who next to the Sultan, is the principal Person of the Empire, would have been, at present, but a simple B●y, or Captain of a Galley. The Portraiture of Mahomet IU. the present Prince. The Grand Seignor Mahomet is handsome enough as to his Person, his Stature somewhat exceeding that of the middle sort of persons; he has not too much corpulency, and his health is in an uncertain state. He is very much troubled with a Fall, which he received in the violence of his Game, some years since, by leaping his Horse over a broad Ditch: And whereas that passion is still predominant in him, this inconvenience attends it, That, when he is not somewhat favourable and indulgent to himself, in that violent Exercise, he is sometimes taken of his Horse in a miserable condition, the Remedies which might be applied to that indisposition, taking no effect, by reason of the little care he takes to preserve himself. He is a person of an unconstant and unquiet disposition, which creates the greater trouble to those who wait on him; and though they study his humours, yet is it a hard matter to satisfy him. He has a Son, who has been Circumcised with great Solemnity, at the Age, wherein that Ceremony is to be performed. The Sultaness, his Mother, a Woman of a Magnificent humour, to augment the Pomp and Splendour of that Action, to the Eyes as well of the Turks as Foreigners, would have the Garment, which the Young Prince wore that day, to be all covered with Diamonds, and, to that end, caused several Rich Piece, of the Treasury to be broken; but after the Solemnity, all the Precious Stones were carried back into it again. I said erewhile, that the present Sultan- Mahomet is extremely addicted to Hunting, and makes it so much his Darling Divertisement, that he makes lesle account of the Lives of Men, than he does of his Dogs; and withal, that he is of a very Covetous Humour. I shall, in one single Example make a sufficient discovery of both those inclinations in him, and that will also further make it appear, how well he was skilled, in that Knack of exercising great Liberalities, without any deduction out of his Revenues. When the Grand Seignor goes a Hunting, there are Orders sent to a great number of People, for the space of four or five Leagues about the place where he intends to Hunt, in order to the surrounding of a certain quantity of Ground, and for the enclosing of it so well, as that nothing can escape thence. 'Tis not to be imagined, this can be done, without great destruction to the Country, and much inconvenience to the poor People, who are forced to leave their Work, to carry on an Exercise which is much more toilsome than it, in which they many times come of with the Loss of Limb, or Life, or some other disastrous Accident. These continual impositions of trouble and toil, put many People into the repining humour, insomuch that an Eunuch, who was in favour, having one day, taken the freedom to represent to the Grand Seignor the prejudice his Subjects underwent, by those courses which occasioned the spoiling of their Grounds, and the loss of their Lives, he grew very Angry, and after some days Imprisonment, he gave him a shameful Ejection out of the Seraglio. But, in process of Time, the mischievous Inconveniences occasioned by this insatiable pursuance of his Pleasures in Hunting, increasing more and more, the Grand Vizir, and the other Bassa's, resolved to entreat the Moufti, to make a Remonstrance to him, of the ill consequence thereof, he being the only Person who might presume to speak any more of it to the Grand Seignor. The Moufti would by no means harken to it at first, imagining, as he might well, that his Harangue would not be pleasing to the Sultan: But, at last, being over-persuaded to do that good office to the Public, he took Courage, and his opportunity, to speak to him, with all the insinuation he could. The Ancient Custom of the Greek Emperors, to live by their handiwork. He could not bethink himself of a better Expedient, to remove that predominant passion out of his mind, than to represent to him, the Custom of his Predecessors, who took their diversion in some handiwork, when the War, or the Concerns of State gave them any remission: That, according to their Example, their Subjects applied themselves to things that were beneficial, and made all Arts and Professions to flourish in the Empire, to the great Advantage of the Public: That Sultan Amurath his Uncle, delighted in making those Horn-Rings, which are used in shooting with the Longbow: That Ibrahim his Father, was an Excellent Artist, in the making of Toothpicks, and other ●mall instruments of Tortoise-shell: And that it were requisite that so Laudable a Custom should not be lost, since it gave the People occasion to do the like, and so to avoid Idleness. He further Remonstrated to his Highness. That it was much more commendable in the sight of men, and more acceptable to God, for him to live by the Labour of his hands, than by the sweat of the People, and the Money arising by Impositions, which were forbidden by the Law: and that what was allotted for the peculiar Diet of his Predecessors, was the product of their own handy work: That true it was indeed, they were not obliged to any assiduity in the Employments they had fancied, but that what they did was as much for their own diversion, as to satisfy the Precept of the Law; and when they had finished some piece of Work, they sent it to some Bassa, for whom they had a particular kindness, and he received it with extraordinary respect, and abundance of joy: That he, who was the Bearer of it, when he came to present it, said, That Piece of Work, was made by the Grand Seignor himself, who had sent him to Cell it, in order to his own sustenance: And that the Bassa, or other Person, to whom it was directed, to express how highly he was pleased therewith, gave him a certain number of Purses for it; not accounting the Present which was to be made to the Bearer: That what Money came in that way, was designed to bear the Charges of the Prince's own Table, and by that means, he could not be charged with living by the Labour of his Subjects. To this effect was the Moufti's harangue; and I shall tell you by the way, That the Kings of Persia have the same Custom, or rather the same Superstition. I in the Reign of Shach-Abas, there were built, at Ispahan, certain Places called Caravanseras, which are public houses, where the Merchants are lodged, the Rents whereof are set aside for the maintenance of the King's own Table; the Money which is raised by the Customs, and other Impositions, being accounted as to that score, for Haram, that is to say, for unjust and forbidden, and reserved to be employed in the Exigencies of State, and not for the Sustenance of the Prince. The Sultan is cunningly revenged of the Moufti. The Grand Seignor dissembling and smothering the vexation, into which the Moufti's Remonstrance had put him, pretended to take his Advertisements very kindly, and disposed himself to satisfy him, in a short time, how well he could make his advantage of the Lecture he had read him. He acknowledged, that he had often thought of what he had represented to him, and that he had a way of Livelihood in his head, which he hoped would take very well. Some days passed away, ere the Grand Seignor made the lest mention of Hunting; but at last, he grows impatient, he leaves the Seraglio, and had the good fortune to kill a Hare with a Gun, the first he had ever destroyed that way. He immediately sends it to the Moufti, with order to tell him, That he has followed his Advice, and that having learned the Profession of a Huntsman, he has commanded that first piece of his Game should be brought to him, which he was willing to cell, that he might subsist by the Money it should produce: That he fail not to give twenty Purses to him who brings it; and that as to his own Person, he knew well enough what he aught to sand him. The Moufti concealed his surprisal as well as he could, and received the Hare with great testimonies of his resentments and joy, of the honour, which his Highness had done him; and having bestowed, according to his own order, Twenty Purses upon the Bearer of the Hare, sends Sixty more to the Grand Seignor himself; learning, at his own Cost, and that to the value of Fourscore thousand Crowns, that men should not be overforward to give their Sovereigns those Advertisements, which they desire not of them. To finish the Portraiture of Sultan- Mahomet, he is further chargeable with a defect of constancy, in his humour, and a roughness of deportment towards his People, who are thereupon apt to have the lesle Affection for him. And whereas he is indefatigable in his Hunting-Exercises, and spends whole days therein, even in the severest part of the Winter-Season, it happened, one day, as he was returning home, from the Sport of running down a Stag, that his Grand Falconer took the boldness to represent to him the inconvenience of exposing his Slaves so much in the Ice and Snow, by which means there had died about Thirty of them the Night before, and the rest were in a fair way to follow them. The Prince, not moved at all with that Remonstrance, made this Reply to the Grand Falconer, That, if the Wether proved very hard, they should have a care of his Dogs, and allow them clothing, and other accommodations, jest the rigour of the Season might take of any one of them; making not the lest mention of, or provision for the men, whom he sacrificed to his Divertisement. That tough Repartee having been spread among the People, has begot such animosity in them against this Prince, that there's no question made of his being sensible thereof, and that it is, in some measure, the cause of his keeping so much at a distance from the Metropolis of his Empire, where he does not think himself secure. CHAP. XVII. Of the women's Apartment. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The impossibility of having a full knowledge of the women's Apartment, in the Seraglio. The Commerce between the Jewesses and the Sultanesses. The doleful Story of Two Famous Wrestlers. The great Severity of the Sultan- Amurath. How to distinguish between what is true, and what fabulous, in reference to the Sultanesses. A strange Story of an Old Woman. Polygamy prejudicial to the propagation of Children. The great Secrecy of the Grand Seignor's Amours. The impossibility of having an exact account of the women's Apartment▪ I Make a Chapter by itself of the Apartment of the Women, only to entertain the Reader, with the impossibility there is, of having a perfect knowledge of it, or getting any exact account, either what the accommodations of it are; or how the Persons, who are confined therein, behave themselves. There is not in all Christendom any Monastery of Religious Virgins, how regular and austere soever it may be, the entrance whereof is more strictly forbidden to men, than is that of this Apartment of the Women: insomuch that my white Eunuch, who has supplied me with so particular a description of the inner part of the Seraglio, could give me no certain information of this Quatter of it, where the Women are lodged. All I could get out of him, was, That the Doors of it are kept by Negro-eunuches, and that, besides the Grand Seignor himself, and sometimes, the Physician, in case of great necessity, there never enters any man into it, not nor Woman, besides those who live in it, and they are never permittied to go out of it, unless it be in order to their confinement in the Old Seraglio. But we must except, out of that number, the Sultanesses, and their Maids, or Ladies of Honour, whom the Grand Seignor allows, when he pleases, to come into the Gardens of the Seraglio, and whom he sometimes takes abroad with him, into the Country; yet so as that they cannot be seen by any person whatsoever. Four Negro Eunuches carry a kind of Pavilion, under which is the Sultaness, and the Horse upon which she is mounted, all save only the head of the horse, which is seen on the outside of the Pavilion, the two fore pieces of which taking him about the Neck, are close fastened, above, and below. And as to the Physician, he is never admitted, as I said, but in case of extreme necessity, into the Apartment of the Women, and with such precautions, that he can neither see the person who is indisposed, nor be seen by her, but to feel her Pulse through a piece of Lawn, all the other Women having retired from her Bedside, and the Negro-eunuches having taken their places. Thus you see what precautions they use, to deprive the Women, of the Seraglio, of all means of having any access to Men, or indeed so much as a sight of them: and if it hap that some Jewess has entrance into their Quarter, to Trade with them, and to cell them some little Rarities, they are strictly searched by the Negro-eunuches, jest there should hap to thrust in some Man, disguised in Woman's clothes, in which case immediate death would ensue. And when the Curiosity of some Christian Ladies has inclined them to see the Sultanesses, they seldom escaped without the receiving of some affront; and I could produce some examples of it did I think it convenient. The Commerce between the Jewesses and the Sultanesses. It might be imagined, that, by the relation of the Jewesses, it were possible to have some account, of the embellishments of the Halls and Chambers of the Apartment of the government of that Female Republic. But it is to be noted, That these Jewesses are not permitted to go far into it; for there is a Chamber appointed for the management of their Traffic, and the Negro-eunuches are the Brokers between them, and the Sultanesses. They take cognizance of all, and what the Princesses have a mind to buy, passing, through their hands they make them pay double and triple what the things are worth, and so heap up Wealth, though they have but little occasion or opportunity to make use of it. The doleful Story of Two Famous Wrestlers. But I do not expect, any one should wonder at that great exactness, of not permitting any man, not not even a White Eunuch, to approach the Apartment of the Women, after an Accident, which happened at Adrianople, in the Year of our Lord M. DC. XXXIX. and which I shall here insert in few words. Amurath, at his return, after the taking of Bagdet, came and made his abode, for some time, at Adrianople, He had a Page, belonging to the Treasury, who was a Native of Tocat, in Anatolia, and, from the place of his birth, they gave him the name of Tocateli. He was a well-set Young man, robust, skilful in Wrestling, and, upon that account, the Grand Seignor had made Chief of the Wrestlers. It happened, that one of the most Famous, for that Exercise, came about that time to Adrianople, out of the Confines of Muscovy, and in all the Cities, through which he travelled, he had always been too hard for those who had presented themselves to Wrestle with him. His Reputation was spread all over the Empire, where he had not met with any Wrestler, who acknowledged not himself inferior to him; Which Report coming to the Page of the Treasury, he conceived so great an emulation at the Fame of that Man, whom all the World so higly celebrated, that he sent one of the Halvagisses, to carry him a Civil Challenge from him, and to acquaint him, That he was desirous to have a Trial of Skill with him, in the Grand Seignor's Presence. He sent him word withal, That, before his Highness had any notice of it, 'twere convenient, they made some trial of their strength; And that no body might know any thing of it, he would sand him a Bostangi's Garment and Cap, by which means he might come into the Seraglio. When the Grand Seignor is not within the Seraglio, where ever it be, the Bostangis are permitted to come into, and to go out of it, by the Garden-Gate; and there being a great number of them, it is no hard matter to get a man in under their accoutrements. By this contrivance did the Muscovian Wrestler get into the Seraglio, the next day, upon the solicitation of the Page, who sent him what was requisite; the Grand Seignor being that day, gone a Hunting. They both put on Drawers of Leather well liquored with some fat or oily stuff, all the rest of the body being stark maked, and liquored in like manner: and after a long dispute, the Page had the better, whether he got it fairly by his own strength, and skill, or that the other yielded the victory, out of complaisance. This Action passed in the midst of the place which is before the Garden, in the presence of the Mutes, and all the Pages of the Seraglio; and the Grand Seignor being returned from Hunting, the Superintendent of the Treasury told him, That there was come into the City, a Pehlivan, a Muscovite by Country, robust, and of a good mien, of great strength, and well experienced in Wrestling, and that if his Highness pleased he should have the satisfaction to see him engaged in that Exercise. The Grand Seignor commanded he should be brought into the Seraglio, the next day, and that Tocateli should have notice, to be ready to entertain him. Being both come to the place, and in a condition ready to close, the Grand Seignor came into a Gallery, attended by all the Grandees of the Seraglio, to be Spectators of that Trial of Skill in Wrestling. The Victory having stood as 'twere in the balance a good while, and all Spectators, being somewhat impatient, to see which side it would turn to, a Mute expressed himself by signs, to one of his Companions, to this effect, That he wondered the Page, who should have derived new strength and courage, from the Grand Seignor's presence, found it so difficult to get the better of the Muscovite, whom he had so easily worsted the day before▪ The language of the Mutes, by signs, is as intiligable in the Seraglio, as if they had the liberty of speaking, and the Grand Seignor, who understands it as well as any of them, as having been accustomed thereto from his Infancy, and commonly discoursing with them, was strangely surprised, to understand that the Muscovite had been, the day before, in the same place. His indignation immediately flushed into his face; he commanded the Wrestlers to give over their Exercise, and, calling the Page to him, he asked him, how he had contrived that man's entrance into the Seraglio. The unfortunate Tocateli, who could not deny a thing, which so many others were ready to testify, acquainted his Highness with what had passed; whereupon, the Sultan, incensed at the greatness of his confidence, prevented his making an end of the Story, by commanding the Bostangi-bachi to be presently sent for, whom he ordered to seize on the Muscovian Wrestler, and see him receive Five hundred blows on the soles of the Feet, with a Wand or Cudgel; which not doubt was enough to make him uncapable of exercising himself, for a good while after. The Over●eer had Orders, to see the same punishment inflicted upon the Page Tocateli; which was immediately put in execution: the Grand Seignor having, in the mean time, retired into the Apartment of the Women. It was the Opinion of most about the Seraglio, that those two unfortunate wretches would have escaped, with the punishment of Five hundred blows, each of them, upon the soles of their feet. But the Grand Seignor, who was resolved to have their lives, and had retired, purposely into the Lodgings of the Women, to prevent all mediation for their pardon, sent away presently a second Order, to the Bostangi-Bachi, whereby he was commanded to see the Page hanged up, in the Evening, on a Tree, which is at the Corner of the place where they had Wrestled, and the Muscovite on another Tree, which is without the Gate of the Seraglio. Amurath's great Severity. Some would be▪ a●t to think, that these two Executions were enough to appease the Prince's 〈◊〉 but it proved otherwise. The next morning, the Sultan- Amurath sent for the Capi-Aga, the chiefest amongst the Eunuches, and the Grand Master and controller, of the Seraglio, and commanded, That the Gellad, who is the common Executioner, should also give his attendance. Upon the passing of these Orders, all those, that were present, cast themselves at his Highness' feet, beseeching him to consider, That the Capi-Aga was innocent, that he had not the lest notice of the confidence of the Page, and that, if it had come to his knowledge, he would have severely punished it. The Grand Seignor continuing still extremely incensed, could not be appeased by all the entreaties and submissions they made to him, and would have the Capi-Aga, as Grand Master of the Seraglio, to be answerable for all those that come into it; when, for the good fortune of that principal Officer of the Sultan's Palace, there came in the Moufti, and the Seligdar, Chief of the Pages of the Chamber, who with much ado made a shift to beg his pardon. Yet was not that ganted but in part; for all they could obtain, extended only to the saving of his life; and so the Grand Seignor ordered him to be immeditely thrust out of the Seraglio, with a charge never to enter again into it, while he lived; and instead of the Dignity of Bassa, whereto he should have been advanced, to be reduced, to a small Penssion of Three hundred Asper's a day. I thought pertinent to my design, to bring in this Story of the Two wrestlers, in order to the greater confirmation of what I have affirmed at the beginning of this Chapter, concerning the impossibility there is, for any person whatsoever, Man, or Woman, to get into the Apartment of the Sultanesses, when they punish, with so much severity, a Stranger, who without express order, presumes but to set his foot within any Court of the Seraglio. How to dstinguish what's true, and what fabulous, as to the Sultanesses. Take it than for granted, that this is all that can be known, with certainty, of the Apartment of the Women, who are subservient to the pleasures of the Ottoman Monarches; whatever is scattered abroad, beyond this Account thereof, being grounded only upon imaginations and conjectures, which haply are at a great distance from the truth. Certain it is, that this Quarter of the Seraglio, as to some part of it, has a fair Prospect upon that of the Grand Seignor, and that the Doors of it are kept night and day, by a certain number of Negro-eunuches, the most deformed, and the most dreadful to look upon, that can be found. It is certain also, that it is well furnished with abundance of most beautiful Women, of several Countries, who, by the chance of War, or otherwise, are fallen into the hands of the Bassa's, and Governors of Provinces, who sand them up, as Presents to the Grand Seignor. It is known also, That, of that variety of Women, the Prince does not appropriate to himself above two or three, whom he has the greatest affection for; nay some of those Princes have confined themselves to the embraces of one only, after intermarriage. And this is affirmed, at Constantinople, of Solyman the Great, after he had plighted his faith to Roxulana, contrary to the ordinary Policy of the Turks, after the affront, done by Temurleng, to the Wife of Bajazet. The white Eunuches, who wait in the Grand Seignor's Lodgings, are able in some measure, to give an account of these things, in regard that the Woman, who is to participate of the Grand Seignor's Bed, is conducted into his own Chamber; and, if it be a new Amour, the noise of it is spread, the next day, all over the Seraglio. It is also known, That the first of those Women, who is delivered of a Male-child, and by that means, becomes Mother to the persumptive Heir of the Ottoman-Empire, is considered as the principal Sultaness, and treated according to her dignity: and the others, who afterwards have Sons or Daughters, have also the quality and denomination of Sultanesses; but the number of the Women, who are to wait on them, is much inferior, to that of those who are to attend the principal Sultaness. It is known in fine, That those young Princes are brought up under the tutelage of their Mothers, till they are so many years of Age; and when they are strong enough to be put upon certain Exercises, they have Governors and Masters appointed over them, in a distinct Quarter by themselves. Besides these things, which may be positively known, concerning the Apartment of the Women, in the Seraglio, it may well be imagined, that the embellishments of their Lodgings are answerable to those of the Grand Seignor, since it is the Place, where he passes away the most divertive part of his time. It is also not to be questioned, but that it has its Infirmary, its Baths, and the other accommodations, and conveniences, that can be wished for. It may also be conjectured, that there is, in this Quarter, an observance of the same regulations, as there are in the Chambers of the Ichoglans: That some of the more ancient Maids are Mistresses over the Younger ones, and are, night and day employed in observing their actions; and that their unvoluntary restraint forces them to the same unseemly Actions amongst themselves, as the brutish Passions of those Young Men engages them in, whenever they can found the opportunities to commit them. And this presumption has no doubt given occasion to the Fabulous Story, which is related of their being served up with Cucumbers cut into pieces, and not entire, out of a ridiculous fear lest they should put them to undecent uses: they who have forged the Story not knowing, that it is the custom in the Levant, to cut the Fruit across, into great thick slices, as I shall make it appear in the Chapter, where I treat of Gardens. But it is not only in the Seraglio, that that abominable Vice reigns, but it is predominant also in the City Constantinople, and in all the Provinces of the Empire, and the wicked Example of the Men, who, slighting the natural use of Womenkind, are mutually inflamed with a detestable love for one another, unfortunately inclines the Women to intimate them. A strange Story of an old Woman. Of this, there was a strange instance in the time of Solyman, the Magnificent. An old Woman was guilty of such an excess of extravagance, as to put on Man's clothes, and to give out, that she had bought a Chiaouxes place the better to compass her design, of obtaining the only Daughter of a Tradesman of Constantinople, with thing whom she was desperately fallen in love, having made fruitless attempts, by other ways, to satisfy her infamous inclinations. The Father not suspecting any thing of her wicked intentions, and being withal poor, grants her his Daughter, the Marriage is solemnised in the presence of the Cadi, and the imposture having been discovered the very Wedding-night, the old woman was condemned the next day to be thrown into the Sea, there to quench the Gomorrhean Inflammations of her lewd desires. This Story is to this day related in Constantinople, and I have had it from several good hands. Polygamy prejudicial to propagation. These insatiable salaciousness amongst the Women, are the effects and consequences of the same inclinations in the Men; and the Turks are so much the more execrable and abominable as to this particular, the more they are permitted a plurality of Wives. But, whether it happens through a just punishment from Heaven, or proceed from their Sorceries, which are common and allowed in Turkey, and ordinarily practised by the Women, in opposition one to another, to appropriate the Affections of their Husbands, it has always been observed, That the Turks who keep many Women, are not so well stored with Children, as they, who observe Conjugal Chastity, and confine themselves to one. I question not but those Authors, who have written of the Mabumetan Religion, have given a sufficient account of that plurality of Wives, and of the Ceremonies of Matrimony amongst the Turks. The Secrecy of the Grand Seignor's Amours. As to the manner, how the Grand Seignor demeans himself in the prosecution of his Amours, it is a Secret, which I shall not inquire into; I have not much endeavoured to make any discoveries of it, and it is a hard matter to give any Account thereof, without some hazard of travesting History into Romance. They are Intriqus, which do not admit of any Confident, by whom they may be disclosed, and all that is commonly related thereof, is haply at a great distance from the true state of things: not to press this, That we aught to have a respect for all Princes, and to forbear divulging what Informations we may possibly have received, of their secret Amours. CHAP. XVIII. The Entrance into Constantinople of the Sultaness, Mother to the Grand Seignor, whom they honour with the Title of la Valide, on the Second of July, 1668. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The order of the March. The Wealth of the Grand Seignors Favourite. The Sultanesses Coaches. The prohibitions to look on her. ON the Second of July, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand, six Hundred, Sixty and Eight, the Sultaness, Mother to the Grand Seignor Regent, at her return from Adrianople, made her Entrance into Constantinople, where I than was, of which Entrance take the ensuing Description. The Order of the March. About Six in the Morning, some numbers of Janissaries, not observing any order, took their way towards the Seraglio, sometimes ten, or more, sometimes twenty, in little detachments, which lasted for some time. After them came two hundred men on Horseback, belonging to the House of the Cologlou, that is to say, the Grand Seignor's Favourite, with short Guns resting on the Bow of their Saddles, and all very meanly clad, as also the Officers of his Kitchen, who coming in the Rear of the others, were, in like manner, poorly habited, and ill mounted. After them appeared in somewhat a better order, the menial Retinue of the Caimacan, his Officers, as well those belonging to the Chamber, as those of the Stables, were very handsomely mounted, and all in their yellow Garments. The next appearance was that of the Spahis, who are the Sultaness-Mother's Lifeguard. Of those there were four hundred, which made a handsome Show, being all well mounted, and well clad. They had all their Coats of Mail, with their Vests of read Taffata, and had on the right side a Quiver of Crimson Velvet, embroidered with Flowers of Gold; and on the left, a Bow in a Cover of read Velvet, embroidered as the other. They had all of them Helmets on their Heads, and over them white Turbans, and from the Helmets there hung small Chains of Mail, resembling Locks of Hair, which they use when occasion requires, to ward of a blow from the Neck and Face. Every one of them had also a Lance in his hand, and the Trappingss of their Horses were of one of these three Colours, yellow, violet, and read, of a rich Stuff, with an embroidery of Silver. The Spahi-Bachi came in the Rear of them, having a Plume of Heron-tops in his Turban, three foot in height, which made him remarkable, and distinguished him from all the other Spahis. On the breastpiece of his Horse, were fastened a dozen little scarves, which hung down negligently, and he was attended by six Pages, who had Caps on, after the Slavoman Mode, read Vests tucked up about the waste, and yellow Hose, or Drawers. After the Spahis, there passed several Janissaries, but not marching in any order, followed by two hundred men on Horseback, and in the Rear of them, came the Janizary-Aga, a Person of a very goodly presence. He had for his immediate Attendants six gentle young Persons, who had each of them, hanging over his shoulder, a kind of Quiver, full of small Wands, which are a sort of Arrows, without any Ironwork at the ends. After the forementioned, there came up twelve men, who are as it were the Masters of the Ceremonies, in very ridiculous Accoutrements. They had Silver Wands resting on their Shoulders, their Vestments were garnished with small Bells, and they had Caps on, which had somewhat hanging down of each side, resembling Asses Ears. The next appearance after that extravagant Party, was that of a hundred Capigis, all well mounted, every one with a Lance in his hand, with a Flag fastened thereto, reaching from the top to the bottom, which made a very noble Show. In the Rear of the Troop came the Capichi bachi, distinguished from the rest by a high and large Plume of Heron-tops, which added much to the gracefulness of his looks, and Person. After them, came a hundred Chiaouxes, well clad, and well mounted, having their great Caps on their Heads; and in the Rear of them came the Caimacan, having a Cap of the same fashion, attended by twenty Pages, very neatly clad. The next appearance was that of five or six hundred Bostangis, with their Caps like Sugarloafs, their Habits of a read linen Cloth, and Muskets on their Shoulders. The Bostangi-bachi came after them, sumptuously clad, and mounted, with a Chiaoux-Cap upon his head, and a great number of People about him. There appeared next, two hundred Cadis, making a most noble Show, all modestly clad, with their Buskins of black Spanish-Leather, and white Turbans, like great Balls of Wool, or Silk. They were followed by the Scherifs, who affirm themselves to be of the kindred of Mahomet, and made up a Troop of sixty Persons. As they were the Relations of the Prophet, they wore green Turbans of an extraordinary bigness. After the Scherifs, came the two principal Officers of the Moufti (for he never appears in Person in these sorts of Ceremonies) and they were clad in white, having a very demure and religious Countenance. The wealth of the Favourite. The Cologlou, or Grand Seignor's Favourite, appeared next mounted on a gallant Horse, whose Harness and Trappingss were of the richest. The Stirrups were of Gold, and the house was embellished with an embroidery of Gold and Pearls. His Vest was of a read Brokado, and his Cap like those of the Chiaouxes. Two men held the Reinss of his Bridle, and his Horse curveted all along, as if he had been sensible of the goodly presence of his Master, and how well it became him. He was a person of a good stature, and of a graceful Countenance, having withal a mild and sprightly look, and every one saluted him, as he advanced still towards the Seraglio. The Servants belonging to his Stables marched after him, and fifty Grooms led each of them a Horse in his hand, and those Horses were all high-prized, and their Harnesses as sumptuous as could be made. 'Tis commonly reported, That this Favourite, who is a person of very great merit, hath acquired vast Richeses, and that his Train, whether as to the number of Servants, or as to that of Horses, surpasses that of many great Princes. The Sultanesses Coaches. There came up next a small Troop of Negro-eunuches, marching confusedly, before the Coaches of the Sultaness, Mother to the present Grand Seignor, all well mounted, and magnificently clad, in different colours. There appeared afterwards Six Capigis, about the first Coach, drawn by six Excellent Horses. They had each of them a Lance in his hand; and, in the Rear of them, there appeared a Horse-tail-Banner, of a pale-red colour, whereby it was known, that some Bassa's were coming up, as indeed there were, and they were a Convoy to the second Coach, drawn by six white Horses, in which was the Sultaness-Mother, and another Sultaness. Two Black Eunuches marched on each side of it, the Boots, or Doors being latticed, that the Princesses might see, and not be seen. Which hindered not, however, but that, as the Coach of the Sultaness came forwards, some were still crying out to the People, and commanding them to look the other way; which Command it concerns them exactly to obey, and that especially in Persia, where they must get away as far as they can, to avoid the hazard of receiving a good blow with a Sable. After the aforesaid Coach, there passed by Twelve other Coaches with four Horses apiece, wherein were the Female-Slaves belonging to the Sultanesses, having two Negro-eunuches, at the Doors of each Coach, which were latticed, as the former: After which there followed several Litters, and four great Wagons, full of Snow, for the use of the Sultanesses and their Retinue. All this Cavalcade, consisting of between five and six thousand men, took up almost three hours in its passage, and having made its Procession through Constantinople, Iodged itself in the Seraglio, according to the description I have given you of it. Of the French Nation, there were several Persons of Quality, who had the Curiosity to see that Entrance; and among others, Monsieur Ribier, de Ville-neuve, a Councillor of the Parliament of Paris; Monsieur Le Mairat, a Counsellor of the Grand Council; The Abbot of Champhuon, de la Saulsay, all Parisians; and Monsieur Aubert, a Native of New-France, and, by Extraction, a Norman, Son to the Governor of Guardaloupe. CHAP. XIX. Of the Gardens of the Seraglio. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. The Revenues of the Gardens employed for the Grand Seignor's Table. Cucumbers, a fruit of much delicacy amongst the Levantines, and how they eat them. A noble Pyramid, resembling Trajan's Pillar. Fountains. The number of the Gardiner's. The Revenues of the Gardens, how employed. IT is an ancient Custom, or rather, a Law, established by the Ottoman Princes, that the profits made out of their Gardens, should be contributory to the keeping of their own Tables, and they have several of them, in the Neighbourhood of Constantinople, as well on the European side, as the Asian, all along the Seashore. But I shall give an Account only of the Gardens of the Seraglio, that so I may not exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself in this Relation. There are in the Seraglio several Gardens, wherein there are only Flowers, in divers Apartments, and particularly in that of the Grand Seignor, and, no question but the same thing may be said of the Quarter of the Sultanesses. Yet is there not any thing extraordinary, which might oblige me to give this description thereof. The great Garden, whereof the Bostangi-bachi has the oversight, as he has also of all the others belonging to the Grand Seignor, takes up the greatest part of the Seraglio▪ and consists of a great number of Walks, planted of each side with Cypress. Those Walks are much neglected, so that in several places, they are not cleared of Briars and Thorns. When it is known, that the Grand Seignor is to come and take his divertisement there, a great number of Bostangis are immediately commanded out to make clean the Walks, which he uses to frequent, and the spaces between those Walks are so many Kitchen-gardens, or Orchards, which are very well furnished with Fruit-Trees, of several excellent kinds. Of Strawberries and Raspices there is great store, and they have large beds of Melons, and Cucumbers; but most of these last, which are accounted a great delicacy amongst the Levantines. Cucumbers a great delicacy amongst the Levantines. As to the Cucumbers, they commonly eat them without taking of any thing of the rind, after which they go and drink a glass of Water. In all Asia, it is the ordinary sustenance of the meaner sort of People, for the space of three or four months; the whole Family lives upon them, and when a Child asks for something to eat, whereas in our European Countries, they would give him bread; in the Levant, they bring him only a Cucumber, which he eats raw, as it comes out of the Garrison. Laborious persons, and such as are in a manner tired with working, such as Camel-drivers, and those who are entrusted with the care of the Horses, and Mules, in the Caravans, make a kind of Salled of their Cucumbers, not much unlike the Mash, which we would give our Horses. When they are come to the Lodging place, where the Caravan is to make a stay, they take a large Basin, which they almost, fill with water, and having put some sour milk into it, they cut a great number of Cucumbers, into great slices, and, so make a kind of mash of them. 'Tis a pleasant sight to see them at the confounding of it. Amongst ten, or twelve, who all stand round the said Basin, there is but one wooden Spoon, which every one takes his turn, till they have made a shift to empty the Basin. That done, they fall a drinking of water, and those who have wherewithal, go and take a dish of Coffee, or smoke a Pipe of Tobacco. But to do them all the right they deferve, the Cucumbers, in the Leavant are excellently good, and, though eaten raw, they never do a man any hurt. The Story of the Cucmbers which occasioned the cruel death of Seven Pages of the Grand Seignor's Chamber, is not, haply, known to all people; or at lest, all know not the reason, why the Pages of the Chamber are not now permitted to go into the Gardens. Sultan Mahomet, the second of that name, taking a turn in the Gardens of the Seraglio, attended by his Pages, was much surprised to see a bed of Cucumbers, which looked very fair to the eye, and were extremely forward considering the Season. Being 2 great lover of that fruit, he recommended them to the Bostangi-bachi, who told them over every day, and, with some impatience, expected their maturity, that he might present them to the Grand Seignor. Some days after, going to Visit the bed, he found his number of Cucumbers shorter, than it should have been, by three or four, and that they who had taken those that were missing, had made choice of the ripest, and thereupon making a strict enquiry, to found out who had been guilty of that presumption, he found that the Pages of the Chamber were the only persons who had been, that day, in the Gardens. Upon that discovery, he went and gave an account of the whole matter to the Grand Seignor, who was so highly incensed thereat, that, not prevailing with any one of the Pages to acknowledge the Theft, he, out of a cruelty as much above all credit, as beyond all example, caused the Bellies of seven of them to be ripped up. The Theft was found in the Belly of the seventh of those unfortunate Young Men, who, after the execution done on the other six, would not acknowledge his guilt, out of hopes, that the Prince's indignation would not have extended so far. From that very time, and in commemoration of so strange an action, the Pages of the Chamber are not permitted to go into the Gardens of the Seraglio; what one Prince has established, as I have hinted elsewhere, being never revoked by his Successors, who bear a certain respect to the enactions of their Ancestors. A Pyramid, much resembling Trajan's Pilliar. In the midst of the Great Walk, which goes from the Seraglio, to the Sea-Gate which looks towards Scudaret, there is a Pyramid, erected upon a square Pedestal, and which four men would have much ado to fathom. About the Pedestal they have suffered some briars and thorns to grow, and it seems to have been done out of design, to hinder people's coming close to it. The Pyramid, from the top to the bottom, is full of Figures, whereof the heads are struck of; and it may be conjectured by some remainders, that there was a very noble head on the top of it, as being the Master piece of the work. This Pyramid somewhat resesembles Trajan's Pillar at Rome; and some, who have seen both, imagine, they were the work of the same master. Fountains. All the Fountains of the Gardens have their Basins of Marble, of different colours. Near each of them, there is a little Scaffold, surrounded with Balisters, which they spread with rich Carpets, and Brocado-Cushions, when the Sultan comes to take his walk there: and 'tis only at that time, the Waters play; which Diversion he frequently gives the Princesses who bear him Company. Thomas Gardiners, There are appointed for the Culture of these Gardens two thousand Bostangis; and yet, though there be so vast a number to keep them, they come far short of the Neat Contrivances and Embellishments of ours. CHAP. XX. Of the Princes who follow the Mahometan Religion, in Europe, Asia, and Africa. THE PRINCIPAL HEADS. General Laws for all the Mahometan Sects. A Curious Remark concerning the Emperor of Java's Son. Kings, who follow the Doctrine of Hali. The Royal Present sent from the Great Mogul to Mecha. The several ways, by which the Mahometans come to their Prophet's Tomb. Troublesome Deserts to be passed through in their way to the Sepulchre of Hali. A Miraculous Channel of Water, of the continuance of Eighteen days Journey. The Burnt-Offering of a Wether. General Laws for all the Mahometan Sects. I Have so often had occasion, in the present Relation I have made of the Grand Seignor's Seraglio, to speak of the Mahometan Religion, that I am content before I put a period to this Work, to make it appear, how far it extends into the three parts of our great Continent: Mahumetism having not yet set footing into that which has been discovered but two Ages since. I meddle not at all with the Doctrine of it, of which I am sufficiently assured that many persons have written: and I shall only entertain the Reader with a Geographical Chart of all the Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, which are under the dominion of the followers of Mahomet. Though the Opinions of their Doctors be different, as to what conecrns the Explication of the Law, and that there are principally two great Sects, that of Mahomet, which is the Stock; and that of Hali, one of his principal Successors: Yet those two general Sects, and the particular ones, which are derivable thence, are all concordant in the fundamental Points, which every Mahometan is obliged, in Conscicnce, to observe and practise. Of those I gave an account, when I made mention of the Prayers or Devotions, which the Turks are bound to perform five times a day, and the Pilgrimage of Mecha is one of those principal Articles. I have also said something of them, in the Chapters treating of the Present, which the Grand Seignor sends thither every Year; and in this last, I shall endeavour to express myself fully as to that matter. In Europe, we have no Mahometan Princes but the Emperor of the Turks, and the Cham of the Lesser Tartary: But in Asia there are many of them, who are powerful, and possessed of great Dominions. The Grand Seignor extends his Jurisdiction, in this part, beyond the Sources of the River Tigris, and beyond the mouths, by which it falls into the Sea, and towards the North, as far as the Territories of the Mengrelians. To go thence from the West to the East, next the Grand Seignor, we must count the Princes of the Three Arabia's, with several of whom I have often spoken, in Two of my Voyages, wherein I have been obliged to pass through the Deserts. The King of Persia, the Great Mogul, the King of Visapour, the King of Golconda, the Kings on the Coast of Malabar, of whom the most considerable is that of Comorin; the Great Cham of Tartary, and the Kings of the Mountains, to the North side of the same Tartary, who are got into China; All these Kings, I say, follow the Mahometan, Religion. A curious Remark of the Emeperour of Java's Son. Since I have mentioned the Emperor of Java, I shall, by the way, insert here an observation, which I made at the time of my being in that Island, which was, That the eldest Son of that Emperor, who regined in the year 1648. had six fingers on each of his hands, and six toes one each foot, and all of equal length. King's following the Doctrine of Hali. The Kings of Persia, Visapour and Golconda follow the Sect of Hali; and the Kings of the mountains of Tartary, with some others, have also their particular Sects. Besides, it is to be observed, that if we except the Grand Seignor, the King of Persia, the Arabian Princes, and the Cham of Great Tartary, all the other Kings, whom I have named, have only Idolaters to their Subjects, and all the meaner sort of people is involved in the darkness of Paganism. But as to the Grand Seignor's, with all his Militia, they follow the Law of Mahomet. In Africa, there is a Mahometan King, whose Territories lie all along the Coast of Abex, which is towards Arabia Felix, as far as the Cape of Guardafu, and his Jurisdiction extends over the Read Sea, and the Ocean. The Governors, whom the Grand Seignor employs in Egypt, and in the Islands of the Read Sea, and those others, whom he has established all along the Coast of Barbary, at Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers, who assume the Title of Kings, are also Mahumetans; and, in fine, the King of Fez and Morocco follows the same Law. All these Kings and Princes, are principally unanimous in this Point, That they acknowledge themselves obliged to sand every year some Present to Mecha, which ordinarily consists in rich Carpets, to be put upon Mahomet's Sepulchre. Sometimes these The Great Mogul's Royal sent to Mecha. Presents are made upon a particular Vow; and it happened in one of my Voyages to Agra, that the Great Mogul, by way of thankfulness to the Prophet, for the recovery of his health, sent to Mecha, an Alcoron, valued at four hundred thousand Crowns, which had, in the midst of the Cover, a Diamond, of three hundred Carats; the rest of it being garnished with several precious Stones on both sides. The occasion of this Present was, the fright which a certain Bramere, put him into, upon his telling him, That he should die before the year was expired, which happened not accordingly. But the King being extremely incensed at that direful Prediction, and, upon the smart Interrogatory he put to the Bramere, to wit, whether he knew also the time of his own death, having received this Answer, That it should be within three days; which really happened upon the third day, there was a sufficient ground for him to be frighted, and to conceive an apprehension, that the like accident might hap to himself, before the time limited. 'Twas that induced him to sand a Present of so great value, to Mahomet's Sepulchre, to acknowledge the favour he had done him, in not suffering the Prediction of the Bramere to take effect, the King having not had as much as any indisposition, during all that time. The several ways whereby the Mahometans come to the Sepulchre of their Prophet. When I gave an account of the Pilgrimage of Mecha, upon occasion of the Tent and Carpet, which the Grand Seignor sends thither every year, I made no mention of the several ways which the Caravans take, according to the several parts of the World, from whence great multitudes of Mahometans do every year take their progress thither. In the first place, the Ambassadors, whom the Kings of the Islands, whereof I have given you the names, and the Kings of the Indieses, on this side the Ganges, sand to the Sheck of Mecha, with their Presents come by Sea, to Mocha, a Maritime City of Arabia Felix, and from thence they travel to Mecha by Land, by the conveniency of Camels. The Persians', who inhabit all along the Seaside make their descent from Ormus, or to Bandar, and having passed over the Gulf, which, at that place, is not above twelve or thirteen Leagues in breadth, are forced to cross Arabia ere they can get to the Prophet's City. But the Inhabitants of the upper-parts of Persia, towards the Caspian Sea, and all the Tartars, come to Tauris, and from Tauris to Aleppo, from which place, the great Caravans, which take their progress through the Deserts, set forth, and bring the Pilgrims to Mecha. Some take the way of Babylon, but very seldom, because the Bassa exacts a Tribute of them, and particularly of the Persians' whom they accounted Heretics; and that consideration has obliged the King of Persia, to forbidden his Subjects to take that Road, thinking himself not inferior to the Turk. Troublesome Deserts in the way to Hali's Sepulchre. Some of the Devouter sort of Persians', and such as are most zealous for their own Sect, take the way of Babylon, upon this score, that brings them at the same time to the Sepulchre of their Prophet Hali, which is but eight days Journey distant from it. This is the most wretched place, of all the places upon earth, and affords no water but the most corrupted water, which is drawn out of certain Pits, and that of a Canal, which Scbach-Abas caused to be brought thither from the Euphrates, but which is now quite out of repair. Whoever expects to drink good water there, must bring it along with him, from other places, five or six days Journey distant from the other: And yet that false Prophet imposes on those, who have such a Devotion for him, not only the inconveniences of coming so far of; but also those of being in a fair way to perish by thirst, and hardship of lodging. The last time it was my fortune to pass through the Deserts, I came to that detestable place upon this occasion, that meeting with a Courier, who was come from Babylon, with two Arabians, whom he had in his Company, he gave us intelligence, that the Grand Seignor's Forces, which had than newly taken Babylon, were upon their march back, in little Deteachments, and that there was no question to be made, but they would seize on our Camels and Baggage. Which advertisements obliged us to take our course more to the South, and to get further into the Desert, where we spent sixty and five days in crossing of it, to avoid meeting with those Forces. As for the Princes of Arabia, they have no great Journey to make, because they are the next neighbours to Mahomet's Sepulchre. A Miraculous Canal of water of the length of 18 days journey. The Mahometans of Europe come to Aleppo, and there join the Caravan; and those of Africa, pass to Grand Cairo, and meet in the Deserts, with the same Caravan of Aleppo at eighteen days Journey from Medina, where there is a water, which goes by a Canal, quite to that City, all the way of those eighteen days Journey. They have it by Tradition, That that water was found by their Prophet Mahomet, as he crossed the Desert with his Army, ready to dye for thirst, and that going to drink of it first of any, there issued a Voice to him out of the Water, which said to him, Prophet, thou wilt found it bitter: That he made the Voice this Answer, Let us all drink of it, for I know it is sweet, and I would to God, that we could always found as good. That thereupon the Voice replying the second time, Prophet, Command, and I will follow thee: And that as soon as he had spoken, the Water made a Canal under ground, and followed him quite to Medina. From Damas', Jerusalem, and Cairo, they accounted forty days Journey to Medina, and it is at the two and twentieth day's journey that they found that water. 'tis partly to see that miraculous Water, which had been sweetened by the Prophet, that there goes into those places so great a concourse of People, of so many different Nations, from all parts of the World: in as much as there is no Mahometan, let him be at ever so great a distance, and but tolerably in a condition of health, and supplied with the external accommodations of fortune, who does not think himself obliged to go once in his life to Mecha, in person, or to sand some other in his stead. After the Pilgrims have continued certain days at Medina, they go to Gebel-Araffa, that is to say, the place, where Adam found Eve, his Wife, five hundred years, after God had created her. It is a City in the Mountains, at the distance of Two Day's Journey from Medina, and at one from Emena, another City, which is half way between both. Assoon as the Pilgrims are come thither, all those who are so well furnished, buy a Wether to make a Holocaust of it, and to distribute it amongst the poor, they being not allowed to keep above two pounds of it, for themselves. If they do not punctually observe that, and that some discovery should be made thereof, they are made incapable, ever after, while they live, of shaving their Heads, or paring their Nails. From Gebel-Araffa, they return to Medina, where they keep an account of the time, when the Caravan arrived there; in regard that all the Pilgrims, who came by Land, are, as I said elsewhere, maintained with sustenance for the space of Seventeen days; but they who came by Sea are sustained, as long as they continued there, even though they should make it the place of their abode, as long as they live. FINIS. The Publisher unto the Reader. THE ensuing Narration was put into my hands Five or Six Years ago, by a very Intelligent Worthy Person, who long resided in the same Family with our Author, and did assure me, that the Discourse here published, was written with his own hand, and presented unto that Honourable Person who redeemed him out of Captivity. The Gentleman who bestowed these Papers upon me, will not be responsible for the Truth of all therein contained; but I having compared his Account of several Countries with that of Olearius and other more Ancient and Modern Writers, have found them very Consonant unto each other, and therefore do charitably believe him not lesle Faithful in his Description of those Countries and People concerning whom little hath been said by any besides. By reason of his long absence from his Native Country, and dis-use of his Mother-Tongue, his style was so rough, odd, and unpleasant, that I was forced to make therein great Alterations both as to Method and Expression, yet keeping strictly unto his sense: I have also much abbreviated his Discourse, many things being often repeated, and he having stuffed it with divers impertinencies, which would have been voided of all Instruction and Delight. He would never own his true Name or Pedigree, for Reasons mentioned in his Paper, which I thought altogether unnecessary to be rehearsed; that of Astracan, wherewith he concludes his NARRATIVE, being fictitious, and I suppose assumed, because of his long Residence in a City of that name, from which he made most of his Excursions: And which with the Adjacent Country he hath above all others most particularly described, giving us the names of several Neighbouring Places and Rivers mentioned by no other Writer. I was highly pleased with the Account he gives us of Czarofsgorod, which he also sometimes calls Seraichan and Seraichena; the former of which is the Muscovitish, the latter the Tartarian Appellation, and inrepreted, both signify the Habitation of the Emperor or Cham, it being formerly the Metropolis of a great Empire. As also with his mention of a place on the West side of the Volga, where he says Astracan was formerly situated. Concerning both which Cities, I shall declare divers things I have Collected out of several European and Arabian Writers, which either are not commonly known, or little regarded. But I must necessarily premise somewhat concerning the Ancient Inhabitants of the Country wherein these Cities are situated. The first Nation (of whom I found any mention) who made any fixed habitation in these Quarters were the Chazari, so named by the Latins and Greeks, but by the Mahometans, Alchozar, and Gorjani. This Nation during the Reign of the Emperor Justine, like a Torrent Overflowed all that Vast Continent which lies between China and the Boristhenes, Conquered part of India, all Bactria, Sogdiana, and made the Persians' Tributary, by whom they are always called Turks, and their Prince, Chacan, a Title formerly common unto all great Turkish Emperors. This Mighty Monarch having conquered the Igors or Jugurs, Avares, Chuni or Huns, Abtelites or White Huns, and all other Tribes of Turks and Tartars, together with the Alani (whose Dominion than extended, as appears by Marcellinus, from the Boristhenes far beyond the most North-East part of the Caspian Sea) entered into a League with Justine, and styles himself in his Letters, Lord of the Seven Climates of the World. His Acts may be read at large in Theophilactus Simocatta; Excerptis de Legationibus: and divers others of the Eizantine Historians. This Nation Assisted the Emperor Heraclius in his Wars against the great Cosross, whom by their Assistance he overcame. These Cazari were also possessed of all that part of Turica Chersonesus which is plain and fit for feeding Cattles, they being addicted, after the manner of all other Scythian Nomads, unto a Pastoral life; which Peninsula from them was until the Famous Irruption of the Tartars in the Thirteenth Century, called Cassaria, or Chazaria, and afterwards more corruptly by the Genoeses, Venetians, and other Latins, Cazaria. I found mention of these Chazari or Chozars in divers Persian and Arabian Historians and Geographers. Abulpharagius acquaints us with an Expedition they made into Persia the 183 Year of the Hegira, which was after our Account in 799. From whence they returned with great Spoil, and above 100000 Captives: and afterwards, in the 514 th'. Year of the Mahometan Epocha, being A. C. 1120. they made another Inroad, accompanied by the Comanians,) whom the Arabians call Kaphjacks;) Frequent mention is made of them by that Deservedly Celebrated Arabian Geographer Al Edrisi, who flourished in the 548 th'. year of the Hegira; of Christ, 1153. He always calls the Caspian Sea, Mare Chozar: and all that Country on the North and to the West of the Caspian Sea, Terra Chozar. He acquaints us, that the Residence of the Prince of Chozar was not far above the Mouth of the Volga, which the Tartars call Athel; which name I suppose it derived from Attila, that Renowned King of the Hunns, being so called in the Relation of the Ambassadors who were sent by the Emperor Justine, unto the Great Chacan of the Turks residing in the East. Al Earisi and his Epitomiser, commonly known by the Name of Geographus Nubiensis intimate, That these Chozars inhabited divers other Cities, but that this was the Mettopolis; he surpresses the Name, styling it only from the River, the City of Athel; and declares it was divided by the River, the chief and greatest part being on the Westside; and that the other lesle considerable on the East-side, was inhabited only by the meaner sort of People and Merchants, it being a place of great Trade, that which made it more considerable, was the liberty allowed unto all of the Public Profession, and Exercise of their respective Religious Persuasions, Jews, Christians, Mahometans, and Idolaters being there equally countenanced, which I suppose might occasion that Dialogue published out of an Ancient Hebrew Manuscript, by L' Empereur, between the Author a Jewesh Rabbi, and the King of Chozar. This City is said to have been extended along the River three miles in length, and its breadth proportionable; the Western part well fortified; adorned with the Emperor's Palace, and several other eminent Structures. Nassir Eddin, who wrote at the latter end of the 13th. Century, calls this City in his Geographical Tables, Balanjar, and from him Abulfeda; they place it in 46 degrees 30 minutes of Northern Latitude; where within six or eight minutes our best Geographers seat Astracan. And questionless this was that City which our Author and Olearius call Old Astracan. These Chazari, did I suppose, conserve their vast Dominion without any great Interruption, at lest until A. C. 900. For Alferganus who lived about that Time, places no other Nation in his Table of Climes, between China and the Boristhenes; And Eutichius, who wort about 30 or 40 years after, makes mention of them as a mighty Nation, and many amongst them converted unto the Christian Belief. About the middle of the 10th Century these Chazari gave place unto the Cumanians or Commanians, who were also a Turkish Nation known unto the Turks, Persians', and Arabians, under the Name of Kaphjack; whether they expelled the Chazari, or that the former becoming the more Eminent Tribe, gave Law and Name unto these latter (as hath since frequently happened among the Tartars) I will not here undertake to determine: but this is certain, that suddenly the Name of Chazari was extinct, and all that Tract of Land from the Nepper unto Turkestan 1500 miles beyond the Volga, was inhabited by these Cumanians, who were often troublesome unto the Russes, Lithuanians, Hungarians, and other Neighbour-Nations. But this People was almost totally destroyed by the Tartars in that great Inundation which happened at the beginning of the 12th Century, soon after the death of Jingiz Chan; whose Son Hocota being chosen Emperor, sent his Nephew Batu, or Bathy, the Son of Tussy Jingiz Chan, his Eldest Son with 400000 Men, to invade the Northern Parts of Asia. The Cumani for divers years valianty resisted, and made the greatest opposition the Tartars met with in all their Conquests; repulsed them in two pitched Battles; but than growing secure, and dispersing upon the Tartars retreat, they were unexpectedly surprised, the whole Country overrun, above 200000 killed, their King Kuthen hardly escaping with 40000 into Hungary, where he met with a kind reception, had land allotted him, and his Company; which Region is called Campus Cumanus unto this day. This Country was so miserably wasted by the Tartars that in the Years 1253, and 1254, when Rubriquiss pasted through it, going unto and returning from his Ambassage to Mangu Chan, there was no fixed habitation, excepting a few Cottages in the Island where Astracan is now situated. But Bathy having destroyed the Comanians, ruinated their Cities, and established his own Dominion, began to think of a fixed abode, which after long observation he chose near the River Volga, on the East-side, and immediately beneath the River Actabon, a great Arm of the Volga, and the first it dismisles, which empties itself into the Caspian-Sea (having run a course of near 400 miles, and received several other Branches from the foresaid River) about 7 League's East of the main River. He had newly began this City at the return of Rubriquis from his Embassage unto Mangu Chan, in the year 1246, and called Serai; which City was enlarged and beautified by all his Successors, unto the time of its destruction by Tamerlane, which was almost 150 years. Bathy was succeeded by Barcah, who was the first professed Mahometan Emperor; he by Hocola, or Hoctay, Contemporary with Hayton the Armenian, who hath in his History largely discoursed concerning him: I should here mention all the other Emperors interceding between Hocota and Tucktamisch (who was dispossessed by Tamerlane) together with their Acts, but that I hasten unto that which most immediately concerns our present Design, and give some account of this City, which (as I said) was first named Serai, which interpreted signifies only a Dwelling or Habitation; the beginning of it being a Palace built for Bathy. You may see what our Traveller says concerning it, Page 112. Besides him I found two Authors who make particular mention thereof; the first is in the History of Arabshiade, published by Golius. This Author represents it as one of the greatest and most populous Cities in the Universe, agrees with out Traveller in the situation, only he calls that Branch which runs out of the Volga and passes to the Southeast, Sencle. The other is Michovius, who wrote his History of the Tartars in the year. 1515. He affirms, That in his time there remained the ruins of 300 Temples besides the Walls of the City, and several other Magnificent Structures. The Tarters have several times attempted to re-edify it, but divisions amongst themselves, Wars with the Muscovites, and attempts of the Cossacks caused them to retire unto places of greater security. But because little mention is made of this great Revolution by any European Writer I shall here present the Reader with an account thereof out of the most Authentic Turkish, Arabian, and Persian Writers. For Calcondilas is greatly mistaken, who seems to have received by his confident way of writing, most particular information, when as nothing can be more remote from the truth than what he affirms, viz, That Tamerlane after several attempts, and two or three Battles was forced to retire, and glad to secure his Retreat by a Peace, he first made with Tuckthamisch, which was by both afterwards kept inviolable; which is contrary to the Reports of much more Authentic Historians. The Origin, Progress, and Event of this War, was after the ensuing manner. Tamerlane being in effect Prince, but in name only Courachan (the Greeks call it Kurgant) that is, Viceroy or General over all those Countries which are comprehended between the Oxus and Jaxartes, wherein Bochara, Samarchand, and several other famous Cities were contained, extended his Conquests towards Balch and Chorasan, (the Aria of the Ancients;) which progress of his, filled Thuetamisch Emperor of Serai (the City we have beforementioned) with jealousies of his growing Greatness; whereupon gathering a numerous Army, he resolved to invade him, using no formality, or so much as pretence, he thought to have surprised his Enemy; but Tamerlane, one of whose Masterpieces was to gain early Intelligence of whatsoever was designed, or transacted by neighbouring Princes, having timely notice of his intention, gathering all his own Forces, together with considerable assistance from his Confederates, marched directly towards his Enemy, and passing the Jaxartes, met him to his no small astonishment, on the Borders of his own Country; for the Jaxartes only divided their Territories. After a most obstinate bloody fight, Tameriane gained the Victory, yet neither absolute, nor without great loss, but it was sufficient that he had secured his own Dominion. After this success he did for divers years attend other Conquests, and having subdued a great part of India, all Persia, Media, Armenia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Syria, he resolved to requited the Invasion of Thuctamish: whereupon having drawn together an Army of 500000 men, he marched through Mediae Atropatia, than and still called Shervan; passed the Portae Caucasiae, which the Persians' name Derbent; thence through Dahestan, and the great Desert between that and Astracan (than named Gitturchan) and having wasted all that spacious Country on the Westside of the Volga, depoulated and dismantled divers fair Cities (the ruins of several being yet visible to those who Navigate the Volga, as we are informed by Olearius) he passed the Volga, and on the East-side encountered Thuctamisch, who had Collected a mighty Force, having besides his own Hordes, the assistance of the Tartars of Cassan, Tumen, Kalmuke, and Dahestan: and his Army by this accession was more numerous than that of his Enemy. The Battle was long doubtful, and exceeding all that happened in that Age for carnage and cruelty, both Parties being full of hatred unto their Adversaries; and knowing that this Fight would loose or gain them a mighty Empire. They fought three days with little intermission, and it could not be discerned which had the advantage. But that which is thought chief to have occasioned Tamerlane's Victory, was the departure of a great Tribe from Thuctamisch, whose Prince Ectave pretended he had received some great injury or affront, but 'twas indeed thought he was corrupted: For retreating unto Amuarth the Turkish Emperor, he after the same manner betrayed Bajazet, who soon after succeeded; revolting at the beginning of the fight unto Tamerlane. Thuctamisch being defeated, with great difficulty made his escape, leaving his Country exposed unto the fury of the Zagataians', whom so great a slaughter of their own Friends had highly exasperated. They spared nothing that was capable of being spoiled; demolished Serai, together with Seraichick upon the Jaick, and Gitturchan, which were the only considerable Cities on the East-side of the Volga, and leaving the Country a mere Desert, killing, or Captivating the Inhabitants, driving away the Cattles, they returned into Persia with great Booty. This happened in the 791 year of the Hegira. A. C. 1388. Serai, and Saraichick never regained their former splendour; but (Gitturcan now Astracan) did by degrees recover, but never arrived to that height it attained unto during the Empire of the Chazari and Zavolgensian Tartars. For J●saphat Barbaro, and Ambrosio Contarini, who were both Ambassadors from the Venetians unto Usun Cassan Emperor of Persia, and well acquainted with those Parts; Barbaro living sixteen years at the City Tana on the mouth of the River Tanais; and Contarini being forced in his return from Persia to reside there some months: They, I say, both tell us, Thar this City before its destruction by Tamerlane, was a very famous Emporium; all the Silks, most of the Spices and other Commodities, which were afterwards brought down to Syria, were than carried by Shipping to Astracan (which they both name Citrachan) and thence by Land in a few days to Tana, whether the Venetians sent every year sixteen great Galleys. But after its subversion by Tamerlane, this Commerce ceased and the Galleys receiving their Lading in Syria, and at Alexandria of Egypt. In the time of the forementioned Writers, which was from the year 1436. when Barbaro first went to Tana, until his return out of Persia in 1488. And Contarini, who returned not long before him, Citrachan was a mean Town, consisting chief of Tartarian Huts and encompassed with a pitiful mudwall, a place of no considerable Traffic, only the Muscovites fetched thence Fish and Salt. But Juan Vassilowich having reduced it in the year 1554 under his Dominion, it hath been by succeeding Emperors both fortified and enlarged: I shall say not more concerning it, Olearius a most deligent and judicious Writer, having left us so particular a Description thereof. I shall only add, That I suppose the cause of so different names, as Gittarchan, Citrachan, and Astrachan, were occasioned by the Princs, who successively presided, as is very obvious to any who are acquainted with the Customs of the Arabians, Persians', Turks, and other Eastern People. But to return unto our Zavolgentian Tartars, so called by the Neighbouring Slavonic Nations, because the Seat of their Empire, and their chiefest places of Residence were on, or near the Volga (which River did also almost equally divide their Territory) Za being only an Expletive Particle, as I could manifest by Induction of several Russian, Polish, and Lithuanian Names of Men and Countries. After the devastation of their Country they would notwithstanding have soon recovered their former Grandeur, had not divisions and intestine Wars long kept them low; and at length after divers wondered and great Revolutions given the Russes leisure first to breath, and than invite them to deprive them of the best part of their Dominion. They not able to resist, being broken, as I said, by Discord and Division into divers petty Principalities. And on the other side the Crim Tartar, assisted by the Turk, subdued the remainder, whereby that Tribe which before was comparatively inconsiderable, became Supreme, and is at this day a terror unto all the North-East Countries of Christendom. To show in what manner, and by what degrees all this was transacted, is rather matter of a just History, than of a Preface the decorum whereof I have already transgressed, in making a Porch almost as large as the main Building, to which it should serve only for an Entrance. I shall therefore conclude with some short and slight Remarks on diver Passages in our Author's Relation. His account of the Periplus of the Exuine Sea, (leaving out what he allows for the Teine Sea, or Palus Moetis) differs little in number of Miles from that of Arrian, though they disagree somewhat in particular distances; and is wonderfully consonant to that calculation of Eratosthones, Hecataeus, Ptolemy, and Ammianus Marchellinus, who reckon it to amount unto 23000 Stadia, or 2875 Miles, which wants but 15 of our Traveller's Computation. He is also more particular, and I believe, more exact than any I have hitherto met with, in his Description of Crim or Taurica Chersonesus, whose length and breadth he gives us in several places directly, or by consequence. What he tells us concernining Arbotka and the great Field without it, sourrounded by the Sea he calls The Ratten Sea, is scarcely mentioned by any Modern Geographer, but wonderfully consonant to what is delivered by Strabo. Arbotka seems to be Taphre, the Ratten Sea, he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Lacus Putris, and affirms to be part of the Palus Maeotis: in compass 4000 furlongs, with divers other particulars, confirming our Traveller's Discourse, as may be read at large in his seventh Book. And I found in a Discourse published by Mr. Thevenot concerning the Tartars, written lately by a Religious Missionary who long resided in those parts, a Description of this place very suitable unto our Author. His words are these, speaking of the most remarkable places in Crim. Arbotec est un Chasteau avee une tour scituee sur la col d'une Peninsule que est enfermee entre la Mer de Limen & Tineka Woda, cette gorge n'a plus d'un quart de lief, elle est traversee d'une Pallisade qui s'ende d'une Mer a l'autre: la Peninsule est appellee par nos Cosaques Cola, a cause q'elle a la forme d'une faulx, c'est on ce lieu ou le Chan tient son Paras qui est bien de septante mille Chevaux. Et il est un destroit entre la terre ferme e Cosa 200 pas de large qui est gayable quand il est calm, le Cossaques le passent quand ils vont derober le Chevaux de haras de Cham. What our Author tells us of the Communication between the Tanais and Volga at Camusshanka, is particularly described by Olearius, who wrote many years after him; who also agrees with us in his account of the Rivers of Circassia, and Comukes Country: only our Writer is more punctual in his Description of their Sources and Course, and mentions two or three omitted by Olearius, or unknown to him. A frequent mention is made by Procopious, Agathias, and others of the Bizantine Historians, of that straight passage between Georgia and Anadoule, or as they word it, between Colchis and Asia Minor, or Armenia. Our Author having given an account of the Course of the Volga, and of the most remarkable places lying upon, or near it; at last assures us, That it empties itself into the Caspian Sea only by 22 Mouths, whose names he there rehearses: whereas other Writers ascribe unto it 70 Entrances, though as Olearius judiciously observes, most of them are rather passages made by the Sea between Islands and broken Ground, than proper distinct Arms or Branches of the forementioned Rivers. What is said concerning the Cossacks retiring unto, and nesting in an Island of the Caspian Sea, is confirmed by a late French Writer, who long resided in Persia, He largely acquaints us with the great spoil these Outlaws made on the Coast of Mesanderon, that they took Asterabath one of the Emperor's Royal Stats, and having continued several days in possession, retired with great Booty and little loss. I could tender some probable account of those Thiefs our Writer calls Sigakes, of what Nation they are, when they began, and how they live; but shall for brevity-sake wave this and divers other Remarks; and that I may manifest how impartial my sentiments are in reference unto the Treatise I have here Published, I shall first acknowledge, That I never met with any Writer who calls that Vast Plain between the Rivers Boristhenes and Tanais the Desert of Ingel and Vngul, although I have seen divers Journals both Ancient and Modern, of Persons who have frequently traversed that vast Region: and have read most Histories, and perused Geographical Books or Tables that relate unto the Tartars, or their Country. Secondly, I must declare my distrust of his computation concerning the compass of the Caspian Sea; which he makes lesle than in truth it is, as I could largely demonstrate; though he hath pretty well salved the mistake, by his allowance of a thousand Miles for Bays, broken Ground, and Promontories. Lastly, Our Author is greatly mistaken, when he affirms, There is no Nation of Tartars between those of Bochara and China; whereas indeed several very Potent Kingdoms intervene. And yet he hath luckily Andabatorum more, hit upon the Truth, where he assures us, there are no Catayans between the Vsbeg Tartars and China. For indeed there is at present no Catayne besides China, which is so called by all Tartars, Persians', Arabians, and other Mahometans, as also by the Muscovites and other Nations who travel thither by Land, either in the Quality of Ambassadors, or Merchants. Though formerly there was a mighty People, either Turks or Tartars (they b'ing both Originally the same, as to Extract, Language, Manners, Religion, and Government) who lay directly in the way between Persia and China, and were certainly the Chatae of Ptolemy, but almost extirpated by Jingiz Chan, whom they vigorously resisted. And the remainder have ever since gone under the more general Names of Moguls and Tartars, as I shall hereafter more clearly and fully demonstrate in a Discourse which I have long ago written, and may speedily publish, concerning the Beginnings and Progress of the Turkish and Tartarian Nations and Empires. A Short Description of all the Kingdoms which Encompass the Euxine and Caspian Seas. Right Honourable and my most Worthy Lord, BEing given to understand, That I have been represented unto your Lordship, by several who bear me no good will, as a Person possessed with that Vanity, which ordinately prevails among Travellers, of affirming I was well acquainted with divers countries' and Languages, whereunto I am utterly a stranger: And perceiving that none of my Discourses have more exposed me unto this Censure, than a petended monstrous rash Assertion (but indeed a real Truth) That I knew and had visited all the countries' surrounding the Black and Caspian Seas: I thought myself necessarily obliged in order unto my Vindication, to draw up a short Account of all those Countries, which do encompass the formentioned Seas, most of which Places I have personally surveyed, and fear not any Reprehension or Confutation, being resolved to declare nothing but what I saw, or received from such who were best able to give me full and faithful Information. And I am well assured, That the more strict and judicious Enquiry is made into this my Report, the more favour and credit I shall gain with your Lordship, and all other considering impartial persons. I shall first begin with the Black Sea, as being that wherewith I was first acquainted, and near unto this most Famous City of Constantinople, where your Lordship may easily learn, whether I am guilty of either falsehood or mistake; and if I am found upon due Enquiry to declare any manifest Untruth, I deserve not only unparallelled Reproaches, but the most severe and exemplary Punishments which I should justly merit, when owing life and liberty unto your Lordship's Bounty and Compassion, I should instead of a grateful Acknowledgement, present your Honour with a heap of impudent Falsities. I will begin my Relation or Peregrination, from that side of the Black Sea on which Constantinople is situated, and round the said Sea, until I return to Scodra, which is in Asia opposite thereunto. The first Province is Romella; the second Wallakia; the third Ackremen; the fourth Crim; the fifth the great Desert of Ingul and Vngule, which is between Crim and Asshowa; the sixth is the Little Nagoy; the seventh Circassia; the eighth Abassa; the ninth is Mingrellia; than Georgia; and lastly Anatolia. All which Countries are subjected unto the Turk; besides the great Desert, the Little Nagoy and Circassia. I shall now mention the most noted Places which I know from Fennara, which is about the entrance into the Black Sea, unto the River of the Danaw, so to the Neistre, from thence unto the Nepper, so round about Crim, unto the Gulf that goeth from the Black Sea into the Teine Sea, and thence unto Asshowa. As I said, near the Entrance into the Black Sea is Fennara, than Innatada, Missewra, Warna, Balshick, Mangalley, Constancha, Karaharman, Keelley, Ackremen, Osshackowa, upon the mouth of the River of the Nepper. Now I shall declare the Distances of these Places from each other; the number of miles being the space betwixt what foregoes and immediately ensues. From Finnara to Inatada 80 miles; to Missewra 90; to Warna 100; to Balshick 16; to Mangalley 40; to Constancha 40; to Caraharman 40; to Kelley 80; to Ackremen or Beallohorda 100; to Osshakowa, 80, in all 666 miles; and from Osshakowa, which is in the mouth of the Nepper, unto the River Don (or Tanais) is 500 miles; the Voyage by Sea and journeying by Land being much at one, viz. 1186 miles, unless you go by Land unto Precop, about Crim, and so unto Asshowa, where the Don falls into the Teine Sea (Palus Maeotis) and than it amounts unto at the lest 1500 miles. Were it not for the formentioned great Rivers of the Danaw (Danubius) and the Nepper (Boristhenes) there would be almost continual Wars between the Turks and Tartars, and the Poles, Lithuanians and Muscovites; for the Danaw is one of the greatest Rivers in the World, arising in Dutchland, whence it passes through Hungary, Wallachy, and at the Town of Kelley falls into the Black Sea. It hath four Mouths or Entrances into the said Sea, which the Turks call Bohasses, Boctegene Bohasse, Edreleisse Bohasse, Sullena, Bohasse, and Kelley Bohasse. It abounds with Fish, as Sturgeon, Morone, and Sheveroke, besides divers sorts of smaller Fish. The Neistre is a River that comes from Lithuania, and runs into the Black Sea under Bealohorda. The Nepper comes from Lithuania and Russland, runs by Smolensko and Kiovia to the Porrocks or Falls, thence to Aslamgorode, and falls into the Black Sea at Osshakowa. It abounds with many sorts of good Fish, and all along its Banks feed innumerable wild Beasts of divers kinds. The Town of Aslamgorod stands upon the Nepper; and in former times there dwelled in it two Brothers, Ingul and Ungul, who fell first at variance, which ended in cruel Wars, by reason whereof the adjacent Country became, though otherwise pleasant and fruitful, a very Wilderness. And besides, the Cossacks increasing on both sides the Nepper and upon the Don, would never since suffer that Country to be quietly possessed by these, or any other Hordes of Tartars; so that now it lieth waste, being a vast Desert 500 miles over, and 1000 miles long, from the shallow Waters near Precop, unto the Country of Muscovy. About 1625. the Grand Signior sent an Army from Constantinople to rebuild Aslamgorod, with Orders to inhabit the Country, and invite such thereunto as would become subject unto the Turkish Government. But they who arrived, finding the Town of great Compass, built only a Castle on the Bank of the Nepper, and left 300 Men in Garrison. At the same time Shaugary Prince of Crim, being beaten out of his Country by his General Chan Timur Myrsa, retired unto the Cossacks upon the Nepper, and having contracted a Friendship with them and the bordering Russes, by their assistance he gathered an Army of 40000 Men, and marched towards Crim, leaving behind him a revolted Ottoman, with a Brigade of 3 or 4000 Men, who immediately after the departure of Sultan Shaugary, marched directly towards Aslamgorod, and early in a Morning surprised the Castle, than in the possession of the Turks, put every Man in Garrison to the Sword, slighted the Walls and other Fortifications, retired with the Spoil, and marched to join Sultan Shaugary, who in the interim arrived near Precop, where he was met by Chan Tunur, and totally defeated, but by good fortune escaped, and by the way of Astracan got to Persia. From the Nepper we will pass unto Crim, with which Country I am well acquainted, having against my will resided there some years. Crim is a small Land, so near as I can conjecture 200 miles long, and 50 miles broad, but is wonderfully populous, and exceedingly fruitful, abounding with Corn and Grass; the only scarcity they have is Wood, which grows no where but upon the Sea-Coast, from Bak●ssey Seray unto the Town of Crim, which in former times was the chief City: All the rest of the Land is a Plain, where they have no Wood to burn, nor any sort of Fuel, but Fissheke, Fusshane, Curay, and Stroa. The Land is enclosed with the Sea, excepting at two places, Precop, and Arbotka. By Precop there is a narrow passage, through which you may go to the Nepper, Lithuania, or Muscovy, through the Deserts of Ingul and Vngul, and there is a Water comes from the Teine Sea, called the shallow Water, and goeth along the Desert, until it comes to Precop, upon the Westside of Crim and by North, where it turns back on the North-side of Crim, and falls into Guellae Mare, commonly called the Ratten Sea. So that Crim is almost surrounded with Water; for the Black Sea is on the one side, and the Ratten Sea on the other, which latter produces nothing but Salt, for it is so salt, that no Fish can live therein; I have reason to know it, because I lived in a Village which was called Seekely Otta Mamutachy. The Towns round about Crim on the Seaside are these, Precop, Cuslowa, Crim, Caffa, Kerse and Arbotka; and within the Land, Carasu, Ackenesh, Mesheite, and Bakessy Seray. The Town of Arbotka lieth on the North-East side of Crim, between the Black and Ratten Seas, which there come so near together, that there is no more Land between them, than that whereon the Town of Arbotka stands; and without Arbotka is a great Fiel 50 miles long, enclosed with Water, where the Tartars in Winter do keep their Hergels or Horses, which Field goeth to the shallow Waters, where I ran away from the Tartars. I shall here take my leave of Crim, and pass unto the Little Nagoy, to Asshowa, on the River Don, which runs down from Bealla Ossharra, through the Country of Russia between Russia, and Lithuania, until it comes to Peilesboy, not far from the Wolga; for from Peilsboy to the River Camusshanke, is not above 20 miles, all levelly, which is called Perewolog, where the Cossacks do draw their Strukes or Boats upon Wheels, to the River of Camusshanka, by which they pass into the Volga; whereupon this Place is called Perewolog. The Don runs down between the Little Nagoy and the Deserts of Ingel and Vngule, so to Asshowa, right under the Town, and there falls into the Tein Sea. This River is full of Fish, especially Sturgeons; well inhabited by Cossacks, for there are seldom lesle than 10000 upon it, besides those that go on Freebooting. There are also 16 Gorodkees, or strong Skonees, well manned, and with store of great Guns, they being in continual fear of the Turks and Tartars, and sometimes also of the Muscovites. The Little Nagoy, lies between the Tein and Caspian Seas, the former on the West the latter on the East, Shercessan to South, and the Volga on the North; and there is never a Town in all this Country excepting Asshowa. It is inhabited by Tartars, who go altogether in Hordes; their Prince in my Time was Cassay Myrsa, whom the Tartars call also Sultan Vlugh, or the Great Prince. They sow no Corn but Pross, which they sow upon the Seaside up unto Asshowa; and after sowing they departed with their Hordes, and graze up and down the Deserts to the Don, to Capbane, Shurpoha, Yedecul, Comma and Curray, to Masshargorodoke, and to Shercassen Land, under the Rivers Terigke, and Balk, and almost to Pettigor, and by the River of Cupba, and back again unto the Black Sea. Thus they ramble all the Summer, until their Harvest be ripe, and their Pross gathered, and put into Yams under ground; after which they settle from Asshowa, all along the Seaside, amongst the Reeds, and leave their Horses to winter in the Deserts. So I shall leave the Little Nagoy, and pass unto Temerossa in Shercassen Land, which is 500 miles from Asshowa. Now in all Circassia are but two Towns, Temerossa on the Black Sea, upon the Gulf that goeth from the Black Sea into the Tein Sea, right over against Arbotka. The other is Tumein, upon the Caspian Sea, the distance between them being 1100 miles; and all the rest of the inhabited Places are only Cubbacks made in the Woods, piled round with Timber. Their Houses are very high, in the midst whereof they make the Fire. Their Men are proper Men, very like the Irish both for person and garb; for they go in Trowses, with short Mantles, wear long Hair on both sides of their Heads, with a shorn Crown between. Their Women are very beautiful, and loving to Strangers; for if a Stranger come unto their Houses, their young Women and Maidens will look Lice in their Shirts, and all about them, the most private parts not excepted, and will allow them the liberty to examine and handle all parts of their Bodies besides their Breasts. The Circassians are excellent Horsemen, and very Courageous, but withal exceedingly ignorant and superstitious; for when they kill a Goat or Kid, they cut of the privy parts, and cast it against a Wall, if it stick, they pray to it; if otherwise, they cast it away, and spread the Skin upon Stakes, place it in their Cornfields, and worship it. They have no Writing among them, yet pretend to be good Christians. Do strangely bewail the Dead, making great Cries, scratch their Hands and Faces, until they draw much Blood, knock their Foreheads against the ground, until Knobs arise bigger than Plums. The Men are notorious Thiefs, stealing from each other, and he that steals most is accounted the bravest Fellow. Their Country is very fruitful, abounding with most sorts of Grain; and they have store of excellent Grass. They have also much Fruit growing wild; many sorts of Beasts, as Hearts, Hinds, Kine, Eissubrass, Hogs and great Adders. The considerable Rivers which I know are Cubba, which runs from Pettigor, between Shercassen Land and the little Nagoy, betwixt Termerossa and Asshowa, 20 miles from Temerossa it falls into the Jein Sea, and hath a Course of 500 miles. The next is the River of Balk, which comes out from Cabardy, and falls into the River of Terigke, 200 miles from its Source; which River of Terigke descends from the Mountains between Shollohofe Knasse and Mundarawa Knasse, runs through the Country almost due East, passes by Goracho Colloda, thence to the Shussa, and the Shunsa, so on to the Weistra; and 6 miles from Tumein, between Tumein and the Commocks Country, it falls into the Caspian Sea, having a Course of 600 miles. There is another River called Tumenka, which is a branch of Terigke, runs through Tumeine Town, and 3 miles beyond it enters the Caspian Sea. There is also another River which they call Keeslar, which falls out of Terigke, and 60 miles from Tumeine is received by the Caspian Sea. Having formerly mentioned Pettigor, I shall give you some Accounted thereof. Pettigor being interpreted, is in English, 5 Hills. They are five very great and high Mountains, distant about 500 miles from the Black Sea, and 700 from the Caspian beyond Cabardy. I came thus to know them: In the Year 1618. I was sent with Shiedka Myrsa, from Astracan to the Little Nagoy, to seize upon Orrake Myrsa, who being informed of our coming, fled up to Pettigor; yet he made not such hast but we overtook him, and having fought, overcame him, and took away his Hordes, by which means I became acquainted with Pettigor. Nevertheless there are higher Hills than Pettigor, as Sneesnagore in Cabardy, which is incredibly high, which is in English, the Hill of Snow; for upon that and Shadgore, which signifies a wondered high Hill, and overtops the former, and so along for 100 miles, from Cabardy to Shollohofe, prodigious quantities of Snow are lodged, which its thought were never dissolved since the Creation. I asked a Circassian, Whether ever any Man arrived at the top of Shadgore, which to me seemed much elevated above the rest; who answered me, They had a Tradition among them, that formerly a Bohatteere, whose Name was Hroda, attempted to climb it, and after two or three days hard labour, arrived not unto the middle; but after a few days, being better accommodated, he returned, with a resolution, if it were possible, to see the top, but was never afterwards heard of; and added, That it was to that day customary for the Neighbouring Circassians, at a certain season of the Year, with divers Ceremonies and great Lamentations to bewail his loss. The next Country to Sheercassen Land is Abassa, which is situated between Circassia and Mingrellia, and the inhabitants are a kind of Circassians. Mingrellia is under the Dominion of the Turks, and lies on the Black Sea. Of these two Countries, I have no great knowledge, having only coasted them three or four times in Boats, when I was among the Cossack's, where also we landed divers times, taking store of Kine and Sheep, but no Prisoners, because they affirmed themselves to be Christians. They are a proper handsome People, but very poor, and notorious Thiefs, for they steal not only Goods, but even Women and Children from each other, and cell them unto the Turks and Tartars chief for Salt, which is there very scarce. Next unto Mingrellia is Georgia, whose Inhabitants are little better than the former, only they have a kind of Scripture; for they Worship Idols or Images, yet have Cloisters, and a sort of Monks, with some Priests of the Greek Belief. I once landed in Georgia with an Army of 5000 Men, we marched up into the Country; until we came within a days journey of Deimur Capon, or the Iron Gate, which is a narrow passage between Georgia and Anatolia, with Rocks on each side, and a strong Town built in the midst: We stayed ten days ravaging the Country; they told us, this Town and Castle belonged to the King of Persia, and there is no other passage out of Georgia into Persia but through it. The next Country unto Georgia is Anatolia, whereour Traveller resided several Years, having been sold by the Precopensian Tartars, unto a Turkish Spahi, or Timariot; of which Country, and the Manners of the Inhabitants, he gives a large Description: But we being sufficieintnly informed thereof by divers intelligent Europeans, who dwelled long in those Parts, shall with our Traveller pass on to those Countries which are lesle known. But first we will take his Account of the Periplus of the Euxine or Black Sea. From Fennara, which is at the head of the Straight or Gulf that enters the Black Sea to Precop, is 700 miles; from thence to Caffa, a noted City and Port in Crim 300 miles; to Asshowa 500 miles; to Temerossa 500 miles; to Mingrelia 400 miles; to Trebezond 400 miles; and from thence unto Constantinople 1000 miles; in all 3800 miles. Thus much I know of the Black Sea, which I have three times coasted by Sea, and traced above half by Land; so that now it is time to speak concerning the Caspian Sea, and show all the Kingdoms and countries' which lie upon it, beginning at Astracan, and proceeding thence Eastwards, until I return unto the same City from the South. Astracan is placed on a rising ground, not far from the mouth of the Volga, from which it is not distant above 50 miles; it is in an Island on the Great Nagoy side, made by the River Volga, and a branch thereof, having the Caspian Sea on the South. The Town or City is secured by a strong Castle, furnished with store of great Ordnance, and in the midst of the Castle is a Roskade, which commands both Castle, Town, and the Fields round about for above a mile. The Tartar's Town is adjoining, placed near unto Cutuma, which is a River naturally derived from the Volga, or one of its many branches; ●o that the Town is encompassed with Waters, having the main body of the Volga on the West, and Cutuma on the East. Now if you would know whence the Volga comes, I will acquaint you with what I have learned from the Muscovites. It's utmost Source is said to be at the foot of a great Tree, whence it runs unto Jerislave 1000 miles; whence it proceeds to Neisna 500 miles, and thence unto Cassan 300 miles; from Cassan to Samara 500; to Saratoft 350 miles; to Saraichena 350, and thence unto Astracan 500 miles; from whence it is, as we said before, unto the Caspian Sea, 50 miles; in all 3550 miles. The Volga is a wondered great River, abounding with divers sorts of great Fish, as Sturgeon Bellouke, Severuke, Shelren, Sterleke, Some, Sassan, Suke, Soudake, Konnee, Sablee, Lessee, Wobla, Tarane, and many others both great and small, which I cannot readily call unto remembrance, notwithstanding that I dwelled there ten years. The Volga enters the Caspian Sea by 22 mouths, and upon each of them is an Oughsuke or Fish-wear, for to take Sturgeon, every one of which Oughsukes is called by the name of the Water, as Soellova, Dertullee, B sserigee and Ruslowa upon the main Wolga. Cokelou, Beerullee, Ewansuke, Mansor, Argeessan, Keessan, Camusshuke, Naowara, Tussockly, Collobery, Malla Collobery, Yamansuke, Eirichsha, Surka, Libesha, Bussan, Carabussan, Bealla Wolloskee. In all which Ougbsukes or Wears, they take no Fish besides Sturgeon. They are made of Shigenas, or long Poles made sharp at one end, and beaten into the ground under Water, and a pleating made of Rods, somewhat resmbling Osier, after the manner of our Mats, which are fastened to the Poles, and hinder the Fish from passing up the River. And Houses are built neat the Wears for the Conveniency of the Fishers, 40, 50, more or lesle, according unto the greatness of the Water, or resort of Fish, and twice every day, usually in the morning and evening, they set about their Fishery. They employ only long slender Poles with an Iron Hook or Cruke in the end baited, and do ordinarily take 400 every day in the smaller, and 600 in the larger Streams. The Sturgeon they take is all salted, excepting that wherewith they serve the Town of Astracan, where a whole fair Sturgeon may be bought for ten pence English; and when the great Caravan comes from Russia, it takes of most of their Fish, which is conveyed into dives parts of Muscovy, but chief unto the great City of Moscow. They return also with great quantities of Caviar and Salt, there being not far from the Volga, on the Little Nagoy side, great Salt-pits, which yield an immense quantity of Salt, prepared yearly by the heat of the Sun, without any further trouble, than taking it of the superficies of the Water where it daily kerns. The Volga a little above Seraichena, 500 miles from Astrachan, dismisses a great Branch named Actabon, which passing through the Desert of the Great Nagoy through Bassane, enters the Caspian Sea. The remainder of the Volga, after having parted with several smaller Branches, most of which join with the forementioned River, divides the Little and Great Nagoy, passes under the Town of Astrachan, whence it proceeds unto Ruslowa, on the South west side of Crosna B●ggar, and than falls into the Caspian. And the distance between the East-side of the Volga near Astrachan, and the River Actabon, is about 20 miles, which is mostly Water and Islands. And that the Course of the Volga from its first Source, until it doth dis-embouge itself into the Caspian Sea, can be no lesle than what we have asserted, is hence confirmed; That the Snow which falls abundantly in Russia, and gins to be dissolved about the latter end April, and do mighily increase the Waters of the Volga, come not unto Astrachan until Midsummer, when it so raises the Volga, that overflowing the Banks, it covers with his Waters all the Islands near Astrachan; so that from the Little Nagoy, un Actabon in the Great Nagoy, all the Coutries seems, excepting a Hillock or two, one continued Lake, or a great Gulf of the Sea. Wherhfore they who go in the Spring from Arstachan to fetch Wood, having cut it, make great Floats, which are listed up when the River overflows, and guided each by a few Men, until they are brought unto Astrachan, or those other places for which they are designed. The most remarkable Towns and Habitations upon the Volga, between Seraichena and Astrachan, (which are 500 miles distant from each other) are Camena, Rokegowa, Osshenofka, Chornoyar, Borisse, Offatalka, Poollowoy, Collmakof Satone, Cossoyar, Crosnoyar, Nassonoyar, Satone, Yanatavy, Daneelofka, Perre Ousshake, Eillansuke, Eiskyborro, Crukla, Bussan, Balsheeke, Tollotongorod, Dolgoa, Goradocha, (which was old Astrachan) Sharinae, Bogar, which is near Astrachan, besides many other Places, with whose Names I have not charged my memory. We will now pass over the Volga through Astrachan into the Great Nagoy. The Great Nagoy may be properly enough divided into Islands and Continent; the former are made by the Volga, and several Rivers which fall out of it, variously mixed with each other, and are all at length emptied into the Caspian Sea. Those Rivers or Brances have their several Names; those which I remember are Cuttoma, Boulda, Malla, Guellusa, Creewantya, Busane, Actabon and Bereket. The Kingdom of the Great Nagoy is all plain and desert; 1200 miles in length between Astrachan and Semara; 500 miles in breadth from the said Astrachan unto the River of the Yeike or Jaick. There is no wood in all this Country, except what grows near the Rivers. It hath no Towns or fixed Habitations, though it had formerly divers, and some among them very considerable, as Czarofsgorod, or Czarofs Pollate, in English, the Emperor's Town, which formerly must needs have been as its name imports, an Imperial or Capital City. I have often viewed it with admiration, and cannot compute it to have been lesle than 20 miles in Circuit; I have told fourscore great eminent Buildings, which must have been either Mosques, Palaces, or Caravanseries, and some of them 6 miles distant from the other. The Muscovites are of divers Opinions concerning its Destruction: Some say it was ruined by the Cossacks; but the Cossacks, who are ready enough to brag of Achievements, know nothing thereof, only that they have often dispossessed the Russes, when they endeavoured to rebuild part of it. For indeed the situation is very excellent, having the Volga on one side, and the Actabon on the other: The Country very beautiful, healthful and fertile; and yet notwithstanding all these encouragements, it is not yet inhabited, not by the Russes because it standing on the main Land, they would be continually exposed unto the Inroads of the Tartars; nor by the Tartars, because its nearness unto the Rivers, would tender them obnoxious to the Russes, every time the great Caravan passes that way, which is at lest twice each year. Yet the Muscovites do frequently fetch Brick and Stones from this ruined City, wherewith they have built a great part of Astrachan, and the neighbourin Forts or Towns, where such solid Materials are employed. But besides this Serai, (for so the Tartars call any fixed Habitation) there were in ancient times five or six more down along the River's side, in each of which formerly dwelled a Chan; but Time and Wars have almost entirely ruined them. There is also another Serai upon the River Jaick named Seraichika, where is said formerly to have been the Residence of a great Myrsa or Chan; but 'tis now quite ruinated. The Tarters who inhabit the Great Nagoy, both Men and Women, are very proper, at lest of much taller Stature than many other Tartars, but have ill-favoured Countenances, broad Faces, flat little Noses, small Eyes sunk in their Heads, all which are common to most of the Eastern Tartars. But the Tartars of Crim are more comely, which, I suppose, may partly proceed from their Wives, who are many of them Captive Circassians, Russes, Poles, Hungars, and of divers other Nations. The Nagoy Tartars are also Black or rather Tawny; which I Conjecture is not so much natural, as proceeding from the heat of the Sun, which is in these Parts some Months of the Year much more excessive than one would expect from the Climate. And besides, their Children go stark naked during the great heats in Summer. It is also remarkable, That the Cold in Winter in the same Country is exceeding severe, and one would think to them who have such mean accommodation, intolerable. These Nagoy Tartars have great store of Cattles, as Kine, Sheep, Horses and Camels, and yet notwithstanding they are verv ill clad, most of their Clothing being Sheepskins, and those but scurvily dressed. They have no sort of Corn or Grain, mightily scorning the Europeans and Persians', whose chief Diet they say, is the top of a pitiful weed. Polygamy is not only allowed, but altogether in fashion among them, most having divers Wives, more or fewer according unto their Quality and Ability; who unless they are Captivated by War, are such as they buy of their Parents or Kindred for Cattles. If one Brother dye, the other takes all his Wives, who are usually five or six. But if all the Brothers die, either in War or by Diseases, than they are devolved like other Goods or Chattels unto the Elder Brother's Son, they never suffering any married Woman, during life, to go out of the Kindred. Here our Author hath inserted a Discourse concerning divers odd, and some barbarous Customs which have long prevailed among the Nagoy-Tartars, and wherewith they will not easily Dispense. But they giving little light unto History or Geography, I have not thought them worthy the trouble of transcribing; nor do I apprehended they would afford any considerable instruction or divertisement unto the Reader. These Tartars of the Great Nagoy when they remove their habitation, transport their Houses from place to place in Wagons with four Wheels, which are drawn usually by Camels; they pass up and down the Country in great Hordes, their ordinary march is from the Volga unto Buskowshake; thence to Voroslane, Semara, Eirgeesse, Eishene, Ougogra, Reimpeska, and all along under the Calmukes Country, until they arrive at the Jaick or Yeike: Sometimes they pass by Cassoone, Aurrow, Camoyes Samar, and so to Saraichika: this is ordinarily their Summer Progress. Against Winter they return unto those parts of the Country which border upon the Caspian Sea. As Baksake upon the Caspian Sea; Beallansia, Kitgach, Sheennamara, Coudake, Caradowan, Actabon; and higher upon the Volga, scattering themselves upon the Seashore and Banks of the Rivers among the Reeds and Woods, or wheresoever they found the Climate most mild and best defence against the Cold, which in the Winter is in these Parts extremely Severe; so that 'tis hard to determine whether they suffer more from the Heat in Summer, or Cold in Winter. During which latter Season they leave their Hergels or Horses, and most of their greater Cattles to shifted for themselves in the Deserts. Having often had occasion to mention the River Jaicke or Yeike, I shall here give a short Account of what I have observed and learned concerning its Rise and Course. It comes from the Calmukes Land, where it is thought to spring; though some of the Russes affirm its Fountains are more Remote in Siberia, the Southern parts of which is also inhabited if not possessed by the Kalmukes, some of whose Vlusses or Hordes are subject unto the Muscovites; others in League with them: but they have sometimes cruel Wars, and did formerly destroy Tumen with some other Towns and Castles of the Russes, who they apprehended did encroach too fast upon them. But to return unto the Course of the Yeick, after it hath passed through the Calmukes Country, it divides the Great Nagoy from Cassachy Horda, and after it hath passed in all a Thousand miles, throws itself into the Caspian Sea a little below Seraichika. This is a very large River, and the Land on each side well clothed with Wood, Grass, divers sorts of Herbs and wild Fruits, and the Water full of good Fish; which Conveniences do ofttimes invite the Cossacks to make their abode there, and from thence they make Incursions on divers parts bordering on the Caspian Sea. This River, among divers other Fish doth so wonderfully abound with Sturgeon, that a man may stand upon the Bank side with a Pole in hand armed at the end with an Iron Crook, make choice of what Sturgeon best pleaseth him, which he shall rarely said of taking though never so inexpert in Fishing, if he have but strength or help to draw it on Land. Not far from the Mouth of the Jeick in the Caspian Sea near the Shore, are many Coves and Corners which they call Lapateens and Cal●nkes, which are always full of Swans usually swimming on the Sea, which are so numerous, that it is impossible to make any reasonable Computation thereof. These Swans after Midsummer every Year cast their Feathers, a little before which time there parts from Astracan many Boats which are manned by Russes, and most of them are their Youth; after a passage of five hundred miles they arrive at these places which the Swans mostly haunt, and having filled their Boats with Swans Skins and Feathers, they return unto Astracan, where a great Trade is driven with the Persians' who give ordinarily a Dollar apiece for these Skins. The next Country unto the Great Nagoy towards the East is Cassachy Horda, which hath, as I said, on the West the Jaick, by which it is divided from the Great Nagoy. On the North the Kalmukes, North-East the Yurgeach, or Jurgench-Tartars, and to the South the Caspian Sea and Caragans, who inhabit on the North-East-side of the Caspian Sea. These Cassachy Tatars march up and down the Country much after the manner of the Nagays. They have frequent Wars with the Kalmukes and Yurgeachians; but seldom with either Nagoys or Caragans. Only after the manner of most other Tartars, they will clandestinely steal even from those Neighbours with whom they have the most uninterrupted and profound Peace. Cassachy Horda is altogether Desert, excepting some Woods Northward, bordering upon the Kolmukes, where more are divers small Rivers which empty themselves into the Jaick; which River is also in most places bordered with Woods unto its Entrance into the Caspian Sea. And therefore the Inhabitants may well be named Cassachy Horda, or wild People, as the Name imports: They sow no sort of Corn, their chief Food being Horse flesh and Mare's milk; which is also common to divers other Nations of the Tartars. On the North of Cassachy Horda devil the Kalmuke Tartars, if such a life as they lead may be called dwelling. The Country they inhabit deserves a better People, the Land abounding with all things necessary for a Comfortable subsistence. This Country hath store of Sables, Marterus, Black Foxes, Squirrels, and several other sorts of Furs, which they Exchange with the Ruffs for Aquavitae, Mead, Tobacco, and other Commodities. This Country hath some Towns, as Siberiae, the Head of a Province of the same Name, and Tu●●een, both which the Russes have gained from them: Ouffba, Wadle, Sellona, Lncomoria, which latter place, they say, is situated upon a Cold Sea. But Ouffha is a midland Town, 500 miles from Cassan which is near the Volga. The Kalmukes are accounted good Soldiers, being kegt in continual Exercise by the Muscovites on the one side, the Nagoyans and Cassachy-Horda on the other. Their unmarried Women do not only accompany the Men unto the Wars, but are said to be little inferior unto the Men in Skill and Valour, shooting almost as strongly and dexterously as the men, from whom they cannot be distinguished by their Garb, being apparelled and riding much after the same manner: Both Men and Women in all their Expeditions seldom carry along with them fewer than five or six Horses apiece. I cannot precisely determine what their Religion is, but I do perceive by Converse with them, that they have a more favourable Opinion of the Christiansithan of the Mahometans, or of some of their fellow Ethnics: for if I mistake not, they are Heathens, I not being able to discern among them any Religious Worship, excepting some kind of Adoration which they pay unto the Sun and Moon. They have a very peculiar kind of Diet for besides Horseflesh, which is a great Dainty, they scruple not to eat Snakes, Adders, Foxes, and indeed even Carrion of divers sorts of Creatures, such Food as to Europeans would be intolerable, even in the greatest Famine. They wear a kind of Caps or Hats which are called by the Muscovites, Coulpacks, open before and behind; with broad Brims on each side. And thereupon they are called by the other Tartars, Colmukes. Eastward from these Calmukes, inclining unto the South towards China, live the Yurgeachians, so named from their chief Town, which some call Yurgeach, others Jurgench: Of which Country I cannot say so much as concerning the former, having never been therein but once; for in the Year 1620 there being great Wars in Jurgeach, between the Chan or King, and the Myrsa his Son; some of the Nagoy Tartar's hearing thereof, invaded the Country, who whilst they were united, durst not peep out of their own Borders, the Jurgeachians being a numerous and warlike People. These Nagoys were all Volunteers, who went without any Command from their own Prince, or Allowance from the Muscovites, without whose consent by mutual Agreement they are not permitted to War. The News of their Expedition being brought unto Astracan, the Voyvoad who had not long before made a League with the Jurgeachians, sent out Allye (I suppose his true Name was Ali or Hali) Myrsa a Tartarian Prince, with a Thousand of his own Subjects, and Five Hundred Russes, all Horse. We were 20 days marching before we came to the Borders of Jurgeach from Astracan; whence we proceeded 10 days journey, the Country through which we passed being miserably ravaged by the aforesaid Nagoys. At the end of which 30 days by a reasonable Computation, 'twas judged we were distant from Astracan at lest 1000 miles; about which time we overtook them in the Valley of Ougogura, having got from the Jurgeachians an innumerable company of Cattles of divers sorts, as Horse, Kine, Camels and Sheep. We took all their Booty from them; and as a further punishment for their Riot, took away their own supernumerary Horses, leaving them only a Horse a Man for to convey them home. Than Ally Myrsa divided the Spoil, half he bestowed upon those who did accompany him, and sent the remainder for a Present unto the Voyvod, returning nothing unto the Jurgeachians, because they were taken from Thiefs. In the mean while the Prince of Jurgeach in a pitched Battle overthrew his Father, took him Prisoner, put out both his Eyes, and caused himself to be Crowned King. He had a younger Brother, whom fearing that in time he might occasion some Insurrection, he gave Command unto some of his Creatures, that they should strangle him, and bring his Head: But divers of the Nobles, by whose means he obtained the Sovereignty, gaining intelligence thereof, would not permit his Order to be put in execution; but seizing on the Child, sent him unto the Emperor Muesovy, with whom he remained when I was last at Astracan. But I must return from the Jurgeachians unto the Caragans, whom I have left behind, and they do more immediately refer unto my promise, which was to give an Account of all the Nations and Countries encompassing the Caspian Sea. The Country of the Caragans occupies most of that vast space, which intercedes between the River Yeike and the Dominions of the Ousbegs, or Tartars of Bouchara, and their Territory surrounds the North-East corner of the Caspian Sea, proceeding Southwards unto the River Jaxartes; and some Hordes of the said People do inhabit between the said River and the Oxus, which divides the Tartars of Bochara and the Caragans, from the Persians' and the Tartars of Bulk. This Country of the Caragans is very desert and barren; the People miserably Poor; their Houses are wretched Huts, the greatest part under ground; they are very tawny and ill-favoured; their Habitations are scattered, scarcely deserving the Name of Villages: And they have no Town, as I have been informed, besides Preesslames, which is situated on the Southside of the Juxartes, near the Caspran Sea; which whilst I dwelled in Astracan, was by surprise taken by the Cossacks, but they had little cause to brag of their Victory, finding little booty therein; and the Caragans gathering together, beaten them our with great loss of Men, forcing them to retire into an Island two or three Leagues from the Land, which they possess unto this day, no Nation being able, or else not caring to unnest them, although Tartar's, Persians', and Muscovites, do continually suffer by their Depredations. Towards the East and by South of the Caragans, devil the Tartars of Bochara, who are by divers called Yusbegs. The Country which they possess is better watered, and more fertile than most of the preceding, and there is great resort of Merchants from divers Parts unto them, especially Persians, Muscovites, and several Nations of Indians, as Moguls, Boutans, with many others, whose Names I cannot recollect. I have been also told, That the Chineses do sometimes trade with them. I am persuaded, that this is the famed Kingdom of Cataye; for the Catayans are a sort of Tartars, and I know no other Tartars between this Country and China. Caragan lieth from them to the North-West; Vrgenshe due North; China to the East; the Tartars of Balk to the South; and the Persians' South and by West; and the Caspian Sea duly West. They are almost continually in Wars with the Persians'. The next Country I am to describe is Persia, in which Land I was never, excepting once, in that part thereof which borders upon the Comukes; but I have conversed with several Persian Merchants at Astracan, who came by Shipping from Gilan, which when the Wind is very fair and good, they sail in two or three days and Nights. They wear Turbans like the Turks, and so do the Bouchars. Therefore not having seen much of Persia, nor having sufficiently informed myself concerning it, I shall pass through it unto the Comukes Land, of which I have obtained more perfect knowledge both by War and Traffic. This Country is bounded on the South by Persia, on the East by the Caspian Sea; Westward by Circassia; and on the North by the River of Tumeine; on which stands a Town of the same Name, from which unto Chahamate, the most Northerly Habitation of Persia, is 600 miles A great part of this Country, especially Westward, is very mountainous; I could never learn where it doth exactly Terminate. I have been in four of their Towns: The first is Tarkee, where Gildar, whom they own for their Prince, doth ordinarily reside. The second is Derbeine, in the Mountains. The third Derevena, in the same mountainous Tract. The fourth Kossa, upon a River of the same Name, not far from the place where it empties itself into the Caspian Sea. These Comukes are proper Men and very courageous; and that which makes them more daring and adventurous than most Tartars, is the goodness of their Horses, and the advantage of their Arms, both offensive and defensive; for they seldom engage in Wars without Helmets, Jacks of Steel, Shirts of Mail, and Targets, which excepting those times wherein they fight, hung behind their backs, being very light, and not very large, and therefore not cumbersome. They have, as other Tartars, both Bows and Scimitars, and withal never go without Lances, which they use with great strength and dexterity. In their Apparel they differ little from the Circassians; but as for Religion, they are generally Mahumetans, and their Language is in substance the same with other Tartars, their vicinity unto the Persians', Muscovites and Sheercasses, having somewhat disguised it. The Country they inhabit abounds with Wood; part of it is hilly, with small pleasant Valleys between the Hillocks; and in some places, especially towards Persia, and thence into the Land, it hath many great and almost inaccessible Mountains, by reason of their height and steepness. This Land was reduced under the Government of the Russes many years ago, after the ensuing manner: Evan Vassilywich being Czar or Emperor of Russia, after he had taken Cassan and Astracan, sent part of his Army into Circassia, where they took in Tumeine. Another Body entered the Comukes Country, and possessed themselves of Derevena, Derbeine, Tarkee and Kossa. The Ruff Emperor constituted a Voyvod, whom he ordered to reside in Tarkee, and left with him 10000 Men; he ordered also at the same time another considerable Brigade to stay at Coisa, where he left a great number of Boats and other Vessels, who had brought supplies of Men and Provisions from Moscow, and other Parts of his Dominions. And having, as he apprehended, secured his new Conquests, he returned unto Moscow: Immediately after his retreat, the Comukes gathered their whole Force, and set down before the Town of Tarkee, which after a vigorous resistance they took, and in it with the Voyvod, several Officers of divers Nations, whom with the common Soldiers they sold unto the Circassians, Tartars, and other neighbouring Nations, so that few were ever afterwards recovered. From Tarkee they marched unto Koisa, which by the instruction of Captives they did pretty regularly besiege and assault, and after some repulses took it by storm, killing all the Russes, excepting such as escaped in the Ships and Boats which lay before the Town. The Ruff Emperor being speedily informed of these Successes, immediately raised a great Army, with which he ordered all the Cossacks between the Don and Volga, unto the River of Tumeine, to join his Forces, and assist them, in order unto the recovery of what he had lost, and utter extirpation of the Comukes: Who hearing how highly the Czar was exasperated, and how great a Force was ready to invade them, they began to be solicitous about the Event; and having consulted together agreed to make some kind of submission, and sue for pardon and peace. Whereupon they sent Ambassadors unto Temeine, where the Ruff Army was encamped; and after a Treaty with the Czar's Plenipotentaries, they agreed upon these Articles, That the Comukes should restore the Towns they had taken, and aid the Emperor with such a number of Soldiers, as he should require, against any Enemy whatsoever, whereunto their Heads being Sworn, they have inviolably observed the Agreement unto this day. But it's time we take our leave of Gildar, Prince of Terki, and his Comukes, and proceed into Shercassen Land, part of which as I hinted before, lies upon the Black Sea, and extends itself unto the Caspian. This side of Circassia which borders upon the Caspian Sea, is a very plentiful Country; and as for Fish, it is so wonderfully plentiful, that in Tumeine you may ordinarily purchase a good Sturgeon for two pence, and sometimes for a penny; a most prodigious quantity of Fish being taken in the River of the Weestra, and about the Island of Chekiene, which is of at Sea not far from Tumeine. On the main Land, over against this Fishery, 4 miles above the River of Terike, there is a great Well, made by a Spring, which falls from a Rock, on the side of a great Hill, and immediately fills this Little Lake, which whether it is Natural or Artificial, I know not. The Water of this Lake is so scalding hot, that the Fishers flinging in their Sturgeon or other Fish, it is in a short time boiled, as if over a fire, the heat being so intense, that no Man can detain his hand in it for a moment; from which strange Quality it derives its Name, being called by the Russes, Goracha Colloda, or the Scalding Well. I shall conclude my Discourse with a short Account of the Little Nagoy, or of that part thereof which confines upon the Caspian; for all that space between Tumeine and Astracan, is by many ascribed unto the Nagoy Tartars. I did before declare, That the Little Nagoy is for the most part a wide waste Desert, the worst of which is all that Tract which lieth between Tumeine and Astracan. These Tartars have no Town but only Ashowa, which is not properly theirs, though lying in their Country, being possessed by the Turks. There is a sort of people in this Country, whom the Tartars call Sigakes; I could never learn what their language is, or from what Place or Nation they proceed; nor could I understand after what manner they live, whether they have any Religion, or Civil Government. Their chief Subsistance is what they gain from the Tartars; for they gather sometimes 2 or 3000, and rob the smaller Hordes of the Tartars, and those which are most remote from help. But sometimes the Tartars discovering the place of their Retreat or Rendezvous, surround them with their Carts, and than fall in, cut them all of, never giving Quarter unto any; no Crime being so severely punished amongst the Tartars, as Thievery; which makes me apprehended, that these Sigakes are some of their own people, who formerly deserted them upon some extraordinary occasion: But whatsoever is the reason, they do most irreconcilably hate each the other. The most noted Places on that side the Little Nagoy, which regards the Caspian Sea, and lie all along the Coast from Tumeine to Astracan, are Sheerlona Year▪ (where I was first taken Prisoner by the Tartars) Peremetka, Arsi Bash, Moyackee, Bealla Oshera Bashmackake, Kaboylly Machakofska, Chost●way, and so over the Volga unto Astrachan. And to conclude all, I shall here enumerate all the Places on the Coast near Astracan, which have Names that are considerable for Havens, Trade, Fishing, or any other remarkable Circumstance. Soteeza Bockgra, Vcustow● Cossa, Beerulska Cossa, Ewanshoska Cossa, Seamme Bogaroffe, Tussocleoff Lapateene, Chaska Cossa, Crosna Bogore, Cocklouska Cossa, Owarska Cossa, Comashaska Cossa, Colloberinska Cossa, Cocktabow, Bussanska Lapaten, Kara Bussan; which last place is not far from Sheen Mare, which I have formerly mentioned. I cannot so exactly tell the Circumference of the Caspian, as of the Black Sea, having been only on the North and Westside; but howsoever I shall from what I have seen and learned from experienced persons, be enabled to approach very near unto the Truth. The Distance between Astracan and the Jaick, is 500 miles; from thence unto the Confines of Bochara 500 miles: From Jaxartees to Persia, and thence unto Gilian is, according unto my Information, 1100 miles. From Gilan unto Koisa 500 miles: From thence unto Astracan as much; in all, 3100 miles. But if any person should endeavour by Land to Travel round this Sea, or in a Voyage by Sea follow the Coast, he would make at lest a Thousand miles more: for this Sea is full of great Gulfs, Bays, and broken ground; so that the Calculation I make, is upon a direct passage by Sea, suppose from Astracan to Gilan, from thence to the Oxus, from the Oxus to the great North-East Bay, into which the River Jem falls, which is full of Islands and broken Grounds, Shelves, Sand and Shallow Water; and from thence back to Astracan. Having presented your Lordship with a short but true Account of those Countries encompassing and lying between the two forementioned Mediterranean Seas, I shall not lesle briefly and faithfully declare by what Accidents I came unto this Knowledge: which cost me so dear, that I suppose the most inquisitive person would not purchase the gratification of his Curiosity at a far lels Expense of time and trouble, than I have employed (though often against my will) in my Travels and Inquires. I was born Ireland, yet of English Extract: my Family Noble, but my Estate not corresponding with my Quality, being ambitious, and withal naturally inclined to see Foreign Countries, I hoped to Raise my Fortune by my Sword. After I left Ireland, before I had been long in England, an opportunity presenting itself, I engaged in the Service of the King of Sweden, who had than Wars with the Muscovites; having given some Considerable proofs of my Courage, I was gradually raised unto a Considerable Command; but being engaged too far in a Body of the Enemies, I was unhappily taken Prisoner by the Russes, and carried Prisoner unto Pl●scow, than in their possession, having at the same time Arrears due unto me from the Swede above 5000 Dollars. The Swedes taking no care for my Enlargement, being willing, I suppose, to save so great a Sum of Money, as at my Return I should have challenged: after Three years close Imprisonment, I was proffered Liberty by the Muscovite, upon condition I would faithfully serve him against all his Enemies; whereunto assenting, I was sent unto Moscow, and there before the Chancellor sworn a Tolmack and preferred unto a Command little inferior unto what I enjoyed before. And the Poles advancing towards Moscow with a great Army, fearing jest I should go over unto them, I was sent unto Astracan where I remained 10 years, being continually Employed against the Tartars and Circass●ans. By which means I came to know Pettigor, Sneesnagor, Shadgore, Cabardye, and the Great and Little Nagoy, the Comukes, the Tartars of Cassen, the Kalmukes, Cassachy, Horda, Caragans, Vngensh, and Vsbeg Tartars. During which Wars, I conflicted with great difficulties and hardship; in making long Journeys, faring hardly: Nor was it a small labour to make floats in order unto our passing over the great Rivers I have mentioned, to say nothing of the Danger. Besides, we run great hazards in our Journeying over those waste wide howling Deserts, which on every side surrounded us; frequently wanting provisions, and sometimes Guides; so that had we failed never so little in our Conjectures, we had all perished. After Ten years hard Service, in my Return from Conveying Shollohofe Knez into Shercassen Land, I was taken Prisoner by the Tartars of the Little Nagoy, and by them carried unto Assowa upon the Mouth of the Tana or Don. There I was sold unto a Precopensian Tartar, who carried me along with him towards Crim: But upon the shallow Waters I very happily made my Escape. I had little Knowledge of the Country, but having formerly understood by our Cossacks at Astracan, that great Bodies of the same name, mortal Enemies unto the Tartars, dwelled upon the Nepper not far beyond Crim; by the help of the Sun and Stars, I journeyed due West many days without any disastrous Adventure, until I found them; who gave me a very kind reception: In this escape I traversed almost the whole Desert of Ingile and Vngule. Dorosensko who than Commanded all the Cossacks upon the the Nepper, immediately made me a Poskofneke, from which time for the space of almost two years, I did accompany them in divers expeditions, in which we visited most of those Countries which lie upon the Black Sea, to the no small vexation and loss of the Inhabitants. We kept a Correspondence with the Cossack's upon the Don, and frequently assisted each other. And being all Foot, and the Country exactly levelly, we traveled surrounded with Wagons (which they call a Tabor) for fear of the Tartars who often set upon us, but were as often repulsed, we being well accommodated with Fire-Arms and small Field-piecs, which the Tartars do exceedingly fear and will not ordinarily attempt closely, unless they have greatly the Odds in Number. But at length it was my ill Fortune between the Nepper and the Don to be again taken by the Tartars, and by them carried into Crim, where I lived long in great misery, and was at length sold unto a Timariot Spahi living in Anadoule, (Anatolia or Asia minor) with whom I lived 5 years, but in more easy servitude than among the Tartars. And to make my service lesle irksome, my Master bestowed on me a Wallachian Woman, whom I received for my Wife, though without the usual Solemnities of Marriage, which are practised among Christians: Understanding at length that a Lord Ambassador was resident at Constantinople in behalf of the King of Great Brittian, and to manage the Affairs of the English Nation in Turkey, I prevailed with my Master; whose Favour I had gained to grant me my freedom, together with my Wives, if I should procure an hundred Dollars. Whereupon he dismissed me in the company of a Turk his Friend, who upon my humble supplication unto your Lordship receiving the formetioned Sum, did in the behalf of his Friend before the Cady make me free, and leave the Woman also at my Disposal. At the same time I very happily met with some Vallachian Gentlemen, who were sent on a Message from their Vayvod unto the Grand Seignor, They gladly received my Woman, and took her along with them, promising upon their Return into their own Country, to Restore her unto her Parents. Now that I may fully satisfy your Lordship, that I had really visited all those Countries which I have mentioned, I beseech your Lordship let your Interpreter try me in those Languages wherein he is skilled; and as for others wherewith he is not acquainted, I am ready to converse with any of those Nations whom I pretend to know. For although I have never conversed much with Books, yet my great Travel accompanied with a pretty good Memory, will sufficiently Qualify me to pass through the Countries I shall hereafter mention. To begin my Progress from Constantinople, I can pass over from Scutery, and thence by the help of my Tukish Language pass through all Anatolia; Thence leaving Armeniae on my right hand, and having the Black Sea on the left, go through Georgia, Mingrellia, Abassa, and Shercassen Land with the same Tongue, and another, which with little variation is common unto them all. Thence into the Comukes Country, who are a sort of Tarters and do agreed with others of the same name in speeeh, as indeed most Tartar's do; only they who are Mahumetans, and converse much with the Turks, use divers Arabic and Turkish words whereunto the Heathen Tartars are strangers: From Comukes Land I can pass into Persia, but I am not so well acquainted with their Country and Language, as I have elsewhere acknowledged. Therefore to return unto Constantinople, I can proceed from thence unto Romellia, or Romania, through Wallachy, Bealla Horda, Crim, the Great Desert I have so often mentioned of Ingell and Vngull, the little Nagoy, so over the Vogal unto Astracan; thence through the Great Nagoy, and leaving the Caspian on my Right hand into the Caragans' Country, and so through Boghar into Persia. I can also by my knowledge of the Languages peculiar unto the following Countries traverse all Ireland, England, Norway, Sweeden, Finland, Leifland, Poland, Russia, Mordwa, Sheremessa, Cassan, Kalmukes Land, Cassachy Horda, Yurgench, and leaving China on the left hand through Bochara into Persia. And now, Sir, nothing remains, But that I make most humble and hearty acknowledgement of your great Generosity and Christian Charity, in delivering a Stranger out of Captivity, wherein I had Otherwise continued without hope of seeing my Friends or Country. And were I as expert at my Pen, as I have heretofore been at managing a Sword, I would by Consigning my Travels to Writing, leave behind me a lasting Monument of your Fame: But being for want of Learning and by long Disuse of my Mother Tongue rendered unfit for such a Work, I shall wheresoever I come proclaim your Worthiness, and continually pray unto the Omnipotent GOD to return your Kindness into your Bosom a Thousand fold. And shall ever remain, during Life, Your Faithful Slave, Astrachan. FINIS. COLLECTIONS OF TRAVELS THROUGH TURKEY into PERSIA, and the EASTINDIES. Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries. AS ALSO A Full RELATION of the Five Years WARS, between Aureng-Zebe and his Brothers in their Father's Life-time, about the Succession. And a Voyage made by the Great mogul (Aureng-Zebe) with his Army from Dehli to Lahor, from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, by the Mogul's, called, The Paradise of the Indieses. TOGETHER With a Relation of the Kingdom of JAPAN and TUNKIN, and of their particular Manners and Trade. To which is added A New Description of the GRAND SEIGNIOR'S SERAGLIO, And also of all the Kingdoms that encompass the Euxine and Caspian Seas. BEING The TRAVELS of Monsieur TAVERNIER BERNIER, and other great Men: Adorned with many Copper Plates. The Second Volume. LONDON, Printed for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard. M. DC. LXXXIV. AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER WRITTEN TO Mr. H. Ouldinburgh, FROM Monsieur DE MONCEAUX: Giving a Character of the BOOK here Englished, and its AUTHOR. VIrtue sometimes is no lesle interessed than Affection: Both, Sir, are glad to receive from time to time pledges mutually answering for those that have united themselves in a close correspondence. Yours indeed should demand of me such, as might be a security to you for the advance you have been pleased to make me of your Friendship. But since at present I have nothing worth presenting you with; and yet am unwilling to give you any leisure to be diffident of my realness, or to repent for having so easily given me a share in your esteem, I here sand you a Relation of Indostan, in which you will found such considerable Occurrences, as will make you confess, I could not convey to you a more acceptable Present, and that Monsieur Bernier, who hath written it, is a very Gallant Man, and of a mould, I wish all Travellers were made of. We ordinarily travel more out of Vnsetledness than Curiosity, with a design to see Towns and Countries rather than to know their Inhabitants and Productions; and we stay not long enough in a place, to inform ourselves well of the Government, Policy, Interests and Manners of its People. Monsieur Bernier, after he had benefitted himself for the space of many years by the converse of the famous Gassendi, seen him expire in his arms, succeeded him in his Knowledge, and inherited his Opinions and Discoveries, embarked for Egypt, stayed above a whole year at Cairo, and than took the occasion of some Indian Vessels, that Trade in the Ports of the Read Sea, to pass to Suratte; and after Twelve years' abode at the Court of the Great mogul, is at last come to seek his rest in his native Country, there to give an Account of his Observations and Discoveries, and to pour out into the bosom of France, what he had amassed in India. Sir, I shall say nothing to you of his Adventures, which you will found in the Relations that are to follow hereafter, which he abandons to the greediness of the Curious, who prefer their satisfaction to his quiet, and do already persecute him to have the sequel of this History. Neither shall I mention to you the hazards he did run, by being in the Neighbourhood of Mecca; nor of his prudent Conduct, which made him merit the esteem of his Generous Fazelcan, who since is become the first Minister of that Great Empire, whom he taught the principal Languages of Europe, after he had Translated for him the whole Philosophy of Gassendi in Latin, and whose leave he could not obtain to go home, till he had got for him a select number of our best European Books, thereby to supply the loss he should suffer of his Person. This, at lest, I can assure you of, that never a Traveller went from home more capable to observe, nor hath written with more knowledge, candour, and integrity; that I knew him at Constantinople, and in some Towns of Greece, of so excellent a Conduct, that I proposed him to myself for a Pattern in the Design I than had, to carry my Curiosity as far as the place where the Sun riseth; that I have often drowned in the sweetness of his entertainment the bitternesses, which else I must have swallowed all alone, in such irksome and unpleasant passages, as are those of Asia. Sir, You will do me a pleasure to let me know the sentiment, your Illustrious Society hath of this Piece. Their Approbation begets much emulation among the Intelligent, who all have no other Ambition than to please them. I myself must avow to you, that if I thought I could merit so much, I should not so stiffly oppose, as I do, the Publication of the Observations and Notes I have made in the Levant. I should suffer my Friends to take them out of my Cabinet, where from the slight value I have for them, they are like to lie imprisoned, except the King my Master, by whose Order I undertook those Voyages, should absolutely command me to set them at liberty, and to let them take their course in the world. Mean time, Sir, you will oblige me, to assure those Great Men, who this day compose the most knowing Company on Earth, of the Veneration I have for the Oracles that come from their Mouth, and that I prefer their Lyceum before that of Athens; and lastly, that of all their Admirers there is none, that hath a greater Concern for their Glory, than Paris, July 16. 1670. De MONCEAUX. The HEADS of the Principal Contents of this HISTORY. Added by the English Interpreter. 1. WHat depth of Policy and Craft was used by Aureng-Zebe, the Heros in this History, and the Third of the Four Sons of Chah-Jehan the Great mogul, to supplant all his Brothers, and to settle himself in the Throne: And how the first Foundation thereof was laid by the Visier of the King of Golconda, and the sickness of Chah-Jehan the Father of Aureng-Zebe. 2. A mixture of Love-Intrigues, practised by the Princess Begum-Saheb, one of the two Daughters of the Great mogul, Chah-Jehan. 3. How Aureng-Zebe having overcome all his Brothers, did secure his Father and others, whom he had cause to be jealous of. 4. How the Neighbours of the Empire of Mogol demeaned themselves towards the new Emperor, Aureng-Zebe; and what Embassies were dispatched to him, first by the Usbec-Tartars (where a description of that Country and Peóple;) than the Dutch of Suratte; as also from Mecca, from Arabia Felix, from Ethiopia and Persia; together with an Account of their respective Instructions, Receptions, Entertainments and Dismissions; particularly of that of the Hollanders, securing and improving their Trade by this their Embassy. 5. Aureng-Zebe's singular prudence, and indefatigable pains, in managing the Government himself; and how he treated him that endeavoured to persuade him to take his ease and pleasure, now he was established. 6. Aureng-Zebe's distaste against his Favourite-Sister, Rauchenara-Begum, occasioned by some Love-Cabals. 7. His great Care in appointing a Governor and Tutor to his Third Son Sultan Ekbar. 8. With what wisdom and severity Aureng-Zebe received and treated his Pedantic Tutor, who expected to be made a great Lord for his former service; together with a Model for the suitable Education of a Great Prince, prescribed by Aureng-Zebe on this occasion. 9 In what credit Judiciary Astrology is over all Asia. 10. How the Kings of India make themselves Heirs of all the Estate of those that die in their service. 11. Of the Reciprocal Appearance of Kindnesses between Aureng-Zebe and his Imprisoned Father and Sister. 12. What passed between Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla, who had laid the first Ground work to Aureng-Zebe's Greatness. 13. What in these Revolutions was transacted about the Bay of Bengale and the Heathen Kingdom of Rakan. 14. How Aureng-Zebe carried himself towards his two Eldest Sons, Sultan Mahmoud and Sultan Mahum: And how, for a Trial of the Obedience and Courage of the latter, he commanded him to kill a certain Lion, that did great mischief in the Country; together with the success thereof. 15. Divers Particulars, showing the Interest between Indostan and Persia, supposed by this Author to be unknown, or at lest not well known hitherto. 16. How generously Aureng-Zebe recompensed those that had faithfully served him in these Revolutions. 17. Some Account of that small Kingdom of Kachimere, or Cassimere, represented as the Paradise of the Indieses; concerning which the Author affirms, that he hath a particular History of it in the Persian Tongue. 18. A considerable Relation of Suratte's being strangely surprised and plundered, by a stout Rebel of Visapour; and how the English and Dutch saved themselves and their Treasure in this bold Enterprise. 19 A particular Account both of the former and present State of the whole Peninsule of Indostan; the occasion of its Division into divers Sovereignties, and the several Arts used to maintain themselves one against another; particularly of the present Government and State of the Kingdoms of Golkonda and Visapour, and the Interests in reference to the Great mogul. 20. Of the Extent of Indostan, and the Trade which the English, Portugueses, and Hollanders, have in that Empire; as also of the vast quantities of Gold and Silver, circulated through the World, and conveyed into Indostan, and there swallowed up, as in an Abyss. 21. Of the many Nations, which in that vast Extent of Country cannot be well kept in subjection by the Great mogul. 22. Of the Great Mogul's Religion, which is Mahometan, of the Turkish▪ not Persian Sect. 23. Of his Militia, both in the Field and about his Person; and how the same is provided for, employed, punctually paid, and carefully distributed in several places. 24. Of the Omrahs', that is, the Great Lords of Indostan; their several Qualities, Offices, Attendants. 25. The Artillery of the mogul, great and small, very considerable. 26. Of his Stables of Horses, Elephants, Camels, Mules, etc. 27. Of his Seraglio. 28. Of his vast Revenues and Expenses. 29. What Prince may be said to be truly Rich. 30. An important State-Question Debated, viz. Whether it be more expedient for the Prince and People, that the Prince be the sole Proprietor of all the Lands of the Country over which he Reigns, yea or not? The Heads of the Chief Contents of the Third Tome, being the Continuation of the Great Mogul's History. AN Accurate Description of the two famous Cities of Indostan, Dehli and Agra, p. 1. and 91. and a Comparison betwixt them and Paris, p. 92. together with divers particulars interspersed up and down, discovering the Court and Genius of the Mogul's and Indians; as also the Effects of the Christian Missionaries in those parts, with some strictures and reflections upon the indiscretion and scandalousness of some of them. p. 92. An ample and very punctual Narrative of the Superstitions, strange Fashions and Doctrines of the Native Indians, or Gentiles of Indostan; manifesting, that there are no Opinions so extravagant and so ridiculous, which the Spirit of Man is not capable of, p. 96. The odd Belief and behaviour of that People concerning Eclipses, ib. The abominable Impostures of their Priests, p. 98. Divers very notable. Relations of the Banian Women burning themselves alive with the Corpses of their dead Husbands, ib. and of others of them, suffering themselves to be buried in the ground alive up to the very Neck, p. 101. The variety and abundance of Religious and Monkish Men among those Heathens, together with their extraordinary Strictures and cruel Austerities exercised upon themselves, p. 102. The reputed Saints, and many Enthusiasts that are amongst them, ib. The Books of Law and Sciences received there, p. 104. Their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls, ibid. Of the Creation, Preservation and Destruction of the World, p. 150. Of a kind of Trinity, and strange Incarnation said to be believed by them, 105. as also of an odd Manifestation of the third person of their Trinity, p. 106. The Language of the Brachmans', altogether different from the common Indian, p. 107. together with its pretended extraordinary Antiquity, ibid. Their Philosophers, constituting chief six different Sects, ibid. Whereof some approach to the Epicurean principles; others reduce all to Matter and Form; others to Four Elements; others to Light and Darkness, etc. ibid. Their Method of Physic very different from ours; and what Principles 'tis grounded upon, p. 108. and how successful, ibid. Their Ignorance in Anatomy, ibid. Their Extravagant Tenets in Astronomy, ibid. and in Geography, p. 109. A Description of that famous School of all the Indian Gentility at Banares, ibid. Their Chronology, making the World in effect Eternal, ibid. Their Opinion concerning Plants and Animals, importing, that the Seeds of both those kinds are not formed anew, but were contrived in the First production of the World; as also, that they are (not only potentially, but) actually the very entire Plant and Animal, p. 110. Their Doctrine about the Soul of the World, and Creation, ibid. The Heads of the Fourth Tome. A Relation of a magnificent Voyage, made by the Great mogul, Aureng-zebe, attended by his whole Army, from Dehli to Lahor; from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, the reputed Paradise of the Indieses. Where is a Description of the greatness of the Mogolian Army, Provision, Artillery, Encampment, Discipline; among all which is inserted a particular way of keeping their Water fresh for drinking, p. 112. Than the number and pomp, the order and disposition of the great Mogul's Te●ts in the Field; and the number of Elephants, Camels, Mules, and Porters necessary to carry them, p. 115. The disposition of the Royal Markets in the Camp, p. 117. The particular Quarters of the Mogolian Lords, and of the rest of the Army, ibid. The Extent of the whole Army, p. 118. The Confusion, there met with, and how it may be avoided, ibid. the different manners of the March of the King, the Princesses, and the whole Seraglio, p. 119. the great danger there is in being too near the Women, p. 120. The several ways of the Royal Hunting, ibid. Especially that of the Lion, p. 121. The vast number of People there is in the Army, and the method of providing for them all, p. 122. A Description of Lahor, p. 123. The excessive Heats between Lahor and Bember, and its peculiar cause, p. 124. The Excellency of the waters of the Indian River Tchenau, ibid. Of the excessive Sweats men are subject to in those parts, and the harmless drinking of those Waters in very great quantity. p. 125. An exact Description of the Kingdom and Paradise of Kachemire; its ancient State, p. 126. It's present condition and excellencies, for Soil, Corn, Trees, Saffron, Honey, as also for Springs, Rivers, Lakes; Cattles of all sorts, and wild Deer, without wild Beasts; the Wit and Industry of the Inhabitants, in making Stuffs softer than any Caster; in making good Varnish; the European Complexion of the people, and particularly the great beauty of their Women. p. 126. Considerable Observations about the Mountains there, one side of them being intolerably hot, and of the temper of the Torrid Zone, and yielding Indian Plants; the other very tolerable, and of the nature of the Temperate Zone, and affording none but European Plants. p. 130. Remarkables about the generation and corruption of Trees there, ibid. Strange Cascatas of Water, ibid. Odd changes of Winds, p. 104. A rare Fountain flowing and stopping regularly thrice a day, at a certain time of the Year; and at other times flowing regularly, p. 131. With some Reflections thereon, ibid. Other not ordinary Fountains. p. 132. The Description of an House of pleasure, of the ancient Kings of Kachemire, p. 133. And of two Royal Gardens. ibid. The Discovery, made by the Author, of an Imposture practised by the Mullahs, (a sort of Religious Heathens) pretending to be able to lift up a big stone with the end only of their eleven fingers. p. 133. A great Lake, having Ice in Summer. The Condition of the neighbouring Mountains and Valleys of Kachemire, as to the Commodities of Wool, Leather, Corn, Fruit, etc. p. 134. An Account of some of the ancient Kachemirian King's posterity, and of an odd way of theirs in preserving their Family. ibid. The Situation of the Kingdoms of the little and great Tibet, and the Commodities they afford, of Crystal, Musc, and Wool, and a certain bluish Stone, of an Adamantine hardness, highly esteemed. p. 135. The Embassy of the King of the Great Tibet, to Aureng-zebe, ibid. Where is related a pleasant story of a Physician of that Country, touching the Transmigration of Souls. ibid. A considerable account of Voyages made by Caravans from Kachemire, through the Mountains of the great Tibet into Tartary, and Cataja, p. 136. And the Commodities brought back by those Caravans, as Musk, China-wood, Rhubarb, Mamiron. ibid. An Account of the Kingdom of Kacheguer or Kascar, its situation, together with directions how to travel thither from Kachemire, p. 136. As also, how to pass from Kacheguer to Katay. ibid. An Answer to five Questions; concerning Jews in Kachemire, p. 137. the Mounsons, and the season of the ordinary Rains in the East-indieses, p. 138. the wondered Regularity of the Current of the Sea, and of the Winds there, p. 139. the great Fertility and Richeses of the Kingdom of Bengale, p. 140. the Causes of the Increase of the Nile. p. 143. A Memorandum for perfecting the Map of Indostan, and for knowing the Revenue of the Great mogul. p. 146. THE HISTORY OF THE Late Revolution OF THE DOMINIONS OF THE GREAT mogul. THE desire of seeing the World having made me Travel into Palestina and Egypt, would not let me stop there; it put me upon a resolution to see the Read Sea from one end to the other. I went from Grand Cairo, after I had stayed there above a year; and in two and thirty hours, going the Caravan-pace, I arrived at Suez, where I Embarked in a Galley, which in seventeen days carried me, always in sight of Land, to the Port of Gidda, which is half a days Journey from Mecca. There I was constrained (contrary to my hopes, and the promise which the Beig of the Read Sea had made me) to go ashore on that pretended Holy Land of Mahomet, where a Christian, that is not a Slave, dares not set his foot. I stayed there four and thirty days; and than I Embarked in a small Vessel, which in fifteen days carried me along the Coast of Arabia the Happy to Moka, near the Straight of Babelmandel. I resolved to pass thence to the Isle of Masowa and Arkiko, to get as far as Gouder, the Capital Town of the Country of Alebech, or the Kingdom of Aethiopia; but I received certain information, that, since the Portugueses had been killed there by the intrigue of the Queen-Mother, or expelled, together with the Jesuit Patriarch, whom they had brought thither from Goa, the Roman Catholics were not safe there; a poor Capuchin having lost his head at Suaken, for having attempted to enter into that Kingdom: That indeed, by going under the name of a Greek, or an Armenian, I did not run so great hazard, and that even the King himself, when he should know, that I could do him service, would give me Land to Till by Slaves, which I might buy if I had money; but that undoubtedly they would forthwith oblige me to Mary, as they had lately done a certain Friar, who had passed there under the name of a Greek Physician; and that they would never suffer me to come away again. These considerations, among others, induced me to change my resolution. I went aboard of an Indian Vessel; I passed those Streights, and in two and twenty days I arrived at Suratte in Indostan, the Empire of the Great mogul, in the Year 1655. There I found, that he who than Reigned there, was called Chah-Jehan, that is to say, King of the World; who, according to the History of that Country, was Son of Jehan-Guyre, which signifieth Conqueror of the World, Grandchild of Ekbar, which is Great, and that thus ascending by Houmayons, or the Fortunate, Father of Ekbar, and his other Predecessors, he was the Tenth of those that were descended from that Timur-Lengue, which signifieth the Lame Prince, commonly and corruptly called Tamerlan, so renowned for his Conquests; who married his near Kinswoman, the only Daughter of the Prince of the Nations of Great Tartary, called Mogul's, who have left and communicated their Name to the Strangers, that now govern Indostan, the Country of the Indians, though those that are employed in public Charges and Offices, and even those that are listed in the Militia, be not all of the Race of the Mogul's, but Strangers, and Nations gathered out of all Countries, most of them Persians', some Arabians, and some Turks. For, to be esteemed a mogul, 'tis enough to be a Stranger white of Face, and a Mahometan; in distinction as well to the Indians, who are brown, and Pagans', as to the Christians of Europe, who are called Franguis. I found also at my arrival, that this King of the World, Chah-Jehan, of above seventy years of Age, had four Sons and two Daughters; that, some years since, he had made these four Sons Vice-Kings or Governors of four of his most considerable Provinces or Kingdoms; that it was almost a year that he was fallen into a great sickness, whence it was believed he would never recover: Which had occasioned a great division among these four Brothers (all laying claim to the Empire) and had kindled among them a War which lasted about five years, and which I design here to describe, having been present at some of the most considerable Actions, and entertained for the space of eight years at that Court, where Fortune and the small stock of Money (left me after divers Encounters with Robbers, and the Expenses of a Voyage of six and forty days from Suratte to Agra and Dehli, the Capital Towns of that Empire) obliged me to take a Salary from the Grand mogul in the quality of a Physician, and a little after from Danechmendkan, the most knowing Man of Asia, who had been Bakchis, or Great Master of the Horse, and was one of the most powerful and the most considerable Omrahs' or Lords of that Court. The Eldest of these four Sons of Chah-Jehan was called Dara, that is Darius. The Second was called Sultan-Sujah, that is, the Valiant Prince. The name of the Third was Aurenge-Zebe, which signifies the Ornament of the Throne. That of the Fourth was Morad-Bakche, as if you should say, Desire accomplished. Of the two Daughters, the eldest was called Begum-Saheb, that is, the Mistress Princess; and the youngest Rauchenara-Begum, which is as much as Bright Princess, or the Splendour of Princesses. 'Tis the Custom of the Country, to give such Names to their Princes and Princesses. Thus the Wife of Chah-Jehan, so renowned for her Beauty, and for having a Tomb, which much more deserved to be reckoned among the Wonders of the World, than those unshapen Masses, and those heaps of Stones in Egypt, was called Tage-Mehalle, that is to say, the Crown of the Seraglio; and the Wife of Jehan-Guyre, who hath so long governed the State, whilst her Husband minded nothing but Drinking and Divertisements, was first called Nourmehalle, and afterwards, Nour-Jehan-Begum, the Light of the Seraglio, the Light of the World. The reason, why they give such kind of Names to the Great Ones, and not Names from their Land or Dominion (as is usual in Europe) is, because all the Land being the Kings, there are no Marquisates, Earldoms and Dutchies, of which the Grandees might bear their Names; all consists in Pensions either of Land or ready Money, which the King giveth, increaseth, retrencheth, and takes away, as seems good unto him: And 'tis even for this reason, that the Omrahs' have also no other but such Names; one (for example) being called Raz-Audaze-Kan, i e. a Thunderer; another, Safe Chekenkan, a Breaker of Ranks; a third, Bare-Audaze-Kan, a Man of Lightning; others, Dianet-Kan, or Danechmendkan, or Fazel-Kan, i e. the Faithful Lord, the Intelligent, the Perfect, and the like. Dara, the Eldest Son, wanted not good Qualities. He was Gallant in Conversation, Witty in Repartees, exceeding Civil and Liberal, but entertained too good an Opinion of his person, esteeming himself alone capable of all, and thinking it scarce possible that any Body was able to give him counsel; insomuch, that he would give reproachful Names to those who pretended to advice him in any thing; whereby it came to pass, that even those, who were most affectionate to him, were shy to discover to him the most secret Intriqus of his Brothers. Besides, he was apt to be transported with passion, to menace, to injure, to affronted, even the greatest Omrahs' or Lords; but all passed over like a flash of light. Though he was a Mahometan, and publicly expressed in the ordinary Exercises of Religion to be so, yet, in private, he was Heathen with the Heathen, and Christian with the Christians. He had constantly about him of those Heathen Doctors, to whom he gave very considerable Pensions, and who (as was said) had instilled into him Opinions contrary to the Religion of the Land; of which I may touch something hereafter, when I shall come to speak of the Religion of the Indians or Gentiles. He also harkened of late very willingly to the Reverend Father Buzee a Jesuit, and began very well to relish what he suggested. Yet there are some who say, that at the bottom he was voided of all Religion, and that whatever he pretended in it, was only for curiosity, or, as others say, out of policy, to make himself beloved by the Christians, who are pretty numerous in his Artillery; but above all, to gain the Affection of the Rajas, or Sovereign Gentiles, that were Tributary to the Empire, and to make them of his party upon occasion. Mean time, this hath not much furthered his Affairs, on the contrary, it will appear in the sequel of this History, that the pretence used by Aureng-Zebe, his third Brother, to cut of his head, was, that he was turned Kafer, that is to say, an Infidel, of no Religion, an Idolater. Sultan Sujah, the second Brother, was much of the humour of Dara, but he was more close and more settled, and had better conduct and dexterity. He was fit to manage an Intrigue well, and he made, underhand, Friends, by the force of Presents, which he heaped upon the great Omrahs', and principally upon the most powerful Rajas, as Jessomseigne, and some others; but he did somewhat too much indulge his pleasures, in entertaining an extraordinary number of Women, among whom when he was, he spent whole days and nights in drinking, singing, and dancing. He made them Presents of very rich Apparel; and he increased or lessened their Pensions according as the fancy took him: By which kind of life his Affairs did languish, and the Affections of many of his People cooled. He cast himself into the Religion of the Persians', although Chah-Jehan, his Father, and all his Brothers, were of the Turkish. 'Tis known that Mahumetanism is divided into several Sects, which made that famous Check-Sady, Author of the Goulistan, say in Verse, which is to this effect in Prose; I am a Dervich Drinker, I seem to be without Religion, and I am known of sixty two Sects. But of all those Sects there are two principal ones, whose Partisans are mortal Enemies to one another. The one is that of the Turks, whom the Persians' call Osmantous, that is, Sectators of Osman; they believing that 'tis he that was the true and lawful Successor of Mahomet, the Great Caliph or Sovereign Priest, to whom alone it did appertain to interpret the Alcoran, and to decide the Controversies to be met with in the Law. The other is that of the Persians', whom the Turks call Chias, Rafezys, Aly-Merdans, that is, Sectaries, Heretics, Partisans of Aly, because they believe, contrary to the belief of the Turks, that this Succession and Pontifical Authority, which I just now intimated, was due only to Aly the Son-in-law of Mahomet. It was by reason of State that Sultan Sujah had embraced this latter Sect, considering that all the Persians' being Chias, and most of them, or their Children, having the greatest power at the Court of Mogol, and holding the most important Places of the Empire, he had most reason to hope, that, when occasion served, they would all take his part. Aureng-Zebe, the third Brother, had not that Gallantry, nor surprising Presence of Dara, he appeared more serious and melancholy, and was indeed much more judicious, understanding the World very well, and knowing whom to choose for his service and purpose, and where to bestow his favour and bounty most for his interest. He was reserved, crafty, and exceedingly versed in dissembling, insomuch that for a long while he made profession to be Fakire, that is, Poor, Dervich, or Devout, renouncing the World, and feigning not to pretend at all to the Crown, but to desire to pass his life in Prayer, and other Devotions. In the mean time he failed not to make a Party at Court, especially when he was made Vice-King of Decan; but he did it with so much dexterity, art, and secrecy, that it could hardly be perceived. He also had the skill to maintain himself in the affection of Chah-Jehan his Father, who although he much loved Dara, could yet not forbear to show that he esteemed Aureng-Zebe, and judged him capable to Reign; which caused jealousy enough in Dara, who began to found it, insomuch that he could not hold from saying sometimes to his Friends in private, Of all my Brothers I apprehended only this Nemazi, that is, this Bigot, this great Praying-man. Morad-Bakche, the youngest of all, was the least dextrous, and the lest judicious. He cared for nothing but mirth and pastime, to drink, hunt, and shoot. Yet he had some good qualities, for he was very civil and liberal; he gloried in it, that he kept nothing secret; he despised Cabals; and he bragged openly, that he trusted only in his A●m and Sword: In short, he was very Brave, and if this Bravery had been accompanied with some conduct, he would have carried the Bell from all his Brothers, and been King of Indostan, as will appear in what is to follow. Concerning the two Daughters, the Eldest, Begum-Saheb, was very beautiful, and a great Wit, passionately beloved of her Father. It was even rumoured, that he loved her to that degree as is hardly to be imagined, and that he alleged for his excuse, that, according to the determination of his Mullahs, or Doctors of his Law, it was permitted a Man to eat of the fruit of the Tree he had planted. He had so great a confidence in her, that he had given her charge to watch over his safety, and to have an eye to all what came to his Table: And she knew perfectly to manage his humour, and even in the most weighty Affairs to bend him as she pleased. She was exceedingly enriched by great Pensions, and by costly Presents, which she received from all Parts, for such Negotiations as she employed herself in about her Father: And she made also great Expenses, being of a very liberal and generous disposition. She stuck entirely to Dara, her eldest Brother, espoused cordially his part, and declared openly for him; which contributed not a little to make the Affairs of Dara prospero, and to keep him in the affection of his Father; for she supported him in all things, and advertised him of all occurrences: Yet that was not so much, because he was the eldest Son, and she the eldest Daughter (as the People believed) as because he had promised her, that as soon as he should come to the Crown, he would marry her; which is altogether extraordinary, and almost never practised in Indostan. I shall not scruple to relate here some of the Amours of this Princess, although shut up in a Seraglio, and well kept, like other Women. Neither shall I apprehended, that I may be thought to prepare matter for a Romancer; for they are not Amours like ours, followed by Gallant and Comical Adventures, but attended with Events dreadful and Tragical. Now 'tis reported, that this Princess found means to let a young Gallant enter the Seraglio, who was of no great Quality, but proper, and of a good Mien. But among such a number of jealous and envious persons, she could not carry on her business so privily, but she was discovered. Chah-Jehan, her Father, was soon advertised of it, and resolved to surprise her, under the pretence of giving her a Visit, as he used to do. The Princess seeing him come unexpected, had no more time than to hid this unfortunate Lover in one of the great Chaudrons made to Bath in; which yet could not be so done, but that Chah-Jehan suspected it. Mean time he quarrelled not with his Daughter, but entertained her a pretty while, as he was want to do; and at length told her, that he found her in a careless and lesle neat posture; that it was convenient she should wash herself, and bathe oftener; commanding presently, with somewhat a stern countenance, that forthwith a Fire should be made under that Cauldron, and he would not part thence, before the Eunuches had brought him word, that that unhappy Man was dispatched. Some time after she took other measures, she chose for her Kane-saman, that is, her Steward, a certain Persian called Nazerkan, who was a young Omrah, the handsomest and most accomplished of the whole Court; a Man of Courage and Ambition, the Darling of all, insomuch that Chah-Hestkan, Uncle of Aureng-Zebe, proposed to marry him to the Princess: But Chah-Jehan received that Proposition very ill, and besides, when he was informed of some of the secret Intriqus that had been form, he resolved quickly to rid himself of Nazerkan. He therefore presented to him, as 'twere to do him honour, a Betele, which he could not refuse to chew presently, after the custom of the Country. Betele is a little knot made up of very delicate leaves, and some other things, with a little chalk of Sea-Cockles, which maketh the mouth and lips of a vermilion colour, and the breath sweet and pleasing. This young Lord thought of nothing lesle than being poisoned: He went away from the Company very jocund and content, into his Paleky; but the Drug was so strong, that before he could come to his house, he was not more alive. Rauchenara-Begum never passed for so handsome and spiritual as Begum-Saheb, but she was not lesle cheerful, and comely enough, and hated pleasures not more than her Sister. But she addicted herself wholly to Aureng-Zebe, and consequently declared herself an Enemy to Begum-Saheb and Dara. This was the cause, that she had no great Richeses, nor any considerable share in the Affairs of the State: Nevertheless as she was in the Seraglio, and wanted no Wit and Spies, she could not but discover many important matters, of which she gave secret advertisement to Aureng Zebe. Chah-Jehan, some years before the Troubles, finding himself charged with these four Princes, all come to Age, all Married, all pretending to the Crown, Enemies to one another, and each of them making secretly a Party, was perplexed enough, as to what was fittest for him to do, fearing danger to his own person, and foreseeing what afterwards befell him: For, to shut them up in Govaleor, which is a Fortress where the Princes are ordinarily kept close, and which is held impregnable, it being situated upon an inaccessible Rock, and having within itself good water, and provision enough for a Garrison; that was not so easy a thing. They were too potent already, each of them having a Princely Train. And again, he could not handsomely remove them far of, without giving them some Government fit for their Birth; wherein he apprehended they would Cantonize themselves, and become little independent Kings, as actually they afterwards did. Nevertheless, fearing jest they should cut one another's Throat before his Eyes, if he kept them still at Court, he at last concluded to sand them away. And so he sent Sultan Sujah, his second Son, into the Kingdom of Bengale; his third, Aureng-Zebe, into Decan; and the youngest, Morad-Bakche, to Guzaratte; giving to Dara, the eldest, Cabal and Multan. The three first went away very well content with their Government, and there they acted each the Sovereign, and retained all the Revenues of their respective Countries, entertaining great Troops, under the pretence of bridling their Subjects and Neighbours. As to Dara, because the eldest, and designed to the Crown, he stirred not from the Court; which that he should not do, seemed also to be the intention of Chah-Jehan, who entertained him in the hopes of succeeding him after his death. He even permitted than, that Orders were issued out by him, and that he might sit in a kind of Throne, beneath his, among the Omrahs'; so that it seemed, as if there were two Kings together. But as 'tis very difficult for two Sovereigns to agreed, Chah-Jehan, though Dara showed him great observance and affection, always harboured some dissidence, fearing above all things the Morsel; and besides, for as much as he knew the parts of Aureng-Zebe, and thought him more capable to Reign than any of the rest, he had always (as they say) some particular correspondence with him. This it is, what I thought fit to premise concerning these four Princes, and their Father Chah-Jehan, because 'tis necessary for the understanding of all that follows. I esteemed also, that I was not to forget those two Princesses, as having been the most considerable Actors in the Tragedy; the Women in the Indieses taking very often, as well as at Constantinople, and in many other places, the best part in the most important Transactions, though men take seldom notice of it, and trouble their heads of seeking for other causes. But to deliver this History with clearness, we must rise somewhat higher, and relate what passed, some time before the Troubles, between Aureng-Zebe, the King of Golkonda, and his Visier Emir-Jemla; because this will discover to us the character and temper of Aureng-Zebe, who is to be the Heros of this Piece, and the King of the Indieses. Let us than see, after what manner Emir-Jemla proceeded, to lay the first foundation of the Royalty of Aureng Zebe. During the time that Aureng-Zebe was in Decan, the King of Golkonda had for his Visier and General of his Armies this Emir-Jemla, who was a Persian by Nation, and very famous in the Indieses. He was not a man of great Extraction, but beaten in Business, a person of excellent parts, and a great Captain. He had the wit of amassing great Treasures, not only by the administration of the affairs of this opulent Kingdom, but also by Navigation and Trade, sending Ships into very many Parts, and causing the Diamond Ours, which he alone had farmed under many borrowed names, to be wrought with extraordinary diligence. So that people discoursed almost of nothing but of the Richeses of Emir-Jemla, and of the plenty of his Diamonds, which were not reckoned but by Sacks. He had also the skill to tender himself very potent and considerable, entertaining, besides the Armies of the King, very good Troops for his particular, and above all a very good Artillery, with abundance of Franguys or Christians to manage it. In a word, he grew so rich, and so puissant, especially after he had found a way to enter into the Kingdom of Karnates, and to pillage all the ancient Churches of the Idols of that Country, that the King of Golkonda became jealous of it, and prepared himself to unsaddle him; and that the more, because he could not bear what was reported of him, as if he had used too great familiarity with the Queen his Mother, that was yet beauteous. Yet he discovered nothing of his design to any, having patience, and waiting till Emir came to the Court, for he was than in the Kingdom of Karnates with his Army. But one day, when more particular News was brought him of what had passed between his mother and him, he had not power enough to dissemble any longer, but was transported by choler to fall to invectives and menaces: Whereof Emir was soon made acquainted, having at the Court abundance of his Wife's Kindred, and all his nearest Relations and best Friends possessing the principal Offices. The King's Mother also, who did not hate him, had speedy information of the same. Which obliged Emir, without delay, to writ to his only Son, Mahmet Emir-Kan, who than was about the King, requiring him to do the best he could to withdraw with all speed from the Court, under some pretence of Hunting, or the like, and to come and join with him. Mahmet Emir-Kan failed not to attempt divers ways; but, the King causing him to be narrowly observed, none of them all would succeed. This very much perplexed Emir, and made him take a strange resolution, which cast the King in great danger to loose his Crown and Life; so true 'tis, that he who knows not to Dissemble, knows not how to Reign. He writ to Aureng-Zebe, who was than in Daulet-Abad, the Capital of Decan, about fifteen or sixteen days Journey from Golkonda, giving him to understand, that the King of Golkonda did intent to ruin him and his Family, notwithstanding the signal Services he had done him, as all the World knew; which was an unexampled Injustice and Ingratitude; that this necessiated him to take his refuge to him, and to entreat him, that he would receive him into his protection; that, for the rest, if he would follow his advice, and confided in him, he would so dispose Affairs, that he would at once put into his hands both the King and Kingdom of Golkonda. This thing he made very easy, using the following Discourse: You need but take four or five thousand Horse, of the best of your Army, and to march with Expedition to Golkonda, spreading a rumour by the way, that 'tis an Ambassador of Chah-Jehan that goes in haste, about considerable matters, to speak with the King at Bagnaguer. The Dabir, who is he that is first to be addressed unto, to make any thing known unto the King, is allied to me, and my creature, and altogether mine; take care of nothing but to march with Expedition, and I will so order it, that without making you known, you shall come to the Gates of Bagnaguer; and when the King shall come out to receive the Letters, according to custom, you may easily seize on him, and afterwards of all his Family, and do with him what shall seem good to you; in regard that his house of Bagnaguer, where he commonly resides, is unwalled and unfortified. He added, that he would make this Enterprise upon his own charges, offering him fifty thousand Roupies a day (which is about five and twenty thousand Crowns) during the whole time of the March. Aureng-Zebe, who looked only for some such occasion, had no mind at all to loose so fair an one. He soon undertook the Expedition, and did so fortunately manage his Enterprise, that he arrived at Bagnaguer, without being otherwise known than as an Ambassador of Chah-Jehan. The King of Golkonda being advertised of the arrival of this pretended Ambassador, came forth into a Garden, according to custom, received him with honour, and having unfortunately put himself into the hands of his Enemy, ten or twelve Slaves, Gurgis, were ready to fall upon and to seize his person, as had been projected; but that a certain Omrah, touched with tenderness, could not forbear to cry out, though he was of the Party, and a creature of Emir, Doth not your Majesty see that this is Aureng-Zebe? Away, or you are taken. Whereat the King being affrighted, slips away, and gets hastily on horseback, riding with all his might to the Fortress of Golkonda, which is but a short League from thence. Aureng-Zebe seeing he was defeated in his design, yet was not therefore discomposed; but seized at the same time on the Royal House, taketh all the rich and good things he finds there; yet sending to the King all his Wives (which over all the Indieses is very religiously observed) and goeth to besiege him in his Fortress. But as the Siege, for want of having brought along all Necessaries, held on long, and lasted above two months, he received order from Chah-Jehan to raise it, and to retire into Decan again; so that, although the Fortress was reduced to Extremities, for want of Victuals and Ammunition of War, he found himself obliged to abandon his Enterprise. He knew very well, that it was Dara and Begum that had induced Chah-Jehan to sand these Orders, from the apprehension they entertained, that he would become too powerful; but in the mean time he never discovered any resentment of it, saying only, that he aught to obey the Orders of his Father. Yet he withdrew not, without causing underhand payment to be made to him of all the Charges of his Expedition: Besides, he married his Son Sultan Mahmond to the eldest Daughter of that King, with a promise, that he would make him his Successor, causing him also to give him for a Dowry the Fortress and the Appurtenances of Bamguyre. He also made the King consent, that all the Silver Money that should be Coined for the future in that Kingdom, should bear on one side the Arms of Chah-Jehan; and that Emir-Jemla should withdraw with his whole Family, all his Goods, Troops, and Artillery. These two great Men were not long together, but they framed great designs: On the way they besieged and took Bider, one of the strongest and most important Places of Visapour; and thence they went to Daulet-Abad, where they contracted so intimate a friendship together, that Aureng-Zebe could not live without seeing Emir twice a day, no● Emir without seeing Aureng-Zebe. Their Union began to 'cause a new Face in all the Affairs of those Parts, and laid the first foundations of the Royalty of Aureng-Zebe. This Prince having used the Art to make himself to be called to the Court divers times, went with great and rich Presents to Agra to Chah-Jehan, presenting him his service, and inducing him to make War against the King of Golkunda, and him of Visapour, and against the Portugals. At first he presented to him that great Diamond, which is esteemed matchless; giving him to understand, that the precious stones of Golkonda were quite other things, than those Rocks of Kandabar; that there it was, where the War aught to be made, to get the possession thereof, and to go as far as Cape-Comory. Chah-Jehan, whether it were that he was dazzled by the Diamonds of Emir, or whether he thought it fit, as some believe he did, to have an Army in the Field, somewhat to restrain Dara, whom he found active in making himself potent, and who with insolence had ill treated the Visier Sadullah-Kan (whom Chah-Jehan passionately loved, and considered as the greatest Statesman that had been in the Indieses) causing him even to be made away with Poison, as a Man not of his Party, but inclined to Sultan Sujah; or rather, because he found him too powerful, and in a condition to be the Umpire of the Crown, if Chah-Jehan should decease; or lastly, because being neither Persian, nor of Persian Extraction, but an Indian, there were not wanting envious persons, who spread abroad, that he entertained in divers places numerous Troops of Patans', very gallant men, and well paid, with a design to make himself King, or his Son; or at lest to expel the Mogels, and to restore to the Throne the Nation of the Patans', of whom he had taken his Wife. However it be, Chah-Jehan resolved to sand an Army towards Decan, under the conduct of Emir-Jemla. Dara, who saw the consequence of this Affair, and that the sending of Troops for those Parts, was to give strength to Aureng-Zebe, opposed it exceedingly, and did what he could to hinder it. Nevertheless, when he saw that Chah-Jehan was resolute for it, he at last thought it best to consent; but with this condition, that Aureng-Zebe should keep in Daulet-Abad, as Governor only of the Country, without meddling at all in the War, or pretending to govern the Army; that Emir should be the absolute General, who for a pledge of his Fidelity was to leave his whole Family at the Court. Emir struggled enough within himself, whether he should agreed to this last condition, but when Chah-Jehan desired him to give that satisfaction to Dara, and promised him, that after a little while he would sand him back his Wife and Children, he consented, and marched into Decan towards Aureng-Zebe with a very gallant Army, and without any stop entered into Visapour, where he besieged a strong place called Kaliane. The Affairs of Indostan were in that condition, as I have been relating, when Chah-Jahan fell dangerously sick, I shall not speak here of his sickness, much lesle relate the particulars of it. I shall only say this, that it was little suitable to a man of above Seventy years of Age, who should rather think on preserving his strength, than to ruin it, as he did. This sickness did soon alarm and trouble all Indostan. Mighty Armies were levied in Dehly and Agra, the Capitals of the Empire. Sultan Sujah did the like in Bengale, and Aureng-Zebe in Decan, and Mord-Bakche in Guzaratte: All four assembled to themselves their Allies and Friends; all four writ, promise, and form divers Intriqus. Dara having surprised some of their Letters, showed them to Chah-Jehan, and made great noise about them; and his Sister Begum failed not to make use of this occasion, to animate the King against them. But Chah-Jehan was diffident of Dara, and fearing to be poisoned, gave order, that particular care should be had of what was brought to his Table. 'Twas also said, that he wrote to Aureng-Zebe; and that Dara being advertised thereof, could not forbear to menace, and to break into very passionate expressions. In the mean time the distemper of Chah-Jehan lingered, and 'twas bruited every where, that he was dead. Whereupon the whole Court was disordered, the whole Town alarmed, the Shops for many days shut up; and the four Sons of the King made openly great Preparations, each for himself: And to say truth, it was not without reason, that they all made ready for War; for they all very well knew, that there was no hopes of Quarter, that there was no other way, than to vanquish or die, to be King or undone, and that he that should be Conqueror would rid himself of all the rest, as formerly Chah-Jehan had done of his Brothers. Sultan Sujah, who had heaped up great Treasures in that rich Kingdom of Bengale, ruining some of the Rajas or petty Kings that are in those Parts, and drawing great Sums from others, took the Field first of all with a puissant Army, and in the confidence he had of all the Persian Omrahs', for the Sect of whom he had declared himself, he boldly marched towards Agra, giving out openly, that Chah-Jehan was dead, that Dara had poisoned him, that he would revenge the death of his Father, and, in a word, that he would be King. Dara desired Chah-Jehan to writ himself to him, and to forbidden him to advance further; which he did, assuring him, that his sickness was not at all dangerous, and that he was already much better. But he having Friends at Court, who assured him that the sickness of Chah-Jehan was mortal, he dissembled, and ceased not to advance, saying still, that he knew very well Chah-Jehan was dead; and if he should be alive, he was desirous to come and kiss his feet, and to receive his Commands. Aureng-Zebe immediately after, if not at the same time, taketh the Field also in Decan, maketh a great noise, and prepareth to march towards Agra. The same prohibition was made to him also, as well from Chah-Jehan, as from Dara, who threatened him. But he dissembleth, for the same reason that Sultan Sujah had done, and giveth the like answer. Mean time, finding that his Treasure was low, and his Soldiery very inconsiderable, he devised two Artifices, which succeeded admirably well; the one, in regard of Morad-Bakche; the other, in respect of Emir-Jemla. To Morad-Bakche he writes with speed a very fair Letter, importing, that he had always been his true and intimate Friend; that, as for himself, he laid no claim at all to the Crown; that he might remember, he had all his life-time made profession of a Fakire, but that Dara was a person incapable to govern a Kingdom; that he was a Kafer, an Idolater, and hated of all the greatest Omrahs'; that Sultan Sujah was a Rafezy, an Heretic, and by consequence an Enemy to Indostan, and unworthy of the Crown: So that, in a word, there was none but he (Morad-Bakche) that could reasonably pretend to the Succession; that the Crown did expect him; that the whole Court, which was not ignorant of his Valour, would be for him; and that for his particular, if he would promise' him, that being King, he would give him leave to live quietly in some corner or other of his Empire, there to serve God the remainder of his days, he was ready to make a conjunction with him, to assist him with his Counsel and Friends, and to put into his hands his whole Army, to fight Dara and Sultan Sujah; that in the mean time he sent him an Hundred thousand Rupies (which make about Fifty thousand Crowns of our money) and prayed him to accept thereof as a pledge of his friendship; and that he would advice him to come with all possible speed to seize on the Castle of Suratte, where he knew to be the Treasure of the Land. Morad-Bakche, who was neither too rich, nor too powerful, received with much joy this Proposition of Aureng-Zebe, and the Hundred thousand Rupies sent by him; and showed Aureng-Zebe's Letter to every body, thereby to oblige the Flower of that Country to take up Arms for him, and the substantial Merchants to lend him the more willingly such Sums of money as he demanded of them. He began in good earnest to act the King, made large promises to all, and, in short, did so well, that he set a good Army on foot, of whom he singled out some Three thousand, who, under the conduct of Chah-Abas, one of his Eunuches, but a valiant man, should go to besiege Suratte. Aureng-Zebe sent his eldest Son, Sultan Mahmoud (him whom he had married to the Daughter of the King of Golkonda) to Emir-Jemla, who was yet employed in the siege of Kaliane, to persuade him to come to him to Daulet-Abad, pretending to have matter of the greatest importance to communicate to him. Emir, who soon suspected his intentions, excused himself, saying openly, that Chah-Jehan was not dead, that he had fresh News of his being alive, and that besides, all his Family being at Agra in the hands of Dara, he could by no means assist Aureng-Zebe, nor declare himself for him. Whereupon Sultan Mahmoud returned to Daulet-Abad, without effecting any thing, and very much dissatisfied with Emir. But Aureng-Zebe lost no courage for all that, but sent the second time to Emir, yet not Sultan Mahmoud, but Sultan Mazum his second Son, who presented to him his Father's Letter, and handled him with that dexterity, sweetness, and protestation of friendship, that it was not possible to resist him. Emir therefore pressed the siege of Kaliane, forced the besieged to surrender upon composition, took the choice of his Army, and with all diligence went away with Sultan Mazum. At his arrival, Aureng-Zebe courted him in the highest degree, treating him no otherwise than with the name of Baba and Babagy, that is, Father, Lord-Father; and after an hundred Embraces, he took him somewhat aside, and told him (according to what I could learn from persons who knew of it) That it was not just, that having his Family at the Court, he should adventure to do any thing in his behalf that might come to be known; but that, after all, there was nothing so difficult but an Expedient might be found. Give me leave therefore, said he, to propose to you a Design, which at first will possibly surprise you; but, since you apprehended the danger of your Wife and Children that are in Hostage, the best way of providing for their security would be, to suffer me to seize on your person, and to put you in Prison. It is out of doubt, that all the World will believe it done in earnest: For who would imagine, that such a person as you would be content to let yourself be laid in Prison? In the interim, I could make use of part of your Army, and of your Artillery, as you shall judge most proper and convenient: You also could furnish me with a Sum of money, as you have frequently offered it; and besides, methinks I might tempt Fortune further, and we might together take our measures, to see in what manner I had best to domean myself, if you would also permit, that I might 'cause you to be transported into the Fortress of Daulet-Abad, where you should be Master; and that there I might have you kept by my own Son, Sultan Mazum, or Sultan Mahmoud; this would yet better palliate the matter, and I see not, what Dara could justly say of it, nor how he could reasonably treat your Wife and Children ill. Emir, whether it were by reason of the friendship he had sworn to Aureng-Zebe, or for the great promises made to him, or the apprehension he had, of seeing near him Sultan Mazum, who stood by, very pensive and well armed, and Sultan Mahmoud, who looked grim upon him for his coming away at the solicitation of his Brother, not at that of his, and had at his very entrance lift up his foot, as if he would have hit him; whatever of these Considerations might induce him, consented to all what Aureng-Zebe desired, and approved of the Expedient to suffer himself to be imprisoned; so that Aureng-Zebe being not sooner gone, but the great Master of the Artillery was seen to approach with some fierceness to Emir, and to command him in the name of Aureng-Zebe to follow him, locking him up in a Chamber, and there giving him very good words, whilst all the Soldiery that Aureng-Zebe had thereabout, went to their Arms. The report of the detention of Emir-Jemla was no sooner spread ●ut a great Tumult arose; and those, whom he had brought along with him, althou●●astonish'd, yet put themselves into a posture of reseving him, and with their Sword● drawn ran to force the Guards, and the Gate of his Prison, which was easy for them to do: For Aureng-Zebe had not with him sufficient Troops to make good so bold an Enterprise, the only name of Emir-Jemla made all tremble. But the whole matter being altogether counterfeited, all these Commotions were presently calmed, by the intimations that were given to the chief Officers of Emir's Army, and by the presence of Aureng-Zebe, who there appeared very resolute with his two Sons, and spoke now to one, than to another; and at last by Promises and Presents, liberally bestowed on those that were concerned. So that all the Troops of Emir, and even most of those of Chah-Jehan, seeing things troubled, and being without their General, and believing Chah-Jehan to be dead, or, at best, desperately sick; considering also the ample promises made to them of augmenting their Stipend, and of giving them at that very time three months Advance, soon Lasted themselves under Aureng-Zebe; who having seized on all the Equipage of Emir, even his very Camels and Tents, took the Field, resolved to march to the Siege of Suratte, and to hasten the taking it in; where Morad-Bakche was exceedingly embarrassed, because that his best Troops were employed there, and that he found more resistance in that place than he imagined. But Aureng-Zebe, after some days March, was informed, that the Governor had surrendered the Place; for which he sent Congratulations to Morad-Bakche, acquainting him withal of his Transactions with Emir-Jemla, and assuring him, that he had Forces and Money enough, and very good intelligence at the Court; that nothing was wanting; that he was directly going to Brampour and Agra; that he had expected him on the way, and therefore desired him to join with him. 'Tis true, that Morad-Bakche found not so much money in the Fortress of Suratte as he had imagined, whether it were that really there was not so much as was reported, or whether the Governor had diverted a part of it, as some believed: Yet notwithstanding that little he found there was useful to him, to pay the Soldiers that had Listed themselves in hopes of the advantages, they should make of the imagined vast Treasure of Suratte. 'Tis not lesle true, that he had no greater reason to boast of the taking of this Place, in regard there was not any Regular Fortification about it; and yet his Army had lain before it above a month, and would never have reduced it without the Hollanders, who furnished them with the Invention of Springing a Mine, which ruining a great side of the Wall, cast the besieged into such a Consternation, that it made them immediately surrender. The reduction of this Town did much advance his Design, Fame proclaiming immediately throughout these countries', that Morad-Bakche had taken Suratte; that he had sprung a Mine, which sounded very big among the Indians, who as yet do little understand that practice; and that there he had found a vast Treasure. Notwithstanding this great noise, and all the first advantages, joined to all those frequent Letters and great Promises of Aureng-Zebe, the Eunuch, Chah-Abas, a Man of good Sense, of a great Heart, and exceedingly affectionate to the Service of his Master, was not of opinion, that Morad-Bakche should so much tie himself in Interest to Aureng-Zebe, or precipitate his conjunction with him, but advised, that he should amuse him with words, and let him advance alone towards Agra; that in the mean time there would come certain News of the sickness of Chah-Jehan; that he should first see what Channel Affairs would run in; that he should Fortify Suratte, as a very good Post, able to tender him Master of a very large and rich Country; and that perhaps in time he might seize Brampour, which is a very considerable Passage of a River, and as 'twere a Bar of Decan. But the continual Letters and Protestations of Aureng-Zebe, joined to the small Forces, Artillery, and Treasure of Morad-Bakche, blinded with an excessive ambition to Reign, made him regardless of all other considerations; so that he went away from Amadevad, abandoned Guzaratte, and took his way through the Woods and Mountains, with all Expedition, to be at the Rendezvouz, where Aureng-Zebe had looked for him these two or three days. Great Solemnities of Joy were made at the conjunction of the two Armies, the Princes visited one another, Aureng-Zebe made a hundred Protestations and no lesle Promises to Morad-Bakche, assured him afresh, and solemnly, of his not caring for the Crown, as also of his being there for no other end than to assist him against Dara, their Common Enemy, and to place him in the Throne, which expected him. Upon this Interview, and confirmation of Friendship, both Armies marched together, Aureng-Zebe continuing always, during the March, in the Protestations of Friendship, and in his Courtship to Morad-Bakche, treating him never otherwise, whether in public or private, but with the Title of Hazaret, that is, King and Majesty: So that Morad-Bakche was fully persuaded, that Aureng-Zebe meant sincerely, from an excess of affection towards him; whence he even willingly, and without Ceremony, suffered the submissions and respects he shown him; instead of remembering what had lately passed at Golkonda, and of considering, that he, who had thus hazarded himself with so much boldness to usurp a Kingdom, was not of a temper to live and dye a Fakire. These two Armies thus joined made a Body considerable enough; which begot a great noise at Court, and gave cause of thoughtfulness, not only to Dara, but to Chah-Jehan himself, who knew the great parts and subtle Conduct of Aureng-Zebe, and the Courage of Morad-Bakche; and who foresaw weary well, that a fire was a kindling, which would be very hard to quench. It was to no purpose to writ Letters upon Letters, signifying that he was well, and giving Order that they should turn back to their respective Governments, and expressing also, that he would forget all that had passed hitherto. All his Letters were not able to hinder their Advance; and as the sickness of Chah-Jehan did still pass for mortal, there being no persons wanting to bring and spread such News, they still continued to dissemble, giving out, that they were Letters counterfeited by Dara; that Chah-Jehan was dead indeed; but that, in case he were alive, they would go to kiss his Feet, and deliver him from the hands of Dara. What than should Chah-Jehan, this unfortunate King, do, who seethe, that his Sons have no regard to his Orders; who is informed at all hours, that they march apace towards Agra in the head of their Armics, and who in this conjuncture finds himself sick to boot in the hands of Dara, that is, of a man who breatheth nothing but War; who prepareth for it with all imaginable earnestness, and with all the marks of an enraged resentment against his Brothers; but what could he do in this extremity? He is constrained to abandon to them his Treasures, and to leave them to their disposal. He is forced to sand for his old and most trusty Captains, whom he knows for the most part to be not very affectionate to Dara; he must command them to fight for Dara, against his own Blood, his own Children, and those, for whom he hath more esteem than for Dara; he is obliged forthwith to sand an Army against Sultan Sujah, because 'tis he that is most advanced; and he is to sand another against Aureng-Zebe and Mored-Bakche, who no lesle are marching towards him. Soliman Chekouh, the eldest Son of Dara, a young Prince of about five and twenty years of Age, very proper of Body, and of good Parts and Conduct, generous, liberal, and universally beloved, especially of Chah-Jehan, who had already enriched him, and who considered him rather for his Successor than Dara, was he, that was made General of this Army against Sujah. Nevertheless Chah-Jehan, who wished much rather, that Sujah were returned to Bengale, than that the matter should be tried by a bloody Combat, which could not be but very Tragical, and wherein he run the hazard of losing one or other of his Sons, gave him for Companion an Ancient Raja, called Jesseigne, who is at present one of the powerfullest and richest Rajahs of all Ind●stan, and one of the ablest in the whole Kingdom, with a secret Order not to fight, except it were altogether unavoidable; as also to endeavour by all means to induce Sujah to retire, and to reserve his Forces for a better occasion; that is to say, after they should have seen the event of the sickness of Chah-Jehan, and the success of Aureng-Zebe, and of Morad-Bakche. But this young Prince, Soliman Chekouh, full of heat and Courage, breathing after nothing but to signalise himself by some great action, and Sultan Sujah fearing jest Aureng-Zebe gaining a Battle should first make himself Master of the Capital Towns of the Empire, Agra and Dehly; it was impossible for the Raja Jesseigne to keep them from a Combat. The two Armies are not sooner in sight of one another, but they prepare to fall on, and they were not long from giving some Volleys of Cannon. I shall not relate the particulars of this Fight, for, besides that the narration of it would be too long and tedious, in the sequel of this History we shall be obliged to describe more considerable ones, by which the Reader will be able to judge of this. 'Tis sufficient to know in general, that the first onset was very sharp and obstinate on both sides, but that at length Soliman Chekouh did urge Sujah with that force and vigour that he disordered him, and made him fly: So that if Jesseigne, and the Patan Delil-kan, who was one of the first Captains and a valiant Man, but an intimate friend of the Raja, and did not act but being moved by him, had seconded him in good earnest, 'tis thought that the whole Army of Sujah would have been defeated, and himself in danger of being taken: But that was not the design of the Raja to destroy him, not more than it was that of Chah-Jehan, who had given him order to the contrary. Thus than had Sujah time to retreat, and that without losing any considerable number of his Men; yet because Soliman Chekouh kept the field, and brought away some pieces of Artillery, it was presently bruited at Court, that Sujah had been totally overthrown. This Defeat purchased great reputation to Soliman Chekouh, lessened much the esteem of Sultan Sujah, and coo●ed exceedingly all the Persians' that had an inclination for him. After that some days were spent in the pursuit of Sujah, the Prince Soliman Chekouh, who every day received News from the Court, and who learned that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Backche did approach with great resolution, well knowing, that his Father Dara had no great stock of Prudence, but good store of secret Enemies, resolved to quit the pursuit of Sultan Sujah, and with all speed to return to Agra, where in all appearance Dara was to give Battle against Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche. This was the best counsel he could take, for no man doubts, that if he could have been there in good time, Aureng-Zebe would not have had the Advantage; and 'tis even believed, he would never have hazarded the Combat, the Party being too unequal; but the bad fortune of Dara did not permit it. Whilst all that was thus transacted towards Elahas, which is the place where the Gemna is joined to Ganges; the Scene was very different on the side of Agra. At the Court they were much surprised to hear, that Aureng-Zebe had passed the River of Brampour, and all the other passages that were most difficult between the Mountains; so that with all hast they sent away some Troops to dispute with him the passage of the River Eugenes, whilst the whole Army was making ready. For which purpose there were chosen two of the most considerable and the most powerful of the Kingdom to command it; the one was Kasem-Kan, a Renowned Captain and very affectionate to Chah-Jehan, but one that had no great inclination to Dara, and who went not but to oblige Chah-Jehan, whom he saw in the hands of Dara: The other was Jessomseigne, a potent Raja, not inferior to Jesseigne, and Son-in-law to that Raja Rana, who was at the time of Ekhar so puissant, as if he had been the Emperor of the Raja's. Dara at their farewell expressed to them great kindness, and presented them nobly; but Chah-Jehan took his time, before their departure, to charge them in secret, as he had done the Raja Jesseigne, when he went away in the Expedition against Sultan Sujah with Soliman Chekouh. Neither were they wanting, in their March, to sand several times to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, to persuade them to turn back: But this was in vain; their Envoys came not again, and the Army advanced with that diligence, that they saw it much sooner than they thought upon a rising ground, not far remote from the River. It being than Summer, and the season of the greatest heats, the River was fordable; which was the cause, that at the same time Kasem-kan and the Raja prepared themselves to give Battle; besides that, they soon knew the resolution of Aureng-Zebe, that he would force them, since that, although his Army was not all come up, he gave them some Volleys of Cannon; his design being to amuse them, fearing jest they themselves should pass the River, not only to prevent his passage, but also to hinder his Army from reposing, and from taking an advantageous post; which was indeed in great disorder, and so tired by their March, and so faint by the heat, that if at the very first it had been assaulted, and kept from passing the Water, it would doubtless have been routed without much resistance. [I was not by in this first Encounter, but thus it was generally discoursed of, and it agreeth with the after-relation of many of our Frenchmen, who served Aureng-Zebe in the Artillery.] But they were content to stay at the Riverside, to keep Aureng-Zebe from passing it, according to the Order they had received. After that Aureng-Zebe had let his Army rest two or three days, and by amusing the Enemy, had fitted it to pass the River, he made his whole Artillery play, which was very well placed; and he commanded, that under the favour of the Cannon they should pass the River. Kasem-Kan and the Raja, on their part, discharged theirs also, and did what they could to repulse the Enemy, and to keep him from passing. The Combat was sharp enough at first, and very obstinately maintained by the extraordinary Valour of Jessomseigne. For as to Kasem-Kan, although a great Captain, and a stout Man, he gave no great proof of his Valour in this occasion; yea, some accuse him of Treachery, charging him that he had in the night caused the Bullets and Powder to be hid under the Sand, there being no more of them to be found after two or three discharges. However it be, the Combat for all that was, as I said, very resolutely carried on, and the Passage long disputed. There were Rocks in the Bed of the River, which did much embarass, and the Banks in many places were very high and difficult to climb up. But at last, Morad-Backche cast himself into the water with so much resolution and force, and shown so much valour and boldness, that there was no resisting of him. He passed over, and with him a good part of the Army, which made Kasem-Kan to give back, and cast Jessomseigne into great danger of his Person. For by and by he found the whole Body of the Enemy upon him, and without the extraordinary resolution of his Ragipous, who almost all were killed about him, he had been a dead man. One may judge of the great danger he was in upon this occasion, by this, that after he had disengaged himself as well as he could, and was come back to his own, not daring to return to Agra, because of the great loss he had suffered, of seven or eight thousand Ragipous he had but five or six hundred of them remaining. These Ragipous, who take their name from the Rajas, that is to say, the Children of the Rajas, are from Father to Son such Men as make the Sword their Profession. The Rajas, whose Subjects they are, do assign them Lands for their subsistence, on condition to be always ready to go to War when summoned. So that one might say, that they were a sort of Pagan Nobles, if the Rajas gave them their Lands in propriety for them and their Children. They are great takers of Opium; and I have sometimes wondered at the quantity I have seen them take: They accustom themselves to it from their youth. On the day of Battle they double the Dose, this Drug animating, or rather inebriating them, and making them insensible of danger; insomuch that they cast themselves into the Combat like so many furious Beasts, not knowing what it is to run away, but dying at the feet of their Raja, when he stands to it. They want nothing but Order, Resolution they have enough. 'Tis a pleasure thus to see them, with the fume of Opium in their Head to embrace one another, when the Battle is to begin, and to give their mutual Farewells, as men resolved to dye. And that they do for this reason; that the Great mogul, though a Mahometan, and by consequence an Enemy of the Heathen, yet for all that entertains always a good number of Rajas i● his service, whom he considers as his other Omrahs', and employs in his Armies as if they were Mahumetans. I cannot forbear to relate here the fierce reception, which the Daughter of the Rana gave to her Husband Jessomseigne, after his defeat and flight. When she heard that he was nigh, and had understood what had passed in the Battle; that he had fought with all possible courage; that he had but four or five hundred Men left; and that at last, not being able to resist any longer the Enemy, he had been obliged to retreat: She, in stead of sending one to receive him, and to condole him in his misfortunes, commanded in a dry mood to shut the Gates of the Castle, and not to let this infamous Man enter; that he was not her Husband; that she would never see him; that the Son-in-law of the Great Rana, could not have so low a Soul; that he was to remember, that being grafted into so Illustrious an House, he was to imitate the Virtue of it; and, in a word, that he was either to vanquish, or to dye. A moment after she was of another humour; she commands a Pile of Wood to be laid, that she might burn herself, that they abused her; that her Husband must needs be dead; that it could not be otherwise. And a little while after this, she was seen to change her countenance, to fall into passion, and to break out into a thousand reproaches against him. In short, she remained thus transported eight or nine days, without being able to resolve to see her Husband, till at last her Mother coming in, brought her in some degree to herself, and comforted her, assuring her, that as soon as the Raja had but a little refreshed himself, he would raise another Army, to fight Aureng-Zebe, and repair his Honour at any rate. By which story one may see a pattern of the Courage of the Women in that Country: To which I could add something I have seen some of them do, who burned themselves alive after the death of their Husbands; but we must reserve this Discourse for another place, where I shall also show, that there is nothing which opinion, prepossession, custom, hope, and the point of honour, etc. may not make Men do or suffer. Dara having understood what had passed at Eugenes, fell into that choler against Kasem Can, that it was thought he would have cut of his Head, if he had been upon the place. He was also transported against Emir-Jemla, as the Person that was the first and principal cause of the Misfortune, and who had furnished Aureng-Zebe with Men, Money, and Cannon. He is ready to kill his Son Mahmet Emir-Kan, and will sand his Wife and Daughter to Basar, or the Marketplace of prostituted Women; and 'tis past doubt, that he would have done some such thing, if Chah-Jehan, with much art and prudence, had not moderated the excess of his passion, in remonstrating to him, that Emir-Jemla had not so little conduct, nor so great a friendship for Aureng-Zebe, as to hazard, and in a manner to sacrifice his Family, for the advancing of his Interest; that Aureng-Zebe must needs have gulled and ensnared him, by his usual artifice and cunning. As for Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, the happy success of this first Encounter did so swell their hearts, and gave such Courage to their whole Army, that henceforth they believed themselves invincible, and capable to compass any thing. Besides, Aureng-Zebe, the more to animate his Soldiers, bragged openly, that he had Thirty thousand Mogul's at his devotion in the Army of Dara; and there was something in it, as appeared by the sequel. Morad-Bakche was for nothing but fight, and would march with all diligence. But Aureng-Zebe represented to him, that it was necessary the Army should refresh themselves for some time upon the Banks of this sweet River; that in the mean time he would writ to all his Friends, and get a full and certain information of the state of the Court, and of the condition of all Affairs. So that he marched not towards Agra, till he had rested some days, and after that he marched but slowly, to inform himself of all, and to take his time and measures. Concerning Chah-Jehan, when he plainly saw the resolution of Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, and that there was no hope left to make them turn back, he was in such a perplexity, that he knew not what to resolve, and foreseeing some great calamity, he would said have hindered the last decisive Battle, for which he saw Dara preparing himself with great eagerness. But what could he do to oppose it? He was yet too weak of his sickness, and saw himself still in the hands of Dara, whom, as I have said, he trusted not much: So that he found himself obliged to acquiesee in his Will, and to commit to him all the Forces of the Empire, and to command all Captains to obey him. Immediately all was in Arms: I know not, whether there was ever a more gallant Army seen in Indostan. 'Tis said, that there were little lesle than an Hundred thousand Horse, and Twenty thousand Foot, with Four thousand pieces of Cannon, without reckoning the incredible number of Servants, Follower's, Victuallers, whom Historians, methinks, do often put into the number of the Combatants, when they speak of those formidable Armies of Three or four hundred thousand men, of which their Books are full. Though this Army was very brave, and strong enough to cut in pieces two or three of such as Aureng-Zebe had, in which there were no more than Thirty Five or Forty thousand men in all, and these tired and harassed by a very long and irksome march, during the height of the Heats; and but a small number of Cannon, in respect of that of Dara. Mean time (which seems hard to believe) there was scarce any Body that presaged well for Dara, all knowing, that most of the chief Omrahs' had no affection for him, and that all the good Soldiers that were for him, and whom he might confided in, were in the Army of Soliman Chekouh, his Son. And 'twas for this reason, that the most prudent and the most faithful of his Friends, and Chah-Jehan; himself, counselled him, not to hazard a Battle: Chah-Jehan offering, as infirm as he was, that he would go into the Field himself, and be carried before Aureng-Zebe, to interpose; which was looked upon as a very good Expedient for Peace, and for accommodating the Affairs of Chah-Jehan. For 'tis certain, that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, would never have had the boldness to fight against their own Father; and if they should have attempted it, they would have smarted for it, because, besides that the match was not equal, and all the great Omrahs' were so affectionate to Chah-Jehan, that they would not have failed to fight resolutely, if they had seen him in the head of the Army; besides this, I say, the Captains themselves of Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, bore great affection and respect to this Prince, whose Creatures they most were; and the whole Army, in a manner, was his. So that in all appearance, not one of them would have presumed to draw his Sword against him, nor he been at the pains of drawing his. Than they advised Dara, that if he would not harken to this Expedient, he should at lest not precipitate the business, but delay, till Soliman Chekouh, who made all haste to join, were come in. Which was also very good counsel, in regard that that Prince was beloved of all, and was lately come home victorious, and had the most faithful and the bravest Soldiers with him. But Dara would never harken to any Proposition that could be made to him, and he thought on nothing else but to give Battle presently, and to go against Aureng-Zebe in person. And possibly he did not amiss, as to his own Honour and particular Interest, if he could have commanded Fortune, and made things succeed as he contrived them. For the Considerations he had (as he could not forbear now and than to discover) were some such as these: He looked upon himself as Master of the person of Chah-Jehan; that he could dispose of him as he pleased; that he was also Possessor of all the Treasures and Forces of the Empire; that Sultan Sujah was half ruined; that his two other Brothers, with a weak and tired Army, were come to cast themselves into his hands; that, if he gained the Battle, they could not escape him; that he should all at once be absolute Master, and at the end of all his troubles, and at the height of his wishes, so as no body could contradict him in any thing, or dispute the Crown with him. Whereas if Chah-Jehan should take the Field, all Affairs would be accommodated, his Brothers would return to their Governments, Chah-Jehan, who began to recover his health, would resume the Government as before, and all things would return into their first Channel: That, if he should stay for Soliman Chekouh, his Son, Chah-Jehan might take some design to his disadvantage, or contrive something with Aureng-Zebe; that whatever he could do for gaining the Victory, the Reputation which Soliman Chekouh had purchased, would still give him all the honour of it. And after that, what would not he be capable to undertake, swelled with so much glory and success, and especially being supported, as he was, by the favour and affection of Chah-Jehan, and of the greatest part of the Omrahs'? What did he know, whether he would keep any modesty, or any respect for him, and whither his Ambition might not carry him? These Considerations made Dara resolve to stand out against the counsel of all, and to pursue his Point. And for that purpose, he commanded immediately the whole Army to take the Field, and thereupon came to take leave of Chah-Jehan, who was in the Fortress of Agra. This good old Man was ready to melt in tears, when he embraced him; but withal failed not to represent to him, with a very grave countenance: Well, Dara▪ since thou art resolved to follow thine own Will, Go, God bless thee, but remember well these few words: If thou losest the Battle, take beed of ever coming into my Presence. But this made no great impression upon him; he goeth forth briskly, taketh Horse, and seizeth on the Passage of the River T●hembel, which is about twenty miles from Agra; where he fortified himself, expecting his Enemy. But the subtle and crafty Fakire, who wanted no good Spies, and People that gave him intelligence of all, and who knew that the Passage was there very difficult, took good heed to attempt the forcing it. He came to encamp himself near it, so that from the Camp of Dara one might discover his Tents. But what doth he in the mean time? He inveigles a certain Rebel of Raja, called Chempet, presents him richly, and promiseth him a thousand fine things, if he would let him pass through his Territories, that so he might go with speed to gain a certain place, where he knew that the River might be passed on foot with ease. Chempet agreeth, and offers of his own accord, that he would himself attend him, and show him the way through the Woods and Hills of his Country. Aureng-Zebe raised his Camp the same night, without any noise, leaving some of his Tents to amuse Dara, and marching night and day, made such haste, that he was almost as soon on the other side of the River, as Dara could have notice of it. Which obliged Dara to abandon the River there, and to leave all his Fortifications, and to follow his Enemy, who, he was told, did advance with great diligence towards Agra, to gain the River of Gemna, and there without trouble, and at his ease, to enjoy the water, to fortify, and to fix himself well, and so to expect Dara. The place where he encamped is but five Leagues from Agra, it was formerly called Samonguer, and now Fateabad, which is to say, Place of Victory. A little while after, Dara also came to encamp there, nigh the Bank of the same River, between Agra, and the Army of Aureng-Zebe. The two Armies were there between three and four days in sight of one another, without fight. Mean time Chah-Jehan wrote several Letters to Dara, that Soliman Ch●kouh was not far of; that he should not precipitate; that he should come near Agra, and choose an advantageous place to fortify himself till he came. But Dara answered, that before three days were passed, he would bring to him Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche tied hand and foot, to do with them what he should think fit. And without expecting any longer, he began at that very hour to put his Army in Battle-array. He placed in the Front all his Cannon, causing them to be tied the one to the other with Chains, to shut the passage to the Cavalry. Behind these Pieces of Cannon, he placed also frontwise a great number of light Camels, on the forepart of the Bodies, whereof they fasten a small Piece, of the bigness of a double Musket; a Man sitting on the hind-part of the Camel, being able to charge and discharge without lighting. Behind these Camels stood the greatest part of the Musqueteers. Of the rest of the Army, which chief consisted in Cavalry, furnished with Bows and Arrows, (as ordinarily are the Mogul's, that is, at present, White Men, Mahumetans, strangers, as Persians', Turks, Arabians, and Vsbecks';) or with a Sword, and a kind of Hal●-pike, as commonly are the Ragipous: Of all these, I say, there were made three different Bodies. The right Wing was committed to Calil-ullah-Kan, with thirty thousand Mogul's under his Command; for he was made Great Bakchis, that is, Great Master of the Cavalry, in the place of Danechmendkan, that was afterwards my Agah, who voluntarily resigned this Office, seeing that he was not wellbeloved of Dara, for having always highly maintained against him the Interest and Authority of Chah Jehan. The left Wing was given to Rustam-Kan Dakny, a very renowned and very valiant Captain, together with the Raja Chatresale, and the Raja Ramseigne Routlé. On the other side, Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche put also their Army almost into the same Order; except that in the midst of the Troops of some Omrahs', they had hid some small Field-pieces, which was, as was said, after the Way and Art of Emir-Jemla, and with no ill effect. They hardly made use of any more Art, than what hath been now related; only they placed here and there some M●n casting Bannes, which is a kind of Granado fastened to a stick, that may be cast very far through the Cavalry, and which extremely terrifieth Horses, and even hurts and kills sometimes. All this Cavalry turns about very easily, and they draw their Arrows with marvellous swiftness; one Man being able to draw six of them, before a Musqueteer can twice discharge his Musket. The same Cavalry keeps also very close in several Troops under their respective Officers, especially when they are going to fight hand to hand. But after all, I see not, that this way of putting an Army in Array, is any great matter, in comparison of our Armies, when in good order. All things being thus disposed, the Artillery began to play on both sides; for 'tis always the Cannon that makes the prelude amongst them; and the Arrows were now seen to fly through the Air, when unexpectedly there happened to fall a Storm of Rain, so violent, that it interrupted the Combat. The Rain ceasing, the Cannon began afresh to roar; and than it was that Dara appeared, who being mounted upon a proud Elephant of Ceilau, commanded that an Onset should be made on all sides; and himself advanced into the midst of the Body of the Cavalry, directly towards the Enemy's Artillery, who received him warmly, killed store of Men about him, and put into disorder, not only the main Body which he commanded, but also the other Bodies of the Cavalry that followed him. Yet notwithstanding, because he was seen to keep firm upon his Elephant, without any appearance of giving back, and was observed to look every where about him with an undaunted look, and to make signs with his hands to advance and follow him, this disorder soon ceased, every one resuming his Rank, and advancing in the same place with Dara. But he could not reach the Enemy, without receiving another Volley of Canonshot, which caused a second and great disorder in his Men, and made a good part of them recoil; yet he, without any change in his Countenance, stood to it, encouraging his Troops, and gave still signs, that they should follow him, and advance with speed without any loss of time. Thus pressing vigorously forward, he forced the Enemy's Artillery, broke the Chains, entered into their Camp, and made a Rout in their Camels and Infantry, and in every thing he met with on that side; opening also a good passage to the Cavalry that followed him. Than it was, that the Enemy's Cavalry facing him, a sore Combat began. A shower of Arrows filled the Air from both sides, Dara himself putting his hand to that work: But, to say truth, these Arrows do but little Execution; more of them are lost in the Air, or broken on the ground, than hit. The first discharges of Arrows being made, they fought hand to hand with their Sables, pesle mesle, and the Combat was stoutly maintained on both sides. Dara is still seen to continued firm on his Elephant, encouraging, making a noise, and giving signs on all sides; and at last advancing with so much resolution and force, against all that opposed him in his March, that he overthrew the Cavalry, and made them to retire and run away. Aureng-Zebe, who was not far from thence, and mounted also on an Elephant, seeing this great disorder, was in great trouble, and laboured with all his might to remedy it; but to no purpose. He made the main Body of his best Cavalry advance, to try whether he could make head against Dara; but it was not long before this Body also was forced to give back, and to retreat in great disorder, whatever Aureng-Zebe could say or do to hinder it. Mean time let us take notice of his courage and resolution: He saw that almost the whole Body of his Army was disordered, and in a flying posture, insomuch that he had not a thousand Men about him that kept their standing; (some told me, that there were scarce five hundred:) He saw, that Dara, notwithstanding the difficulty of the way, which was uneven, and full of holes in divers places, made as if he would rush in upon him: Yet, for all this, he lost no courage, and was so far from being struck with fear, or from retreating, that he stood firmly to it, and called by name most of his Captains that were about him, crying out to them, Delirane Kodahé, (these are his own words,) that is, Courage my old Friends, God is: What hope is there in flying? Know you not, where is our Decan? Kodahé, Kodahé, God is, God is. And that none might doubt of his being undaunted, and that he thought on nothing lesle than running away, he commanded before them all (o strange extremity!) that forthwith Chains should be fastened to the feet of his Elephant; and was going to fasten them in good earnest, but that they all declared their courage and resolution, to live and dye with him. Dara in the interim endeavoured to advance upon Aureng-Zebe, though he was yet at a good distance from him, and though the difficulty of the way embarassed and retarded him much; he meeting also with some resistance, even from those disordered Horse of the Enemy, that covered all high and low places where he was to march. And this Encounter with Aureng-Zebe was looked upon as the thing, that was to assure Dara of the Victory, and to decide the Battle. And doubtless, he would have overcome all these difficulties, and Aureng-Zebe, with the small number left him, would not have been able to bid head to this Victorious Army, if Dara had known how to profit of the prize he had in his hands. But here he failed; of which I shall now show the occasion, and how thereby the Scale was turned to Aureng-Zebe's advantage. Dara perceived that his left Wing was in great disorder, and he was informed, that Rustam-Kan and Chatresale were killed; that Ramseigne Routlé had too far advanced, that he had indeed forced the Enemy, and made way through the midst of them; but that now he was surrounded every way, and in very great danger. This it was, which made Dara desist from his design of making directly towards Aureng-Zebe, that he might go to secure his left Wing. There at first the Battle was also very sharp, but Dara at last carried it, forcing and routing all, yet so, as that there still remained something that resisted and stopped him. Mean time, Ramseigne Routlé fought with so much courage and vigour as was possible. He wounded Morad-Bakche, and came so near him, that he began to cut the Girdles of his Elephant, to make him fall down; but the valour and good fortune of Morad-Bakche gave not time enough for it. In short, never any Man fought and defended himself more bravely, than Morad-Bakche did on this occasion: All wounded as he was, and pressed by the Ragipous of Ramseigne Routlé, who were round about him, he was not daunted, nor gave way in the lest, but knew so well to take his time, that although he was, besides defending himself, to cover with his shield a Son of his, but of seven or eight years of Age, who was sitting on his side, he made an Arrow-shot so luckily at Ramseigne Routlé, that it made him fall dead to the ground. Dara soon heard the sad News of this Accident; but at the same time he understood also, that Morad-Bakche was in very great danger; the Ragipous fight furiously, and like Lions, to revenge the death of their Master. And though he saw, on that side the way was very difficult, and that he still found some small Body opposing and retarding him; yet he was determined to rush through to Morad-Backche: And doubtless this was the best he could do, and that, which was capable to repair the fault he had committed in not doing his business thoroughly with Aureng-Zebe. But his bad fortune kept him from it, or rather, one of the blackest Treacheries that ever was imagined, and the greatest oversight that was ever committed, did 'cause the entire loss and ruin of Dara. Calil-ullah-Kan (he that commanded the thirty thousand Mogul's, which made the right Wing, and were alone able to defeat the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe) did, whilst Dara and his left Wing fought with so much courage and success, keep of, as idle as if he were not concerned in the fray, not permitting any one of his Horsemen to shoot an Arrow, with a pretence, that they were for a Reserve, and that he had express Order not to fight but in the last extremity. But the true cause was, that he reserved in his breast the rancour of an old Affront, done him by Dara, when he commanded him to be struck. But after all, this Treachery would have done no great mischief, if this infamous Man had contented himself with this first Effect of his Resentment: Behold, how far he carried his rage, and revengefulness! He cut himself of from his main Body, and taking only a few men with him, rid with all possible speed towards Dara, at the same time when he was turning to fall on Morad-Bakche, and being come so near as to make himself be heard, cried out with all his force; Mohbareck-bad, Hazaret, Salamet, Elhamdul-●lla; God save your Majesty, you have obtained the Victory; what will you do any longer upon your Elephant? Is it not enough, that you have exposed yourself so long? if the lest of those shots, that have been made into your Days, had reached your Person, what would have become of us? Are there Traitors wanting in this Army? In the Name of God come down quickly and take Horse. What remains more to be done, than to pursue those Runaways. Let us do so, nor let us suffer that they should escape our hands! If Dara had had wit enough to discover the cheat, and to consider upon a sudden the consequences of his not appearing any more upon the Elephant, and being no more seen by the whole Army, always eyeing him, or rather, if he had presently commanded to cut of the Head of this Parasitical Traitor, he had been Master of all. But the good Prince suffered himself to be blinded by these sweet words: He harkened to this advice, as if it had been very true and very sincere; he descended from his Elephant, and took Horse. But I know not whether there passed one quarter of an hour, but he perceived the Treachery of Calil ullah-Kan, and repent himself extremely of the great fault he had committed. He looks about him, he seeketh, he asketh where he is; he saith, he is a Traitor, he will kill him. But the perfidious Villain is by this time at a good distance; the occasion is lost. Would it be believed, that as soon as the Army perceived Dara to be no more upon the Elephant, they imagined that there was Treason, that Dara was killed; and all were struck with such a terror, that every one thought on nothing, but how to escape the hands of Aureng-Zebe, and to save himself? What shall I say? All the Army disbands and slayeth. A sudden and strange revolution! He that saw himself just now Victorious, finds himself in a few moments vanquished, abandoned, and obliged to fly himself to save his life. Aureng-Zebe, by holding out firm a quarter of an hour upon his Elephant, seethe the Crown of Indostan upon his Head; and Dara for having come down a little too soon, seethe himself precipitated from the Throne, and the most unfortunate Prince of the World. Thus Fortune taketh pleasure, to make the gain or loss of a Battle, and the decision of a great Empire, depend upon a nothing. These great and prodigious Armies, 'tis true, do sometimes great things; but when once terror seizeth, and disorder comes among them, what means of stopping the Commotion? 'Tis like a great River broke through its Dams; it must overrun all, without a Remedy. Whence it is, that as often as I consider the condition of such Armies, destitute of good order, and marching like flocks of Sheep, I persuade myself, that, if in these parts one might see an Army of five and twenty thousand men, of those old Troops of Flanders, under the conduct of Monsieur le Prince, or Monsieur de Turenne, I doubt not at all, but they would trample under foot all those Armies, how numerous soever they were. And this it is, that now maketh me not found it any longer strange or incredible, what we are told of ten thousand Greeks; and of fifty thousand Men of Alexander, overcoming six or seven hundred thousand Men of Darius; (if it be true, that there were so many, and that the Historian did not reckon the Servants, and all those numbers of Men, which were to follow the Army, to furnish it with Forage, Cattles, Corn, and all other necessaries.) Bear only the first brunt, which would be no very difficult thing for us to do; and behold, they are all astonished: Or, do like Alexander, set vigorously upon one place, if that hold not out, (which will be very hard for them to do) you may be sure the work is done; all the rest presently take fright and flight together. Aureng-Zebe, encouraged by such a wondered success, is not wanting to turn every stone, to employ skill, dexterity, subtlety, craft, courage, to profit by all the Advantages, which so favourable an occasion puts into his hands. Calil-ullah-Kan is presently with him, offering him his Service, and all the Troops he could be Master of. He, on his side, wants not words of thanks and acknowledgements, nor a thousand fair Promises: But he was very cautious to receive him in his own name; he carried him presently and presented him to Morad-Bakche, who, as we may easily think, received him with open Arms; Aureng-Zebe in the mean time congratulating and praising Morad-Bakche, for having fought so valiantly, and ascribing to him all the honour of the Victory; treating him with the title of King and Majesty before Calil-ullah-Kan, giving him uncommon respect, and doing submissions to him becoming a Subject and Servant. In the interim, he labours night and day for himself, he writeth round about to all the Omrahs', making sure to day of one, and next day of another. Chah-hest-Kan, his Uncle, the great and old Enemy of Dara, by reason of an Affront he had received from him, did the same for him on his part; and as he is the Person who writeth best and subtlest of the Empire o● Indostan, so he contributed not a little by his Cabals to the advancement of the Affairs of Aureng-Zebe, making strong Parties every where against Dara. In the mean time let us still observe the artifice and dissimulation of Aureng-Zebe, Nothing of what he doth, treateth, promiseth, is for himself, or in his own Name; he hath still (forsooth) the design of living as a Fakire: all is for Morad-Bakche, 'tis he that commands; Aureng-Zebe doth nothing; 'tis Morad-Bakche doth all, 'tis he that is designed to be King. As for the unhappy Dara, he comes with all speed to Agra, in a desperate condition, and not daring to go see Chah-Jehan, remembering, doubtless, those severe words which he let fall, when he took leave of him before the Battle, viz. That he should remember not to come before him, if he were overcome. Yet, for all that, the good old Father sent secretly a trusty Eunuch to him, to comfort him, to assure him of the continuance of his affection, to declare to him his trouble for his misfortune, and to remonstrate to him, that the case was not yet desperate, considering that there was a good Army with Soliman Chekouh, his Son, that he should go to Dehli, where he should found a thousand Horse in the Royal Stables; and that the Governor of the Fortress had Order to furnish him with Money and Elephants; for the rest, that he should not go further than he needs must; that he would often writ to him: And lastly, that he very well knew how to found out and chastise Aurenge-Zebe. I have been informed, that Dara was than in such a confusion, and sunk so low, that he had not the power to answer a word to the Eunuch, nor the courage to sand any one to Chah-Jehan; but that, after having sent several times to Begum-Saheb, his Sister, he went away at midnight, taking with him his Wife, his Daughters, and his Grandchild Sepechekouh; and that (which is almost incredible) he was attended with not above three or four hundred persons. Let us leave him in his Voyage to Dehli, and stay at Agra, to consider the dexterity and craft, wherewith Aureng-Zebe proceeded to manage Affairs. He well knew, that Dara, and those of his Party, could yet place some hopes in the victorious Army of Soliman Chekouh, and therefore he resolved to take it from him, or to make it useless to him. To this end, he wrote Letters upon Letters to the Raja Jesseigne, and to Delil-Kan, who were the chief Heads of the Army of Soliman Chekouh, telling them, that there was no hope left for Dara and his Party; that he had lost the Battle; that his whole Army had submitted to him; that all had abandoned him; that he was fled alone towards Dehli; that he could never escape him, and that Orders were distributed every where to seize on him. And as for Chah-Jehan, that he was in a condition hopeless of recovery; that they should take good care of what they had to do; and if they were Men of understanding, and would follow his fortune, and be his Friends, they should seize on Soliman Chekouh, and bring him to him. Jesseigne found himself perplexed enough, what he should do, still much apprehending Chah-Jehan and Dara, and more, to lay hands upon a Royal Person, well knowing, that some mischief might therefore fall on him, sooner or later, even from Aureng-Zebe himself. Besides, he knew that Soliman Chekouh had too much courage to let himself be taken after that manner, and that he would rather die in defending of himself. Behold therefore, what he at last resolved! After having taken counsel with Delil-Kan, his great Friend, and after they had renewed to one another the Oath of mutual Fidelity, he went directly to the Tent of Soliman Chekouh, who with great impatience expected him, (for he also had heard the News of the Defeat of Dara his father) and had already divers times sent for him. To him he frankly discovered all things, shown him the Letter of Aureng-Zebe, told him what course was best for him to take, represented to him the danger he was in; that there was no reason he should trust in Delil-Kan, or in Daoud-Kan, or in the rest of his Army; but that, as soon as he could, he should gain the Mountains of Serenaguer; that that was the best Expedient he could take; that the Raja of that Country being in unaccessible places, and not apprehending Aureng-Zebe, would doubtless receive him gladly; and; for the rest, he would soon see how things would go, and be always in a condition to come down from the Mountains, when he should think good. The young Prince understood well enough by this kind of discourse, that there was no ground to trust henceforth in this Raja, and that there was no more safety for his Person; and that the rather, because he knew that Delil-Kan was altogether devoted to him, and he saw well enough, that there was a necessity to take this course suggested. Whereupon he soon commanded, that his Baggage should be put up to march towards the Mountains. Some of his most affectionate Friends, as a good number of Mansebdars, of Sajeds, and others, put themselves in order to attend him; the rest of the Army, altogether astonished, remained with the Raja. But that, which was very mean for a great Raja, and a very sordid barbarousness, was, that he and Delil-Kan sent under hand some to fall upon his Baggage, who also took other things, and among them an Elephant laden with Rupies of Gold, which caused a great disorder among those small Troops that followed him; and which was an occasion, that many of them returned and abandoned him; and invited also the Countrypeople to set upon his Men, pillaging them, and even killing some of them: Yet he made a shift to gain the Mountains, with his Wife and Children, where the Raja of Serenaguer received him with all the honour and civilities he could desire, assuring him, that he was in safety, as much as if he were King of that Country, and that he would protect and assist him with all his Forces. In the mean time, behold what happened on Agra's side. Three or four days after the Battle of Samonguer, the Victorious Aureng-Zebe, together with Morad-Bakche, came directly to the Gate of the Town into a Garden, which may be a little League distant from the Fortress, and sent from thence an able Eunuch, and one of those whom he most confided in, to Chah-Jehan, to salute him with a thousand fair Protestations of his affection and submission; that he was exceedingly sorry for what had passed, and for having been obliged, by reason of the ambition and evil designs of Dara, to proceed to all those extremities; that, for the rest, he rejoiced extremely to hear, that he began to found himself better, and that he was come thither for no other end than to receive his Commands. Chah-Jehan was not wanting to express to the Eunuch much satisfaction, as to the proceed of Aureng-Zebe, and to receive the Submissions of this Son with all possible appearances of joy; though he saw very well, that matters had been carried too far, and sufficiently knew the reserved and crafty humour of Aureng-Zebe, and his secret passion for Reigning; and that therefore he was not much to be trusted, for all his fair words. And yet notwithstanding he suffers himself to be circumvented, and instead of playing the surest Chart, by using his utmost power, by stirring, by appearing, by causing himself to be carried through the Town, and by assembling all his Omrahs', (for it was yet time to do all this) he goes about to outwit Aureng-Zebe, him that was his Crafts-Master, and attempts to draw him into a snare, wherein he will be found taken himself. He than sends also an Eunuch to this Son, to let him know, that he well understood the ill conduct, and even the incapacity of Dara; that he could not but call to mind the particular inclination he always had and expressed towards him, that he could not doubt of his affection; and lastly, that he should come to see him, and to advice with him what was fit to be done in these disorders; and that he passionately wished to embrace him. Aureng-Zebe, on his side, saw also well enough, that he was not to trust too much to the words of Chah-Jehan, knowing especially, that Begum-Saheb, his Enemy as well as Sister, was night and day about him, and that 'twas very probable, he acted nothing but by her motion. And he apprehended, that if he should come into the Fortress, he might be seized on, and ill-treated; as it was said, that the resolution was indeed taken to do so, and several of those lusty Tartarian Women, which serve in the Seraglio, were armed to set upon him as soon as he should enter. Whatever it be, he would never hazard himself, and yet spread a rumour abroad, that the next day he would go to see his Father Chah-Jehan. But when the day was come, he put it of till another, and so he delayed it from day to day, without ever making the Visit. In the mean time he continued his secret Negotiations and Cabals, and sounded the mind of all the greatest Omrahs', so far, that at last, after he had well and closely laid his Design, and politicly disposed all things for the success thereof, all were amazed to see, that one day, when he had sent Sultan Mahmoud, his eldest Son, to the Fortress, under a pretence of seeing Chah-Jehan in his name; this young Prince, bold and undertaking, falls presently on the Guards that were at the Gate, and vigorously driveth all before him, whilst a great number of Men appointed, who were there all ready, did enter with fury, and made themselves Masters of the Walls. If ever a man was astonished, Chah-Jehan was, seeing that he was fallen into the snare which he had prepared for others, that himself was imprisoned and Aurenge-Zebe Master of the Fortress. 'Tis said, that he presently sent to sound the mind of Sultan Mahmoud, promising him upon his Crown and upon the Alcoran, that if he would be faithful to him, and serve him in this conjuncture, he would make him King; that he should come presently to see him within, and not loose this occasion: Besides, that it would be an action that would accumulate on him the blessings of Heaven, and an immortal Glory; in regard it would be said for ever, that Sultan Mahmoud had delivered Chah-Jehan his Grandfather out of Prison. And certainly, if Sultan Mahmoud had been resolute enough to give this stroke, and Chah-Jehan could have come abroad to show himself to the Town, and to take the Field, no man doubts, but all his great Omrahs' would have followed him; nor would Aureng-Zebe himself have had the boldness nor the savageness to fight against his own Father in Person, especially since he must have apprehended, that all the world would have abandoned him, and possibly Morad-Bakche himself. And 'tis indeed the great fault which Chah-Jehan is observed to have committed after the Battle, and the flight of Dara, not to have come out of the Fortress. But yet I have conversed with many, who maintained that Chah-Jehan did prudently in it. For this hath been a question much agitated among the Politicians, and there are no reasons wanting to countenance the Sentiment of the latter sort; who also add, that Men almost always judge of things by the Event; that often very foolish Enterprises have been observed to succeed, and which therefore are approved by all; that if Chah-Jehan had prospered in his design, he would have been esteemed the most prudent and the most able Man in the World; but now being taken, he was nothing but a good old Man, that suffered himself to be led by a Woman, his Daughter Begum, which was blinded by her passion, and had the vanity to believe, that Aureng-Zebe would come to see her, that the Bird of itself would fly into the Cage, or at lest, that he would never be so bold as to attempt the seizure of the Fortress, nor have the power to do so. These same Reasoners maintaining also stiffly, that the greatest fault that Sultan Mahmoud could possibly commit, was, that he knew not how to take the occasion to assure himself of the Crown, by the rarest and the most generous Action that ever was, to put his Grandfather at liberty, and thus to do himself Right and Justice, as the Sovereign Umpire of Affairs; whereas, as things now stand, he must one day go and dye in Govaleor. But Sultan Mahmoud (whether it was that he feared his Grandfather would not keep his word with him, or that he should be himself detained within, or that he durst not play tricks with his Father Aureng-Zebe) would never harken to any thing, nor enter into the Apartment of Chah-Jehan, answering very closely, that he had no order from his Father to go and see him, but that he was by him commanded not to return, without bringing him the Keys of all the Gates of the Fortress, that so he might come with all safety to kiss the Feet of his Majesty. There passed almost two whole days before he could resolve to surrender the Keys; during which time, Sultan Mahmoud stayed there, unalterable in his resolutions, keeping himself upon his Guard night and day, with all his Troops about him; till at length Chah-Jehan, seeing that all his people that were upon the Guard at the little Gate, little by little disbanded, and that there was no more safety on his side, gave him the Keys, with an order to tell Aureng-Zebe, that he should come presently if he were wise, and that he had most important things to discourse with him about. But Aureng-Zebe was too cunning to commit so gross a fault: On the contrary, he made his Eunuch Etbarkan Governor of the Fortress, who presently shut up Chah-Jehan, together with Begum-Saheb, and all his Women; causing divers Gates to be walled up, that so he might not be able to writ or speak to any body, nor go forth out of his Apartment without permission. Aureng-Zebe in the mean time writ to him a little Note, which he shown to every body before he sealed it; in which, among other things, he told him with dry expressions, that he knew from good hands, that notwithstanding those great protestations of esteem and affection he made to him, and of contempt he made of Dara, he had, for all that, sent to Dara two Elephants charged with Rupies of Gold, to raise him again, and to re-commence the War; and that therefore, in truth, it was not he that imprisoned him, but Dara, and that he might thank him for it, as the cause of all these misfortunes; and if it had not been for him, he would have come the very first day to him, and paid him all the most dutiful respects he could have looked for from a good Son: That, for the rest, he begged his pardon, and a little patience; as soon as he should have disenabled Dara from executing his evil designs, he would come himself and open the Gates to him. I have heard it said concerning this Note, that Chah-Jehan in very deed, the same night that Dara departed, had sent to him these Elephants laden with Rupies of Gold, and that it was Rauchenara-Begum that found a way to discover it to Aureng-Zebe; as she also had detected to him that Plot, which was laid against him with those Tartarian Women; and that Aureng-Zebe himself had intercepted some Letters of Chah-Jehan to Dara▪ I have conversed with others, that maintain there is no such thing, and that this Writing, which Aureng-Zebe shown to all, was only to cast Sand into the Eyes of the People, and to labour, in some degree, to justify himself in so strange an action, and to devolve the Cause of it upon Chah-Jehan and Dara, as if he had been forced to such proceed. They are things, which are difficult enough well to discover. However it be, as soon as Chah-Jehan was shut up, almost all the Omrahs' were in a manner necessitated to go and make their Court to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche; and (which is almost incredible) there was not one that had the Courage to stir, or to attempt the lest in the behalf of his King, and for him that had made them what they were, and raised them from the dust, and perhaps from slavery itself (which is ordinary enough in that Court) to advance them to Richeses and Honour. Yet some few there are, as Danechmendkan, and some others, that took no side; but all the ●est declared for Aureng-Zebe. 'Tis notwithstanding to be noted what I said, that they were necessitated to do what they did. For 'tis not in the Indieses, as in France, or other States of Christendom, where the Grandees and Nobles have large Possessions of Land, and great Revenues, which enables them for a while to subsist of themselves. There they have nothing but Pensions (as I have already touched above) which the King can take away from them at all hours, and thus ruin them in an instant; so that they shall be considered not more than if they never had been, nor have any credit to borrow a farthing. Aureng-Zebe therefore having thus assured himself of Chah-Jehan, and of all the Omrahs', took what Sums of Money he thought fit out of the Treasury; and than having left Chah-hest-Kan, his Uncle, Governor of the Town, he went away with Morad-Bakche to pursue Dara. The day that the Army was to march out of Agra the particular Friends of Morad-Bakche, especially his Eunuch Chah-Abas, who knew, that the excess of civility and respect is ordinarily a sign of imposture, counselled him, that since he was King, and every body treated him with the Title of Majesty, and Aureng-Zebe himself acknowledged him for such, he should let him go to pursue Dara, and stay himself with his Troops about Agra and Dehli. If he had followed this counsel, 'tis certain, that he would have embarassed Aureng-Zebe not a little; but 'twas fatal, that he should neglect so good advice: Aureng-Zebe is too fortunate; Morad-Bakche entirely confideth in his promises, and in the Oaths of Fidelity they had sworn to one another upon the Alcoran. They went away together, and went with the same pace towards Dehli. When they were come to Maturas, three or four small days Journey from Agra, the friends of Morad-Bakche, who perceived something, endeavoured again to persuade him, that he should beware; assuring him that Aureng-Zebe had evil designs, and that beyond all doubt some mischief was upon the Anvil; that they had notice of it from all parts, and that by no means, for that day at lest, he should go to see him; that it would be much better to prevent this stroke the soon it might be; that he was only to forbear going to visit him that day, excusing himself with some Indisposition. But whatsoever could be said to him he believed nothing of it, his Ears were stopped to all the good advice that was given him, and as if he had been enchanted by the friendship of Aureng-Zebe, he could not hold to go to him that very night, and to stay at Supper with him. As soon as he was come, Aureng-Zebe, who expected him, and had already prepared all things with Mirkan, and three or four of his most intimate Captains, was not wanting in embracements, and in redoubling his Courtship, Civilities and Submissions, insomuch as gently to pass his handkerchief over his face, and to wipe of his sweat and dust, treating him still with the title of King and Majesty. In the mean time the Table is served, they sup, the conversation grows warm, they discourse of various things as they use to do; and at last there is brought a huge Bottle of excellent Chiras Wine, and some other Bottles of Caboul Wine, for a Debauch. Than Aureng-Zebe, as a grave serious Man, and one that would appear a great Mahometan, and very regular, nimbly riseth from Table, and having with much kindness invited Morad-Bakche, who loved a Glass of Wine very well, and who relished the Wine that was served, scrupled not to drink of it to excess. In a word, he made himself drunk, and fell asleep. This was the thing that was wished; for presently some Servants of his that were there, were commanded away, under a pretence, to let him sleep without making any noise; and than his Zable and Poniard were taken from about him: But Aureng-Zebe was not long, but came himself and wakened him. He entered into the Chamber, and roughly hit him with his foot, and when he began to open a little his Eyes, he made to him this short and surprising Reprimand: What means this, said he, What shame and what ignominy is this, that such a King as you are, should have so little temper, as thus to make himself drunk? What will be said both of you and me? Take this infamous Man, this Drunkard, tie him hand and foot, and throw him into that room to sleep out his Wine. Not sooner said, but it was executed; notwithstanding all his appeal and outcry, five or six persons fall upon him, and fetter his hands and feet. The things could not be done, but some of his Men that were thereabout had news of it. They made some noise, and would enter forcibly; but Allah-Couly, one of his chief Officers, and the Master of his Artillery, that had been gained long before, threatened them, and made them draw back. Without any delay, Men were sent through the whole Army to calm this first Commotion, which also might have proved dangerous; they made them believe it was nothing, they having been present, that Morad-Bakche was only drunk, that in that condition he had railed at every body, and Aureng-Zebe himself, insomuch that there had been a necessity, seeing him drunk and furious, to keep him apart; that the next day they would see him abroad, after he had digested his Wine. In the mean time, the Presents walked about all night amongst the chief Officers of the Army, their Pay was forthwith increased, they had great Promises made them; and as there was none, that had not long since apprehended some such thing, there was no great wonder to see almost all things quieted the next morning; so that the very next night this poor Prince was shut up in a little close house, such an one as is want to be placed on Elephants to carry Women, and he was carried directly to Dehli into Slimager, which is a little old Fortress in the midst of the River. After that all was thus appeased, except the Eunuch Chah-Abas, who caused difficulty enough, Aureng-Zebe received the whole Army of Morad-Bakche into his Service, and went after Dara, who marched apace towards Lahor, with an intention well to fortify himself in that place, and thither to draw his Friends. But Aureng-Zebe followed him with so much speed, that he had not time to do any great matter, finding himself necessitated to retreat, and to take the way of Multan, where also he could do nothing considerable, because that Aureng-Zebe, notwithstanding the great heat, marched night and day; insomuch, that to encourage all to make haste, he sometimes advanced almost all alone two or three Leagues before the whole Army, finding himself often obliged to drink ill water like others, to be content with a crust of dry bread, and to sleep under a Tree, staying for his Army in the midst of the highway, laying his head on his Shield like a common Soldier. So that Dara found himself constrained to abandon Multan also, that he might avoid being near Aureng-Zebe, whom he was not able to encounter. Here 'tis that the Statesmen of this Country have reasoned very diversely: For 'tis said, that if Dara, when he went out of Lahor, had cast himself into the Kingdom of Caboul, as he was advised, he would there have found above ten thousand warlike Men, designed against the Augans, the Persians', and the Vsbecs, and for a Guard to that Country, the Governor whereof was Mohabet-Kan, one of the most potent and the most ancient of Indostan, and that had never been Aureng-Zebe's Friend; that, besides, he would have been there at the Gate of Persia and Vsbec; that he was likely, that there being no want of Money, all that Militia and Mohabet-Kan himself, would have embraced his Party; and that further, he might have drawn assistance, not only from Vsbec, but also from Persia, as well as from Houmayon, whom the Persians' had restored to his Country against Zaber-Kan, King of the Patans', who had driven him thence. But Dara was too unfortunate to follow so good advice. Instead of that he went towards Scimdy, to cast himself into the Fortress of Tatabakar, that strong and famous place, seated in the midst of the River Indus. Aureng-Zebe seeing him take this way, found it not fit to follow him further of, being extremely glad that he had not taken the way to Caboul. He contented himself to sand after him seven or eight thousand Men, under the Conduct of Mirbaba, his Foster-brother, and turned back with the same expedition to the place whence he was come, much apprehending jest any thing should fall out about Agra; jest some or other of those potent Rajahs as Jesseigne, or Jessomseigne, should make an attempt in his absence, to free Chah-Jehan out of Prison; or left Soliman Chekouh, together with the Raja of Serenaguer, should descend from the Hills; or jest also Sultan Sujah should approach too near Agra. Behold a little Accident, which one day betel him, for too great precipitation. When he thus returned from Multan towards Lahor, and marched his ordinary swift pace, he saw the Raja Jesseigne come against him, accompanied with four or five thousand of his Ragipous, in a very good equipage; Aureng-Zebe, who had left his Army behind, and who also knew that this Raja was very affectionate to Chah-Jehan, was sufficiently surprised, as may easily be imagined, fearing left this Raja should make use of this occasion, and do a Masterpiece of State, by seizing on him, to draw Chah-Jehan out of Prison, which at that time was very easy to do. Neither is it known, whether this Raja had not some such design; for he had marched with extraordinary speed, insomuch that Aureng-Zebe had no news of it, believing him yet to be at Dehli. But what may not resolution and presence of mind do? Aureng-Zebe, without any alteration of his Countenance, marched directly towards the Raja, and as far of as he could see him, maketh signs to him with his hands, importing that he should make haste to a nearer approach, crying out to him with a loud voice, Salamed Bached Rajagis, Salamed Bached Babagis, treating him with the Titles of Lord Raja, and Lord Father. When the Raja was come to him; I expected you, said he, with great impatience; the work is done, Dara is lost, he is all alone; I have sent Mirbaba after him, from whom he cannot escape: And for an excess of kindness to him, he took of his Necklace of Pearls, and put it about the Neck of this Raja: And the sooner to rid himself handsomely of him, (for he wished him far enough) Go, saith he, with all the expedition you can to Lahor, my Army is somewhat tired; go quickly to attend me there; I apprehended that else something sinister might fall out there; I make you Governor of that place, and put all things into your hands. For the rest, I am exceedingly obliged to you for what you have done with Soliman Chekouh: Where have you left Delil-Kan? I shall found my revenge of him. Make all possible dispatch, Salamed Bached, Farewell. Dara being arrived at Tata-baker, made Governor of that place a very understanding, gallant, and generous Eunuch, with a very good Garrison of Patans' and Sayeds'; and for Cannoneers, a good number of Franguis, Portugals, English, French, and Germane, who had followed him out of great hopes he had given them, (for, if his Affairs had prospered and he were become King, we must all have resolved to be Omrahs', as many Franguis as we were.) He there left also the greatest part of his Treasure; he wanted as yet no Gold nor Silver; and staying there but a very few days, he marched away with two or three thousand Men only, descending along the River Indus towards Scindy, and from thence crossing with an incredible celerity all those Territories of the Raja Katche, he arrived in Guzaratte, and came to the Gates of Amadevat. The Father-in-law of Aureng-Zebe, called Chah-Navaze-Kan, was Governor there, with a very good Garrison, able to resist. Yet notwithstanding, whether it was that he was surprised, or that he wanted courage (for although he was of those ancient Princes of Machate, yet he was no great Soldier, though a Man of a very obliging and civil conversation) he did not oppose Dara, but rather received him very honourably, and even managed him afterwards with so much dexterity, that Dara was so simple as to trust himself with him, and to communicate to him his Designs; insomuch as that he shown him the Letters which he received from the Raja Jessomseigne, and of many other of his Friends, which prepared themselves to come to him; although it proved too true, what every body told him, and his Friends confirmed by Letters, that certainly this Chah-Navaze-Kan would betray him. Never was any man more surprised than Aureng-Zebe, when he heard that Dara was in Amadevat: For he well knew, that he wanted no Money, and that all his Friends, and all the discontented Party, which was numerous, would not fail to betake themselves by little and little to him: And on the other side, he found it not safe to go and found him out himself in that place, by removing himself so far from Agra and Chah-Jehan, to go and embarase himself in all those Countries of the Rajahs, Jesseigne, Jessomseigne, and others, that are in those Provinces. Besides, he apprehended, jest Sultan Sujah should advance with a strong Army, which was already about Elabas, and jest the Raja of Serenaguer should descend from the Hills with Soliman Chekouh: So that he was sufficiently perplexed and troubled, not knowing which way to turn. At last he believed it best to leave Dara for a time quiet where he was, and to go thither where his presence and Army was most necessary, which was towards Sultan Sujah; who had already passed the River Ganges at Elabas. This Sultan Sujah was come to encamp in a little Village called Cadjove, and had conveniently seized himself of a great Talab, or Reservatory of Water, which is there in the way; and Aureng-Zebe came to place himself on the side of a small Torrent, at the distance of a mile and an half from thence, on Agra's side. Between both was a very fair Campagne, very proper for a Battle. Aureng-Zebe was no sooner arrived, but being impatient to end this War, at break of day he went to face Sujah, leaving his Baggage on the other side of the Torrent. He fell upon Sujah with an effort unimaginable. Emir-Jemla, Prisoner of Decan, and who arrived just on the day of the Combat, fearing Dara no more, because his Family was more in safety, did there also lay out all his force, courage, and dexterity. But seeing that Sultan Sujah had well fortified himself, and was accompanied with a very good Artillery, advantageously placed, it was not possible for Aureng-Zebe to force him, nor to make him retreat from thence, so as to make him loose those Waters. On the contrary, he was obliged himself to draw back several times, so vigorously was he repulsed, insomuch that he found himself in great perplexity. Sultan Sujah not being willing to advance too far into the Campagne, nor to remove from that advantageous place where he was, pretending only to defend himself; which was very prudently done. For he foresaw, that Aureng-Zebe could not stay there long, and that in that hot season he would be absolutely obliged to turn back towards the Torrent for the Water; and that, when he should do so he would fall upon his Rear, Aureng-Zebe also foresaw well enough the same thing, and that was the reason why he was so forward and pressing; but behold another more troublesome accident. In this very time he receiveth intelligence, that the Raja Jessomseigne, who in appearance had accommodated himself with him, was fallen upon his Rear, and plundered his Baggage and Treasure. This News astonished him much, and the more, because he perceived that his Army which had heard of it was thereby frighted, and fallen into disorder. Yet he loses not his judgement for all this; and being well ware, that to turn back was to hazard all, he resolved, as in the Battle of Dara, to bear up the best he could, and to expect with a steady foot all Events. In the mean time, the disorder grew worse and worse in his Army: Sujah, who was resolved to profit of the occasion, taketh his time, and presseth him vigorously. He that led Aureng-Zebe's Elephant is killed with the shot of an Arrow; he leads the Beast as well as he can himself, till another could be had in that Leaders place. Arrows rain upon him; he returns many himself, his Elephant gins to be frighted, and to go back. Behold him now in great extremity, and brought to that point, that one foot of his was out of the seat, as if he meant to cast himself to the ground; and no man knows what in that trouble he had not done, if Emir-Jemla, being nigh, and performing like a great Man as he was, beyond imagination, called to him, in holding up his hand Decan-kou, Decan-kou, where is Decan? This seems to have been the greatest extremity, to which Aureng-Zebe could be reduced. One would have said, 'twas now and here that Fortune had abandoned him, and there is almost no appearance of a possibility to escape. But his good Fortune is stronger than all that: Sultan Sujah must be routed, and take slight, like Dara, to save his life: Aureng-Zebe must remain Victorious, carry away the Bell, and be King of the Indieses. We are to remember the Battle of Samenguer, and that, in appearance, slight accident which ruined Dara: 'Tis the same oversight, or rather the same Treason, which is now destroying Sultan Sujah. One of his chief Captains, Allah-verdi-Kan, who (as some say) had been gained, useth the same Artifice that Calil-ullah-Kan had employed towards Dara; though there were some who believed, that there was no malice in the case, and that it was a mere piece of Flattery. For seeing that the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe was in disorder, he ran towards Sultan Sujah, telling him the same thing, that Calil-ullah Can did to Dara, and begging of him with folded hands, that he would stay not longer in so great danger upon his Elephant. Come down, said he, in the name of God, mount on Horseback, God hath made you Sovereign of the Indieses, let us pursue those Fugitives, let not Aureng-Zebe escape us. But not to stay long from declaring the strange Fortune of Aureng-Zebe, and the incredible conjuncture that recovers his desperate condition; Sultan Sujah, not more considerate than Dara, commits the same Fault; and he was not sooner come down from his Elephant, but his Army seeing him not more, was struck with a terror, believing there was Treason, and that he was either taken or slain. Whereupon they disbanded, without any more ado, as Dara's Army did in the Battle of Samonguer; and the Defeat was so great, that the Sultan was fortunate in that he could save himself. Jessomseigne hearing this unexpected News, and perceiving it was not very safe for him to tarry there, contented himself with the Spoil he had got, and with all diligence marched straight to Agra, thence to pass to his Country. The noise was already in Agra, that Aureng-Zebe had lost the Battle; that he was taken, together with Emir-Jemla, and that Sultan-Sujah brought them both Prisoners. Insomuch, that Chah-hest-Kan, who was Governor of the Town, and Uncle to Aureng-Zebe, seeing Jessomseigne, whose Treachery he had heard of, at the Gates, and despairing of his Life, had taken into his hand a Cup of Poison to make himself away, and had, as they say, in very deed swallowed it, if his Women had not fallen upon him, and hindered him: So that 'tis thought, if Jessomseigne had had the wit and courage to stay longer in Agra, if he had threatened boldly, and promised and acted vigorously for the freedom of Chah-Jehan, he might have drawn him out of Prison; so much the more easily, because all Agra was for two whole days in that belief, that Aureng-Zebe was overcome. But Jessomseigne, who knew how all things went, and who durst not long stay there, nor attempt any thing, did nothing but pass, returning with all speed homewards. Aureng-Zebe, who apprehended mischief from Agra, and feared jest Jessomseigne should undertake something for Chah-Jehan, was not long in the pursuit after Sultan Sujah; he turned short for Agra with his whole Army, where he stayed a good while, giving order for all things. Mean time he received intelligence, that Sultan Sujah had not lost many Men in his being routed, for want of farther pursuit; that also from the Lands of the Raja's, which are in those quarters, on the right and left of Ganges, he raised great Forces, upon the score of the reputation he had of being very rich, and very liberal, and that he fortified himself in Elabas, that important and famous Passage of Ganges, which, with its Fortress, is the first Inlet into Bengale. And than he considered also, that he had about him two Persons, which indeed were very capable to serve him, Sultan Mahmoud his eldest Son, and Emir-Jemla; but he well knew, that those who have done good service to their Prince, grow often insolent, in the belief, that all is due to them, and that they cannot be recompensed enough. He perceived already, that the former of them began very much to emancipate himself, and that every day he became more arrogant, for having seized on the Fortress of Agra, and by that means had broken all the Designs which Chah-Jehan could have form. And as to the latter, he knew indeed the force of his Understanding, his Conduct, and Valour; but that was the very thing which made him apprehended him the more: For knowing that he was very rich, that his Reputation was great, that he passed for the First Mover in Affairs, and for the ablest Man in all the Indieses, he doubted not, but that after the Example of Sultan Mahmoud, he entertained himself with big hopes. All this certainly would have been able to perplex an ordinary Spirit, but Aureng-Zebe found a Remedy to all. He knew to remove them both with so much prudence, and even with so much handsomeness, that neither of them found any cause to complain of it. He sent them both against Sultan Sujah with a puissant Army, letting Emir secretly know, that the Government of Bengale, which is the best quarter of Indostan, was designed for him, to hold it during his life, and for his Son after his decease; and that thereby he would begin to express to him his acknowledgements for the great Services he had done him; and that therefore it belonged only to him to defeat Sujah, and that as soon as he should have compassed it, he would make him Mirul Omrabs, which is the first and the most honourable place of Indostan, and no lesle than the Prince of the Omrahs'. To Sultan Mahmoud his Son, he said only these few words: Remember that thou art the Eldest of my Children, that 'tis for thyself thou goest forth to fight; that thou hast done much, but yet nothing, if thou overcomest not Sujah, who is our greatest and powerfullest Enemy; I hope, God assisting me, to be soon Master of the rest. With these words he dismissed them both, with ordinary Honours, that is, with rich Vests, some Horses and Elephants gallantly harnessed; making in the mean time Emir-Jemla to consent, that his only Son, Mabmet Emir-Kan, should stay with him for a good Education, or rather for a Pledge of his Fidelity; and Sultan Mahmoud, that his Wife should remain in Agra (which was the Daughter of the abovementioned King of Golkonda) as too troublesome a thing in an Army, and in such an Expedition. Sultan Sujah, who was always in the apprehension, jest the Raja's of the lower Bengale, which he had ill treated, should be raised against him, and who feared nothing more than to have to do with Emir-Jemla, had not sooner received this News, but apprehending that the passage to Bengale would be obstructed, and that Emir would pass in some other place the River Ganges, either lower or higher than Elabas, raised his Camp, and went down to Benares and Patna, whence he betook himself to Mogiere, a small Town seated upon the Ganges, a place commonly called the Key of the Kingdom of Bengale, being a kind of Straight between the Mountains and the Woods, which are not far from thence. He thought fit to stay in that place, and there to fortify himself; and for greater safety, he caused a great Trench to be made, which I have seen, passing that way some years after, from the Town and River unto the Mountain, being well resolved there to attend Emir-Jemla, and to dispute that passage with him. But he was sufficiently astonished, when he was told, that the Troops of Emir, which slowly descended along the River Ganges, were certainly for nothing but to amuse him; that himself was not there; that he had gained the Raja's of those Mountains, which are on the right hand of the River; and that he and Sultan Mahmoud marched apace over their Lands with all the Flower of the Army, drawing strait to Ragemehalle, to intercept him: So that he was constrained to quit, as soon as he could, his Fortifications; yet notwithstanding he made so much haste, that though he was obliged to follow those wind, which the River Ganges on that side maketh towards the left hand, he prevented Emir by some days, and arrived first at Ragemehalle, where he had time to fortify himself; because Emir having heard this News, took his March to the left hand towards Ganges, through very ill ways, there to expect his Troops, which came down with the Body of the Artillery and the Baggage along the River. As soon as all was come, he went to attaque Sultan Sujah, who defended himself very well for five or six days; but seeing that the Artillery of Emir, which played incessantly, ruined all his Fortifications, which were made but of sandy Earth and Faggots, and that he could not but with much difficulty make resistance in that place, besides that the Season of the Rain began, he retired himself, at the favour of the Night, leaving behind two great Pieces of Cannon. Emir durst not follow him in the night, for fear of some Ambush, putting of the pursuit till the next morning: But Sujah had the good luck, that at the break of day there began to fall a Rain, which lasted above three days; so that Emir could not only stir out of Ragemehalle, but saw himself obliged to pass the Winter there, by reason of the excessive Rains in that Country, which tender the ways so troublesome for more than four Months, viz. July, August, September, and October, that the Armies cannot possibly march. And hereby Sultan Sujah had the means to retire himself, and to choose what place he would, having time enough to fortify his Army, and to sand out of the inferior Bengale for many Pieces of Cannon, and a good number of Portugals, that were retired thither, because of the great fertility of the Country: For he much courted all those Portugal Fathers, Missionaries, that are in that Province, promising them no lesle than that he would make them all rich, and build Churches for them wheresoever they would. And they were indeed capable to serve him, it being certain, that in the Kingdom of Bengale there are to be found no lesle than eight or nine Thousand Families of Franguis, Portugals, and these either Natives or Mesticks. But Sultan Mahmoud, who, for the reason abovementioned, was grown fierce, and aspired, perhaps, to greater things than at that time he aught, did pretend to command the Army absolutely, and that Emir-Jemla should follow his Orders, letting also from time to time fall insolent words in reference to his Father Aureng-Zebe, as if he were obliged to him for the Crown, and uttering Expressions of Contempt and Threat against Emir Jemla; which caused great coldness betwixt them two, which lasted a pretty while, until Sultan Mahmoud understood, that his Father was very much dissatisfied with his conduct: And apprehending, jest Emir had order to seize on his person, he went away to Sultan Sujah, accompanied with a very small number, and to him he made great promises, and swore Fidelity. But Sujah, who feared Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla's snares, could not trust him, having always an Eye upon his Actions, without giving him any considerable Command; which he so disgusted, that some months after, not knowing what would become of him, he left Sultan Sujah, and returned to Emir, who received him well enough, assuring him, that he would writ in his behalf to Aureng-Zebe, and do his utmost to make him forget that fault. I think fit here to take notice, on the by, of what many have told me, viz. That this Escape of Sultan Mahmoud was altogether made by the Artifices of Aureng-Zebe, who cared not much to hazard this Son of his to try to destroy Sujah, and who was glad enough, that whatever the Event were, he might have a specious pretence to put him in a place of surety. However it be, he afterwards showed himself much dissatisfied with him, and wrote to him a severe Letter, in which he enjoined him to return to Dehli, but giving order in the mean time, that he should not come so far: For he not sooner had passed the River Ganges, but he met with Troops that stopped him, and put him up in a small Chair, (as was done to Morad-Bakche) and carried him to Govaleor, whence 'tis thought he will never be set at liberty: Aureng-Zebe by this means freeing himself from great perplexity; who than also let his second Son, Sultan Mazum, know, that the point of Reigning is so delicate a thing, that Kings must be jealous even of their own shadow; adding, that if he be not discreet, the like may befall him what had befallen his Brother, and that he aught to think Aureng-Zebe was not a Man, that would suffer that to be done to himself, what Chah-Jehan did to his Father Jehan-Guyre, and what he had also lately seen done to Chah-Jehan. And indeed we may on this occasion say, that if this Son continued to behave himself as he hath done hitherto, Aureng-Zebe will have no cause to suspect him, and to be dissatisfied with him: For no Slave can be more tractable, and Aureng-Zebe himself never appeared more careless of Greatness, nor more given to Devotion than he: Yet I have known Men of Parts, who believed, that he is not so in good earnest, but by superlative policy and craft, like that of his Father, which we may have the proof of in time. Whilst all these things were thus transacted in Bengale, and that Sultan Sujah resisted the best he could the Forces of Emir-Jemla, passing now on one side of the River Ganges, of a Channel, or some other River, (for that Country is full of them) than on the other; Aureng-Zebe kept himself about Agra, going to and from; and at length, after he had also sent Morad-Bakche to Govaleor, he came to Dehli, where in good earnest he took upon him publicly to act the King, giving order for all Affairs of the Kingdom, and especially thinking on means to catch Dara, and to get him out of Guzaratte, which was a very hard thing, for the Reasons already mentioned. But the great good Fortune, and the singular dexterity of Aureng-Zebe soon drew him thence, which now follows next to be related. Jessomseigne, who had retired himself to his Country, and made the best of what he had taken in the Battle of Kadjove, raised a strong Army, and wrote to Dara, that he should come to Agra as soon as he could, and that he would join with his Forces. Dara, who had by this time set on foot a pretty numerous Army, (though it consisted, for the most part, but of gathered people) and who hoped, that approaching to Agra, many of his old Friends, seeing him with Jessomseigne, would not fail to join with him also, immediately leaveth Amadevad, and marcheth with great speed to Asmire, seven or eight days journey from Agra. But Jessomseigne kept not his word with him: The Raja Jesseigne interposed to make his peace with Aureng-Zebe, and to fasten him to his Party; or, at lest, to hinder his design, which was capable to ruin himself, and to make all the Raja's rise; and wrote to him several Letters, giving him to understand the great danger he went to expose himself to, by espousing a Party in that Extremity, as that of Dara's was; that he should well consider what he was going to do; that he went about wholly to destroy himself, and all his whole Family; that Aureng-Zebe would never forgive him; that he was a Raja as himself; that he should think on sparing the blood of the Ragipous; that if he thought to draw the Raja's to his Party, he would found those that would hinder him from it. In a word, that it was a business which concerned all the Gentry of Indostan, and exposed them to danger, if way were given to kindle a Fire, which would not be extinguished at pleasure. And lastly, if he would leave Dara to himself, Aureng-Zebe would forget all that had passed, and present him with all he had taken, and give him that very instant the Government of Guzaratte, which would be very convenient for him, that Country being near his Lands; that he could be there in full liberty and safety, and as long as he pleased, and that himself would be Caution for all. In a word, this Raja acted his part so well, that he made Jessomseigne return to his Land, whilst Aureng-Zebe approached with his whole Army to Asmire, and encamped in the sight of that of Dara. And now what could this poor Prince Dara do? He seethe himself abandoned, and frustrated of his hopes. He considers, that to turn back safe to Amadevad was impossible, in regard that it was a March of Thirty and five days; that it was in the heat of Summer; that water would fail him; that they were all the Lands of Raja's, Friends or Allies of Jesseigne or Jessomseigne; that the Army of Aureng-Zebe, which was not harassed like his, would not fail to follow him. 'Tis as good, saith he, to perish here; and although the Match be altogether unequal, let us venture all, and give Battle once more. But alas! what does he mean to do? He is not only abandoned by all, but he hath yet with him Chah-Navaze-Kan, whom he trusts, and who betrays him, and discovers all his Designs to Aureng-Zebe. 'Tis true, that Chah-Navaze-Kan was punished for his Perfidiousness, and killed in the Battle; whether it was by the hands of Dara himself, as many told me, or (which is more probable) by some of Aureng-Zebe's Army, who being secret Partisans of Dara, found means to get to him, and to dispatch him, fearing jest he should discover them, and have some knowledge of the Letters they had written to Dara. But what did it benefit him at that time, that Chah-Navaze-Kan was dead? Dara should have sooner followed the advice of his Friends, and never have confided in him. The Fight began between Nine and Ten of the Clock in the morning: Dara's Artillery, which was very well placed on a little Eminency, was loud enough; but, as was said, most of the Pieces without Bullets; so was he betrayed by all! 'Tis needless to relate the other Particulars of this Battle; it was properly not a Battle, but a Rout. I shall only say, that hardly the Onset was begun, but Jesseigne was near and in sight of Dara, to whom he sent word, that he should fly presently, unless he would be taken. So that this poor Prince, being altogether surprised, was constrained to run away instantly, and with so much disorder and precipitation, that he had not leisure to put up his Baggage. It was no small matter, that he was able to get away with his Wife, and the rest of his Family. And 'tis certain, that if the Raja-Jesseigne would have done what he could, he could never have escaped; but he always had a respect to the Royal Family; or rather, he was too crafty and politic, and had too great forecast, to venture to lay hands on a Prince of the Blood. This unfortunate Prince, deserted by almost all, and finding himself accompanied but of Two thousand Men at most, was forced in the hottest of Summer to cross, without Tents or Baggage, all those Countries of the Raja's, that are almost from Asmire to Amadevad. Mean time the Koullis, which are the Country People, and the worst of all the Indieses, and the greatest Robbers, follow him night and day, rifle and kill his Soldiers, with so much cruelty, that no Man could stay Two hundred Paces behind the Body, but he was presently stripped naked, or butchered upon the lest resistance. Yet notwithstanding, Dara made shifted to get near Amadevad, when he hoped, that the next day, or soon after, he should enter into the Town to refresh himself, and to try once more to gather again some Forces: But all things fall out contrary to vanquished and unfortunate Men. The Governor, whom he had left in the Castle of Amadevad, had already received both menacing and promising Letters from Aureng-Zebe, which made him loose Courage, and incline to that side; insomuch that he wrote to Dara, forbidding him to come nearer, if he did, he would found the Gates shut, and all in Arms. Three days before I met this unhappy Prince, by a strange Accident, when he obliged me to follow him, having no Physician about him; and the Night before that he received this News from the Governor of Amadevad, he did me the favour to make me come into the Karavan-Serrak where he was, fearing jest the Koulis should assassinate me: And (what is hard enough to believe in Indestan, where the Grandees especially are so jeaous of their Wives) I was so near to the Wife of this Prince, that the Cords of the Kanates, or Wind screen, which enclosed them, (for they had not so much as a poor Tent) were fastened to the wheels of my Chariot. I relate this circumstance by the by only, to show the extremity Dara was reduced to. When these Women heard this sad News (which was at the break of day, as I well remember) they broke out upon a sudden into such strange cries and lamentations, that they forced tears from one's Eyes. And now behold all was in an unexpressible confusion: Every one looks upon his Neighbour, and no body knows what to do, or what will become of him. Soon after we saw Dara come forth, half dead, now speaking to one, than another, even to the meanest Soldiers. He seethe all astonished, and ready to abandon him. What counsel? whither can he go? he must be gone instantly. You may judge of the extremity he must needs be in, by this small accident I am going to mention. Of three great Oxen of Guzaratte, which I had for my Chariot, one died the Night before, another was dying, and the third was tired out, (for we had been forced to march for three days together, almost night and day, in an intolerable heat and dust:) Whatever Dara could say or command, whether he alleged it was for himself, or for one of his Women that was hurt in her Leg, or for me; he could not possibly procure for me, whether Ox, or Camel, or Horse: So that he was obliged, to my good fortune, to leave me there. I saw him march away, and that with tears in his Eyes, accompanied with four or five hundred Cavaliers at most, and with two Elephants, that were said to be laden with Gold and Silver; and I heard them say, that they were to take their March towards Tatabakar; for he had no other Game to play, though even that seemed in a manner impossible, considering the small number of People left him, and the great sandy Deserts to be waded through in the hottest season, most of them without water fit to drink. And indeed most of those that followed him, and even divers of his Women, did there perish, either of drought, or the unwholesome waters, or the tiresome ways and ill food; or lastly, because stripped by the Koullis abovementioned. Yet notwithstanding all this, Dara made hard shift to get to the Raja Katche; unhappy even herein, that he perished not himself in this March. This Raja at first gave him a very good Reception, even so far as to promise' him assistance with all his Forces, provided he would give his Daughter in marriage to his Son. But Jesseigne soon wrought as much with this Raja, as he had done with Jessomseigne; so that Dara one day seeing the kindness of this Barbarian, cooled upon a sudden, and that consequently his Person was in danger there, he betakes himself to the pursuit of his Expedition to Tatabakar. To relate how I got away from those Robbers, the Koullis, in what manner I moved them to compassion, how I saved the best part of my small Treasure, how we became good Friends by the means of my Profession of Physic, my Servants (perplexed as well as myself) swearing that I was the greatest Physician of the World, and that the People of Dara, at their going away, had ill treated me, and taken from me all my best things: How, after having kept me with them seven or eight days, they had so much kindness and generosity, as to lend me an Ox, and to conduct me so far, that I was in sight of Amadevad: And lastly, how from thence after some days I returned to Dehli, having lighted on an occasion to go with a certain Omrah passing thither; in which Journey I met from time to time, on the way, with Carcases of Men, Elephants, Oxen, Horses, and Camels, the remainder of that unfortunate Army of Dara. These are things, I say, I must not insist upon to describe them. Whilst Dara advanced towards Tatabakar, the War continues in Bengale, and much longer than was believed, Sultan Sujah putting forth his utmost, and playing his last Game against Emir-Jemla: Yet this did not much trouble Aureng-Zebe, who knew 'twas a great way between Bengale and Agra, and was sufficiently convinced of the prudence and valour of Emir-Jemla. That which disquieted him much more was, that he saw Soliman Chekouh so near (for from Agra to the Mountains 'tis but eight days Journey) whom he could not master, and who perpetually alarmed him by the rumours that went continually about, as if he were coming down the Mountains with the Raja. 'Tis certainly very hard to draw him thence: But behold how he manages the matter to compass it. He maketh the Raja Jesseigne writ one Letter after another to the Raja of Serenaguer, promising him very great things, if he would surrender Soliman Chekouh to him, and menacing War at the same time, if he should obstinately keep him. The Raja answers, That he would rather loose his Estate, than do so unworthy an Action. And Aureng-Zebe, seeing his resolution, taketh the Field, and marcheth directly to the foot of the Hills, and with an infinite number of Pike-men causeth the Rocks to be cut, and the passage to be widened. But the Raja laughs at all that; neither hath he much cause to fear on that side. Aureng-Zebe may cut long enough, they are Mountains inaccessible to an Army, and stones would be sufficient to stop the Forces of four Indostans; so that he was constrained to turn back again. Dara in the mean time approacheth to the Fortress of Tatabakar, and when he was but two or three days journey of, he received News, that Mirbaba, who had long held it besieged, had at length reduced it to extremity: As I afterwards learned of our French, and other Franguis that were there, a pound of Rice and Meat having cost there above a Crown, and so of other Victuals in proportion: Yet the Governor held out; made Sallies, which extremely incommoded the Enemy; and showed all possible prudence, courage and fidelity; deriding the endeavours of the General, Mirbaba, and all the menaces and promises of Aureng-Zebe. And this also I learned afterwards of my Countrymen, the French, and of all those other Franguis that were with him; who added, that when he heard Dara was not far of, he redoubled his liberalities, and knew so well to gain the hearts of all his Soldiers, and to encourage them to do bravely, that there was not one of them, that was not resolved to sally out upon the Enemy, and to hazard all to raise the Siege, and to make Dara enter; and that he also knew so well to cast fear and terror into the Camp of Mirbaba, by sending Spies about very cunningly to assure, that they had seen Dara approach with great resolution, and very good Forces; that if he had come, as was believed he would do every moment, the Army of the Enemy was for disbanding upon his appearance, and even in part to go over to him. But he is still too unfortunate, to undertake any thing prosperously. Believing therefore, that to raise the Siege with such an handful of Men as he had, was impossible; he did deliberate to pass the River Indus, and to endeavour to get into Persia; although that also would have had mighty difficulties and inconveniences, by reason of the Deserts, and the small quantity of good waters in those parts; besides, that upon those Frontiers there are but mean Rajas and Patans', who acknowledge neither the Persian nor the mogul. But his Wife did very much dissuade him from it, for this weak reason, that he must, if he did so, expect to see his Wife and Daughter Slaves of the King of Persia; that that was a thing altogether unworthy of the Grandeur of his Family, and 'twas better to die, than to undergo this Infamy. Dara, being in great perplexity, remembered, that there was thereabout a certain Patan, powerful enough, called Gion-Kan, whose Life he had formerly saved twice, when Chah-Jehan had commanded he should be cast under the feet of an Elephant, for having rebelled divers times: He resolved to go to him, hoping that he could give him sufficient Succours to raise the Siege of Tatabakar; making account, that thence he would take his Treasure, and that going from thence, and gaining Kandabar, he could cast himself into the Kingdom of Caboul, having great hopes of Mohabet-Kan, who was Governor of it, because he was both potent and valiant, well beloved of his Country, and had obtained this Government by his (Dara's) favour. But his Grandchild, Sepechekouh, yet but very young, seeing his design, cast himself at his Feet, entreating him for God's sake, not to enter into the Country of that Patan. His Wife and Daughter did the same, remonstrating to him, that he was a Robber, a revolted Governor, that he would infallibly betray him; that he aught not to stand upon the raising of the Siege, but rather endeavour to gain Caboul, that the thing was not impossible, forasmuch as Mirbaba was not like to quite the Siege to follow him, and to hinder him from getting thither. Dara, being carried headlong by the force of his unhappy Destiny, rejected this counsel, and would harken to nothing of what was proposed to him, saying, as was true, that the March would be very difficult, and very dangerous; and maintaining always, that Gion-Kan would not be so mean, as to betray him, after all the good he had done him. He departed, notwithstanding all that could be said to him; and went to prove, at the price of his Life, That no trust is to be given to a wicked Man. This Robber, who at first believed that he had numerous Troops following him, gave him the fairest reception that could be, and entertained him with very great kindness and civility in appearance, placing his Soldiers here and there among his Subjects, with a strict order to treat them well, and to give them what refreshments the Country afforded: But when he found that he had not above two or three hundred Men in all, he quickly showed what he was. It is not known, whether he had not received some Letters from Aureng-Zebe, or whether his avarice had not been tempted by some Mules said to be laden with Gold; which was all that could be saved hitherto, as well from the hands of Robbers, as of those that conveyed it. Whatever it be, on a certain morning, when no body looked for any such thing, all being taken up with the care of refreshing themselves, and believing all to be safe; behold this Traitor, who had bestirred himself all night to get armed Men from all parts, fell upon Dara and Sepechekouh, killed some of their Men that stood up to defend themselves; forgot not to seize on the loads of the Mules, and of all the Jewels of the Women; made Dara to be tied fast upon an Elephant, commanding the Executioner to fit behind, and to cut of his head upon the lest sign given, in case he should be seen to resist, or that any one should attempt to deliver him. And in this strange posture he was carried to the Army before Taba-bakar, where he put him into the hands of Mirbaba, the General, who caused him to be conducted in the company of this same Traitor to Lahor, and thence to Dehli. When he was at the Gates of Dehli, it was deliberated by Aureng-Zebe, whether he should be made to pass through the midst of the City, or not, to carry him thence to Govaleor. Many did advice, that that was by no means to be done; that some disorder might arise; that some might come to save him; and besides, that it would be a great dishonour to the Family Royal. Others maintained the contrary▪ viz. That it was absolutely necessary he should pass through the Town, to astonish the World, and to show the absolute Power of Aureng-Zebe, and to disabuse the People, that might still doubt, whether it were himself, as indeed many Omrahs' did doubt; and to take away all hopes from those, who still preserved some affection for him. The Opinion of these last was followed; he was put on an Elephant, his Grandchild, Sepechekouh, at his side; and behind them was placed Bhadur-Kan, as an Executioner. This was none of those brave Elephants of Ceilan or Pegu, which he was want to ride on, with gilt Harness and embroidered Covers, and Seats with Canopies very handsomely painted and gilt, to defend themselves from the Sun: It was an old Caitiff Animal, very dirty and nasty, with an old torn Cover, and a pitiful Seat, all open. There was no more seen about him, that Necklace of big Pearls, which these Princes are want to wear, nor those rich Turbans and Vests embroidered. All his Dress was a Vest of course Linen, all dirty, and a Turban of the same, with a wretched Scarf of Kachimere over his head, like a Varlet; his Grandson, Sepechekouh, being in the same equipage. In this miserable posture he was made enter into the Town, and to pass through the greatest Merchant-streets, to the end that all the People might see him, and entertain no doubt any more whether it was he. As for me, I fancied we went to see some strange Massacre, and was astonished at the boldness of making him thus pass through the Town; and that the more, because I knew that he was very ill guarded, neither was I ignorant, that he was very much beloved by the lower sort of people, who at that time exclaimed highly against the cruelty and tyranny of Aureng-Zebe, as one that kept his Father in prison, as also his own Son Sultan Mahmoud, and his Brother Morad-Bakche. I was well prepared for it, and with a good Horse and two good Men I went, together with two others of my Friends, to place myself in the greatest street, where he was to pass. But not one Man had the boldness to draw his Sword, only there were some of the Fakires, and with them some poor people, who seeing that infamous Gion-Kan ride by his side, began to rail and throw stones at him, and to call him Traitor. All the Shops were ready to break for the crowd of Spectators, that wept bitterly; and there was heard nothing but loud Outcries and Lamentations, Invectives, and Curses, heaped on Gion-Kan. In a word, Men and Women, great and small (such is the tenderness of the hearts of the Indians) were ready to melt into tears for compassion; but not one there was that durst stir to rescue him. Now after he had thus passed through the Town, he was put into a Garden called Heider-Abad. There were not wanting to tell Aureng-Zebe, how the People at this sight had lamented Dara, and cursed the Patan, that had delivered him; and how the same was in danger to have been stoned to death, as also that there had been a great apprehension of some sedition and mischief. Hereupon another Council was held, whether he should indeed be carried to Govaleor, as had been concluded before; or whether it were not more expedient to put him to death, without more ado? Some were of opinion, that he should go to Govaleor with a strong Guard, that that would be enough; Danechmendkan, though Dara's old Enemy, insisting much upon that. But Rauchenara-Begum, in pursuance of her hatred against this Brother of hers, pushed Aureng-Zebe to make him away, without running the danger there was in sending him to Govaleor; as also did all his old Enemies, Galilullah-Kan, and Chah-hest-Kan, and especially a certain Flatterer, a Physician, who was fled out of Persia, first called Hakim-Daoud, and afterwards being become a great Omrah named Takarrub-Kan: This Villain boldly risen up in a full assembly, and cried out, that it was expedient for the safety of the State to put him to death immediately, and that the rather, because he was no Mussulman; that long since he was turned Kafire, Idolater, without Religion, and that he would charge the Sin of it upon his own head: Of which imprecation he soon after felt the smart; for within a short time he fell into disgrace, and was treated like an infamous Fellow, and died miserably. But Aureng-Zebe, carried away by these instances and motives, commanded that he should be put to death, and that Sepechekouh, his Grandchild, should be sent to Govaleor. The Charge of this Tragical Execution was given to a certain Slave, called Nazer, that had been bred by Chah-Jehan, and was known to have been formerly ill treated by Dara. This Executioner, accompanied with three or four Parricides more, went to Dara, who was than himself dressing some Lentils with Sepechekouh his Grandchild. He not sooner saw Nazer, but cried out to Sepechekouh, My dear Son, behold those that come to kill us! laying hold at the same time of a small Knife, which was all the Arms that were left him. One of these Butchers immediately fell upon Sepechekouh; the others, upon the arms and legs of Dara, throwing him to the ground, and holding him under, till Nazer cut his throat. His Head was forthwith carried to the Fortress of Aureng-Zebe, who presently commanded it to be put in a dish, and that water should be fetched; which when brought, he wiped it of with an Handkerchief, and after he had caused the Face to be washed clean, and the blood done away, and was fully satisfied that it was the very head of Dara, he fell a weeping, and said these words; Ah Bed-Bakt! Ah unfortunate Man! Take it away, and bury it in the Sepulchre of Houmayon. At night, the Daughter of Dara was brought into the Seraglio, but afterwards sent to Chah-Jehan, and Begum-Saheb, who asked her of Aureng-Zebe. Concerning Dara's Wife, she had ended her days before at Lahor▪ She had poisoned herself, foreseeing the extremities she was falling into, together with her Husband. Sepechekouh was sent to Govaleor. And after a few days, Gion-kan was sent for, to come before Aureng-Zebe in the Assembly: To him were given some Presents, and so he was sent away; but being near his Lands, he was rewarded according to his desert, being killed in a Wood This barbarous Man not knowing, or not considering, that if Kings do sometimes permit such Actions for their Interest, yet they abhor them, and sooner or later revenge them. In the mean time, the Governor of Tatabakar, by the same Orders that had been required of Dara, was obliged to surrender the Fortress. It was indeed upon such a composition as he would have, but it was also with an intention not to keep word with him. For the poor Eunuch, arriving at Lahor, was cut in pieces, together with those few Men he had than with him, by Kalil-ullah-kan, who was Governor thereof. But the reason of the nonobservance of the Capitulation was▪ that there was come intelligence, that he secretly prepared himself to go directly to Soliman-Chekouh, sparing no Gold, which underhand he conveyed into the hands of our Franguis, and to all those that were come with him out of the Fortress to follow him, under pretext of accompanying him as far as Dehli to Aureng-Zebe, who had often said, that he should be very glad to see so gallant a Man, and who had so valiantly defended himself. There remained therefore none of the Family of Dara, but Soliman-Chekouh, who could not easily be drawn away from Serenaguer, if the Raja had been steady to his first Declarations. But the secret practices of the Raja Jesseigne, the promises and threats of Aureng-Zebe, the death of Dara, and the other Rajas his Neighbours that had been gained, and were prepared by the Orders, and at the cost of Aureng-Zebe, to make War against him, did at last shake the Faith of this perfidious Protector, and made him consent to their demands. Sepechekouh, who was advertised of it, fled through the midst of those horrid Countries and fearful Deserts, towards the great Tibet. But the Son of the Raja, soon pursuing and overtaking him, caused him to be assaulted with stones. The poor Prince was hurt, seized, and carried to Dehli, where he was imprisoned in Serenguer, that little Fortress, where at first they had put Morad-Bakche. Aureng-Zebe, to observe what he had practised towards Dara, and that no body might doubt it was Soliman-Chekouh himself, commanded him to be brought before him in the presence of all the Grandees of the Court. At the entry of the Gate, the Chains were taken from his feet▪ leaving those he had about his hands, which seemed gilded. When this proper young Man, so handsome and gallant, was seen to enter, there was a good number of Omrahs' that could not hold their tears; and, as I was informed, all the great Ladies of the Court, that had leave to see him come in, fell a weeping. Aureng-Zebe, who appeared himself to be touched at his misfortunes, began to speak very kindly to him, and to comfort him; telling him amongst other things, that he should fear nothing, that no hurt should be done to him; on the contrary, that he should be well treated, and therefore be of good courage; that he had caused his Father to be put to death for no other reason, than that he was turned Kafer, and a Man without Religion. Whereupon this young Prince returned him the Salem, and blessed him, abasing his hands to the earth, and lifting them, as well as he could, up to his head, after the custom of the Country; and told him with resolution enough, That if he were to drink the Poust, he entreated him that he might dye presently, being very willing to submit to his Fate. But Aureng-Zebe promised him publicly, that he should drink none of it; that he should rest satisfied as to that, and not entertain any sad thoughts about it. This being said, he once more repeated the Salem: And after they had asked him several Questions, in the Name of Aureng-Zebe, touching that Elephant which was charged with Roupies of Gold, taken from him when he went to Serenaguer, he was sent to Govaleor to the rest. This Poust is nothing else else but Poppy expressed, and infused a night in water. And 'tis that potion, which those that are kept at Govaleor, are commonly made to drink; I mean those Princes, whose heads they think not fit to cut of: This is the first thing that is brought them in the morning, and they have nothing given them to eat till they have drunk a great cup full of it; they would rather let them starve. This emaciates them exceedingly, and maketh them dye insensibly, they losing little by little their strength and understanding, and growing torpid and senseless. And by this very means 'tis said, that Sepechekouh, and the Grandchild of Morad-Bakche, and Soliman-Chekouh, were dispatched. As to Morad-Bakche, he was made away by a more violent death. For Aureng-Zebe seeing, that though he was in prison, yet the generality had an inclination to him, and that many Verses were spread in the praise of his Valour and Courage, thought himself not safe enough by putting him to death in private, by giving him Poust like others; apprehending, that his Death would be still doubted of, and that that might one time or other occasion some commotion, and therefore devised the following Charge against him. The Children of a certain Sayed, very rich, whom he had caused to be put to death in Amadevad, to get his Estate, when he there made his preparations for War, and borrowed or took by force great Sums of Money from all the rich Merchants, appeared in full Assembly, making their complaints, and demanding Justice, and the Head of Morad-Bakche, for the Blood of their Father. Not one of the Omrahs' durst contradict it, both because he was a Said, that is, one of Mahomet's Kindred, to whom great Veneration was paid; and that every body sufficiently understood the design of Aureng-Zebe, taking this for a pretence to rid himself openly of Morad-Bakche, under a show of Justice. So that the Head of him, that had killed the Father of the Plaintiffs, was granted them without any other form of Process. Whereupon they went, with necessary Orders issued out for that purpose, to cut it of in Govaleor. There remained no other Thorn in the Foot of Aureng-Zebe but Sultan Sujah, who kept himself still in Bengale; but he also was forced to yield at last to the power and fortune of Aureng-Zebe. There were sent so many Troops of all sorts to Emir-Jemla, that at last he was encompassed on all sides, both on this and that side of the River Ganges; so that he was necessitated to fly to Dake, which is the last Town of Bengale on the Sea side; and here comes the conclusion of this whole Tragedy. This Prince being destitute of Ships to put to Sea, and not knowing whether to sly, sent his eldest Son, Sultan-Banque, to the King of Racan or May, a Heathen or Idolatrous King, to know whether he would give him leave to make his Country his place of refuge only for some time, and do him the favour, when the 〈◊〉 or the Season-winds should come, to furnish him with a Vessel for M●●ha, ●●om thence to pass into some part of Turkey or Persia. That King sent answer▪ that he should be very welcome, and have all possible assistance. So Sultan Banque returned to Dake with some Galleasses, manned with Franguis (I mean, with those fugitive Portugals, and other straggling Christians, that had put themselves in service to that King, driving no other Trade than to ravage all this lower Bengale; upon which Sultan Sujah embarked, with his whole Family, viz. his Wife, his three Sons, and Daughters. They were well enough received; whatever was necessary for their subsistence, such as that Country would afford, was provided for them, in the name of that King. Some months pass, the Season of the favourable Winds come in, but not a word of the Vessel, though he demanded it not otherwise than for his Money; for as yet he wanted not Rupies of Gold, nor Silver, nor G●ms: He had too great a plenty of them; his Richeses were, in all appearance, the cause of his ruin, or at lest contributed much to it. Those barbarous Kings have no true generosity, and are not much refrained by the Faith they have given, regarding nothing but their present Interests, without so much as considering the mischiefs that may befall them for their perfidiousness and brutality. To get out of their hands, one must either be the stronger, or have nothing that may tempt their avarice. Sultan Sujah may long enough solicit for a Vessel; all is in vain, he effects nothing: On the contrary, the King gins to show much coldness, and to complain of his not coming to see him. I know not, whether Sultan Sujah thought it unworthy of himself, and too mean a thing to give him a Visit; or rather, whether he feared, that being in the King's House he might not there be seized on, to take away all his Treasure, and than be delivered into the hands of Emir-Jemla, who for that purpose promised, in the name of Aureng-Zebe, great Sums of Money, and many other considerable advantages. Whatever the matter was, he would not go thither himself, but sent his Son Sultan Banque, who being near the King's House, began to show liberality to the people, throwing out to them a good quantity of half Rupies, and whole Rupies, of Gold and Silver. And being come before the King, he presented him with store of Embroideries, and of rare pieces of Goldsmiths-work, set with precious Stones of great value, excusing his Father, Sultan Sujah, as being indisposed, and beseeching him in his name, that he would remember the Vessel, and the promise' made to him thereof. But all that did not advance his business; on the contrary, five or six days after, this King sent to Sultan Sujah, to ask of him one of his Daughters in Marriage; which he could never resolve to grant him, whereat this barbarous Prince was highly offended. What than could he do in this case? The Season passeth away. What shall become of him? What other resolution can he take, but to do a desperate Action? Behold a strange undertaking, which may give a great Example of what Despair can do! Although this King of Racan be an Heathen, yet there is in his Dominions store of Mahumetans mingled with the people, that are retired thither, or have been, for the most part, taken Slaves, here and there, by those Franguis abovementioned. Sultan Sujah did und r-hand gain these Mahometans; and with two or three hundred Men, whom he had yet remaining of those that followed him from Bengale, he resolved, one day to fall unpectedly upon the House of this Barbarian, to kill all, and to make himself proclaimed King of Recan. This was a very bold Enterprise, and such a one, as had more of a Desperado in it, than of a prudent Man. Yet notwithstanding, as I was informed, and by what I could learn from many Mahometans, and Portugals, and Hollanders, that than were there present, the thing was feasible enough. But the day before the stroke was to be given, the Design was discovered; which did altogether overthrew the Affairs of Sultan Sujah, and was soon after the cause of his ruin. For not finding hereafter any way ●o●e to recover himself, he attempted to sly towards P●gu; which was a thing in a manner impossible, by reason of the vast Mountains and Forests to be passed. Besides, he was immediately pursued so close, that he was overtaken the same day he fled. It may well be thought, that he defended himself with as much courage as was possible. He killed so many of those Barbarians, that it will scarce be believed, but he was so overpow'red by the multitude of pursuers, that he was obliged to quit the Combat. Sultan Banque, who was not so far advanced as his Father, defended him also like a Lion; but at length, being all bloody of the wounds, by stones poured upon him from all sides, he was seized on, and carried away, with his two little Brothers, his Sisters, and Mother. As to the Person of Sultan Sujah himself, all what could be learned of it, is this: That he, with one Woman, one Eunuch, and two other persons, got up to the top of the Mountain; that he received a wound in his Head by a stone, which struck him down, but yet he risen again▪ the Eunuch having wound his Head about with his Turban, and that they escaped through the midst of the Woods. I have heard the Relation three or four other manner of ways, even by those persons that were upon the place. Some did assure, that he had been found among the dead, but was not well known: And I have seen a Letter of the Chief of the Dutch Factory, confirming this. So that 'tis difficult enough to know aright what is become him. And this it is, which hath administered ground to those so frequent Alarms, given us afterwards at Dehli: For at one time it was rumoured, that he was arrived at Maslipatan, to join with the Kings of Golkonda and Visapour; another time it was related for certain, that he had passed in sight of Suratte with two Ships, bearing the Read Colours, which the King of Pegu, or the King of Siam had given him; by and by, that he was in Persia, and had been seen in Chiras, and soon after in Kandahar, ready to enter into the Kingdom of Caboul itself. Aureng-Zebe one day said smiling, that Sultan Sujah was at last become an Agy or Pilgrim. And at this very day there are abundance of persons who maintain that he is in Persia, returned from Constantinople, whence he is said to have brought with him much Money. But that which confirms more than enough, that there is no ground for any of these reports, is that Letter of the Hollanders; and that an Eunuch of his, with whom I traveled from Bengale to Maslipatan, as also the Great Master of his Artillery; whom I saw in the Service of the King of Golkonda, have assured me, that he is no more in being, though they made difficulty to say any more concerning him; as also, that our French Merchants, that lately came out of Persia and from Hispahan, when I was yet at Dehli, had in those parts heard no news at all of him; besides that, I have heard that a while after his Defeat, his Sword and Poniard had been found: So that 'tis credible, that if he was not killed upon the place, he soon died afterwards, and was the prey of some Robbers, or Tigers, or Elephants, of which the Forests of that Country are full. However it be, after this last Action his whole Family was put in Prison, Wives, and Children, where they were treated rudely enough; yet some time after they were set at more liberty, and they received a milder entertainment: And than the King called for the eldest Daughter, whom he married. Whilst this was doing, some Servants of Sultan Banque, joined with divers of those Mahometans which I have mentioned, went to plot another Conspiracy like the first. But the day appointed for it being come, one of the Conspirators, being half drunk, began too soon to break out. Concerning this also I have heard forty different relations, so that 'tis very hard to know the truth of it. That which is undoubted is this, that the King was at length so exasperated against this unfortunate Family of Sujah, that he commanded it should be quite rooted out. Neither did there remain any one of it, that was not put to death, save that Daughter which the King had made his Wife. Sultan Banque, and his Brothers, had their Heads cut of with blunt Axes; and the Women were mured up, where they died of hunger and misery. And thus endeth this War, which the lust of Reigning had kindled among those four Brothers, after it had lasted five or six years, from 1655, or thereabout, to 1660 or 1661.; which left Aureng-Zebe in the peaceable possession of this puissant Empire. The End of the FIRST TOME. Particular Events: OR, The most considerable Passages after the War for Five Years, or thereabout, in the Empire of the GREAT mogul. THE War being ended, the Tartars of Vsbec entertained thoughts of sending Ambassadors to Aureng-Zebe. They had seen him fight in their Country, when he was yet a young Prince; Chah-Jehan having sent him to command the Succours, which the Can of Samarkand had desired of him against the Can of Balk. They had experienced his Conduct and Valour on many occasions, and they considered with themselves, that he could not but remember the Affront they did him, when he was just taking Balk, the Capital Town of the Enemy: For the two Khans agreed together, and obliged him to retreat, alleging, That they apprehended he might tender himself Master of their whole State, just as Ekbar had formerly done of the Kingdom of Kachimere. Besides, they had certain intelligence of all he had done in Indostan, of his Battles, Fortune, and Advantages; whence they might sufficiently estimate, that though Chah-Jehan was yet living, yet Aureng-Zebe was Master, and the only Person that was to be owned King of the Indieses. Whether than they feared his just resentments, or whether it was, that their inbred Avarice and Sordidness made them hope for some considerable Present, the two Khans sent to him their Ambassadors to offer him their Service, and to Congratulate him upon the happy beginning of his Reign. Aureng-Zebe saw very well, that the War being at an end, this offer was out of season, and that it was nothing but fear or hope, as we said, that had brought them. Yet for all this, he received them honourably; and, since I was present at their Audience, I can relate the Particulars of it with certainty. They made their Reverence at a considerable distance from him, after the Indian custom, putting thrice their hands upon their heads, and as often letting them down to the ground. Than they approached so near, that Aureng-Zebe himself might very well have taken their Letters immediately from their hands; but yet it was an Omrah that took and opened them, and gave them to him. He forthwith read them with a very grave countenance; and afterwards commanded, there should be given to each of them an embroidered Vest, a Turban, and a Girdle of Silk in Embroidery, which is that which they call Serapah, that is, an Habit from head to foot. After this, their Presents were called for, which consisted in some Boxes of choice Lapis Lazulus, divers Camels with long hair, several gallant Horses, some Camel-loads of fresh Fruit, as Apples, Pears, Raisins and Melons, (for 'tis chief Vsbec that furnishes these sorts of Fruit, eaten at Dehli all the Winterlong;) and in many Loads of dry Fruit, as Prunes of Bokara, Aprecocks, Raisms without any stones that appeared, and two other sorts of Raisins, black and white, very large and very good. Aureng-Zebe was not wanting to declare, how much he was satisfied with the Generosity of the Khans, and much commended the Beauty and Rarity of the Fruit, Horses, and Camels; and after he had a little entertained them of the state of the Academy of Samarkand, and of the Fertility of their Country, abounding in so many rare and excellent things, he desired them to go and repose themselves, intimating withal, that he should be very glad to see them often. They came away from their Audience full of contentment and joy, not being much troubled, that they had been obliged to make their Reverence after the Indian custom, though it have something of slavish in it; nor much resenting it, that the King had not taken their Letters from their own hands. I believe if they had been required to kiss the ground, and even to do something of a lower nature, they would have complied with it. 'Tis true, it would have been in vain, if they had desired to make no other Salute, but that of their own Country, and to deliver to the King their Letters with their own hands; for that belongs only to the Ambassadors of Persia, nor have these this favour granted them, but with much difficulty. They stayed above four months at Dehli, what diligence soever they could use to be dispatched, which did incommode them very much; for they fell almost all sick, and even some of them died, because they were not accustomed to such heats as are in Indostan, or rather because they were sordid, and kept a very ill Diet. I know not whether there be a more avaricious and uncleanly Nation than they are. They laid up the Money which the King had appointed them for their maintenance, and lived a very miserable life, altogether unworthy of Ambassadors; yet they were dismissed with great honour: The King, in the presence of all the Omrahs', presented each of them with two rich Ser-apahs, and gave order that Eight thousand Rupies should be carried to their Lodgings, which amounted to near Two thousand Crowns each. He also gave them for Presents to the Khan's their Masters, very handsome Ser-apahs, store of the richest and best wrought Embroideries, a good quantity of fine Cloth, and Silk-stuffs, wrought with Gold and Silver, and some Tapestries, and two Poniards set about with precious stones. During their stay, I went thrice to see them, being presented to them as a Physician by one of my Friends, that was Son of an Vshec, that had made his Fortune in that Court. I had a design to have learned something in particular of their Country, but I found them so ignorant, that they knew not so much as the Confines of their State, much lesle could they inform me of any thing concerning the Tartars that have conquered China of late years: In short, they told me nothing that I knew not before. I had once the Curiosity to dine with them, which liberty I obtained easily enough. They are not Men of much Ceremony; it was a very extraordinary Meal for such a one as I, it being mee● Horseflesh; yet for all this I got my Dinner with them; there was a certain Ragou, which I thought passable: And I was obliged to express a liking of so exquisite a Dish, which they so much lust after. During Dinner, there was a strange silence; they were very busy in carrying in with their whole hands, for they know not what a Spoon is; but after that this Horseflesh had wrought in their stomaches, they began to talk, and than they would persuade me, they were the most dextrous at Bows and Arrows, and the strongest Men in the World. They called for Bows, which are much bigger than those of Indostan, and would lay a wager, to pierce an Ox or my Horse through and through. Than they proceeded to commend the strength and valour of their Women, which they described to me quite otherwise than the Amazons, telling me very wondered stories of them, especially one, which would be admirable indeed, if I could relate it with a Tartarian Eloquence, as they did: They told me, that at the time when Aureng-Zebe made War in their Country, a Party of Twenty five or Thirty Indian Horsemen came to fall upon a small Village; whilst they plundered, and tied all those whom they met with to make them Slaves, an old Woman said to them, Children, be not so mischievous, my Daughter is not far of, she will be here very shortly, retreat if you be wise, you are undone if she light upon you. They laughed at the old Woman, and her Advice; and continued to load, to tie, and to carry away herself; but they were not gone half a Mile, but this old Woman, looking often backward, made a great outcry of Joy, perceiving her Daughter coming after her on Horseback; and presently this generous She Tartar, mounted on a furious Horse, her Bow and Arrows hanging at her side, called to them at a distance, that she was yet willing to give them their Lives, if they would carry back to the Village all they had taken, and than withdraw without any noise. The Advice of this young Woman affected them as little as that of her old Mother; but they were soon astonished, when they found her let fly at them in a moment three or four great Arrows, which struck as many of their Men to the ground, which forced them to fall to their Quivers also. But she kept herself at that distance from them, that none of them could reach her. She laughed at all their Effort, and at all their Arrows, knowing how to attack them at the length of her Bow, and to take her measure from the strength of her Arm, which was of another temper than theirs: So that after she had killed half of them with her Arrows, and put them into disorder, she came and fell upon the rest with the Zable in her hand, and cut them all in pieces. The Ambassadors of Tartary were not yet gone away from Dehli, when Aureng-Zebe fell exceeding sick; a violent and continued Fever made him sometimes loose his understanding: His Tongue was seized with such a Palsy, that he lost almost his speech, and the Physicians despaired of his Recovery; nothing was heard for the time, than that he was gone, and that his Sister Rauchenara-Begum concealed his death out of design. It was already bruited, that the Raja Jessomseigne, Governor of Guzaratte, was on the way to deliver Chah-Jehan; that Mohabet-Kan (who had at length obeyed the Orders of Aureng-Zebe) quitting the Government of Caboul, and being already on this side Lahor to come back, made haste also with Three or four thousand Horse for the same end; and that the Eunuch Etbarkan, who kept Chah-Jehan in the Fortress of Agra, would have the honour of his delivery. On one side we see Sultan Mazum bestir himself exceedingly with Bribes, endeavouring by Promises to assure himself of the Omrahs', so far, as that one Night he went disguised to the Raja Jesseigne, entreating him with expressions of deep respect, that he would engage himself for his interest. We knew from other hands, that Rauchenara-Begum, together with Today-kan, the great Master of Artillery, and many Omrahs', declared for the young Prince Sultan Ekbar, the third Son of Aureng-Zebe, though he was but seven or eight years old; both Parties in the mean time pretending, they had no other design than to deliver Chah-Jehan: so that the People believed, that now he was going to be set at liberty, though none of the Grandees had any such thing in their thoughts, spreading this Rumour, only to gain Credit and Concourse, and because they feared, jest by the means of Etbarkan, or some other secret Intrigue, he should one day appear in the Field. And indeed of all the Parties, there was not one that had reason to wish for his liberty and restoration to the Throne, except Jessomseigne, Mohabet-kan, and some others, that as yet had done no great matter to his disadvantage. The rest had been all against him, at lest they had vilely abandoned him. They knew very well he would be like an unchained Lion, if he came abroad: Who than could trust him? And what could Etbarkan hope for, who had kept him up so close? I know not, if by some Adventure or other, he should have come cut of Prison, whether he would not have stood single, and been alone of his Party. But though Aureng-Zebe was very sick, yet for all this he gave order for all things, and particularly for the sure custody of Chah-Jehan his Father; and though he had advised Sultan Mazum to go and open the Gates to Chah-Jehan, in case he should die, yet he omitted not to have Etbarkan incessantly writ to. And the fifth day, in the height of his sickness, he caused himself to be carried into the Assembly of the Omrahs' to show himself, and to disabuse those who might believe him to be dead, and to obviate popular Tumults, or such Accidents as might have caused Chah-Jehan to be set at liberty. The seventh, ninth, and tenth day, he made himself to be carried again into the said Assembly for the same reason; and, what is almost incredible, the thirteenth, after he had recollected himself from a Fit of Swooning, which occasioned a rumour through the whole Town of his being dead, he called for two or three of the greatest Omrahs', and the Raja Jesseigne, to let them see that he was alive, made himself to be raised in his Bed, called for Ink and Paper to writ to Etbarkan, and sent for the Great Seal, which he had trusted with Rauchenara-Bagum, and commonly enclosed in a small Bag, sealed with a Seal he always wore about his Arm, fearing jest she had already made use of it for her designs. I was nigh my Agah, when all this News was told him, and I understood, that lifting up his hands to Heaven, he said, What a Soul is this? A matchless Fortitude and Courage of Spirit! God preserve thee Aureng-Zebe, for greater things, certainly he will not that thou shouldest yet die. And indeed after this Fit, he recovered by little and little. He had not sooner recovered his health, but he sought to get out of the hands of Chah-Jehan, and Begum-Saheb, the Daughter of Dara, to secure the Marriage of Sultan-Ekhar, his third Son, with this Princess, on purpose thereby to gain him Authority, and to give him the greater right to the Empire: For he it is, who is thought to be by him designed for it. He is yet very young, but he hath many near and powerful Relations at the Court, and is born of the Daughter of Chah-Navaze-kan, and consequently of the Blood of the Ancient Sovereigns of Machate; whereas Sultan Mahmoud and Sultan Mazum are only Sons of Ragipontnis, or Daughters of Raja's. These Kings, though Mahumetans, do, for all that, marry of the Daughters of the Heathen, either for State-interest, or for extraordinary Beauty. But Aureng-Zebe, was disappointed in this design: It will hardly be believed, with what height and fierceness of spirit Chah-Jehan and Begum rejected the Proposition, and the young Princess herself, who, in the fear of being carried away, was for some days desperate, and protested she would rather kill herself an hundred times over, if it were possible, than to marry the Son of him that had murdered her Father. He had no better satisfaction from Chah-Jehan about certain Jewels which he asked of him, in order to finish a piece of work which he caused to be added to a famous Throne, which is so highly esteemed. For he fiercely answered, That Aureng-Zebe should take no other Care, but to rule better than he did; that he should let his Throne alone; that he was weary to hear of these Jewels; and that the Hammers were ready to beaten them to dust, the first time he should be importuned again about them. The Hollanders would not be the last in doing Reverence to Aureng-Zebe: they had thoughts of sending an Ambassador to him. They pitched upon Monsieur Adrican, the Commander of their Factory at Suratte; and being a right honest man, and of good sense and judgement, not neglecting to take the counsel of his Friends, he well acquitted himself of this Employment. Aureng-Zebe, though he carries it very high, and affects to appear a zealous Mahometan, and consequently to despise the Franguis, or Christians, yet thought fit to receive them with much Respect and Civility. He even was desirous, that this Ambassador should compliment him in the mode of the Franguis, after he had been made to do it the Indian way. 'Tis true, he received his Letters by the hand of an Omrah; but that was not to be taken for any Contempt, he having showed no more Honour to the Ambassadors of Vsbec. After this, he intimated to him, that he might produce his Present; and at the same time he caused him, and some of his Train, to be dressed with a Serapah embroidered. The Present consisted of store of very fine Scarlet, some large Looking-glasses, and divers excellent pieces of Chinese and Japonese work, among which there was a Paleky, and a Tack●avan, or a Field-Throne of admirable workmanship. This Ambassador was not so soon dispatched as he wished, it being the Custom of the Kings of mogul to detain Ambassadors as long as they well can, from a belief they have, that 'tis the interest of their Greatness, to oblige Strangers to give long Attendance at their Court; yet he was not kept so long as the Ambassadors of Vsbec. Mean time he had the misfortune, that his Secretary died there, and the rest of his Retinue began to grow sick. When the King dismissed him, he gave him such another Serapah embroidered, as the first was for himself; and another, a very rich one, for the General of Batavia, together with a Poniard, set about with Jewels, all accompanied with a very obliging Letter. The chief Aim of the Hollanders in this Embassy was, to make themselves immediately known to the King, thereby to gain Credit, and to intimidate the Governors of the Seaports, and other places, where they have their Factories; that so they may not attempt, when they please, to insult over them, or to trouble them in their Trade; thereby letting them know, that they had to do with a potent Nation, and that hath a door open to address themselves, and to complain immediately to the King. Their End also was, to make it appear, what interest the King had in their Commerce; and therefore they showed long Rolls of Commodities, bought up by them through the whole Kingdom, and Lists of considerable Sums of Gold and Silver▪ every year brought thither by them; but saying not a word of those which they draw thence, from the Copper, Led, Cinnamon, Cloves, Muscadin, Pepper, Wood of Aloes, Elephants, and other Commodities which they vend there. About this time, one of the most considerable Omrahs' of Aureng-Zebe addressed himself to him, and represented, that this multitude and variety of perplexing Affairs, and this perpetual Attention of mind in him, might soon 'cause a great Alteration in his Temper, and a dangerous Inconvenience in his Health. But Aureng-Zebe, seeming to take almost no notice of what that Omrah said, turned himself another way, and approaching to another of the prime Omrahs' of the Court, a person of great knowledge and judgement, spoke to him in this purpose (as I was informed by the Son of this Lord, who was my Friend.) You other Sages, are you not all of the mind, that there are times and conjunctions so urgent, that a King aught to hazard his life for his Subjects, and sacrifice himself for their defence with Arms in his hands? And yet this effeminate Man would dissuade me from taking pains, and dehort me from watching and solicitude for the Public; and carry me by pretences of Health, to the thoughts of an easy life, by abandoning the Government of my People, and the management of Affairs, to some Visir or other. Doth he not know, that Providence having given me a Royal Extraction, and raised me to the Crown of Indostan, hath not made me for myself alone, but for the good and safety of the Public, and for the procurement of Tranquillity and Happiness to my Subjects, as far as that may be obtained by Justice and Power? He seethe not the consequence of his Counsels, and what mischiefs do attend Visirships. Doth he think it to be without reason, what our Grand Sady hath so generously pronounced, O Kings, cease, cease to be Kings, or govern your Kingdoms yourselves? Go tell thy Countryman, that I shall well like of the care he is constantly to take of the faithful discharge of his Place; but advice him also, not any more to run out himself so far as he hath done. We have natural inclination enough to a long, easy, and careless life, and there need no Counsellors to shake of business and trouble. Our Wives, that lie in our bosom, do too often, besides our own genius, incline us that way. At the same time there happened an Accident, that made a great noise at Dehli, especially in the Seraglio, and disabused a great many, that could as hardly believe as myself, that Eunuches, though they had their Genitalss quite cut away, could become amorous as other men. Didar-kan, one of the chief Eunuches of the Seraglio, who had built an house, where he came often to divert himself, fell in love with a very beautiful Woman, the Sister of a Neighbour of his, that was an Heathen Scrivener. These Amours lasted a good while, before any Body blamed them, since it was but an Eunuch that made them, which sort of men have the privilege to go where they please; but the familiarity grew so great, and so extraordinary betwixt the two Lovers, that the Neighbours began to suspect something, and to rally the Scrivener, which did so touch him, that he threatened both his Sisters and the Eunuch to kill them, if they should continued their Commerce. And soon after, finding them in the Night lying together, he stabbed the Eunuch outright, and left his Sister for dead. The whole Seraglio, Women and Eunuches, made a League together against him to make him away; but Aureng-Zebe dissipated all these machinations, and was content to have him turn Mahometan. Mean time 'tis thought, he cannot long avoid the malice and power of the Eunuches; for 'tis not, as is the common saying, with Men as with Brutes; these latter become gentler and more tractable when they are castrated; but men more vicious, and commonly very insolent, though sometimes it turneth to an admirable Fidelity and Gallantry. It was also about the same time, that Aureng-Zebe was somewhat discontented with Rauchenara-Begum, because she was suspected to have given Access to two young Gallants into the Seraglio, who were discovered, and brought before Aureng-Zebe. Yet this being but a suspicion, he expressed to her no great resentment of it; nor did he make use of so great rigour and cruelty against those poor men, as Chah-Jehan had done against the person above spoken of. The matter was related to me by an old Portuguese Woman (that had a long while been Slave to the Seraglio, and went out and in at pleasure) as followeth: She told me that Rauchenara-Begum, after she had drawn from a young man, hidden by her, all his Ability, delivered him to some Women, to convey him away in the Night through some Gardens, and so to save him: But whether they were discovered, or whether they feared they should be so, or what else might be the cause, they fled, and left him there wand'ring in the midst of those Gardens, not knowing which way to get out: And being at last met with, and brought before Aureng-Zebe, who examined him strictly, but could draw nothing else from him, than that he was come in over the walls, he was commanded to get out the same way by which he entered: But it seems, the Eunuches did more than Aureng-Zebe had given order for, for they cast him down from the top of the walls to the bottom. As for the other young Gallant, this same Woman assured me, that he was found wand'ring in the Garden like the first; and having confessed that he was come in by the Gate, Aureng-Zebe commanded likewise, that he also should pass away again by the same Gate; yet reserving to himself a severe chastisement for the Eunuches, since not only the honour of the Royal House, but also the safety of the King's person is herein concerned. Some months after, there arrived at Dehli several Ambassadors, almost at the same time. The first was Xerif of Meccha, whose Present did consist in some Arabian Horses: The second and third Ambassadors were, he of the King of Hyeman, or Happy Arabia, and he of the Prince of Bassora, who likewise presented Arabian Horses. The two remaining Ambassadors were sent from the King of Ethiopia. To the three first no great regard was given; they appeared in so miserable and confused an Equipage, that it was perceived they came only to get some money by the means of their Present, and of the many Horses, and other Merchandise, which under the pretence of Ambassadors, entered without paying any Duty into the Kingdom, there to be sold, and to buy for the money a quantity of Indian Stuffs, and so to return, without paying likewise any Impost at all. But as to the Ethiopian Embassy, that deserves to be otherwise taken notice of; the King of Ethiopia having received the News of the Revolution of the Indieses, had a design to spread his Name in those Parts, and there to make known his Grandeur and Magnificence, by a splendid Embassy: Or, as Malice will have it, or rather as the very truth is, to reap some Advantage by a Present as well as the rest. Behold therefore this great Embassy! He chose for his Ambassadors two persons, that one would think were the most considerable in his Court, and the most capable to make such a Design prospero. And who were they? The one was a Mahometan Merchant, whom I had seen some years ago at Moka, when I passed there coming out of Egypt over the Red-Sea, where he was to cell some Slaves for that Prince, and to buy of the money, raised thence, some Indian Commodities. And this is the fine Trade of that great Christian King of Africa. The other was a Christian Merchant of Armenia, born and married in Aleppo, known in Aethiopia by the name of Murat. I had seen him also at Moka, where he had accommodated me with the half of his Chamber, and assisted me with very good Advice, whereof I have spoken in the beginning of this History, as a thing taking me of from passing into Ethiopia, according to my first design. He also came every year to that place, in that King's Name, for the same end that the Mahometan did, and brought the Present which the King made every year, to the Gentlemen of the English and Dutch Company of the East-indieses, and carried away theirs. Now the King of Ethiopia, suitably to his design, and the desire he had of making his Ambassadors appear with great Splendour, put himself to great Expenses for this Embassy: He gave them Thirty two young Slaves, of both Sexes, to cell them at Moka, and thence to make a Sum of Money to bear their Charges. A wondered Largess! Slaves are commonly sold there for Twenty five or thirty Crowns apiece, one with another. A considerable Sum. Besides, he gave them for a Present to the Great Mogol Five and twenty choice Slaves, among which there were nine or ten very young, proper to make Eunuches of. A very worthy Present for a King, and he a Christian, to a Mahometan Prince! It seems the Christianity of the Ethiopians is very different from ours. He added to that Present, twelve Horses, esteemed as much as those of Arabia, and a kind of little Mule, of which I saw the Skin, which was a very great Rarity, there being no Tiger so handsomely speckled, nor Silken Stuff of India so finely, so variously, and so orderly streaked, as that was. Moreover, there were for a part of the Present, two Elephants teeth, so prodigious, that they assured it was all that a very able bodied man could do, to lift up one of them from the ground. Lastly, an Horn of an Ox full of Civett, and so big, that the Aperture of it being measured by me, when it came to Dehli, it had a Diameter of Half a Foot, and somewhat better. All things being thus prepared, the Ambassadors departed from Gondez, the Capital of Ethiopia, situated in the Province of Dambea, and came through a very troublesome Country to Beiloul, which is a dispeopled Seaport over against Moka, nigh to Babelmandel, not daring to come (for Reasons elsewhere to be alleged) the ordinary way of the Caravans, which is made with ease in Forty days to Arkiko, and thence to pass to the Isle of Masova. During their stay at Beiloul, and expecting a Bark of Moka, to waste over the Red-Sea, there died some of their Slaves, because the Vessel tarried, and they found not in that place those refreshments that were necessary for them. When they came to Moka, they soon sold their Merchandise, to raise a Stock of Money according to order. But they had this ill luck, that that year the Slaves were very cheap, because the Market was glutted by many other Merchants, yet they raised a Sum to pursue their Voyage: They Embarked upon an Indian Vessel to pass to Suratte; their Passage was pretty good; they were not above Five and twenty days at Sea; but whether it was that they had made no good provision for want of stock, or what else the cause might be, many of their Slaves and Horses, as also the Mule, whereof they saved the Skin, died. They were not sooner arrived at Suratte, but a certain Rebel of Visapour, called▪ Seva-Gi, came and ransacked and burned the Town, and in it their House, so that they could save nothing but their Letters, some Slaves that were sick, or which Seva-Gi could not light on, their Ethiopian Habits which he cared not for, and the Mule's Skin, and the Ox's Horn, which was already emptied of the Civett. They did very much exaggerate their misfortune; but those malicious Indians that had seen them arrive in such a wretched condition, without Provisions, without Habits, without Money, or Bills of Exchange, said, that they were very happy, and should reckon the Plunder of Suratte for a piece of their best Fortune, forasmuch as Seva-Gi had saved them the labour of bringing their miserable Present to Dehli, and had furnished them with a very specious pretence for their beggarly condition, and for the sale they had made of their Civett, and of some of their Slaves, and for demanding of the Governor of Suratte Provisions for their subsistence, as also some Money and Chariots to continued their Voyage to Dehli. Monsieur Adrican, chief of the Dutch Factory, my Friend, had given to the Armenian Murat a Letter of Recommendation to me, which he delivered himself at Dehli, not remembering that I had been his Host at Moka. It was a very pleasant meeting when we came to know one another, after the space of five or six years. I embraced him affectionately, and promised him that I would serve him in whatever I could; but that, though I had Acquaintance at the Court, it was impossible for me to do them any considerable good Office there: For since they had not brought with them any valuable Present, but only the Mule's Skin, and the empty Ox's Horn, and that they were seen going upon the streets without any Paleky or Horses, save that of our Father Missionary, and mine (which they had almost killed) clothed like Beggars, and followed with seven or eight Slaves, bareheaded and barefoot, having nothing but an ugly Sharse tied between their Legs, with a ragged Cloth over their Left Shoulder, passing under their Left Arm like a Summer-Cloak; since, I said, they were in such a posture, whatever I could say for them was insignificant; they were taken for Beggars, and no body took other notice of them. Yet notwithstanding I said so much of the Grandeur of their King to my Agah Danechmendkan, who had cause to harken to me, as managing all Foreign Affairs there, that Aureng-Zebe gave them Audience, received their Letters, presented them each with an Embroidered Vest, a Silken Embroidered Girdle, and a Turban of the same, gave order for their Entertainment, and dispatched them in a little time, and that with more honour than there was ground to expect: For in dismissing them, he presented them each with another such Vest, and with 6000 Rupies for them all, which amounteth to about 3000 Crowns, of which the Mahometan had four thousand, and Murat, because a Christian, but two thousand. He also gave them for a Present to their Master a very rich Serapah or Vest, two great silver and gilt Trumpets, two silver Tymbals, a Poniard covered with Jewels, and the value of about twenty thousand Francs in golden and silver Rupies, to let their King see Money coined, as a Rarity he had not in his Country: But Aureng-Zebe knew very well, that these Rupies would not go out of the Kingdom, and that they were like to buy Commodities for them: And it fell out so; for they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth, to make shirts of for their King, Queen, and their only lawful Son that is to be the Successor; partly in silken Stuffs streaked with Gold or Silver, to make Vests and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English Scarlet, to make two Arabian Vests of for their King also; and lastly, in Spices, and in store of coarser Cloth, for divers Ladies of his Seraglio, and for the Children he had by them, all without paying any Duty. For all my friendship with Murat, there were three things that made me almost repent to have served them. The first, because Murat having promised me to leave with me for 50 Rupies, a little Son of his, that was very pretty, of a delicate black, and without such a swollen Nose, or such thick Lips as commonly the Ethiopians have, broke his word with me, and let me know, that he should take not lesle for him than 300 Rupies. For all this, I had thoughts of buying him, for Rarity's sake, and that I might say, a Father had sold me his Son. The second, because I found that Murat, as well as the Mahometan, had obliged themselves to Aureng-Zebe, that they would employ their interest with their King, that he might permit in Ethiopia to rebuild an old Mosque ruined in the time of the Portugals, and which had been built for a Tomb of a great Dervich, which went from Mecha into Ethiopia, for the propagation of Mahumetanism, and there made great progress. They received of Aureng-Zebe two thousand Rupies for this Engagement. This Mosque had been pulled down by the Portugals, when they came with their Succours into Ethiopia, which the than King, who turned Catholic, had asked of them against a Mahometan Prince, invading his Kingdom. The third, because they desired Aureng-Zebe, in the name of their King, to give them an Alcoran, and eight other Books, which I well remember, were of the most reputed in the Mahometan Religion: Which proceeding seemed to me very unworthy of a Christian Ambassador, and Christian King, and confirmed to me what I had been told at Moka, that the Christianity of Ethiopia must needs be some odd thing; that it savours much of Mahumetanism, and that the Mahometans increase exceedingly in that Empire, especially since the Portugals, that came in there for the Reason lately expressed, were either killed, upon the death of the King, by the Cabal of the Queen-Mother, or expelled together, with the Patriarch Jesuit, whom they had brought along from Goa. During the time that the Ambassadors were at Dehli, my Agah, who is more than ordinary curious, made them often come to him, when I was present, to inform himself of the State and Government of their Country, and principally to learn something of the source of the Nile, which they call Ababile, of which they discoursed to us as a thing so well known, that no body doubted of it. Murat himself, and a mogul, who was returned out of Ethiopia with him, had been there, and told us very near the same Particulars with those I had received of it at Moka, viz. That the Nile had its Origine in the Country of Agam; that it issued out of the Earth by two Springs bubbling up, near to one another, which did form a little Lake of about thirty or forty paces long; that coming out of this Lake, it did make a considerable River: and that from space to space, it received small Rivers increasing it. They added, that it went on circling, and making as 'twere a great Isle; and that afterwards it tumbled down from steep Rocks into a great Lake, in which there were divers fruitful Isles, store of Crocodiles, and (which would be remarkable enough, if true) abundance of Sea-Calves, that have no other vent for their Excrements than that, by which they take in their food; this Lake being in the Country of Dambea, three small days journey from Gondar, and four or five days journey from the source of the Nile. And lastly, that this River did break out of this Lake, being augmented with many River-waters, and with several Torrents falling into it, especially in the rainy Season, (which do regularly begin there, as in the Indieses about July, which is very considerable and convincing for the inundation of the Nile) and so runs away through Sonnar, the capital City of the King of Fungi, Tributary to the King of Ethiopia, and from thence passeth to the Plains of Mesre, which is Egypt. The Ambassadors were not wanting to say more than was liked on the subject of their King's Greatness, and of the strength of his Army, but the Mogolian did not overmuch agreed with them in it; and in their absence represented to us this Army, which he had seen twice in the Field, with the Ethiopian King on the head of it, as the most wretched thing in the world. They also related to us divers Particulars of that Country, which I have put in my Journal, one day perhaps to be digested and copied: In the mean time I shall insert here three or four things which Murat told me, because I esteem them very extravagant for a Christian Kingdom. He said than, that there were few men in Ethiopia, who besides their lawful Wife, had not many others, and himself owned that he had two, without reckoning her which he had left at Aleppo: That the Ethiopian Women did not so hid themselves, as they do in the Indieses among the Mahometans, nor even as among the Gentiles: That those of the meaner sort of People, Maids, or married Women, Slaves or Free, were often together pellmell, night and day, in the same Chamber, without those jealousies so common in other Countries: That the Women of Lords did not stick much to go into the house of a simple Cavalier, whom they knew to be a Man of Execution: That if I had gone into Ethiopia, they would soon have obliged me to marry, as they had done, a few years since, to a certain European, who named himself a Greek Physician: That an ancient man, of about fourscore years of age, did one day present to the King fourscore Sons, all of age, and able to bear Arms; and that the King asked him, Whether he had no more but them? To whom having answered, Not, but only some Daughters, the King sent him away with this reproach; Be gone, thou Calf, and be ashamed for having no more Children at that age, as if Women were wanting in my Dominions! That the King himself had at lest fourscore Sons and Daughters running about pellmell in the Seraglio, for whom he had caused to be made a number of round vernished sticks, made like a little maze; those Children being fond of having that in their hand like a Sceptre, distinguishing them from those that were Children of Slaves, or from others living in that place. Aureng-Zebe sent also twice for these Ambassadors, for the same reason that my Agah did, and especially to inquire after the state of Mahumetanism in that Country. He had also the curiosity of Viewing the skin of the Mule, which remained, I know not how, in the Fortress amongst the Officers; which was to me a great mortification, because they had designed it for me for the good services I had done them. I made accounted to have one day presented it to some very curious person in Europe. I urged often, that together with the Mules skin, they should carry the great Horn to Aureng-Zebe, to show it him; but they feared, lest he should make a question, which would have perplexed them; viz. how it came to pass, that they had saved the Horn from the plunder of Suratte, and lost the Civet? Whilst these Ambassadors of Ethiopia were at Dehli, it came to pass that Aureng-Zebe called together his Privy Council, and the most learned persons of his Court, to choose a new Master for his third Son, Sultan Eckbar, whom he designed for his Successor. In this Council he showed the passion he hath to have this young Prince well Educated, and to make him a great Man. Aurenge-Zebe is not ignorant of what importance it is, and how much 'tis to be wished, that as much as Kings surmount others in Greatness, they may also exceed them in Virtue and Knowledge. He also well knows, that one of the principal sources of the Misery, of the misgovernment, of the un-Peopling, and the decay of the Empires of Asia proceeds from thence, that the children of the Kings thereof are brought up only by Women and Eunuches, which often are no other than wretched Slaves of Russia, Circassia, Mingrelia, Gurgistan and Ethiopia; mean and servile, ignorant and insolent souls. These Princes become Kings, when they are of Age, without being instructed, and without knowing what 'tis to be a King; amazed when they begin to come abroad out of the Seraglio, as persons coming out of another World, or let out of some subterraneous Cave, where they had lived all their life time; wondering at every thing they meet, like so many Innocents'; believing all, and fearing all, like Children, or nothing at all, as if they were stupid: And all this, according to their Nature, and suitable to the first Images imprinted upon them; commonly high and proud, and seemingly grave, but of that kind of pride and gravity, which is so flat and distasteful, and so unbecoming them, than one may plainly see, 'tis nothing but brutality or barbarousness, and the effect of some ill-studied, and ill-digested Documents; or else they fall into some childish civilities, yet more unsavoury; or into such cruelties, as are blind and brutal; or into that mean and gross vice of drunkenness, or into an excessive and altogether unreasonable Luxury, either ruining their bodies and understandings with their Concubines, or altogether abandoning themselves to the pleasures of Hunting, like some carniverous Animals, preferring a pack of Dogs before the life of so many poor people, whom they force to follow them in the pursuit of their Game, and suffer to perish of hunger, heat, cold, and misery. In a word, they always run into some extreme or other, being altogether irrational and extravagant, according as they are carried by their natural temper, or by the first impressions that are given them; thus remaining, almost all, in a strange ignorance of what concerns the state of the Kingdom; the reinss of the Government being abandoned to some Visir, who entertains them in their ignorance and in their passions, which are the two strongest supports he can have to rule always according to his own mind, with most assurance, and the lest contradiction; and given over also to those Slaves their Mothers, and to their Eunuches, who often know nothing but to continued plots of cruelty, whereby they strangle and banish one another, and sometimes the Visirs, and even the Grand Signors themselves; so that no man whatsoever, that hath any Estate, can be in safety of his life. But to return; after all these Ambassadors, which we have spoken of, there came at last news, that the Ambassador of Persia was upon the Frontiers. The Persian Omrahs', that are at the service of the mogul, spread a rumour that he came for affairs of great importance; though intelligent persons much doubted of a Commission of that nature, considering that the time of great conjunctures was passed, and that those Omrahs', and the other Persians' did what they did, rather to make a show, than for any thing else. Mean time, on the day of the Entry, this Ambassador was received with all possible respect: The Bazars, through which he passed, were all new-painted, and the Cavalry attending on the way for above the length of a whole League. Many Omrah's accompanied him with Music, Tymbals and Trumpets, and when he entered into the Fortress, or the Palace of the King, the Guns went of. Aureng-Zebe received him with much civility, and was content he should make his Address to him after the Persian mode, receiving also, without any scruple, immediately from his hands the Letters of his King; which, out of respect, he lifted up even to his head, and afterwards read them with a grave and serious countenance: Which done, he caused an embroidered Vest to be brought, together with a rich Turban and Girdle, commanding it to be put on him in his presence. A little after, it was intimated to him, that he might order his Present to be brought in, which consisted of five and twenty as handsome Horses as ever I saw, led, and covered with embroidered trappings; and of twenty very stately and lusty Camels, as big as Elephants: Moreover, of a good number of Boxes, said to be full of most excellent Rose-water; and of a certain distilled water, very precious, and esteemed highly cordial; besides, there were displayed five or six very rich and very large Tapisseries, and some embroidered pieces exceeding noble, wrought in small flowers, so fine and delicate, that I know not whether in all Europe any such can be met with. To all this were added four Damaskined Swords, with as many Poniards, all covered with Jewels; as also five or six Harnasses of Horses, which were much esteemed, being also very fine and rich, the stuff being raised with rich Embroidery set with small Pearls, and very fair Turcoises of the old Rock. It was observed, that Aureng-Zebe beheld this Present very attentively; that he admired the beauty and rarity of every piece, and that several times he extolled the Generosity of the King of Persia; assigning to the Ambassador a place among his chief Omrahs'. And after he had entertained him a while with a discourse about the inconveniences and hardships of his Voyage, he dismissed him, and made instance, that he should come every day to see him. During the four or five Months that the Ambassador stayed at Dehli, he was always splendidly treated at Aureng-Zebe's charge; and the greatest Omrahs' presented him one after another; and at last he was very honourably dismissed: For Aureng-Zebe had him apparelled with another rich Serapah or Vest, to which he added considerable presents for himself, reserving those he intended for his King, till he should sand an Ambassador expressly; which some time after he did. Notwithstanding all these testimonies of honour and respect which Aureng-Zebe had showed to this Ambassador, the same Persians', above spoken of, gave out, that their King had sensibly reproached him in his Letters, with the Death of Dara, and the Imprisonment of Chah-Jehan, as actions unworthy of a Brother, and a Son, and a Musulman; and that he had also hit him with the word Alem-Guire, or Conqueror of the World, which Aureng-Zebe had caused to be engraven on his Coyn. But 'tis hard to believe, that the King of Persia should do any such thing to provoke such a Victorious Prince, since Persia is not in a condition to enter into a War with Indostan; I am rather apt to believe, that Persia hath work enough to keep Kandahar on the side of Indostan, and the Frontiers on the side of Turkey: It's Forces and Richeses are known; it produceth not always such great Kings as the Chah-Abbas, Valiant, Intelligent, and Politic, knowing to make use of every thing, and to do much with small expenses. If it were in a condition of undertaking any thing against Indostan, or really sensible of Piety and the Musal-Man Faith, why was it that in these last troubles and Civil Wars, which continued so long in Indostan, the Persians' sat still and looked on, when Dara, Chan-Jehan, Sultan Sujah, and perhaps the Governor of Caboul desired their assistance; and they might with no very great Army, nor great expenses have seized on the fairest part of India, beginning from the Kingdom of Caboul, unto the River Indus, and beyond it, and so made themselves Umpires of all things? yet notwithstanding there must needs have been some offensive Expressions in those Persian Letters, or else the Ambassador must have done or said something that displeased Aureng-Zebe; because two or three days after he had dismissed him, he made a rumour to be spread abroad, that the Ambassador had caused the Hamstrings of the presented Horses to be Cut; And the Ambassador being yet upon the Frontiers, he made him return all the Indian Slaves which he carried along with him, of which he had a prodigious number. Mean while, Aureng-Zebe was not so much concerned, nor troubled himself so much with this Ambassador, as Chah-Jehan, upon a like occasion, did with him, that was sent to him from the great Chah-Abbas. When the Persians' are in the humour of Rallying against the Indians, they relate these three or four little Stories of them: They say, That Chah-Jehan seeing that the Courtship and Promises made to their Ambassador were not able to prevail with him, so as to make him perform his Salute after the Indian Mode, he devised this Artifice; he commanded to shut the great Gate of the Court of the Amkas, where he was to receive him, and to leave only open the Wicket, through which one man could not pass but very difficultly, by stooping and holding down his Head, as the fashion is, when one maketh an Indian Reverence, to the end that it might be said, he had made the Ambassador put himself in a posture, which was something lower than the Indian Salam, or Salute; but that that Ambassador being ware of this trick, came in with his Back foremost: And that Chah-Jehan, out of indignation to see himself catched, told him, Eh Bed-bakt, Thou Wretch, dost thou think thou comest into a Stable of Asses, such as thou art? And that the Ambassador, without any alteration, answered, Who would not think so, seeing such a little Door? Another story is this; That at a certain time Chah-Jehan taking ill some coarse and fierce Answers returned to him by the Persian Ambassador, could not hold to tell him, What, hath Chah-Abbas no other men at his Court, that he must sand to me such a Fool as thyself? And that the Ambassador answered, He hath many better and wiser than me, but to such a King, such an Ambassador. They add, That on a certain day Chah-Jehan, who had made the Ambassador to dine in his Presence, and sought some occasion to affronted him, seeing that he was busy in picking and gnawing of Bones, asked him smiling, Eh Eltchy-Gi, My Lord Ambassador, What shall the Dogs eat? And that he answered readily, Kichery, that is, a Dish of Pulse, which is the food of the meaner sort of People, and which he saw Chah-Jehan eat, because he loved it. They say also, That Chah-Jehan once asked him, What he thought of his new Dehli (which he was building) in comparison of Hispahan? And that he answered aloud, and with an Oath, Billah, Billah, Hispahan doth not come near the dust of Dehli; which Chah-Jehan took for a high Commendation, though the Ambassador mocked him, because the dust is so troublesome at Dehli. Lastly, They relate that Chah-Jehan one day pressing him to tell him, What he thought of the Grandeur of the Kings of Indostan, compared to that of the Kings of Persia? He answered, That, in his opinion, one could not better compare the Kings of India than to a large Moon of 15 or 16 days old, and those of Persia, to a small Moon of two or three days. And that this Answer did at first please Chah-Jehan, but that soon after he perceived, that that Comparison did him but little honour, the Ambassador's sense being, that the Kings of Indostan were decreasing, and those of Persia increasing. Whether these Points are so commendable, and such marks of Wit, every one is free to judge, as he seethe cause. My opinion is, That a discreet and respectful Gravity is much more becoming Ambassadors, than Raillery and Roughness, especially, when they have to do with Kings, who will not be rallied with, witness an Accident that befell this very Ambassador; for Chah-Jehan was at length so weary of him, and his freedom, that he called him no otherwise than Fool; and one day gave secret order, that when he should enter into a pretty long and narrow Street, that is near the Fortress, to come to the Hall of the Assembly, they should let lose upon him an ill-conditioned and fierce Elephant; and certainly, if the Ambassador had not nimbly leapt out of his Paleky, and, together with his dextrous Attendants, shot some Arrows into the Trunk of the Elephant, which forced him to turn back, he had been utterly spoiled. It was at this time, upon the departure of the Persian Ambassador, that Aureng-Zebe received with that admirable wisdom his Tutor Mallah-Sale, the History of which is rare and considerable. This old man, who long since had retired himself towards Caboul, and settled himself on some Lands, which Chah-Jehan had given him, had not sooner heard of the great fortune of Aureng-Zebe his Discipline, who had overcome Dara and all his other Brothers, and was now King of Indostan, but he came in haste to the Court, swelled with hopes of being presently advanced to no lesle than the dignity of an Omrah. He maketh his Court, and endeavours to engage all his Friends, and Rauchenara-Begum, the King's Sister, employs herself for him. But yet there pass three whole Months, that Aureng-Zebe does not so much as seem to look upon him; till at length wearied to have him always at his Elbow, and before his Face, he sent for him to a place apart, where there was no body but Hakim-lul-Mouluk, Danechmendkan, and three or four of those Omrahs', that pretend to Science, and than spoke to him to this effect (as I was informed by my Agah.) What is it you would have of me Doctor? Can you reasonably desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs' of my Court? Let me tell you, if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would be more just: For I am of this persuasion, that a Child well educated and instructed, is as much, at lest, obliged to his Master as to his Father: But where are those good Documents you have given me? In the first place you have taught me, that all that Frangistan (so it seems they call Europe) was nothing, but I know not what little Island, of which the greatest King was he of Portugal, and next to him he of Holland, and after him he of England; and as to the other Kings, as those of France and Andalusia, you have represented them to me as our petty Raja's; telling me, that the Kings of Indostan were far above them all together, and that they were the true and only Houmajons, the Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans, the Fortunate ones, the Great ones, the Conquerors and Kings of the World; and that Persia and Usbec, Kachguer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, China, and Matchina did tremble at the name of the Kings of Indostan: Admirable Geography▪ You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all th●s; e different States of the world, and well to understand their strength, their way of fight, their Customs, Religions, Governments and Interests; and by the perusal of solid History, to observe their Rise, Progress, Decay, and whence, how, and by what accidents and errors, those great Changes and Revolutions of Empires and Kingdoms have happened. I have searee learned of you the name of my Grandsires, the famous Founders of this Empire; so far were you from having taught me the History of their Life, and what course they took to make such great Conquests. You had a mind to teach me the Arabian Tongue, to read and to writ, I am much obliged to you (forsooth) for having made me loose so much time upon a Language, that requires ten or twelve years to attain to its perfection; as if the Son of a King should think it to be an honour to him, to be a Grammarian, or some Doctor of the Law, and to learn other Languages than those of his Neighbours, when he cannot well be without them; he, to whom Time is so precious for so many weighty things, which he aught by times to learn. As if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a kind of debasement, employ itself in so sad and dry an exercise, so long some and tedious, as is that of learning words. Thus did Aureng-Zebe resent the pedantic Instructions of his Tutor; to which 'tis affirmed in that Court, that after some Entertainment which he had with others, he further added the following Reproof. Know you not, that Childhood well governed, being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands of good Precepts and Instructions, which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a man's life, and keep the mind always raised for great Actions? The Law, Prayers, and Sciences, may they not as well be learned in our Mother-Tongue, as in Arabic? You told my Father Ghah-Jehan, that you would teach me Philosophy. 'Tis true, I remember very well, that you have entertained me for many years with airy questions, of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of no use in human Society, empty Notions, and mere Fancies, that have only this in them, that they are very hard to understand, and very easy to forget, which are only capable to tyre and spoil a good understanding, and to breed an Opinion that is insupportable. I still remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with your fine Philosophy, all I retained of it, was a multitude of barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and tyre out the best Wits, and only invented, the better to cover the vanity and ignorance of men like yourself, that would make us believe, that they know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words, are hid great mysteries, which they alone are capable to understand: If you had seasoned me with that Philosophy, which formeth the mind to ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid Reasons; if you had given me those excellent Precepts and Doctrines, which raise the Soul above the Assaults of Fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and permit her not to be lifted up by Prosperity, nor debased by Adversity; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are, and what are the first principles of things; and had assisted me in forming in my mind a fit Idea of the greatness of the Universe, and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof; if, I say, you had instilled into me this kind of Philosophy, I should think myself incomparably more obliged to you, than Alexander was to his Aristotle; and believe it my duty to recompense you otherwise, than he did him. Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a King, which is, what the reciprocal duties are of a Sovereign to his Subjects, and those of Subjects to their Sovereign? And aught not you to have considered, that one day I should be obliged with the Sword to dispute my Life and the Crown with my Brothers? Is not that the destiny almost of all the Sons of Indostan? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what 'tis to besiege a Town, or to set an Army in Array? For these things I am obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the Village whence you are come, and let no body know who you are, or what is become of you. At that time there arose a kind of Tempest against Astrologers, which did not displease me. Most people of Asia are so infatuated by Judiciary Astrology, that they believe there is nothing done here below, but 'tis written above▪ for so they speak.) In all their Undertake therefore they consult Astrologers. When two Armies are ready to give Battle, they beware of falling on, till the ginger hath taken and determined the moment he fancies propitious for the beginning of the Combat. And so, when the matter is about electing a Captain-General of an Army, of dispatching an Ambassador, of concluding a Marriage, of beginning a Voyage, and of doing any other thing, as buying a Slave, putting on new Apparel, etc. nothing of all that is done, without the sentence of Mr. Star-Gazer; which is an incredible vexation, and a custom drawing after it such important consequences, that I know not how it can subsist so long: For the ginger must needs have knowledge of all that passeth, and of all that is undertaken, from the greatest Affairs to the lest. But behold, it happened, that the prime ginger of the King was drowned, which occasioned a great noise at Court, and was a great discredit to Astrology: For he being the person that determined the moments of all Erterprises and Actions for the King, and the Omrahs', every one wondered, how a man so experienced, and that for so long time had dispensed good Adventures to others, could not foresee his own misfortune▪ There were not wanting those, who pretended to be wiser than others, and said, that in Frangistan, where Sciences did flourish, the Grandees do suspect all such kind of people, and that some hold them even not better than Mountebanks, that 'tis much doubted, whether this knowledge is grounded upon good and solid reasons, and that it may very well be some fancy of Astrologers, or rather an Artifice to make themselves necessary to the great ones, and to make them in some measure to depend on them. All these Discourses very much displeased the Astrologers; but nothing angered them so much as this Story, become very famous, viz. That the great Chah-Abas King of Persia, commanded to be digged and prepared a little place in his Seraglio to make a Garden; that the young Trees were all ready, and that the Gardener made accounted to plant them the next day. Mean time the ginger taking upon him, said, That a good nick of time was to be observed for planting them, to make them prospero. Chah-Abas being content it should be so, the Star Gazer took his Instruments, turned over his Books, made his Calculation, and concluded, That by reason of such and such a Conjunction and Aspect of the Planets, it was necessary they should be set presently. The Master-Gardener, who minded nothing lesle than this ginger, was not than at hand; yet for all that, they fell to work immediately, making holes, and planting the Trees, Chah-Abas himself setting them, that it might be said, that they were Trees set with Chah-Abas's own hands. The Gardener returning at Night, was sufficiently amazed when he saw the work done; and finding that the right place and order designed by him, was not taken; that, for Example, an Apricock-Tree stood where an Appletree should stand, and a Pear-Tree where an Almond-Tree; being hearty angry with the ginger, caused all the Trees to be plucked up again, and laid them down, with some Earth about them, for next morning, the time chosen by himself. The News hereof came soon to the Ears of the ginger, who presently told Chah-Abas of it: He forthwith sent for the Gardener and with some indignation asked him, What had made him so bold, as to pull up those Young Trees he had planted with his own hand? That the time had been so exactly taken for them, that so good an one would never be had again; and that so be had marred all. The rude Gardener, who had a Cup of Chiras-Wine in his head, looked aside upon the ginger, and grumbling and swearing, said to him these words, Billah, Billah, that must needs be an admirable point of time which thou hast taken for these Trees, Unhappy ginger! They were planted this day Noon, and this Evening they have been plucked up again. When Chah-Abas heard this, he fell a laughing, turned his back upon the ginger, and went away. I shall here add two Particulars, though happened in the time of Chah-Jehan, because such things fall out often enough, and do withal give occasion to observe that ancient and barbarous custom, which makes the Kings of India Heirs of the Goods of those that die in their Service. The first was of Neiknam-kan, one of the most ancient Omrahs' of the Court, and who for the space of 40 or 50 years, wherein he had always been employed in considerable Offices, had heaped up great store of Gold and Silver. This Lord seeing himself near his End, and thinking upon this unreasonable custom, which often renders the Wife of a great Man, upon his decease, poor and miserable in an instant, and necessitates her to present a Petition, begging some small Pension for her subsistence, and for that of her Children, who are constrained to list themselves for common Soldiers under some Omrah, who, I say, considering this with himself, secretly distributed all his Treasure to indigent Knights, and poor Widows, filled his Trunks with old pieces of Iron, old Shoes, Rags and Bones, and locked and sealed them, telling every body that they were Goods belonging to Chah-Jehan the King. These Trunks, after his death, were brought before Chah-Jehan, when he was in the Assembly, and by his command instantly opened in the presence of all the Omrahs', that saw all this fine Stuff, which so provoked and discomposed Chah-Jehan, that he risen in great fury, and went away. The other is only a piece of Gallantry. A rich Banean, or Heathen Merchant, being a great Usurer, (as most of them are) who had always been in Employment, and in the Pay of the King, came to dye. Some years after his death, his Son did extremely importune the Widow, his Mother, to let him have some Money: She finding him to be a prodigal and debauched Youth, gave him as little as she could. This young Fool, by the persuasion of others like himself, made his Complaints to Chah-Jehan, and was so silly, as to discover to him all the Goods his Father had left, which amounted to Two hundred thousand Rupies, or Hundred thousand Crowns. Chah-Jehan, who soon got an itch for this Treasure, sent for the Widow, and commanded her in the open Assembly to sand him an Hundred thousand Rupies, and to give Fifty thousand to her Son, giving order at the same time to put her away. The old Woman, though surprised at this Command, and perplexed enough, that she was so suddenly thrust out, without the liberty of speaking, yet lost not her judgement, but with a loud voice gave out, That she had something of moment to discover to his Majesty: Whereupon being brought in again, she said, God save your Majesty; I found that my Son bathe some reason to demand of me the Goods of his Father, as being of his and my flesh and blood, and therefore our Heir; but I would gladly know, what Kindred your Majesty is to my deceased Husband, to be his Heir. When Chah-Jehan heard so plain a piece of Raillery, and a discourse of Parentage of the King of the Indieses, with a She-Banian, or Idolatrous She-Merchant, he could not hold laughing, and commanded she should be gone, and that nothing should be asked of her. But to return, I shall not relate all the other considerable things that have happened since the end of the War, that is, since 1660. unto my departure, which was above six years after; though doubtless that would tend much to the design I had in relating the other Particulars, which is, to make known the Genius and Temper of the Mogul's and Indians. This I may do in another place: Here I shall only give an Account of five or six Particulars, which those that shall have read this Relation, will doubtless be curious of. The first, that though Aureng-Zebe made Chah-Jehan his Father, to be kept in the Fortress of Agra with all imaginable care and caution; yet notwithstanding he still left him in his old Apartment with Begum-Saheb, his eldest Daughter, his other Women, Singers, Dancers, Cooks, and others, nothing of that kind was wanting to him. There were also certain Mullahs, that were permitted to come and to read the Alcoran to him (for he was become very devout.) And when he thought fit, there were brought before him brave Horses, and tamed Gazelles (which is a kind of Goat) to make them fight with one another; as also divers sorts of Birds of Prey, and several other rare Animals, to divert him as formerly. Aureng-Zebe himself used an Art to overcome at last his fierceness and obstinacy, which he had hitherto kept, though a Prisoner. And this was the effect of the obliging Letters, full of respect and submission, which he often wrote to his Father, consulting him often as his Oracle, and expressing a thousand cares for him; sending him also uncessantly some pretty Present or other, whereby Chah-Jehan was so much gained, that he also wrote very often to Aureng-Zebe touching the Government and State Affairs, and of his own Accord sent him some of those Jewels, which before he had told him of, that Hammers were ready to beaten them to Powder the first time he should again ask for them. Besides, he consented that the Daughter of Dara, which he had so peremptorily denied, should be delivered to him; and granted him at length that pardon and paternal blessing which he had so often desired without obtaining it. Yet, under all this, Aureng-Zebe did not always flatter him; on the contrary, he sometimes returned sharp Answers, when he met with strains in his Father's Letters that were pregnant, or expressed something of his former height and authority. Of this we may judge by the Letter, which I know from a very good hand was once written to him by Aureng-Zebe, to this effect: Sir, You would have me indispensably follow those ancient Customs, and make myself Heir to all those that are in my Pay with the wont rigour: An Omrah, and even a Merchant can not sooner dye, and sometimes even before his death, but we seal up his Trunks, and seize on his Goods, and make a strict enquiry into his Estate, imprisoning and ill-treating the Officers of the House to discover to us all he hath, even to the lest Jewels. I will believe that there is some policy in doing so, but it cannot be denied, that 'tis very rigorous, and sometimes very unjust, and to speak the very truth, we may deserve well enough, that the same should befall us every day, what happened to you from your Neikman-kan, and from the Widow of your rich Indian Merchant. Moreover (said he) it seems, I am by you reputed proud and haughty now I am King: As if you knew not by the experience of more than Forty years of your Reign, how heavy an Ornament a Crown is, and how many sad and restless Nights it passeth through: as if I could forget that excellent passage of Mir-Timur, (commonly called Tamberlan) which is so seriously delivered to us by that great Grandfather of ours, Ekbar, to the end that we might the more weigh the importance and value of it, and consider, whether we have cause to pride ourselves so much in a Crown. You well know, that he said, that the same day when Timur took Bajazet, he made him come before him, and having fixed his eyes on him, fell a laughing; at which Bajazet being highly offended, fiercely said to him, Laugh not at my Fortune, Timur; know that 'tis God that is the Dispenser of Kingdoms and Empires; and that the same can befall you to morrow, that hath befallen me to day. Whereupon Timur made this serious and brave Answer, I know as well as you, Bajazet, that 'tis God that distributeth Kingdoms and Empires; I laugh not at your ill Fortune, God forbidden I should do so: But beholding your face, I smiled, and had this thought, That certainly these Kingdoms and Empires must in themselves be very little and contemptible things in the eyes of God, since he giveth them to persons so ill made as you and I both are; a deformed one-eyed man, as you; and a lame wretch, as myself. You require also, that abandoning all my other Employments, which I believe very necessary for the establishment and happiness of this State, I should think on nothing but Conquests, and the enlargement of the Empire. I must confess that this is indeed the business of a great Monarch, and of a Soul truly Royal, and that I should not deserve to be of the Blood of the Great Timur, if I were not of that mind, and had not such inclinations. Mean time, I think I sit not idle, and my Armies are not useless in the Kingdoms of Decan and Bengale: But we must also aver, that the greatest Conquerors are not always the greatest Kings; that we too often see a Barbarian making Conquests, and that those great Bodies of Conquests do ordinarily fall of themselves, and by their own weight. He is a great King, that knows to acquit himself worthily of that Great and August Employment and Charge of Kings, which is to dispense Justice to their Subjects, etc. The rest is not come to my hands. The second is in regard of the Emir-Jemla. It were to injure this great Man, to pass by with silence his deportment to Aureng-Zebe after the War, and the manner of ending his days. This eminent person after he had dispatched the Affair of Bengale, with Sultan Sujah (the second of these four Brothers) not like Gionkan, that infamous Patan with Dara; nor like the Raja of Serenaguer with Soliman-Chekouh; but like a Great Captain and dextrous Politician, pursuing him as far as the Seaside, and necessitating him to fly and to escape out of his hands; after, I say, he had done these things, he sent an Eunuch to Aureng-Zebe, entreating him, that he would give him leave to transport his Family to Bengale; that now that the War was at an end, and he broken with Age, he hoped he would grant him the advantage of ending his life in the company of his Wife and Children. But Aureng-Zebe is too sharp-sighted, not to pierce into the designs of Emir. He seethe him triumphing over Sujah; he knows his great credit and reputation, and that he hath the esteem of a very wise, undertaking, valiant and rich man; and that the Kingdom of Bengale is not only the best of all Indostan, but strong of itself, and further, that this Emir is in the head of a well disciplined Army, which both honours and fears him. Besides, he is not ignorant of his ambition, and forseeth well enough, that if he should have with him his Son Mahmet-Emirkan, he would aspire to the Crown, and at lest take full possession of Bengale, if he should not be able to advance things further. At the same time he is also well ware, that there is danger in refusing him, and that he may possibly prove such a man, as in case of denial, may run into some dangerous extreme, as he had done in Golkonda. How than, think ye, did he carry himself in this conjuncture? He sends to him his Wife and Daughter, and all the Children of his Son: He maketh the Emir a Mir-Vl Omrah, which is in that Empire the greatest degree of honour that a Favourite can be raised to: And as to Mahmet-Emirkan, he maketh him the Great-Bakchis, which is a dignity and charge like that of our Great Master of the Horse, the second or third Office in the State, but such an one as absolutely obligeth the possessor of it to be always at the Court, not suffering him, but very difficultly, to be absent from the person of the King. The Emir soon perceived, that Aureng-Zebe had skilfully put by the stroke, that it would be in vain the second time to ask of him his Son; that he could not do it without offending him; and that therefore the safest way would be to rest contented with all the testimonies of Friendship, and with all the Honours, together with the Government of Bengale; being in the mean time always upon his guard, and in such a posture, that since he could attempt nothing against Aureng-Zebe, Aureng-Zebe should not be able to attempt any thing against him. Thus have we seen these two Great Men carry themselves to one another: And in this condition did affairs remain for almost a year; till Aureng-Zebe, too well knowing that a great Captain cannot be long at rest, and that, if he be not employed in a Foreign War, he will at length raise a Domestic one; proposed to him to make War upon that rich and potent Raja of Acham, whose Territories are on the North of Dake, upon the Gulf of Bengale. The Emir, who in all appearance had already designed this same thing of himself, and who believed, that the Conquest of this Country, would make way for his Immortal Honour, and be an occasion of carrying his Arms as far as China, declared himself ready for this Enterprise. He embarked at Dake with a puissant Army, upon a River which comes from those parts; upon which having gone about an hundred Leagues Northeastward, he arrived at a Castle called Azo, which the Raja of Acham had usurped from the Kingdom of Bengale, and possessed for many years. He attacked this place, and took it by force in lesle than fifteen days; thence marching over Land towards Chamdara, which is the Inlet into the Country of that Raja; he entered into it after 26 days journey, still Northward: There a Battle was fought, in which the Raja of Acham was worsted, and obliged to retreat to Guerguon, the Metropolis of his Kingdom, four miles distant from Chamdara. The Emir pursued him so close, that he gave him no time to fortify himself in Guerguon: For he arrived in sight of that Town in five days, which constrained the Raja, seeing the Emir's Army, to fly towards the Mountains of the Kingdom of Lassa, and to abandon Guerguon, which was pillaged, as had been Chamdara. They found there vast richeses, it being a great, very fair and Merchantlike Town, and where the Women are extraordinarily beautiful. Mean time, the season of the Rains came in sooner than usually; and they being excessive in those parts, and overflowing all the Country, except such Villages as stand on raised ground, the Emir was much embarassed. For the Raja made his people of the Mountains come down from all parts thereabout, and to carry away all the provisions of the Field; whereby the Emir's Army (as rich as 'twas) before the end of the rains fell into great streights, without being able to go forward or backward. It could not advance, by reason of the Mountains very difficult to pass, and continually pestered with great Rains; nor retreat, because of the like Rains and deep ways; the Raja also having caused the way to be digged up as far as to Chamdara: So that the Emir was forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the Rain; after which, when he found his Army distasted, tired out, and half starved, he was necessitated to give over the Design he had of advancing, and to return the same way he was come. But this Retreat was made with so much pains, and so great inconveniences, by reason of the dirt, the want of Victuals, and the pursuit of the Raja falling on the ●ear, that every body (but he) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a March, nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to make the Soldiery get over it without confusion, would have utterly perished, himself, Army, and all; yet he, notwithstanding all these difficulties and obstacles, made a shift to come back with great honour and vast richeses. He designed to return thither again the next year, and to pursue his undertaking, supposing that Azo, which he had fortified, and where he left a strong Garrison, would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the Raja. But he was not sooner arrived there, but Fluxes began to rage in his Army: Neither had himself a body of Steel more than the rest; he fell sick and died, whereby Fortune ended the just apprehensions of Aureng-Zebe. I say, the Just apprehensions; for there was none of those that knew this great man, and the state of the affairs of Indostan, who did not say, 'Tis this day that Aureng-Zebe is King of Bengale. And himself could not forbear to express some such thing; for he publicly said to Mahmet-Emir-kan; You have lost your Father, and I the greatest and the most dangerous Friend I had; yet notwithstanding he comforted this Son, and withal assured him, that he would ever be a Father to him. And whereas 'twas thought, that he would at lest cut of his Salary, and make Inquisition into his Treasury, he confirmed him in his Office of Bakchis, augmented his Pension to a thousand Rupies a month, and left him Heir of all the Estate of his Father, although the Custom of the Country empowered him to seize on all. The third is concerning Chah-best-kan, whom Aureng-Zebe made first Governor of Agra, when he went out to the Battle of Kadjove against Sultan Sujah; and afterwards, Governor and General of the Army in Decan; and at last, after the death of Emir-Jemla, Governor and General of the Army in Bengale, together with the charge of Mirul Omrah which Emir-Jemla had possessed. This Chah-hest-kan is he, whom in our History we have mentioned as Uncle to Aureng-Zebe, and one that hath so much contributed to his happiness by his eloquent and skilful pen, as well as by his intriqus and counsels. It would be injurious to his Renown also, to be silent of the important enterprise, which he undertook presently when he entered upon his Government; and that the rather, because Emir-Jemla, whether out of Policy, or for another cause, had no mind to tempt him; as also, because the particularities, which I am going to relate, will show not only the passed and present state of the Kingdoms of Bengale and Rakan, which hitherto hath not been well described to us by any; but also some other things that are worth knowing. To the end therefore that the importance of Chah-hest-kan's attempt may be well understood, and a good Idea be had of what passeth about the Gulf of Bengale, we are to know, that these many years there have always been in the Kingdom of Rakan or Moy, some Portugueses, and with them a great number of their Christian Slaves, and other Franguis, gathered from all parts. That was the refuge of the Runaways from Goa, Ceilan, Cochin, Malague, and all those other places, which the Portugueses formerly held in the Indieses; and they were such as had abandoned their Monasteries, men that had been twice or thrice Married, Murderers: In a word, such as had deserved the Rope, were most welcome and most esteemed there, leading in that Country a life that was very detestable, and altogether unworthy of Christians, insomuch that they impunely butchered and poisoned one another, and assassinated their own Priests, who sometimes were not better than themselves. The King of Rakan in the apprehension he hath ever had of the mogul, kept them for a guard of his Frontiers, in a Port-Town called Chategon, giving them Land, and liberty to live as they pleased. Their ordinary Trade was Robbery and Piracy. With some small and light Galleys they did nothing but coast about that Sea, and entering into all Rivers thereabout, and into the Channels and Arms of Ganges, and between all those Isles of the lower Bengale, and often penetrating even so far as forty or fifty leagues up into the Country, surprised and carried away whole Towns, Assemblies, Markets, Feasts and Weddings of the poor Gentiles, and others of that Country, making Women Slaves, great and small, with strange cruelty; and burning all they could not carry away. And thence it is, that at present there are seen in the mouth of Ganges so many fine Isles quite deserted, which were formerly well peopled, and where no other Inhabitants are found but wild Beasts, and especially Tigers. This great number of Slaves, which thus they took from all quarters, behold what use they made of. They had boldness and impudence enough, to come and fell to that very Country the old people, which they knew not what to do with; where it so fell out, that those who had escaped the danger by flight, and by hiding themselves in the Woods, laboured to redeem to day their Fathers and Mothers, that had been taken yesterday. The rest they kept for their service to make Rowers of them; and such Christians as they were themselves, bringing them up to robbing and killing; or else they sold them to the Portugueses of Goa, Ceilan, St. Thomas, and others, and even to those that were remaining in Bengale at Ogouli, who were come thither to settle themselves there by the favour of Jehan-Guyre, the Grandfather of Aureng-Zebe, who suffered them there upon the account of Traffic, and of his having no aversion to Christians, as also because they promised him to keep the Bay of Bengale clear from all Pirates. And it was towards the Isle of Galls, near the Cape of Palms, where this fine Trade was. These Pirates lay there in wait at the passage for the Portugueses, who filled their Ships with them at a very easy rate; this infamous Rabble impudently bragging, that they made more Christians in one year, than all the Missionaries of the Indieses in ten; which would be a strange way of enlarging Christianity. These were the Pirates that made Chah-Jehan, who was a more zealous Mahometan than his Father Jehan-Guyre, to express at last his passion, not only against the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits, Missionaries of Agra, in that he caused to be pulled down the best part of a very fair and large Church that had been built, as well as that of Lahor, by the favour of Jehan-Guyre, who as I said, did not hate Christianity; and upon which there stood a great Steeple with a great Bell in it, whose sound might be heard over all the Town, not only, I say, against those Jesuits, but also against the Christians of Ogouli: For being impatient to see them connive at the Pirates, to make the name of the Franguis formidable, and to fill their houses with Slaves that were his own Subjects, he wasted and utterly ruined them, after he had both with fair words and menaces drawn from them as much money as he could: And because they were indiscreetly obstinate, in refusing what he demanded of them, he besieged them, and caused them all to be brought to Agra, even their very Children, their Priests and Friars. This was a misery and a desolation not to be paralleled; a kind of Babylonian transmigration. There they were all made Slaves: The handsome Women were shut up in the Seraglio; the old Women and others were distributed among divers Omrahs'. The young Lads were circumcised, and made Pages; and men of age renounced for the most part their Faith, either terrified by the threaten they heard daily, that they should be trampled upon by Elephants, or drawn away by fair Promises. 'Tis true, that there were some of those Friars, who persisted, and that the Missionaries of Agra, who notwithstanding all this unhappiness, remained in their houses, found means afterwards, partly by Friends, partly by Money, to get many of them away, and to have them conveyed to Goa, and to other places belonging to the Portugueses. They were also the same Pirates, who some time before the desolation of Ogouli, offered to the Viceroy of Goa to put the whole Kingdom of Rakan into their hands for the King of Portugal; but he refused, they say, this offer, out of arrogance and jealousy, and would not sand the succours, which for that end was demanded of him by a certain Bastian Consalve, who had made himself head of those people, and was become so potent and considerable, that he married one of the King's Daughters; being unwilling that it should be said, that a man of so mean Extraction as this Bastian was, had done such a Masterpiece. But it may be said on this occasion, that this is not much to be wondered at, considering that the Portugueses in the Indieses by such a conduct have divers times been faulty on the like occasions, in Japan, in Pegu, in Ethiopia, and other places; not to mention, that by this way, and that perhaps by a 〈◊〉 Divine chastisement (as they all frankly confess themselves) they are become a prey to their Enemies, and fallen so low in the Indieses, that I know not whether they will ever recover there; whereas formerly, before they were corrupted by vice, and degenerated through pleasure, they made all others tremble in those parts; forasmuch as than they were brave and generous men, zealous for the Christian Religion, considerable for gallant exploits and for richeses; all the Indian Kings seeking their friendship. Besides this, the same Pirates seized at that time on the Isle of Sondiva, an advantageous Post to command a part of the Mouth of Ganges: In which Isle a certain Augustin Friar, a very famous man, acted the King for many years, having taken a course, God knows how, to rid himself of the Commander of that place. Moreover, the same Robbers took Sultan-Sujah at Daka, to carry him away in their Galleasses to Rakan, as we related above, and found means to open his Cossers, and to rob him of good store of Jewels, which afterwards were secretly, and at a very cheap rate, sold in Rakan, most of them being fallen into the hands of people that had no skill in them, and afterwards into the hands of the Hollanders, and others, who knew how to buy them up quickly, making those fellows believe, that they were soft Diamonds, and that they would pay them according to the degrees of their hardness. Lastly, They are they that for many years have given exercise to the Great mogul in Bengale; having obliged him there to keep always Garrisons every where upon the Passes, and a great Militia, and a Fleet also of Galleasses to oppose their courses, and who, notwithstanding all this, have made shift to make strange devastations, and often to enter far into the Country, and to laugh at all the Soldiery of the Mogul's; in regard they were become so bold, and so dextrous at their Weapons, and so skilful in piloting their Galleasses, that four or five of them stuck not to set upon fourteen or fifteen Mogolians, which they also actually worsted, and took or run aground. And upon these Pirates Chah hest-kan cast his eyes as soon as he came into Bengale, taking a resolution to deliver the Country of this plague of people, that had so long wasted it; and designing afterwards to pass on, and to attack the King of Rak●●, according to the order of Aurenge-Zebe, who at any price had a mind to revenge the blood of Sultan-Sujah, and all his Family, that had been so cruelly handled, and to teach that Barbarian, how the Blood Royal was to be regarded and esteemed on any occasion whatsoever: Behold now with what dexterity Chah hest-kan carrieth on this design! Knowing that 'tis impossible to pass any Cavalry by Land, not not so much as any Infantry, from Bengale into Rakan, because of the many channels and rivers upon the Frontiers; and also that on the other side, those Pirates of Chatigon, whom we just now were speaking of, would be powerful enough to hinder him from transporting them by Sea; he thought upon this experiment, viz. to engage the Hollanders in his design. He therefore sent a kind of Ambassador to Batavia, empowering him to treat upon certain Conditions, with the General of that Company, jointly to subdue the whole Kingdom of Rakan; as formerly Chah-Abbas subdued that of Ormus, in conjunction with the English. The General of Batavia seeing the thing to be possible, and that it was a means more and more to break the Portugueses in the Indieses, and that it would turn to a very good account to the Company, dispatched away two Men of War for Bengale, to favour the transportation of the Mogolian Troops in spite of those Pirates. But observe what Chah-hest-kan did before these Men of War arrived: He equipped a great number of Galleasses, and many large Vessels to transport the Army; threatened the Pirates, utterly to spoil and ruin them; acquainted them with the design of Aureng-Zebe upon Rakan; that a potent Army of the Dutch was near; that they should think on themselves and their families, if they were wise; and in a word, if they would abandon the service of the King of Rakan, and take that of Aureng-Zebe, he would procure very good conditions for them, distribute amongst them as much Land in Bengale as they desired, and pay them the double of what they had now. 'Tis doubtful, whether these Menaces and Promises made impression upon them, or whether it was not an Accident that moved them, they having about that time assassassinated one of the chief Officers of the King of Rakan, and apprehending a punishment for that Crime: However it be, they were caught, and they were one day struck with such a panic terror, that they shipped themselves all at once in forty or fifty of their Galleasses, and wafted over to Bengale to Chah-hest-kan, and that with so much precipitation, that they hardly took time to embark their Wives and Children, and what else was most precious to them. Chah-hest-kan received them with open Arms, courted them exceedingly, gave them very considerable Pay, and without letting them cool, made them, jointly with his whole Army, to attack and take the Isle of Sondiva, which was fallen into the hands of the King of Rakan, and thence to pass with all his Horse and Foot to Chatigon. About this time the two Holland Vessels arrived, but Chah-hest-kan, who thought that henceforth it would be easy for him to compass his design, thanked them. I saw these Ships in Bengale, and their Commanders, who were but little contented with such thanks and liberalities of Chah-hest-kan. As to the Pirates, since now he holds them fast, and hopeless of ever returning to Chatigon, and hath no more need of them, he makes nothing of all those large Promises he made them, and treats them not as he should, but as they deserve, leaving them whole months without Pay, and not looking upon them otherwise than Traitors, and infamous men, unfit to be trusted, after they have so vilely deserted him, whose Salt they had eaten so many years. After this manner did Chah-hest-kan put an end to this Rabble, which, as I said, have ruined and despoiled all the lower Bengale. Time will show whether he will be as happy in the remainder of his Enterprise against the King of Rakan. The fourth Particular is concerning the two Sons of Aureng-Zebe, viz. Sultan Mahmoud, and Sultan Mazum. He still keeps the first of them in Govaleor, but (if one may believe the common report) without making him take the Poust, which is the ordinary Drink of those that are put into that place. As to the other, though he hath always been a pattern of reservedness and moderation, yet one knows not whether he was not too forward in making a Party, when his Father was so extremely sick; or whether Aureng-Zebe have not upon other occasions perceived something that might give him cause of jealousy; or whether he had not a mind to make an authentic proof of both his Obedience and Courage. However it be, one day he commanded him in an unconcerned manner, in a full Assembly of the Omrahs', to go and kill a Lion that was come down to the Mountains, and had made great havoc and waste in the Country; and this he did, without giving order to furnish him with those strong and large Nets, which they are want to employ in this dangerous kind of hunting in a real mood; telling the great Hunting-Master, who presently called for those Nets, that when he was Prince, he did not look for such Formalities. It was the good fortune of Sultan Mazum, that he prospered in this Attempt, not losing any more than two or three men, and some Horses that were wounded, although, on the other hand, the matter went not of so pleasantly, the wounded Lion having leapt up to the head of the Sultan's Elephant. Since that time, Aureng-Zebe hath not been backward to express much Affection to him; he hath given him even the Government of Decan, though with so little power and treasure, that there is no great cause to apprehended any thing upon that Account. The fifth thing toucheth Mohabet-kan, the Governor of Kaboul, whom Aureng-Zebe took from his Government, and generously pardoned; not willing, as he said, to loose so brave a Captain, and that had stuck so close to his Benefactor Chah-Jehan. He made him even Governor of Guzuratte, in the place of Jessomseigne, whom he sent to make War in Decan. It may very well be, that some considerable Presents he made to Rauchenara-Begum, and a good number of excellent Persian Horse and Camels, wherewith he presented Aureng-Zebe, together with fifteen or sixteen thousand Rupies of Gold, did contribute to make his peace. On this occasion of mentioning the Government of Kaboul, which borders upon the Kingdom of Kandahar, which is now in the hands of the Persians', I shall here briefly add some particulars, that serve to this History, and will still more discover that Country, and declare the Interests between Indostan and Persia, which no body, that I know of, hath explained hitherto. Kandahar, that strong and important place, which is the Capital and the swaying City of this Noble and Rich Kingdom of the same Name, hath in these latter Ages been the subject of grievous Wars between the Mogul's and Persians', each of them pretending a Right thereto. Ekbar, that great King of the Indieses, took it by force from the Persians', and kept it during his life. And Chah-Abbas, that famous King of Persia, retook it from Jehan-Guyre, the Son of Ekbar. Afterwards it returned to Chah-Jehan, Son of Jehan-Guyre, not by the Sword, but by the means of the Governor Aly-Merdan-kan, who surrendered it to him, and went over to live at his Court, apprehending the Artifices of his Enemies, who had brought him into disfavour with the King of Persia, that sent for him to make him give an account, and to deliver up his Government. The same City was besieged, and retaken afterwards by the Son of Chah-Abbas, and since that besieged twice again, yet without being taken by Chah-Jehan. The first time it was saved from being taken by the ill understanding and jealousy between the Persian Omrahs', that are Pensioners of the Great mogul, and the most powerful of his Court, as also by the respect they bear to their Natural King: For they all behaved themselves very effeminately in the Siege, and would not follow the Raja Roup, who had already planted his Standards upon the Wall on the side of the Mountain. The second time it was saved by the jealousy of Aureng-Zebe, who would not fall into the breach of the Wall, that our Franguis, the English, Portugueses, Germane and French had made by their Canon, though it was a large one; being unwilling to have it said, that in the time of Dara, who was, in a manner, the first mover of that Enterprise, and was than in the City of Caboul, with his Father Chah-Jehan, the Fortress of Kandahar was taken. Chah-Jehan, some years before the late trouble, was also ready to besiege it the third time, had not Emir-Jemla diverted him from it, advising him to turn his Forces towards Decan, (as hath been said;) with whom Aly-Merdan-kan himself concurred, who was so earnest in his dissuading him from it, as to say to him these words, which I shall punctually relate, as having something extravagant in them: Your Majesty will never take Kandahar, unless you had such a Traitor there as myself, except you were resolved never to bring a Persian into it, and to make the Bazars or Markets wholly free, that is, to lay no Impost on those that furnish the Army with provision. At length, Aureng-Zebe, like the others, had prepared himself in these latter years to besiege it also; whether it was that he was offended at the tart Letters, written to him by the King of Persia, or by reason of the affronts and ill treatment which he had offered to Tarbiet-kan his Ambassador; that hearing of the King of Persia's death, he turned back, saying, (which yet is not very credible) that he would not meddle with a Child, a new King; although Chah-Soliman, who hath succeeded his Father, is, in my opinion, about 25 years of age. The sixth particular we purposed to speak of, concerns those that have faithfully served Aureng-Zebe. Those he hath almost all raised to great places. For first, as we have already related, he made Chah-hest-kan, his Uncle, Governor and General of the Army of Decan, and afterwards, Governor of Bengale. Next, he made Mirkan Governor of Kaboul; Than Kalil-ullah-kan, of Lahor; and Mirbaba, of Elabas; and Lasker-kan, of Patna. The Son of that Allah-Verdi-kan of Sultan Sujah, he appointed Governor of Scimdy; and Fazel-kan, who had considerably served him both by his counsels and dexterity, he made Kane-saman, that is, Great Steward of the House Royal: And Danechmendkan, Governor of Dehli, with this particular grace and privilege, that since he is perpetually employed in studies and foreign Affairs, he so dispenseth with him for not coming twice a day (after the ancient custom) to wait on the King in the Assembly, as not to retrench any thing of his pension for his absence, as he doth to the other Omrahs', if they fail. He hath given to Dianet-kan the Government of Kacihmer (alias Cassimere) that little, and in a manner inaccessible Kingdom, which Ekbar seized on by craft, that earthly Paradise of the Indieses; which hath its Histories written in its peculiar Language, whereof I have an abridgement in the Persian Tongue, made by the command of Jehan-Guyre, containing a large Catalogue of many very ancient Kings, that often were so powerful, that they subdued the Indieses as far as China. 'Tis true, that Aureng-Zebe dismissed Nejabat-kan, who did very well in the two Battles of Samonguer and Kadjove, but than 'tis not fit at all, that a Subject should ever reproach his King, as he did, with the services done him. As to those infamous men, Gion-kan and Nazer, 'tis known, that the former hath been recompensed as he deserved; but the other no man knows what is become of him. What concerns Jessomseigne and Jesseigne, there is something as to them that is intricate, which I shall endeavour to unfold. There is a certain Heathen revolted from the King of Visapour, who knew how to possess himself of many important Fortresses, and of some Seaports of that King. His name is Seva-Gi, that is, Lord Seva. He is a stout man, vigilant, bold, and undertaking in the highest degree, who gave Chah-hest-kan more work and trouble in Decan, than the King of Visapour with all his Forces, and all his Raja's joined with him for their common defence: Insomuch that having designed to take away Chah-hest-kan and his Treasures out of the midst of his Army, and of the Town Aurenge-Abad, he carried on his design so far, that he had effected it, if he had not been discovered a little too soon; for one night, accompanied with a number of resolute Fellows he hath about him, he was got into the very apartment of Chah-hest-kan, where his Son, who was forward in the defence, was killed, and himself grievously wounded; Seva-Gi in the mean time getting away as well as he came: Who for all this was so far from being daunted, that he undertook another very bold and very dangerous Enterprise, which succeeded much better. He took two or three Thousand chosen men of his Army, with whom he took the Field without noise, spreading a report by the way, that it was a Raja going to the Court. When he was near Suratte, that famous and rich Port of the Indieses, instead of marching further, (as he made the great Provost of that Country, whom he met, believe) he fell into that Town, where he stayed about three days, cutting of the Arms and Legs of the Inhabitants, to make them confess where were the Treasures; searching, digging, and loading away, or burning what he could not carry with him. Which done, he returned, none opposing his return, loaden with millions of Gold, Silver, Pearls, Silken Stuffs, Fine Linen, and other rich Merchandise. Jessomseigne was suspected to have had since intelligence with this Seva-Gi, which was the cause that Aureng-Zebe called him away from Decan; but he, instead of going to Dehli, went to his own Territory. I forgot to mention, that in the plunder of Suratte, that Ringleader Seva-Gi, like a Saint, had so much respect to the House of the Reverend Father Ambrose, a Missionary Capucian, that he gave order it should not be plundered; because, said he, I know that the Fathers Franguis are good men. He had also regard to the House of the deceased the Lale, because he understood that he had been great Almoner. He also considered the Houses of the English and Dutch, not from Devotion, as he did the former, but because they were in a good posture of defence; especially the English, who having had time to sand for assistance from some of their ships that lay near the Town, behaved themselves gallantly, and saved, besides their own, several other houses near them. But a certain Jew of Constantinople, who had brought Rubies of a very great value, to cell them to Aureng-Zebe, carried away the Bell from all, by saving himself from the hands of Seva-Gi; for, rather than to confess that he had any Jewels, he was brought thrice upon his Knees, and the Knife held up to cut his Throat: But it became none save a Jew, hardly in Avarice, to escape in such a manner. Touching Jesseigne, King Aureng-Zebe made him content to go General of the Army in Decan, sending Sultan-Mazum with him, without any power. He presently and vigorously besieged the principal Fortress of Seva-Gi, and knowing more than all the rest in matter of Negotiation and Treaty, he so ordered the business, that Seva-Gi surrendered before it came to extremity; and than he drew him to Aureng-Zebe's party against Visapour, King Aureng-Zebe declaring him a Raja, taking him under his protection, and giving the Pension of a very considerable Omrah to his Son. Some time after, Aureng-Zebe designing to make War against Persia, wrote to Seva-Gi such obliging Letters touching his Generosity, Ability and Conduct, that he made him resolve, upon the faith of Jesseigne, to come to him to Debli. There a Kinswoman of Aureng-Zebe, the Wife of Chah-hest-kan, (who was than at Court) by the influence she had upon the spirit of Aureng-Zebe, persuaded him to arrest him that had murdered her Son, wounded her Husband, and sacked Suratte: So that one evening Seva-Gi saw his Pavilions beset with three or four Omrahs'; but he made shifted to get away in the night. This escape made a great noise at Court, every one accusing the eldest Son of the Raja Jesseigne to have assisted him in it. Jesseigne, who presently had news that Aureng-Zebe was very angry with him and his Son, and was advised no more to go to the Court, was day and night upon his guard, apprehending jest Aureng-Zebe should take this for a pretence to fall upon his Lands, and possess himself of them. Whereupon he also soon left Decan to secure his Estate; but when he was at Brampour, he died. Yet notwithstanding Aureng-Zebe was so far from expressing any coldness or resentment to the Son of Jesseigne, that he sent to condole with him for the death of his Father, and continued to him his Pension; which confirms what many say, that it was by the consent of Aureng-Zebe himself, that Seva-Gi escaped, forasmuch as he could retain him not longer at Court, because all the Women there had too great a spleen against him, and looked upon him as a man that had embroiled his hands in the blood of his Kinsmen. But to return to Decan, we are to consider, that that is a Kingdom, which these Forty years hath constantly been the Theatre of War, and upon the score whereof the mogul hath much to do with the Kings of Golkonda, and of Visapour, and divers little Sovereigns, which is not to be understood, unless it be known, what considerable things have passed in those Parts, and the condition of the Princes that govern them. All this great Peninsule of Indestan, cutting it from the Bay of Cambaja unto that of Bengale, near Jaganrate, and passing thence to Cape Comori, was scarce two hundred years since entirely (some mountainous Parts excepted) under the Dominion of one only Prince, who consequently was a very great and very potent Monarch: But now it is divided among many different Sovereigns, that are also of different Religions. The cause of this division was, that the King Ramras, the last of those that have possessed this mighty State entirely, did imprudently raise three Slaves, gurgiss, he had about him too high, so as to make them all three Governors of places: The first, of the greatest part of those Countries, which at present are possessed by the mogul in Decan, about Daulet-Abad, from Bider, Paranda, Suratte, unto Narbadar: The second, of all the other Lands, now comprehended under the Kingdom of Visapour: And the third, of all that is contained under the Kingdom of Golkonda. These three Slaves grew very rich, and found themselves supported by a good number of the Mogul's, that were in the service of Ramras, because they were all three Mahumetans, of the Sect Chyas, like the Persians'. And at length they all revolted together with one accord, killed King Ramras, and returned to their Government, each taking upon him the Title of Chah or King. The Issue of Ramras, not finding themselves strong enough for them, were content to keep themselves in a corner, viz. in that Country which is commonly called Karnatek in our Maps, Bisnaguer, where they are still Raja's to this very day. All the rest of the State was also at the same time divided into all those Raja's Naiques, and petty Kings, such as we see there. These three Slaves and their Posterity have always defended themselves very well in their Kingdoms, whilst they kept a good mutual Correspondence, and assisted one another in their grievous Wars against the Mogul's. But when they once came to think every one to defend their Lands apart, they soon found the effects of their division. For the mogul so well knew to take his time upon that occasion, (which is now about Thirty five, or Forty years since) that he possessed himself within a little time of all the Country of Nejam-Chah, or King Nejam, the fifth or sixth of the Family of the first Slave, and at last took him Prisoner in Daulet-Abad, the Capital, where he died. After that time, the Kings of Golkonda have maintained themselves well enough; not as if they could compare with the power of the mogul, but because the mogul hath always been employed against the two others; from whom he was to take Amber, Paranda, Bider, and some other places, before he could conveniently march towards Golkonda. And because they have always been so politic, being very opulent, as to furnish underhand the King of Visapour with Money, and thereby to help him to maintain a War against the mogul: Besides that, they ever have a considerable Army on foot, which is always ready, and never fails to take the Field, and to approach to the Frontiers, at the time when there is News that that of the mogul marches against Visapour; to let the mogul see, not only that they are always ready to defend themselves, but also that they could easily assist the King of Visapour, in case he should be reduced to any extremity. Next, which is very considerable, they know also how to convey Money underhand to the Chieftains of the Mogolian Army; who thereupon advice the Court, that it is more to purpose to attack Visapour, as being nearer to Daulet-Abad. Further, They sand every year very considerable Presents to the Great mogul, by way of Tribute, which consist partly in some rare Manufactures of the Country; partly in Elephants, which they sand for from Pegu, Siam, and Ceilan, partly in fair ready money. Lastly, The mogul considers that Kingdom as his own, not only because he looks upon the King thereof as his Tributary, but chief since that Agreement heretofore spoken of, which the present King made with Aureng-Zebe, when he besieged Golkonda; and there being also no place able to resist, even from Daulet-Abad unto Golkonda, he judgeth, that when he shall think fit to push for it, he may take in the whole Kingdom in one Campagne; which, in my opinion, he would certainly have done, if he did not apprehended, jest sending his Forces towaids Golkonda, the King of Visapour should enter into Decon; as, no doubt, he would do, knowing it to be very important to his Conservation, that that Kingdom may always subsist as now it is. From all which, something may be understood of the Interests and Government of the King of Golkonda with the mogul, and what way he taketh to support himself against him. Yet notwithstanding all this, I found this State much shaken, in regard that the King that now is, since that unhappy Affair of Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla, seems to have lost heart, and as 'twere abandoned the reinss of the Kingdom, not daring any more to go forth of this Fortress of Golkonda, nor so much as appear in public to give Audience to his People, and to tender Justice, according to the custom of the Country: Which discomposeth things very much, and occasions the Grandees to tyrannize over the meaner sort of People, and to loose even their respect to the King, often slighting his Commands, and considering him no more than a Woman; and the People, weary of the injustice and ill treatment, breathing after nothing but Aureng-Zebe. 'Tis easy to judge of the streights this poor King is in, by four or five Particulars I am about to relate. The first, that Anno 1667. when I was at Golkonda, King Aureng-Zebe having sent an Ambassador Extraordinary to declare War to that King, unless he would furnish him with Ten thousand Horse against Visapour, he did extraordinary honour, and give excessive Presents to that Ambassador, as well for him in particular, as for Aureng-Zebe, and made an agreement with him, to sand him, not Ten thousand Horse, but as much Money as is necessary to maintain so many; which was all that Aureng-Zebe looked for. The second is, That Aureng-Zebe's Ambassador in Ordinary, that is constantly at Golkonda, commands, threatens, striketh, giveth Passports, and saith and doth whatsoever he will, no man daring with the lest word to cross him. The third is, That Mahmet-Emir-kan, the Son of Emir-Jemla, though he be no more than a simple Omrab of Aureng-Zebe, is yet so much respected through that whole Kingdom, and especially in Maslipatan, that the Taptata, his Commissioner, is, as 'twere, Master thereof, buying and selling, bringing in and sending abroad his Merchant's Ships, no Body daring to contradict him in any thing, nor to demand any Customs. So great was once the power of Emir-Jemla his Father in this Kingdom, which time hath not yet been able to root out. The fourth is, That the Hollanders scruple not to threaten him sometimes, to lay an Embargo upon all the Merchant's Ships of the Country that are in that Port, and not to let them go out, until their demands be granted; as also to put in Protestations against him: which I have seen actually done, upon the account of an English Vessel, which they had a mind to take by force in the Port of Maslipatan itself, the Governor having hindered it, by arming the whole Town against them, and threatening to put Fire to their Factory, and to put them all to death. A fifth is, That the Portugueses, as poor, and miserable, and decayed, as they are in the Indieses, yet stick not to threaten that King also with War; and that they will come and sack Maslipatan, and all that Coast, if he will not tender them that place of St. Thomas, which some years ago they chose to put into his hands, rather than to be constrained to yield it up to the Dutch. Yet for all this, I have been informed in Golkonda, by very intelligent persons, that this King is a Prince of very great judgement, and that whatever he so does and suffers, is only in policy, to the end to provoke no body, and principally to remove all suspicion from Aureng-Zebe, and to give him to understand, that he hath in a manner no share any more in the Kingdom: But that in the mean time a Son of his, that is kept hid, grows up, the Father watching for a fit time to declare him King, and so to laugh at the Agreement made with Aureng-Zebe. Of this, time will show us more; in the mean time, let us consider somewhat of the Interests of Visapour. The Kingdom of Visapour hath also not been wanting to support itself, though the mogul do almost continually make War against it; not so much as if he of Visapour were able to bid head to the Mogolian Forces, but because there is never any great effort used against him. For it is not very frequent there, not more than 'tis elsewhere, for Generals of Armies to desire the end of a War; there being nothing so charming, as to be in the head of an Army, commanding like little Kings, remote from the Court. It is also grown to a Proverb, That Decan is the Bread and Life of the Soldiers of Indostan. Besides, the Country of Visapour is on the side of the Mogul's Dominions of a very difficult access, upon the account of the scarcity of good Waters, Forage, and Victuals; and because Visapour, the Capital City, is very strong, and situate in a dry and sterile Country, there being almost no good Water but in the Town. And lastly, because there are many Fortresses in that Country, seated on Hills hard to climb. Yet notwithstanding all this, that State is much shaken, if considering that the mogul hath taken Paranda, the Key, as 'twere, of that Kingdom; as also that fair and strong Town Bider, and some other very important places: But principally, because the last King of Visapour died without Heirs Males, and he that now calls himself King, is a Youth, whom the Queen, Sister of the King of Golkonda, hath raised, and taken for her Son (a favour for which he hath made an ill return, having showed no esteem for this Queen after her return from Mecca, under the pretext of some ill demeanour in her on a Dutch Vessel that carried her to Moka:) last, because that in the disorders of that Kingdom, the Heathen-Rebel, Seva-Gi, above discoursed of, found means to seize on many strong Holds, mostly seated on steep Mountains, where he now acteth the King, laughing at the Visapour, and the mogul, and ravaging the Country every where, from Suratte, even to the Gates of Goa. This notwithstanding, if he wrongs Visapour one way, he helps to support it another, forasmuch as he is resolutely bend against the mogul, preparing always some Ambush, and cutting so much work for his Army, that there is no discourse, no apprehension but of Seva-Gi; insomuch that he hath come and sacked Suratte, and pillaged the Isle of Birds, which belongs to the Portuguese, and is near the Gates of Goa. The seventh Particular, which I learned at Golkonda, when I was come away from Dehli, is the death of Chah-Jehan; and that Aureng-Zebe had been exceedingly affected therewith, having discovered all the marks of grief, that a Son can express for the loss of his Father: That at the very hour of receiving that News, he went towards Agra; that Begum-Saheb caused the Mosque, and a certain place, where he was at first to stop, before he entered the Fortress, to be hung with richly embroidered Tapisteries: That at his entering into the Seraglio, she presented him with a great Golden Basin, wherein were all her Jewels, and all those of Chah-Jehan; and in short, that she knew to receive him with so much Magnificence, and to entertain him with that dexterity and craft, that she obtained his pardon, gained his favour, and grew very confident with him. To conclude, I doubt not, but most of those, who shall have read my History, will judge the ways taken by Aureng-Zebe, for getting the Empire, very violent and horrid. I pretend not at all to pled for him, but desire only, that before he be altogether condemned, reflection be made on that unhappy custom of this State, which leaving the succession of the Crown undecided, for want of good Laws, settling it, as amongst us, upon the eldest Son, exposeth it to the Conquest of the strongest, and the most fortunate, subjecting at the same time all the Princes born in the Royal Family, by the condition of their Birth, to the cruel necessity either to overcome, or to reign, by destroying all the rest, for the assurance of their power and life, or to perish themselves, for the security of that of others: For I am apt to believe, that upon this Consideration, the Reader will not found Aureng-Zebe's Conduct so strange as at first it appeared. However I am persuaded, that those who shall a little weigh this whole History, will not take Aureng-Zebe for a Barbarian, but for a great and rare Genius, a Great Statesman, and a Great King. A Letter to the Lord COLBERT, of the Extent of INDOSTAN; the Circulation of Gold and Silver, coming at length to be swallowed up, there, as in an Abyss; the Richeses, Forces, Justice, and the principal Cause of the Decay of the States of ASIA. My Lord, SInce it is the Custom of Asia, never to approach Great Persons with Empty Hands, when I had the Honour to kiss the Vest of the Great mogul Aureng Zebe, I presented him with eight Roupies, \ [A Roupy is about Half a Crown\] as an expression of respect; and the illustrious Fazel-kan, the prime Minister of State, and he that was to establish my Pension as Physician, with a Case of Knives garnished with Amber. My Lord, though I intent not to introduce new Customs in France, yet I cannot forget this upon my Return from those Parts; being persuaded, that I aught not to appear before the King, for whom I have a far deeper Veneration, than for Aureng-Zebe; nor before You, my Lord, for whom I have a much higher Esteem, than for Fazel-kan, without some little Present to both, which is rare, at lest, for its Novelty, though it be not so upon the account of the presenting hand. The Revolution of Indostan, by reason of its extraordinary Occurrences and Events, hath to me seemed worthy of the Greatness of our Monarch, and this Discourse, for the quality of the matters therein contained, suitable to the rank you hold in his Counsels; to that Conduct, which at my Return appeared to me so admirable in the Order, which I found settled in so many things, that I thought incapable of it; and to the passion you entertain to make it known to the Ends of the Earth, what a Monarch we have, and that the French are fit to undertake, and with Honour to achieve, whatsoever you shall have designed for their Honour and Advantage. 'Tis in the Indieses, my Lord (whence I am lately returned, after twelve years' absence) where I learned the felicity of France, and how much this Kingdom is obliged to your cares; and where your Name is so diffused, and so well known. This were a fair Theme for me to enlarge upon; but my Design being no other than to discourse of things New, I must forbear to speak of those that are already so notorious to all the World. I shall doubtless please you better, by endeavouring to give you some Idea of the state of the Indieses, which I have engaged myself to give you an account of. My Lord, You may have seen before this, by the Maps of Asia, how great every way is the Extent of the Empire of the Great mogul, which is commonly called India, or Indostan. I have not measured it Mathematically; but to speak of it according to the ordinary Journeys of the Country, after the rate of three whole months march, traversing from the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Golkonda, as far as beyond Kazni near Kandahar, which is the first Town of Persia, I cannot persuade myself otherwise, but that it is at lest five times as far as from Paris to Lions, that is, about Five hundred common Leagues. Next, You may please to take notice, that of that vast Extent of Land, there are large Countries that are very fertile, and some of them to that degree, (for Example, that whole great Kingdom of Bengale) that they exceed those of Egypt, not only upon the account of the abundance of Rice, Corn, and all other things necessary for life, but also upon the score of all those Commodities so considerable, which Egypt is destitute of, as Silks, Cottons, Indigo, and so many others, sufficiently related by Authors. Moreover, That of these same Countries there are many that are well enough peopled and cultivated, and where Tradesmen, though naturally very lazy there, are not wanting, either from Necessity, or other Causes, to apply themselves to work, as to Tapisseries, Embroideries, Cloth of Gold and Silver, and to all those kinds of Silk and Cotton Manufactures, that are used in the Country, or transported to other Parts. You may further observe; how that Gold and Silver circulating as it were upon the Earth, comes at last, in part, to be swallowed up in this Indostan. For of that which comes out of America, and is dispersed through the several Kingdoms of our Europe, we know, that one part is carried into Turkey many ways, for the Commodities drawn thence; and that another part is conveyed into Persia, by the way of Smyrna, for the Silks afforded there: That all Turkey generally needs Coffee, which comes out of Hyeman, or Happy Arabia, and is the common Drink of the Turks: That the same Turkey as well as Hyeman and Persia cannot be without the Commodities of India; and that thus all those Countries are obliged to carry to Moka over the Red-Sea, near Babelmandel; and to Bassora the utmost part of the Persiangulf; and to Bandar-Abbasi, or Gomoron near to Ormus, a part of that Gold and Silver, that had been brought into their Country, to be thence transported into Indostan, in Vessels, that yearly, in the season of the Mounsons, come purposely to those three famous Parts: That on the other hand, all those Ships of India, whether they be Indian one's, or Dutch, or English, or Portuguese, that every year transport Merchandise out of Indostan to Pegu, Tanasseri, Siam, Ceilan, Achem, Macasser, the Maldives, Mosambic, and other places, bring back also much Gold and Silver from all those Countries, which meets with the same Destiny, that the other-doth: That of that quantity of Gold and Silver which the Hollanders draw from Japan, (which is stored with Ours) a part also comes to be at length discharged in this Indostan: And that lastly, what is carried thither directly by Sea, whether from Portugal, England, or France, seldom comes back from thence but in Merchandise, the rest remaining there, as the former. I very well know, that it may be said, that this Indostan needs Copper, Cloves, Nutmegs, Cinnamon, Elephants, and sundry other things, which the Hollanders carry thither from Japan, the Molueques, Ceilan, and Europe; as also that it hath occasion for Lead, which in part, it is furnished with out of England; likewise for Scarlet, which it hath from France: Moreover, that it stands in need of a good number of Horses, it being certain, that from the side of Vsbec it receives yearly more than 2500. That out of Persia also it is furnished with abundance of the same; as also out of Ethiopia, Arabia, the Ports of Moka, Bassora, and Bander-abbasy: Besides, that it needs that store of fresh Fruit, which comes thither from Samarkand, Ball-bocara, and Persia, as Melons, Apples, Pears, and Grapes, that are spent at Dehli, and bought at great Rates, almost all the Winter long; as well as dry Fruit, which are had there all the year long, and come from the same Countries, as Almonds, Pistaches, Nuts, Prunes, Apricots, Raisins, and the like. And that lastly, it wants those little Sea-cockles of the Maldives, which serve for common Coin in Bengale, and in some other places, as also Ambergriece, carried thither from the said Maldives and Mosambic, Rhinoceros-horns, Elephants-teeths, Musk, China-dishes, Pearls of Babaren, and Tutucoury near Ceilan; and, I know not of how many other things of this kind. But all this makes not the Gold and Silver to go out of that Empire, because the Merchants at their return fraught their Ships with the Commodities of the Country, finding a better account by so doing, than if they should bring back Money, so that that hinders not, but that Indostan proves, as we have said, a kind of Abyss for a great part of the Gold and Silver of the World, which finds many ways to enter there, and almost none to issue thence. In a word, you may take notice, that this Great mogul makes himself Heir of the Omrahs' or Lords, and of the Mansebdars, or petty Lords, that are in his Pay; and (which is of very great consequence) that all the Lands of that Empire are his Propriety, excepting some Houses and Gardens, which he giveth leave to his Subjects to cell, divide, or buy amongst them, as they shall think fit. These are the things, which sufficiently show, both that there must needs be a very great store of Gold and Silver in Indostan, though there be no Ours; and also that the Great mogul, the Sovereign of the fame, at lest, of the best part of it, hath immense Revenues and Richeses. But on the other hand, there are also many things to be observed, which are a poise to these Richeses. The first, that among those vast tracts of Land there is much, which is nothing but sand and sterile Mountains, little Tilled or Peopled: That even of those that would be fertile, there is much, that is not used for want of Workmen, some of which have perished by the too evil treatment of the Governors, who often take from them their necessary livelihood, and sometimes their very Children whom they make Slaves when they are not able, or are unwilling to pay: Others have abandoned the Field for the same reason, and desponding out of the consideration that they laboured only for others, have cast themselves into Towns, or into Armies, to serve there for Porters, or waiting men, and many have fled to the lands of the Rajas, because there they found lesle tyranny, and more kindness. The second is, That in this same Extent of Country there are sundry Nations, which the mogul is not full Master of, most of them retaining yet their particular Sovereigns and Lords, that obey him not, nor pay him Tribute but from constraint; many, that do little; some, that do nothing at all; and some also, that receive Tribute from him, as we shall see anon. Such are those petty Sovereigns, that are seated on the Frontiers of Persia, who almost never pay him any thing, not more than they do to the King of Persia: As also the Balouches and Augans, and other Mountineers, of whom also the greatest part pay him but a small matter, and even care but very little for him: witness the Affront they did him, when they stopped his whole Army by cutting of the Water, which they kept back within the Mountains, when he passed from Atek on the River Indus to Caboul, to lay siege to Kandahar; not suffering the Water to run down into the Fields, where was the Highway, till they had received Presents, although they asked them by way of Alms. Such are also the Patans', a Mahometan People, issued from the side of the River Ganges towards Bengale; who before the Invasion of the Mogul's in India, had taken their time to make themselves potent in many places, and chief at Dehli, and to tender many Rajas thereabout their Tributaries. These Patans' are fierce and warlike, and even the meanest of them, though they be waiting Men and Porters, are still of a very high spirit, being often heard to say by way of swearing, Let me never be King of Dehli, if it be not so: A People that despife the Indians, Heathen, and Mogul's, and mortally hate the last, still remembering what they were formerly, before they were by them driven away from their large Principalities, and constrained to retire hither and thither, far from Dehli, and Agra, into the Mountains, where now they are settled, and where some of them have made themselves petty Sovereigns, like Rajas, but of small strength. Such an one also is the King of Visapour, who pays to the mogul nothing, and is always in War with him; maintaining himself in his Country, partly by his own Forces, partly because he is very remote from Agra and Dehli, the ordinary places of Residence of the Great mogul; partly also, because his Capital City Visapour is strong, and of difficult access to an Army, by reason of the ill Waters, and the want of Forage on the way; and partly because many Rajas join with him for their common defence, as did the famous Seva-Gi, who, not long since, came pillaging and burning that rich Seaport, Suratte, and who sometimes will pay little or no Tribute. Such is likewise that potent and rich King of Golkonda, who underhand gives Money to the King of Visapour, and hath always an Army ready on the Frontiers for his own defence, and for the assistance of Visapour, in case he found him too much pressed. Of the like sort are more than an hundred Rajas, or considerable Heathen Sovereigns, dispersed through the whole Empire, some near to, others remote from Agra and Dehli: amongst whom there are about fifteen or sixteen that are very rich and puissant; such as is Rana (who formerly was, as 'twere, Emperor of the Rajas; and who is said to be of the Progeny of King Porus;) Jesseignae and Jessomseignae, which are so great and powerful, that if they three alone should combine, they would hold him tack; each of them being able, in a very short time, to raise and bring into the Field Twenty five thousand Horse, better Troops than the Mogul's. These Gavaliers are called Ragipouts, or the Children of Rajas. They are men, who, as I have elsewhere said, carry Swords from Father to Son, and to whom the Rajas allot Land, on condition to be always ready to appear on Horseback, when the Raja commands. They can endure much hardship, and they want nothing to make them good Soldiers, but good Order and Discipline. The third thing to be noted is, That the mogul is a Mahometan, not of the Sect called Chias, who follow Aly and his Offspring, (such as the Persians' are, and consequently the greatest part of his Court;) but of that, which follows Osman, and thence are called Osmanlys, such as the Turks are. Besides, that he is a stranger, being of the Race of Tamerlan, who was the Head of those Mogul's, that about the year 1401, overran India, where they made themselves Masters: so that he is in a Country, almost all hostile; and that the more, because not only for one Mogol, but in general, for one Mahometan, there are hundreds of Gentiles or Heathen; which obligeth him, constantly to entertain (for his defence amongst so many domestic and potent Enemies, and against the Persians' and Vsbecks', his Neighbours) very great Armies, whether in time of Peace or War, as well about his Person, as in the Field; as well of the People of the Country, (Rajas and Patans',) as chiefly Mogolians, or at lest esteemed such, because they are White, and Mahumetans; which sufficeth at present; his Court being no more now as 'twas at first, consisting altogether of true Mogul's; but a mixture of all sorts of strangers, Vsbecks', Persians, Arabians, and Turks, or their Children; but with this distinction, that the Children of the third or fourth Generation, and that have taken the Brown colour, and the soft humour of the Country, are not so much esteemed as the new comers; being also seldom raised to public Offices, but counting themselves happy, if they may serve as simple Horsemen or Foot. Of these Armies I am now going to give you some description, that thereby knowing the great Expenses, which the Grand mogul is obliged to be at, you may the better judge of his true Richeses; let us first take a view of the Field Militia, he is necessitated to maintain. The chief thereof are the Rajas, such as Jesseignae, Jessomseignae, and many others to whom he allows very great Persions, to have them always ready with a certain number of Ragipouts, esteeming them like Omrahs', that is, like other Strangers, and Mahometan Lords; both in the Army, that is always about his person, and in those also, that are in the Field. These Rajas are generally obliged to the same things, that the Omrahs' are, even to the point of keeping Guard; yet with this distinction, that they keep not the Guard within the Fortress, as those, but without, under their Tents; they not liking to be shut up Twenty four hours in a Fortress, nor so much as ever to go thither, but well attended with Men, resolute to be cut in pieces for their service; as hath appeared, when they have been ill dealt withal. The mogul is obliged to keep these Rajas in his service for sundry reasons. The first, because the Militia of the Rajas is very good (as was said above) and because there are Rajas, (as was intimated also) one of whom can bring into the Field above 25000 men. The second, the better to bridle the other Rajas, and to reduce them to reason when they cantonize, or when they refuse to pay Tribute, or when out of fear or other cause, they will not go out of their Country to the Army, when the mogul requireth it. The third, the better to nourish jealousies and keenness amongst them, by favouring and caressing the one more than the other, which is done to that degree, that they proceed to fight with one another very frequently. The fourth, to employ them against the Patans', or against his own Omrahs' and Governors, in case any of them should rise. The fifth, to employ them against the King of Golkonda, when he refuseth to pay his Tribute, or when he will defend the King of Visapour, or some Rajas his Neighbours, which the mogul hath a mind to rifle, or to make his Tributaries; the mogul in those cases not daring to trust his Omrahs' overmuch, who most are Persians, and not of the same Religion with him, but Chias, like the Kings of Persia and Golkonda. The sixth, and the most considerable of all, is, to employ them against the Persians' upon occasion; not daring than also to confided in his Omrahs', who, for the greatest part, as was just now said, are Persians', and consequently have no stomach to fight against their natural King; and the lesle, because they believe him to be their Imam, their Caliph or High Priest, descended from Aly, and against whom therefore they believe they cannot make War without a Crime, or a great Sin. The mogul is farther obliged to entertain some Patans' for the same, or somewhat like reasons, that he doth the Rajas. At last he must entertain that stranger Militia of the Mogul's, that we have taken notice of: And as this is the main strength of his State, and which obliges him to incredible charges, methinks it will not be amiss to describe to you, of what nature it is, though I should be somewhat long in doing it. Let us therefore consider, if you please, this stranger Militia, both Cavalry and Infantry, as divided into two; the one, being always near the Mogul's Person; the other, dispersed up and down in the several Provinces. And in the Cavalry that is about his Person, let us first take notice of the Omrahs'; than, of the Mansebdars; next, of the Rousindars; last of all, of the simple Horsemen. From thence let us proceed to the Infantry, in which we shall consider the Musquetiers, and all those men on foot that attend the Ordnance, where something will occur to be said of their Artillery. It is not to be thought, that the Omrahs' or Lords of the Mogul's Court are Sons of great Families, as in France; All the Lands of that Empire being the Mogul's Propriety, it follows, that there are neither Dutchies, nor Marquisats, nor any Family rich in Land, and subsisting of its own Income and Patrimony. And often enough they are not so much as Omrah's Sons, because the King being Heir of all their Estates, it is consequent that the Houses cannot subsist long in their greatness; on the contrary, they often fall, and that on a sudden, insomuch that the Sons, or at lest the Grandsons of a potent Omrah are frequently, after the death of their Father, reduced, in a manner, to Beggary, and obliged to list themselves under some Omrah for simple Horsemen. 'Tis true, that ordinarily the mogul leaves some small Pension to the Widow, and often also to the Children; or, if the Father liveth too long, he may by particular favour advance them sooner, especially if they be proper men, white of Face, having as yet not too much of the Indian Complexion and temper, and so passing yet for true Mogul's: Though this advancement by favour do always proceed in a slow pace; it being almost a general custom, that a man must pass from small Pays and small Places, to great ones. These Omrahs' than are commonly but Adventurers and Strangers of all sorts of Nations, such as I have said; which draw one another to this Court; men of a mean descent, some of them slaves; most of them without instruction, which the mogul thus raiseth to Dignities as he thinks good, and degrades them again, as he pleaseth. Amongst these Omrahs', some are Hazary, others Dou Hazary, others Penge, Hecht, and Deh Hazary, and even (such was the King's eldest Son) Dovazdeh Hazary, that is to say, Lord of a thousand Horse, of two thousand, five thousand, seven, ten, and twelve thousand; their Pay being lesle or more in proportion to the number of Horses; I say, of Horses, because they are not paid in respect of the Horsemen, but of the Horse; the Omrahs' having power to entertain Horsemen of two Horses a man, to be the better able to serve in the hot Countries, where 'tis a common saying, That the Horseman that hath but one Horse, is more than half a Footman. Yet we must not think, that they are obliged to entertain, or that the King effectively pays so many Horse, as these great names of Dovazdeh or Hecht Hazary do impart, that is, 12000, or 8000 Horse. These are specious Names, to amuse and attract Strangers; the King determines the number of Horses in actual service, which they are bound to entertain, pays them according to this number; and besides that, he pays them a certain number which they are not bound to entertain; and this is that which ordinarily makes the principal part of their Pensions; not to speak of what they finger out of the Pay of every Horseman, and of the number of the Horses; which certainly amounts to very considerable Pensions; especially if they can obtain good Jah-ghirs, that is, good Lands for their Pension. For I saw, that the Lord, under whom I was, that was a Penge-hazary, or one of five thousand Horse, and who was only obliged to entertain five hundred in effect, had, after all his Cavalry was paid, remaining for his Pension near Five thousand Crowns a month; though he was Nagdy, that is, paid in Money drawn out of the Treasury, as all those are, that have not Lands. Yet notwithstanding all these great Pensions, I see none but very few that are rich, but many that are uneasy and indebted: Not that they are ruin'd by keeping too plentiful Tables, as elsewhere great Lords frequently are; but that which exhausteth them, are the great Presents which they are obliged to make to the King at certain Festivals of the year, every one after the rate of his Pay; next, the vast Expenses they must be at for entertaining their Wives, Servants, Camels, and many Horses of great value, which they keep in their particular Stables. The number of the Omrahs', as well of those, that are in the Field in the Provinces and Armies, as of those that are at the Court, is very great. I never could precisely learn it; nor is it determined: But I have never seen lesle of them at Court, than twenty five or thirty, that are thus Pensionaries according to a greater or lesser number of Horses to be entertained by them, from 12000 downward to 1000 These are the Omrahs', that arrive to the Governments and principal Offices of the Court and Armies; that are, as they speak, the Pillars of the Empire, and that keep up the splendour of the Court; never going abroad, but richly decked, sometimes riding on Elephants, sometimes on Horseback, sometimes carried in a Paleky or Chair, commonly attended by a good number of Horsemen, to wit, of those that have the Guard at that time, as also by many Footmen marching before, and on his sides, to make way, to drive away the Flies, to take of the dust with Peacock's tails, to carry water for drink, and sometimes Books of Accounts, or other Papers. All those that are at Court, are obliged, under a considerable Penalty, to come twice every day to salute the King in the Assembly, once about Ten or eleven a clock in the morning, when he renders Justice; and the second time, about six hours at night. They are also obliged by turns to keep the Guard in the Castle once a week, during twenty four hours. Thither they carry at that time their Beds, Tapisseries and other Movables, the King furnishing them with nothing but Provisions of Meat and Drink, which they receive with great reverence, making a triple obeisance, with their face turned to his Apartment, their hands down to the ground, and than lifted up upon their heads. Besides, they are obliged on Horseback to follow the King whithersoever he marcheth in any weather, rainy or dusty, whether he be carried in his Chair, or on an Elephant, or a Field-Throne, which last is done by eight men carrying him on their shoulders, eight others marching on his side, to relieve the others; himself being in all Marches well covered from the inconveniences of the Wether, whether he go to War, or to Hunt, or to exercise his Soldiery. And this attendance those Omrahs' are to give, except some of them be exempted by the mogul, because of their peculiar Offices, or upon the account of sickness or old age, or to avoid embarasment, as commonly 'tis practised, when he goeth only to some neighbouring Town to hunt, or to some house of Pleasure, or to the Mosque, there being than seldom any about him but those that keep the Guard that day. Mansebdars are Cavaliers Manseb, which is particular and honourable Pay; not so great indeed as that of the Omrahs', but much greater than that of the others; they being esteemed as little Omrahs', and of the rank of those, that are raised to that dignity. These acknowledge also none for their Head but the King, and they are generally obliged to whatever we have said the Omrahs' are. In a word, they would be true Omrahs', if they had, as divers heretofore have had, some Horsemen under them; whereas they have ordinarily but two, four, or six Horses, having the King's mark, and their Pay goes no higher than from 200, to 600 or 700 Roupies a month. Their number also is not fixed, but much exceeds that of the Omrahs', there being of them at the Court always two or three hundred, besides those that are in the Provinces and Armies. Rouzindars are also a sort of Cavaliers, but such as have their Pay by the day, (as the word itself imports) which yet sometimes is greater than that of many Mansebdars, but not so honourable; but than they are not bound, as the Mansebdars, to take at a set price (which sometimes is not too reasonable) of those Tapisseries and other Householdstuff, that hath served for the King's Palace. Their number is very great; they enter into the meaner Offices, many of them being Clerks, Under-Clerks, Signet-Men, and the like. Simple Cavaliers, are those, that are under the Omrahs'; amongst whom the most considerable, and having most Pay, are those that have two Horses marked on the Leg with the mark of their Omrah. Their Pay is not absolutely fixed, but depends chief from the generosity of the Omrah, who may favour whom he pleaseth. Yet the Mogul's intention is, that the Pay of a simple Cavalier or Horseman be no lesle than twenty five Roupies, or thereabout a Month, stating his account with the Omrahs' upon that Foot. The Pay of the Foot is the lest; and their Musquetiers are pitiful men, unless they discharge when their Musket leans on that small wooden Fork hanging to it; yet even than they are afraid of singeing their great Beards, and of burning their Eyes, but most of all, lest some Dgen or evil Spirit burst their Musket. Some of these have 20 Roupies a Month, some 15, some 10. But yet there are some Gunners that have great Pay, especially those of the Franguis or Christians, as Portugueses, English, Dutch, Germane, French, that retire thither from Goa, flying from English and Dutch Companies. Heretofore when the Mogul's did not yet know how to manage Artillery, their Pay was very great. And there are yet some of that time, who have 200 Roupies a Month; but now they will receive none for more than thirty two. Their Artillery is of two sorts; the one is the great and heavy Artillery, the other the light. As for the former, I remember, that when the King after his Sickness went with his whole Army abroad into the Country, diverting himself every day in Hunting, sometimes of Cranes, sometimes of the grey Oxen, (a kind of Elks) sometimes of Gazels, Leopards and Lions, and making his progress towards Lahor and Kachmire (that little Paradise of India) there to pass the Summer, the Army had Seventy pieces of Cannon, most of them cast, not counting the two or three hundred Camels, carrying each a small Field-piece of the bigness of a good double Musket, fastened to those Animals. The other light Artillery is very brave and well ordered, consisting of fifty or sixty small Field-pieces all of Brass, each mounted on a little Chariot, drawn by two very fair Horses, driven by a Coachman like a Caleche, adorned with a number of small read Streamers, each having a third Horse led by the Chariot for relief. The great Artillery could not always follow the King, who often l●●t the Highway, and turned sometimes to the right, sometimes to the left hand, crossing the fields, to found the true places for Game, and to follow the course of the Rivers. That therefore was to keep the Highway to go the more easily, and to avoid the embarasments, which it would have met with in the ill passages, especially in those Boat-Bridges made to pass Rivers. The light Artillery is inseparable from the person of the King, it marcheth away in the morning, when the King comes out of his Tent; and whereas he commonly goes a little aside into the places for Game, this Artillery passeth on strait with all possible speed, to be in time at the Rendezvous, and there to appear before the King's Tent, which is there made ready the day before; as are also the Tents of the great Omrahs': And this whole Artillery giveth a Volley just when the King enters into his Tent, thereby to give notice to the Army of his arrival. The Militia of the Field is not different from that which is about the King: There are everywhere Omrahs', Mansebdars, Rousindars, simple Horsemen, and Foot and Artillery wherever any War is made. The difference is only in the number, which is much greater in the Field-Army, than in the other. For that Army alone, which the mogul is constrained perpetually to maintain in Decan, to bridle the potent King of Golkonda, and to make War upon the King of Visapour, and upon all the Raja's that join with him, must consist at lest of twenty, or twenty five thousand Horse sometimes of thirty. The Kingdom of Kaboul, for its ordinary Guard against the Persians', Augans, Balouches, and I know not how many Mounteniers, requireth at lest Fifteen thousand. The Kingdom of Kachmire, more than Four thousand; and the Kingdom of Bengale, much more; not counting those that are employed in the War, which must almost always be maintained on that side; nor those which the Governors of the several Provinces do need for their defence, according to the particular extent and situation of their Governments, which maketh an incredible number. Not to mention the Infantry, (which is inconsiderable) I am apt to believe with many others, well informed of these matters, that the number of the Horse in actual service about the King's Person, comprehending the Cavalry of the Raja's and Patans', mounteth to Thirty five or forty thousand; and that this number, joined to those that is abroad in the Field, may make Two hundred thousand, and better. I say, that the Infantry is inconsiderable; for I can hardly believe, that in the Army which is about the King, comprising the Musquetiers, and all the Gunners and their Mates, and whatever serves in this Artillery, can amount to much more than Fifteen thousand; whence you may make a near guess, what the number of the Foot must be in the Field. So that I know not whence to take that prodigious number of Foot, which some do reckon in the Armies of the Great mogul, unless it be, that with this true Soldiery they confounded all the Servingmen and Victuallers that follow the Army; for in that sense I should easily believe, that they had reason to reckon two or three hundred thousand men in that Army alone which is with the King, and sometimes more; especially when 'tis certain, that he is to be long absent from the Capital City: which will not seem so strange to him, that considers the multitude and confusion of 〈◊〉 Kitchens, Baggage, Women, Elephants, Camels, Oxen, Horses, Waiting-men, Porters, Foragers, Victuallers, Merchants of all sorts, that must follow the Army; nor to him, that knows the State and particular Government of that Country, wherein the King is the sole Proprietor of all the Lands of the Kingdom; whence it necessarily follows, that a whole Metropolitan City, such as Dehly and Agra, liveth of almost nothing but of the Soldiery, and is consequently obliged to follow the King when he taketh the Field; those Towns being nothing lesle than Paris, but indeed not otherwise governed than a Camp of Armies a little better and more conveniently lodged than in the open Field. Besides all these things, you may also consider, if you please, that generally all this Militia, which I have been representing to you, from the greatest Omrah, to the meanest Soldier, is indispensibly paid every two months, the King's Pay being its sole refuge and relief; nor can its Pay be deferred there, as 'tis sometimes with us; where, when there are pressing occasions of the State, a Gentleman, an Officer, and even a simple Cavalier, can stay awhile, and maintain himself of his own Stock, Rents, and the Incomes of his Land. But in the Mogul's Country, all must be paid at the time prefixed, or all disbands and starves, after they have sold that little they have; as I saw in this last War, that many were going to do, if it had not soon ceased. And this the more, because that in all this Militia, there is almost no Soldier that hath not Wife and Children, Servants and Slaves, that look for this Pay, and have no other hope of relief. And hence it is▪ that many wonder, considering the huge number of persons living of Pay (which amounts to millions) whence such vast Revenues can be had for such excessive Charges: Although this need not to be so much wondered at, considering the Richeses of the Empire, the peculiar Government of the State, and the said universal Propriety of the Sovereign. You may add to all this, That the Grand mogul keeps nigh him at Dehly and Agra, and thereabout, two or three thousand brave Horses, to be always ready upon occasion, as also eight or nine hundred Elephants, and a vast number of Mules, Horses, and Porters, to carry all the great Tents and their Cabinets, to carry his Wives, Kitchens, Householdstuff, Ganges-Water, and all the other Necessaries for the Field, which he hath always about him as if he were at home; things not absolutely necessary in our Kingdoms. To this may be added those incredible Expenses upon the Seraglio, more indispensible than will be easily believed; that vast store of fine Linen, Cloth of Gold, Embroideries, Silks, Musk, Amber, Pearls, sweet Essences, etc. consumed there. All these Charges being put together, and compared with the Revenues the mogul may be thought to have, it will be easy to judge, whether he be indeed so very rich, as he is made to be. As for me, I very well know, that it cannot be denied, that he hath very great Revenues; I believe, he hath more alone than the Grand Signior, and the King of Persia, both together: But than, to believe all those extravagant Stories made of the vastness of his Revenues, is a thing I could never do: And if I should believe the best part of them, yet should I not believe him in effect and 〈◊〉 so rich, as the World rings of him; unless a man would say, that a Treasurer, who receiveth great Sums of money from one hand at the same time when he is obliged to disburse them to another, were therefore truly rich. For my part, I should count that King rich indeed, who, without oppressing and impoverishing his People too much, should have a Revenue sufficient to keep a great and gallant Court, (after the manner of that of ours, or otherwise) and a Militia sufficient both to guard his Kingdom, and to make an important War for divers years against his Neighbours; as also to show Liberality, to build some Royal Edifices, and to make those other Expenses which Kings are want to make according to their particular Inclinations; and who, besides all this, should be able to put up in his Treasury, for a Reserve, Sums big enough to undertake and maintain a good War for some years. Now I am apt enough to believe, that the Great mogul enjoyeth very near these Advantages, but I cannot persuade myself, that he hath them in that excess, as is thought and pretended. Those vast and inevitable Expenses, that I have taken notice of, will certainly incline you to my Opinion without any other consideration; but you will, doubtless, be altogether of my mind, when I shall have represented to you these two things, which I am very well informed of. The one is, that the Great mogul, now reigning, about the end of this last Revolution, though the Kingdom was everywhere in peace (except in Bengale, where Sultan-Sujah yet ●eld out) was much perplexed where to found means for the subsistence of his Armies, though they were not so well paid as at other times, and the War lasted not longer than five years, or threabout, and though also he had laid hold of a good part of the Treasury of his Father Chah-Jehan. The other is, That all this Treasure of Chah-Jehan, who was very frugal, and had Reigned above Forty years without considerable Wars, never mounted to six Kourours of Roupies. A Roupy is about twenty nine pence. An hundred thousand of them make a Lecque, and an hundred Lecques make one Kourour. [So that the six Kourours would make about seven Millions and an half English Money.] 'Tis true, I do not comprehend in this great Treasure that great abundance of Goldsmith's work, so variously wrought in Gold and Silver; nor that vast store of precious Stones and Pearls of a very high value. I doubt, whether there be any King in the World that hath more. The Throne alone, covered with them, is valued at lest three Kourors, if I remember aright: But than, it is to be considered also, that they are the spoils of those ancient Princes, the Patans' and Rajas, gathered and piled up from immemorial times, and still increasing from one King to another, by the Presents which the Omrahs' are obliged yearly at certain Festival-days to make him; and which are esteemed to be the Jewels of the Crown, which it would be criminal to touch, and upon which a King of mogul in case of necessity would found it very hard to procure the lest Sum. But before I conclude, I shall take notice, whence it may proceed, that though this Empire of Mogol be thus an Abyss of Gold and Silver, (as hath been said,) yet notwithstanding there appears no more of it among the people, than elsewhere; yea, rather that the People is there lesle Moneyed than in other places. The first reason is, that much of it is consumed in melting over and over all those Nose and Earrings, Chains, Finger-rings, Bracelets of Hands and Feet, which the Women wear, but chief in that incredible quantity of Manufactures, wherein so much is spent, which is lost, as in all those Embroideries, Silk-stuffs, enterwoven with Gold and Silver, Cloth, Scarf, Turbans, etc. of the same. For generally all that Militia loveth to be guided from the Omrahs' to the meanest Soldiers with their Wives and Children, though they should starve at home. The second, That all the Lands of the Kingdom being the King's propriety, they are given either as Benefices, which they call Jah-ghirs, or, as in Turkey, Timars, to men of the Militia for their Pay or Pension (as the word Jah-ghir imports:) Or else they are given to the Governors for their Pension, and the entertainment of their Troops, on condition that of the surplus of those Land-revenues they give yearly a certain sum to the King, as Farmers; Or lastly, the King reserveth them for himself as a particular Domain of his House, which never or very seldom are given as Jah-ghirs, and upon which he keeps Farmers, who also must give him a yearly sum; which is to say, that the Timariot, Governors and Farmers have an absolute Authority over the Countrymen, and even a very great one over the Tradesmen and Merchants of the Towns, Boroughs, and Villages, depending from them: so that in those Parts there are neither great Lords nor Parliaments, nor Presidial Courts, as amongst us, to keep these People in awe: nor Kadis or Judges, powerful enough to hinder and repress their violence; Nor, in a word, any person, to whom a Countryman, Tradesman, or Merchant, can make his complaints to, in cases of extortion and tyranny, often practised upon them, by the Soldiery and Governors, who every where do impunely abuse the Authority Royal, which they have in hand, unless it be perhaps a little in those places that are near to Capital Cities, as Dehli and Agra, and in great Towns and considerable Seaports of the Provinces, whence they know that the complaints can be more easily conveyed to the Court. Whence it is, that all and every one stand in continual fear of these people, especially of the Governors more than any Slave doth of his Master: that ordinarily they affect to appear poor and money-less, very mean in their Apparel, Lodging, Householdstuff, and yet more in meat and drink; that often they apprehended even to meddle with Trade, jest they should be thought Rich, and so fall into the danger of being ruined: So that at last they found no other remedy to secure their Wealth, than to hid and dig their money deep under Ground, thus getting out of the ordinary commerce of men, and so Dying, neither the King nor the State having any benefit by it. Which is a thing not only happens among the Peasants and Artisans, but (which is far more considerable) amongst all sorts of Merchants, whether Mabumetans or Heathens, except some that are in the Kings, or some Omrahs' Pay, or that have some particular Patron and support in power: But principally among the Heathen, which are almost the only Masters of the Trade and Money, infatuated with the belief, that the Gold and Silver, which they hid in their life-time, shall serve them after death. And this, in my opinion, is the true reason, why there appears so little money in Trade among the People. But thence ariseth a Question very considerable, viz. Whether it were not more expedient, not only for the Subjects, but for the State itself, and for the Sovereign, not to have the Prince such a Proprietor of the Lands of the Kingdom, as to take away the Meum and Tuum amongst private persons; as 'tis with us; For my part, after a strict comparing the State of our Kingdoms, where that Meum and Tuum holds, with that of those other Kingdoms, where it is not, I am thoroughly persuaded, that it is much better and more beneficial for the Sovereign himself, to have it so as 'tis in our parts. Because that in those parts where 'tis otherwise, the Gold and Silver is lost, as I was just now observing: There is almost no person secure from the violences of those Timariors, Governors, and Farmers: The Kings, how well soever they be disposed toward their people, are never almost in a condition (as I lately noted) to get Justice administered to them, and to hinder tyrannies; especially in those great Dominions, and in the Provinces remote from the Capital Towns; Which yet aught to be, as doubtless it is, one of the chief employments and considerations of a King. Besides, this tyranny often grows to that excess, that it takes away what is necessary to the life of a Peasant or Tradesman, who is starved for hunger and misery; who gets no Children, or if he does, sees them die young for want of food; or that abandons his Land, and turns some Cavalier's man, or flies whither he may to his Neighbours, in hopes of finding a better condition. In a word, the Land is not tilled but almost by force, and consequently very ill, and much of it is quite spoiled and ruined, there being none to be found, that can or will be at the charge of entertaining the ditches and channels for the course of waters to be conveyed to necessary places; nor any body that care to build Houses, or to repair those that are ruinous; the Peasant reasoning thus with himself: Why should I toil so much for a Tyrant that may come to morrow to take all away from me, or at lest all the best of what I have, and not leave, if the fancy taketh him, so much as to sustain my life even very poorly? And the Timariot, the Governor and the Farmer, will reason thus with himself; Why should I bestow money, and take pains of bettering or maintaining this Land, since I must every hour expect to have it taken from me, or exchanged for another? I labour neither for myself, nor for my Children; and that place which I have this year, I may, perhaps, have not more the next. Let us draw from it what we can, whilst we possess it, though the Peasant should break or starve, though the Land should become a Desert, when I am gone! And for this very reason it is, that we see those vast Estates in Asia go so wretchedly and palpably to ruin. Thence it is, that throughout those Parts we see almost no other Towns but made up of earth and dirt; nothing but ruin'd and deserted Towns and Villages, or such as are going to ruin. Even thence it is, that we see (for Example) those Mesopotamia's, Anatolia's, Palestina's, those admirable Plains of Antioch, and so many other Lands, anciently so well tilled, so fertile, and so well peopled, at the present half deserted, untilled and bandoned, or become pestilent and uninhabitable Bogs. Thence it is also, that of those incomparable Lands of Egypt it is observed, that within lesle than fourscore years, more than the tenth part of it is lost, no people being to be found, that will expend what is necessary to maintain all the Channels, and to restrain the River Nile from violently overflowing on one hand, and so drowning too much the low Lands, or from covering them with Sand, which cannot be removed from thence but with great pains and charges. From the same root it comes, that Arts are languishing in those Countries, or at lest flourish much lesle than else they would do, or do with Us. For what heart and spirit can an Artisan have to study well, and to apply his mind to his work, when he sees, that among the people, which is for the most part beggarly, or will appear so, there is none that considers the goodness and neatness of his Work, every body looking for what is cheap, and that the Grandees pay them but very ill, and when they please. The poor Tradesman often thinking himself happy, that he can get clear from them without the Korrah, which is that terrible Whip that hangs nigh the Gate of the Omrahs'. Further, when he seethe that there is no help at all ever to come to any thing, as to buy an Office, or some Land for himself and Children, and that even he dares not appear to have a Penny in Cash, or to wear good clothes, or to eat a good Meal, for fear he should be thought rich. And indeed the beauty and exactness of Arts had been quite lost in those Parts long ago, if it were not that the Kings and Grandees there did give Wages to certain Workmen, that work in their Houses, and there teach their Children, and endeavour to make themselves able in order to be a little more considered, and to escape the Korrah; and if also it were not, that those great and rich Merchants of Towns, who are protected by good and powerful Patrons, paid those Workmen a little better; I say, a little Better; for, what fine stuffs soever we see come from those Countries, we must not imagine, that the Workman is there in any honour, or comes to any thing; 'tis nothing but mere Necessity, or the Cudgel, that makes him work, he never grows rich; it is no small matter, when he hath wherewith to live, and to clothe himself narrowly. If there be any money to gain of the Work, that is not for him, but for those great Merchants of Towns, I was just now speaking of; and even these themselves found it often difficult enough to maintain themselves, and to prevent Extortion. 'Tis from the same cause also, that a gross and profound Ignorance reigns in those States. For, how is it possible, there should be Academies and Colleges well founded, where are such Founders to be met with? And if there were any, Whence were the Scholars to be had? Where are those that have means sufficient to maintain their Children in Colleges? And if there were, who would appear to be so rich? And if they would, Where are those Benefices, Preferments, and Dignities, that require Knowledge and Abilities, and that may animate young men to study? Thence it is likewise, that Traffic languishes in all that Country, in comparison of ours. For how many are there, that care to take pains, to run up and down, to writ much, and to run danger for another, for a Governor, that shall extort, if he be not in league with some considerable Swordman, whose Slave he in a manner is, and that makes his own Conditions with him? It is not there, that the Kings found for their service, Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Sons of rich and good Families, Officers, Citizens, Merchants, and even Tradesmen, well born, well educated, and well instructed; men of Courage, that have a true affection and respect for their King, that often live a great while at the Court, and in the Army, at their own Expenses, entertaining themselves with good hopes, and content with the favourable aspect of the Prince; and who, upon occasion, fight manfully, covetous to uphold the honour of their Ancestors and Families. Those Kings, I say, never see about them, but men of nothing, Slaves, Ignorants, Brutes, and such Courtesans as are raised from the Dust to Dignities; and that for want of good Education and Instruction, almost always retain somewhat of their Offspring, of the temper of Beggars, enriched, proud, unsufferable, heartless, insensible of honour, disingenuous, and voided of affection and regard for the honour of their King and Country. Here it is, where those Kings must ruin all, to found means to defray all those prodigious Charges, which they cannot avoid for entertaining their great Court, which hath no other source to subsist but their Coffers and Treasure, and for maintaining constantly the vast number of Soldiers, necessary for them to keep the People in subjection, to prevent their running away, to make them work, and to get what is exacted from them, they being so many Desperadoes, for being perpetually under hatches, and for labouring only for others. Thence it is also, that in an important War that may hap (which may be almost at all times) they must almost of necessity cell the Government for ready Money, and immense Sums, whence chief that ruin and defolation comes to pass which we see. For the Governor, which is the Buyer, must not he be reimbursed of all those great Sums of money, which he hath taken up, perhaps the third or fourth part, at high interest? Must not a Governor also, whether he have bought the Government or not, found means as well as a Timariot and a Farmer, to make every year great Presents to a Visir, an Eunuch, a Lady of the Seraglio, and to those other persons that support him at Court? Must he not pay to the King his usual Tributes, and withal enrich himself, that wretched Slave, half famished, and deeply indebted when he first appeared, without Goods, Lands, and Revenues of his House, such as they all are. Do not they ruin all, and lay all waste? I mean▪ those, that in the Provinces are like so many small Tyrants with a boundless and unmeasured Authority, there being no body there, as hath been already said, that can restrain them, or to whom a Subject can have refuge, to save himself from their Tyranny, and to obtain Justice? 'Tis true, that in the Empire of the mogul, the Vakea-nevis, that is, those Persons, whom he sends into the Provinces to writ to him whatever passeth there, do a little keep the Officers in awe, provided they do not collude together (as it almost always happens) to devour all; as also that the Governments are not there so often sold, nor so openly as in Turkey; I say, not so openly (for those great Presents, they are from time to time obliged to make, are almost equivalent to Sales) and that the Governors ordinarily remain longer in their Governments; which maketh them not so hungry, so beggarly, and so deep in debt, as those new Comers, and that consequently they do not always tyrannize over the people with so much cruelty; even apprehending, jest they should run away to the Raja's; which yet falls out very often. 'Tis also true, that in Persia the Governments are not so frequently nor so publicly sold as in Turkey; the Sons of the Governors also succeeding often enough to their Fathers; which is also the cause, that the people there is often not so ill treated as in Turkey, and occasions withal, that there is more politeness, and that even some there are that addict themselves to study. But all that is really but a slight matter; those three States of Turkey, Persia and Indostan, forasmuch as they have all three taken away the Meum and Tuum as to Land, and propriety of Possessions (which is the foundation of whatever is good and regular in the World) cannot but very near resemble one another: they have the same defect, they must at last, sooner or later, needs fall into the same inconveniences, which are the necessary consequences of it, viz. Tyranny, Ruin, and Desolation. Far be it therefore, that our Monarches of Europe should thus be Proprietors of all the Lands which their Subjects possess. Their Kingdoms would be very far from being so well cultivated and peopled, so well built, so rich, so polite and flourishing as we see them. Our Kings are otherwise rich and powerful; and we must avow that we are much better and more royally served. There would be Kings of Deserts and Solitudes, of Beggars and Barbarians, such as those are whom I have been representing; who, because they will have all, at last loose all; and who, because they will make themselves too rich, at length found themselves without richeses, or, at lest, very far from that which they covet after, out of their blind Ambition and Passion, of being more absolute than the Laws of God and Nature do permit. For, where would be those Princes, those Prelates, those Nobles, those rich Citizens, and great Merchants, and those famous Artisans, those Towns of Paris, Lions, Thoulouse, Roven, London, and so many others? Where would be that infinite number of Burroughs and Villages, all those fair Country-houses and Fields, and Hillocks, tilled and maintained with so much Industry, Care and Labour? And where would consequently be all those vast Revenues drawn thence, which at last enrich the Subjects and the Sovereign both? We should found the great Cities, and the great Boroughs rendered inhabitable, because of the ill Air, and to fall to ruin without any bodies taking care of repairing them; the Hillocks abandoned, and the Fields overspread with the Bushes, or filled with pestilential Marshes, as hath been already intimated. A word to our dear and experienced Travellers: They would not found those fair conveniencies of Travelling; they would be obliged to carry all things with them, like the Bohemians; and all those good Inns, for example, that are found between Paris and Lions, would be like ten or twelve wretched Caravans-serrahs, that is, great Barns, raised and paved, such as our Pontneuf is, where hundreds of men are found pell-mell together with their Horses, Mules and Camels, where one is stifled with heat in Summer, and starved of cold in Winter, if it were not for the breathing of those Animals, that warm the place a little. But it will be said, we see some States, where the Meum and Tuum is not, (as for example, that of the Grand Signior, which we know better than any, without going so far as the Indieses) that do not only subsist, but are also very powerful, and increase daily. 'Tis true, that that State of the Gr. Signior, of such a prodigious Extent as it is, having so vast a quantity of Lands, the Soil of which is so excellent, that it cannot be destroyed but very difficultly, and in a long time, is yet rich and populous; but it is certain also, that if it were cultivated and peopled proportionably to ours▪ (which it would be, if there were propriety among the Subjects throughout) it would be a quite different thing; it would have people enough to raise such prodigious Armies as in old times, and rich enough to maintain them. We have traveled through almost all the parts of it; we have seen how strangely it is ruined and unpeopled; and how in the Capital City there now need three whole months to raise five or six thousand men. We know also, what it would have come to ere this, if it had not been for the great number of Christian Slaves that are brought into it from all Parts. And no doubt but that, if the same Government were continued there for a number of years, that State would destroy itself, and at last, fall it by its own Weakness, as it seems that already it is hardly maintained but only by that means, I mean, by the frequent change of Governors; there being not one Governor, nor any one man in the whole Empire, that hath a penny to enable him to maintain the lest thing, or that can almost found any men, if he had money. A strange manner to make States to subsist! There would need no more for making an end of the Seditions, than a Brama of Pegu, who killed the half of the Kingdom with hunger, and turned it into Forests, hindering for some years the Lands from being tilled, though yet he hath not succeeded in his Design, and the State have afterwards been divided, and that even lately Ava, the Capital Town, was upon the point of being taken by an handful of China Fugitives. Mean time we must confess, that we are not like to see in our days that total ruin and destruction of this Empire we are speaking of, (if so be we see not something worse) because it hath Neighbours, that are so far from being able to undertake any thing against him, that they are not so much as in a condition to resist him, unless it be by those succours of strangers, which the remoteness and jealousy would make slow, small, and suspect. But it might be yet further objected, that it appears not, why such States as these might not have good Laws, and why the People in the Provinces might not be enabled to come and make their Complaints to a Grand Visir, or to the King himself. 'Tis true, that they are not altogether destitute of good Laws, and that, if those which are amongst them were observed, there would be as good living there, as in any part of the World. But what are those Laws good for, if they be not observed, and if there be no means to make them to be executed? Is it not the Grand Visir, or the King that appoints for the People such beggarly Tyrants, and that hath no others to set over them? Is it not He that sells those Governments? Hath a poor Peasant or Tradesman means to make great Journeys, and to come and seek for Justice in the Capital City, remote, perhaps, 150 or 200 Leagues from the place of his Abode? Will not the Governor 'cause him to be made away in his journey (as it hath often happened) or catch him sooner or later? And will he not provide his Friends at Court, to support him there, and to represent things quite otherwise than they are? In a word, this Governor, hungry as well as the Timariot and Farmers (that are all men for drawing Oil out of Sand, as the Persian speaks, and for ruining a World, with their heap of Women-harpies, Children and Slaves) this Governor, I say, is he not the absolute Master, the Superintendant of Justice, the Parliament, the Receiver, and all? It may perhaps be added, That the Lands, which our Kings hold in Domain, are not lesle well tilled and peopled, than other Land. But there is a great difference between the having in propriety some Lands here and there in a great Kingdom (which changes not the Constitution of the State and Government) and the having them all in propriety, which would altar it altogether. And than we in these Parts have Laws so rational, which our Kings are willing to be the first to observe, and according to which they will that their particular Lands shall be governed as those of their Subjects are, so as to give way, that Actions of Law may be laid against their own Farmers and Officers, so that a Peasant or Tradesman may have means to obtain Justice, and to found remedy against the unjust violence of those that would oppress him: Whereas in those Parts of Asia, I see almost not any refuge for those poor People; the Cudgel and the Hammer of the Governor being in a manner the only Law that rules, and decides all Controversies there. Lastly, It may be said, that 'tis at lest certain, that in such States there is not such a multitude of long-lasting Suits of Law, as in these Parts, nor so many Lawyers of all sorts, as amongst us. It is in my opinion, very true, that one cannot too much applaud that old Persian Saying, Na-hac Kouta Beter-Ez hac Deraz, that is, Short Injustice is better than long Justice; and that the length of Law-Suits is unsufferable in a State, and that it is the indispensable duty of the Sovereign, by all good means, to endeavour a remedy against them. And 'tis certain, that by taking away this Meum and Tuum, the Root would be cut of an infinite number of Law-Processes, and especially of almost all those that are of importance, and long and perplexed; and consequently there would not need so great a number of Magistrates, which our Sovereigns do employ to administer Justice to their Subjects, nor that swarm of men, which subsist only by that way. But 'tis also manifest, that the Remedy would be an hundred times worse than the Disease, considering those great inconveniences that would follow thereupon, and that in all probability the Magistrates would become such as those of the Asiatic States, who deserve not that Name; for, in a word, our Kings have yet cause to glory upon the account of good Magistracy under them. In those Parts, some Merchants excepted, Justice is only among the meanest sort of People, that are poor, and of an unequal condition, who have not the means of corrupting the Judges, and to buy false Witnesses, that are there in great numbers, and very cheap, and never punished. And this I have learned every where by the experience of many years, and by my solicitous Inquiries made among the People of the Country, and our old Merchants that are in those Parts, as also of Ambassadors, Consuls and Interpreters; whatever our common Travellers may say, who, upon their having seen by chance, when they passed by, two or three Porters, or others of the like Gang, about a Kady, quickly dispatching one or other of the Parties, and sometimes both, with some lashes under the sole of their Feet, or with a Maybalé Baba, some mild words, when there is no Wool to sheer; who, I say, upon sight of this, come hither and cry out, O the good and short Justice! O what honest Judges are those in respect of ours! Not considering in the mean time, that if one of those Wretches, that is in the wrong; had a couple of Crowns to corrupt the Kady, or his Clerks, and as much to buy two false Witnesses, he might either win his Process, or prolong it as long as he pleased. In conclusion, to be short, I say, That the taking away this Propriety of Lands among private men, would be infallibly to introduce at the same time Tyranny, Slavery, Injustice, Beggary, Barbarism, Desolation, and to open a Highway for the ruin and destruction of Mankind, and even of Kings and States: And that on the contrary, this Meum and Tuum, accompanied with the hopes that every one shall keep, what he works and labours for, for himself and his Children, as his own, is the main foundation of whatever is regular and good in the World: Insomuch that whosoever shall cast his eyes upon the different Countries and Kingdoms, and taketh good notice of what follows upon this Propriety of Sovereigns, or that of the People, will soon found the true source and chief cause of that great difference we see in the several States and Empires of the World, and avow, that this is in a manner that which changes and diversifieth the Face of the whole Earth. The End of the SECOND TOME. A LETTER TO Monsieur de la MOTHE le VAYER, WRITTEN At DEHLI, JULY 1. 1663. CONTAINING The Description of DEHLI and AGRA, and divers Particulars discovering the Court and Genius of the Mogul's and Indians. SIR, I Know that one of the first Questions you are like to ask me, at my return in France, will be, Whether Dehli and Agra are Cities as fair and large, and as well peopled as Paris. Concerning its Beauty, I shall tell you by way of Preface, that I have sometimes wondered to hear our Europeans, that are here, despising the Towns of the Indieses, as not coming near ours, in respect of the Edifices. Certainly they aught not to resemble them; and if Paris, London, and Amsterdam, stood in the place where Dehli is, the greatest part of them must be thrown down, to build them after another manner. Our Cities indeed have great Beauties and Embellishments, but they are such that are proper to them, and accommodated to a cold Climate. Dehli also may have its Beauties peculiar to it, and suitable to a very hot Climate: For you are to know, that the heat here obligeth all People, even the great Lords, and the King himself, to go without Stockings, in a kind of Slippers only, a fine and slight Turban on their Heads, and the other Garments accordingly; that there are months in the Summer so excessively hot, that in the Chambers one can hardly hold one's hands against a Wall, nor ones head on a Cushion: And that People are obliged for the space of more than six months to lie without covering, at the door of their Chamber, as the Rabble doth in the open Streets, or as the Merchants, and other People of some Quality do, in some airy Hall or Garden, or upon some Terrace well watered at Night: thence you may judge, whether if there were such streets as that of St. Jaques, or St. Denis, with their Houses shut, and of so many Stories high, they would be habitable? And whether in the Night, especially when the heats are without wind and stuffing, it would be possible to sleep there? And who is there (I pray) that would have a mind in Summer, when he returns on Horseback from the City half dead, and in a manner stifled of the heat and dust, and all in a Sweat, (for so it is) to go climbing up an high pair of Stairs, which often is narrow and dark, to a fourth or fifth Story, and to abide in this hot and suffocating Air? On such occasions they desire nothing, but to throw down into the Stomach a Pint of fresh Water, or Lemonade, to undress, to wash the Face, Hands and Feet, to lie down in some cool and shady place all along, having a Servant or two to fan one by turns, with their great Panhas, or Fans. But, to leave this, we shall now endeavour to entertain you with the representation of Dehli as it is, that so you may judge, whether it be truly said, that it is a fair City. It is now about forty years that Chah-Jehan, Father of the Grand-Mogol Aureng-Zebe now reigning, to eternize his memory, caused to be built a Town contiguous to old Dehli, which he called after his Name Chah-Jean-Abad, and by way of abbreviation Jean-Abad; that is to say, a Colony of Chah-Jehan, designing to make it the Capital of the Empire, instead of Agra, where he said, that the Summer heats were too violent. This nearness hath occasioned, that the ruins of old Dehli have served to build a new City; and in the Indieses they scarce speak any more of Dehli, but only of Jehanabad. Yet notwithstanding, since the City of Jehanabad is not yet known amongst us, I intent to speak of it under the old name of Dehli, which is familiar to us. Dehli than is a Town altogether new, seated in a plain Campagne, upon a River like our ●oire, called Gemna, and built along one side of the River only; there being but one Boat-bridge to pass over into the Plain. This Town is surrounded with Walls, except the River side: these Walls are of Bricks, and without a considerable defence, they being without a Ditch, and having nothing to flank them but round Towers after the old way, distant from each other an hundred common paces, and a rampart behind them, four or five foot thick. The compass of these Walls, comprising the Fortress, is not so big as is commonly believed: I have gone it round with ease in three hours; and I believe not, though I was on Horseback, that I dispatched more than one league in an hour: 'tis true, that if you will take into the Town a very long Suburb, which goeth towards Lahor, as also what remains inhabited of old Dehli, which is likewise a great and very long Suburb, and besides, three or four small Suburbs more, all that would make in a direct line above a league and a half, and such a compass which I cannot well determine, because that between the Suburbs are great Gardens, and large spaces not built; but I may say, that thus taken it would be of a prodigious bigness. The Fortress, in which is the Mehalle, or Seraglio, and the other Royal Apartments, which I shall hereafter speak of, is built round upon the River; yet there is between the Water and the Walls a pretty large and long sandy space, where commonly Elephants are exercised, and where frequently the Militia of the Omrahs' and Rajas is mustered in the King's presence, who looks out of the Windows of one of his Apartments. The Walls of the Fortress, as to their round antic Towers, are very near like those of the Town, but they are partly of Bricks, and partly of a certain read Stone resembling Marble, which maketh them look fairer than those of the Town; besides that, they are much higher, stronger and thicker, being able to bear some Field-pieces that are there planted towards the Town; and encompassed also, excepting that side which respects the River, with a fair Ditch, walled up with Freestone, full of Water and Fish. But yet whether they are considerable for strength; a battery of some middle sized Canons would, in my opinion, soon cast them down. Round about the Ditch there is a pretty large Garden, at all times full of Flowers and green Apricocks, which together with those great Walls all read, maketh a very fine sight. About this Garden is the great Street, or rather the great Place Royal, to which the two great and principal Gates of the Fortress do answer, and to these Gates the two chief Streets of the Town. In this great Place it is, where the Tents of the Rajas are, that are in the King's Pay, to keep there every one in his turn their weekly Guard; whereas the Omrahs' and the Mansebdars, or small Omrahs', keep it within the Fortress. These little Sovereigns are not pleased to see themselves thus and so long shut up in a Fort. In this very Place it is, where at the break of day are exercised the Horses of a long Royal Stable, near it. And here 'tis also, that the Kobat-kan, or great Commissioner of the Cavalry, carefully vieweth the Horses of those Cavaliers, that have been received into Service, to the end that if these Horses are of Turkistan, or Tartary, and large and strong enough for Service, the King's Mark, and that of the Omrahs', under whom such Cavaliers are to be listed, may be branded upon them: A thing not ill devised, to prevent the mutual Loan of Horses in the Musters. This same Place is also a kind of Bazar, or Market, of an hundred things sold there, and a Rendezvous of Players, and Jugglers of all sorts, as the Pontneuf at Paris. It is no lesle the Meeting-place of the poor Astrologers, as well Mahometan as Heathen. These Doctors (forsooth) sit there in the Sun upon a piece of Tapestry, all covered with dust, having about them some old Mathematical Instruments, which they make show of to draw Passengers, and a great open Book representing the Animals of the Zodiac. These men are the Oracles, but rather the Affronters of the Vulgar, to whom they pretend to give, for one Payssa, that is, a penny, good Luck; and they are they, that looking upon the Hands and the Face, turning over their Books, and making a show of Calculation, determine the fortunate moment when a Business is to be begun to make it successful. The mean Women, wrapped up in a white Sheet from Head to Foot, come to found them out, telling them in their Ear their most secret Concerns, as if they were their Confessors, and (which smells very strongly of Stupidity and Folly) entreat them to tender the Stars propitious to them suitable to their Designs; as if they could absolutely dispose of their Influences. The most ridiculous of all these Astrologers, in my opinion, was that mongrel Portugese, fugitive from Goa, who sat in that Place with much Gravity upon his piece of Tapestry, like the rest, and had a great deal of Custom, though he could neither writ nor read, and as for Instruments and Books, was furnished with nothing else but an old Sea-Compass, and an old Romish Prayer-Book in the Portuguese Language, of which he shown the Pictures for Figures of the Zodiac: A tall Bestias, tall Astrologuo: For such Beasts, such ginger, said he to the Reverend Father Buzz, a Jesuit, who met him in that Place. I here speak only of the pitiful Astrologers of the Bazar; for there are others in these Parts, that are in the Courts of the Grandees, and are considered as great Clerks, and are very rich; whole Asia being overspread with this Superstition. The Kings and the great Lords, who would not undertake the lest things without consulting them, allow them great Salaries, that they may read to them what is written in the Heavens, (for so they speak here) and take out for them that fortunate moment, I was lately speaking of; or found out, at the opening of the Alcoran, the decision of all their Doubts. To return; these two principal Streets, which I said do answer to the two Gates of the Fortress, and to the Place, may have twenty five or thirty common paces in breadth, and they run in a straight line as far as you are able to see: Yet that which leads to the Gate of Labour, is much longer than the other; but they are both alike as to the Houses. There is on both sides nothing but Arches, as in our Place Royal; yet with this difference, that they are but of Bricks, and that there is not any Building upon them, but only the Terrace. There is also this difference, that they are not continued Galleries. These Arches are generally severed by Rails that make Shops which are not to be shut, where Tradesmen work in the day, where Bankers sit for their Business, and where Merchants set out their Wares, which at night they lock up in a Magazine, the little Door of which, to be shut, is in the bottom of every Arch. It is upon this Magazine, which is in the backpart of the Arches, that the Houses of Merchants are built and raised, which make a Show good enough towards the Street, and are also pretty convenient, being well aired, out of the way of the dust, and having for their Floor the terraces of the Arches, upon which they can walk to look out upon the Street, and to sleep at night in fresco. But excepting these Houses of the chief Streets, and a few others, there are not many of these fair Houses, that are thus raised upon Terraces; nor are even these two Streets universally furnished with them, there being mostly upon the Magazine, or on the side, nothing but a small Building, not seen from the Street, the great Merchants having their Houses somewhere else, whither they retire at night. Besides these two principal Streets, there are yet five others, which indeed are not so long nor so straight, but for the rest are altogether like them. There are also a great many other Streets crossing those on all sides, whereof there are also some furnished with Arches; but because they have been built piece-meal by such particular persons, as have not observed the Symmetry that was requisite, they are, for the most part, neither so large nor so straight, nor so well built as the others. Amongst all these Streets are spread every where the Houses of the Mansebdars, or little Omrahs', and those of the men of the Law, as also of many great Merchants, and other private men; of which there is a good number that are passable. It is true, there are but few that are all of Brick or Stone, and there is even a good number of these, that are made all of Earth only, and thatched; but for all that, they are convenient, because they are generally airy, being furnished with Courts and Gardens. Nor are they disagreeable within, forasmuch as besides the fine moveables, these thatched Cover are supported by a layer of certain long Canes, that are hard and strong, and very pretty, and because also these earthen Walls are plastered over with very fine and very white Chalk. Amongst these Houses I have been speaking of, that are tolerable, there is also a prodigious number of other small ones, that are only made up of Earth and Straw, where all the simple Cavaliers, and their Servants, and all those little people of the Market, that follow the Court and the Army are lodged. It is from these thatched Houses that Dehli is so subject to Fires. This last year there were burnt above sixty thousand such, at two or three times that they took Fire, when there blew certain impetuous Winds, that rise chief in Summer. The Fire was so quick and so violent, that it surprised the Houses, and many Horses also that could not be time enough loosened; and there were even some of these poor Women burnt, that never had been out of the Seraglio, and that are so weak and shamefaced when they see people, that they know nothing else but to hid their Faces. And it is upon the account of these pitiful Houses of Earth and Straw, that I look upon Dehli almost no otherwise than as many Villages joined together, and (which I have already said in another place) as a Camp of an Army, a little better and more commodiously placed, than in the Field. As to the Houses of the Omrahs', that are also up and down in this City, and principally upon the River, and even in the Suburbs: You are to know that in these hot Countries, to entitle an House to the name of Good and Fair, it is required it should be commodious, seated in a Place well aired, and capable to receive the Wind from all sides, and principally from the North; having Courts, Gardens, Trees, Conservatories, and little jets of Waters in the Halls, or at lest at the Entry; furnished also with good Cellars with great Flaps to stir the Air, for reposing in the fresh Air from twelve till four or five of the Clock, when the Air of these Cellars gins to be hot and stuffing: or having in lieu of Cellarage certain Kas-kanays, that is, little Houses of Straw, or rather of odoriferous Roots, that are very neatly made, and commonly placed in the midst of a Parterre near some Conservatory, that so the Servants may easily, with their Pompionbottles, water them from without. Moreover it is required for the beauty of an House, that it be seated in the midst of some great Parterre, that it have four great Divans or Ways raised from the ground to the height of a man, or thereabout, and exposed to the four Parts of the World, to receive the Wind and the Cold from all the Parts it may come from. Lastly, it is requisite for a good House to have raised Terraces, to sleep upon in the night, such as are of the same Floor with some great Chamber, to draw in ones Bedstead upon occasion; that is to say, when there comes some Tempest of Rain or Dust, or when that rousing freshness of the break of day awakens you, and obliges you to look for a Covering: or else when you apprehended that small and light Dew of the morning, which pierceth, and causeth sometimes benumbing and paralitical Symptoms in the Limbs. As to the interior part of an House, it is requisite that the whole Floor be covered with a matteress of Cotton four inches thick, covered with a white fine linen Sheet during Summer, and with a piece of silk Tapestry in Winter: That in the most conspicuous part of the Chamber, near the Wall, there be one or two cotton Quilts, with fine flowered Cover, and set about with small and fine embroidery of Silk, wrought with Gold and Silver, for the Master of the House, or Persons of Quality coming in, to sit upon; and that every Quilt have its cross Board, purfled with God, to lean upon: that round about the Chamber, along the Walls, there be several of these cross Board's, as I just now mentioned, handsomely covered with Velvet or flowered Satin, for Bystanders also to lean upon. The Walls five or six foot from the Floor, must be almost all with Niches, or little Windows, cut in an hundred different manners, or shapes, very fine, well measured and proportioned to one another, with some porcelain Vessels and Flower-pots in them; and the Ground must be painted and guilded, yet without any figure of Man or Beast, their Religion not allowing thereof. This is as near as I know, the Idea of a handsome and convenient House in these Parts: And as there is a good number of them in Dehli, that have all these Qualities mentioned, or at lest in part, according to which they are more or lesle fair and gallant: I believe one may say, without any injury to our Towns, that Dehli is not without Houses that are truly handsome, although they be not like ours in Europe. Concerning the Appearance and Richeses of the Shops, (which is the thing that contributeth most to the beauty of our Towns in Europe) although Dehli be the Seat of a very potent and magnificent Court, and consequently the resort of infinite quantities and varieties of rich Wares; yet we are not to imagine, that you shall found there our Streets of St. Denis; I know not whether there be any such in all Asia. And even as to the most fine and the most rich Stuffs, they are commonly but in the Magazines, their Shops are not furnished with them: So that for one Shop that maketh any show, that is, where there are sold those fine sorts of Linen, those Stuffs of Silk streaked with Gold and Silver, Cloth of Gold, Turbands embroidered with Gold, and other Commodities of great price; you shall always found five and twenty and more, that are filled with nothing but Pots of Oil and Butter, and Panniers one upon another full of Rice, Barley, Pease, Corn, and many other sorts of Grain and Legume; which are the ordinary Food not only of all the Gentiles, that never eat any meat, but also of the meaner sort of the Mahometans, and of a good part of those of the Soldiery. It is true that there is a Fruit-market that maketh some show. One may there see in Summer abundance of Shops full of dry Fruit, that come out of Persia, Balk, Bokara, and Samarkand, as Almonds, Pistaches, small Nuts, Raisins, Prunes, Apricocks, and the like. And in Winter there are found excellent Raisins fresh, black and white, brought from the same Countries, well wrapped up in Cotton; also Apples and Pears of three or four sorts, and of these admirable Melons that last all Winter. But all this Fruit is very dear; I have seen Melons sold even for a Crown and an half a piece. And they are indeed the great delicacy and expense of the Omrahs'. I have often seen in the House of my Aga, that there was eaten in Melons in one morning for more than twenty Crowns. There are none but the Melons of the Country that are cheap in Summer, but those are not so good. The Grandees only, that take care to sand for Seed out of Persia, and to get the Ground well fitted for them, may eat good ones; yet that but rarely neither, the Ground being not so proper but that the Seed degenerateth the very first year. It is true, there is yet another Fruit called Amba, or Mangue, which in its season, during two Summer months, is found in great plenty and very cheap; but those of Dehli are none of the best, being very lose and flashly: those of Bengala, Golkonda, and Goa, are admirable. It hath a certain sweetness so peculiar, that I doubt whether there be any Comsit in the World so pleasant. There are also Pateques, or Water-Melons in abundance, and almost all the year long; but they also do not thrive well at Dehli; they never have their meat so ruddy, firm and suggary; and if there be any good, they are not to be found but amongst the Great ones, who take the pains of making them grow as Melons, with extraordinary care and cost. There be also up and down in Dehli Shops of Comfit-maker's; but all their Comfits are very ill done, being full of Dust and Flies. There are besides many Shops of Bread every where, but because they have no Ovens like ours, it is never well baked: yet in the Fortress there is sold some that is reasonably good; and the Omrahs' cause such to be made in their Houses that is very delicate, sparing no new Butter, Milk, nor Eggs: yet though they leaven it, it is always much inferior in goodness to our Bread of Gonesse, and to those other sorts of excellent Bread of Paris, it savouring always of the Cake or Simnel. In these Bazars there are also some Tents, where they trade in Roast-meat, and in dressing I know not how many sorts of Dishes; but all that is but beggarly, nasty, and ill meat. I fear you sometimes meet with the flesh of Camels, Horses, or Oxen, dead of sickness: I do not much trust them; so that if you will eat any thing worth eating, you must have it dressed at home. There are also many Shops every where where they cell Flesh; but you must take heed, jest they give you Mutton for Kid; the Mutton and Beef, but especially Mutton, though well enough tasted, being here very hot, windy, and of ill digestion. The best meat here is young Kid, but it is very rarely sold in the Market by Quarters; so that if you have a mind to eat any, you must buy a whole and a live one; which is inconcenient enough, because the meat is spoiled between one morning and evening, and is commonly so lean, that it is tasteless. Ordinarily you found in the Shambleses nothing but the quarters of great Kids, which often also are very lean and hard. It is true, that since I have learned something of the manner of the Country, I found both Meat and Bread good enough, because I sand my Servant to the Fortress to the King's Caterers, who are very ready to let him have what is good for good payment, though it cost them nothing. And it was in reference to this, that one day I made my Agah smile, when I told him that I had I know not how many years lived by artifice and stealing, and that for all the 150 Crowns pay he monthly allowed me, I was ready to be starved; whereas in France for half a Roupy, I could every day eat as good a bit of meat as the King. They have no Capons, all that People b●ing too tenderhearted towards all Animals but Men, whom they need for their Seraglios. But the Markets are full of Hens, that are very good and cheap: Among the rest there is one sort of little ones, that I called Aethiopian Hens, because they have their skin black like the Aethiopians, which are very tender and very delicate. Pigeon's there are, but no young ones, because they will not kill them young; they would be (say they) too small, and it were ill done to kill such poor little Animals. There are also Partridges, but smaller than ours, and generally (seeing they bring them afar of alive, knowing how to take them with Nets) they are worse than our Pullet's. The like may be said of their Ducks and Hares, of which they also bring whole Cages full alive. Concerning Fish, the People here are no great Fishmongers; yet at times one meets with very good Fish, especially of two sorts, the one resembleth our Pike, and the other our Carp; but that is only when it is not cold, for the Indians fear that much more than we Europeans apprehended heat. And if at any time you meet accidentally with any, the Eunuches, who love them excessively, (I know not why) carry them presently away. None but the Omrahs' have power to make men fish when they please, which they do with the Korrah, that great common Whip always hanging at their Gates. From all that I have said, you may by the By see, whether a man aught to leave Paris to come to Dehli to make good cheer. Certainly the Grandees have all things, but that is upon the account of their many Servants, of the Korrah, and of the plenty of Money. And thence it was I once said, that at Dehli there is no mean; there you must either be a great Lord, or live miserably: for I have experienced it myself, in a manner dying of Hunger this good while though I have had considerable Pay, and was resolved to spare nothing that way, because commonly there is found nothing in the Markets but the refuse of the Grandees. Besides that, the soul of a Feast which is good Wine, is not there; not that no Grapes do grow there to make Wine, (for I have drunk some at Amadevad and Golkonda, in the Houses of English men and Hollanders, that was not ill) but because it is prohibited to make Wine, in regard that not only by the Law of Mahomet, but also by that of the Heathen, it is not permitted to drink any: So that it is very rare to found Wine, and that which we found comes out of Persia from Chiras by Land to Banderabasy, from thence by Sea to Suratte, and from Suratte hither by Land in forty six days: or it comes from the Canaries, brought also over Sea to Suratte by the Dutch. And both are so dear, that the cost (as the saying is) maketh it loose the taste; for a Bottle holding about three Parisian pints cometh often to six or seven Crowns, and more. That which is of this countries' growth is called Arac, a strong Water made of Sugar not refined, and even this is expressly prohibited to be sold, and there are none but Christians that dare drink of it, except others do it by stealth. This is a Drink very hot and penetrant, like the Brandy made of Corn in Poland. It so falls upon the Nerves, that it often causeth shaking Hands in those that drink a little too much of it, and casts them into incurable Maladies. Here we must accustom ourselves to fair and good Water, and to Lemonade, which is excellent, and may be made with small charges, and doth not spoil the Stomach. But to say all, a man hath no great inclination, in such hot Countries as these to drink Wine; and I am willing notice should be here taken together with me, that the abstinence from Wine in these Parts, joined to the general sobriety of the Natives, and to the sweats and perpetual transpiration made by the pores, are the cause (in my opinion) that we almost know not what is the Gout, the Stone, Aches of the Kidneys, Rheumatisms, Quartans; and that those that bring any of these Sicknesses hither, as I did, are at length totally freed from them: and further, that the Pox itself, though very frequent, is not so cruel nor so pernicious here as in Europe: so that People generally live here more healthily than with us. But than on the other hand, there is not so much vigour here in People, as in our cold Climate; and this feebleness and languor of body is a kind of perpetual malady, very troublesome to all, especially in the great heats of Summer, and especially to the Europeans, whose bodies are not yet enured to heat. As for Shops of excellent Handycraftsmen, that is also a thing we must not look for here: all we found is but very little; not that the Indians have not wit enough to make them successful in Arts, they doing very well (as to some of them) in many Parts of India, and it being found that they have inclination enough for them, and that some of them make (even without a Master) very pretty workmanship, and imitate so well our Work of Europe, that the difference thereof will hardly be discerned. I have seen amongst them even of our kind of Guns, very fine and very good; and pieces of Goldsmiths Work so well done, that I doubt whether in Europe they could be made better. I have also seen in Picture and Miniature such curious and delicate pieces, that I admired them. Amongst others, I have seen the Combats of Eckbar, represented upon a Buckler by a famous Painter, who was said to have been seven years working at it, which seemed to me an admirable piece of Work. It is manifest, that they want nothing but good Masters, and the precepts of Art to give them just proportions; and above all, that life of the Face, to which they have not yet been able to attain. The Reason therefore why in the Shops of Dehli there are rarely found good Handy-crafts-men, is not want of Wit, but contempt of the Workmen, who are ill treated, and whose Work is debased to too low a price. If some Omrah, or Mansebdar, will have any thing made by a Workman of the Bazar, he will sand for him, and make him work in a manner by force, and afterwards pay him as he pleaseth; and the man will think himself happy too, if in part of payment he receive not the Korrah. What heart than can a poor Workman have to take pains to succeed in his Workmanship? He considers nothing but to dispatch his Work, thereby to earn something to put Bread into his Mouth. So that if there be any of them that succeed, they are of those whom the great Lords entertain in their Service, and that work only for them. Touching the things within the Fortress, where are the Seraglio, and some other Royal Edifices, you must not look for a Lovure, or an Eseurial; those Buildings do not resemble ours, nor by what I have said, aught they to resemble them: it is enough that they have that stateliness, which is proper to the Climate. I found nothing remarkable at the entry, but two great Elephants of stone, which are on the two sides of one of the Gates. Upon one of them is the Statue of Jamel, that famous Raja of Chitar, and upon the other, that of Polta his Brother. These are those two gallant Men, that together with their Mother, who was yet braver than they, cut so much Work for Eckbar; and who in the Sieges of Towns, which they maintained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their Generosity, that at length they would rather be killed in the outfalls with their Mother, than submit: and for this Gallantry it is, that even their Enemies thought them worthy to have these Statues erected for them. These two great Elephants, together with the two resolute Men sitting on them, do at the first entry into this Fortress make an impression of I know not what greatness and awful terror. After you have passed this Gate, you found a long and large Street, divided into two by a Channel of running Water, and having on both sides, as our Pontneuf, a long raised Wall five or six foot high, and four broad; and further of some Arches shut, that follow one another all along in the form of Gates. It is upon this long raised Place that those Clerks, Controllers, and other small Officers sit to do their Office, without being incommoded by the Horses and People that pass along beneath. And it is there also where the Mansebdars, or little Omrahs', are at night to keep the Guard. The Water of the Channel runneth dividing itself through the whole Seraglio, and at length falleth into the Ditches to fill them. It is drawn out of the River by a Channel opened five or six leagues above Dehli, and conveyed cross the Field, and that through some Rocks that have cost great pains to be cut in divers places. And this is very near what may be seen at the entry into one of the two principal Gates, that answer to the great Piazza. If you enter at the other Gate, you also found presently a pretty long and large Street, having its rise on the sides as the other, together with Shops upon them in lieu of the Arches. This Street is properly a Bazar, which is very commodious during the season of the Rains and Summer, because it is covered by a long and large Vault, which hath on the top great openings to let in light. Besides these two Streets, there are many other small ones on the right and left hand, that lead to the Apartments, where the Omrahs' keep their Guard, each in his turn, once a week, for twenty four hours. These Places are stately ones for Corpse de Guards, the Omrahs' striving to beautify them at their own charges. These are ordinarily great raised Places respecting a Parterne, that hath its little Channels of running Water, small Conservatories and Jets of Water. The Omrahs' during the twenty four hours of Guard, take no care for their Table, the King sending them all their Meat ready dressed, and they being but to receive it, as they do, with very much Ceremony and Respect, making three obeisances of thanks, by elevating their Hand upon their Head, and bowing down to the ground, their Face turned toward the King. There are also found many raised Walks and Tents in sundry Places, that are the Offices of several Officers. Besides, there are many great Halls that are the Kar-kanays, or Places where Handycraftsmen do work. In one of these Halls you shall found Embroiderers at work, together with their Chief that inspects them; in another you shall see Goldsmiths; in a third Picture-drawers; in a fourth Workmen in Lacca; in others, Joiner's, Turner's, Tailors, Shoemakers; in others, Workmen in Silk and purfled Gold, and in all those sorts of fine Cloth, of which they make Turbands, Girdles with golden flowers, and those Drawers of Ladies, that are so fine and delicate, as that sometimes they last them but one night, though they often cost them ten or twelve Crowns, when they are of that fashion, as I have mentioned; I mean, enriched with those fine Embroideries of Needlework. All these Handycraftsmen come in the morning to those Kar-kanays, and work there all day long, and at night return to their several homes, every one passing his Life quietly, without aspiring above his condition: for the Embroiderer maketh his Son an Embroiderer, the Goldsmith maketh his Son a Gold smith, and a Physician in a Town maketh his Son a Physician; and no body marrieth but with those that are of his Trade: which is religiously observed, not only among the Heathen, that are obliged to it by their Law, but almost always among the Mahometans themselves: Whence it is that you may often see very handsome young Women, that remain unmarried, passing their time as well as they can, though they might meet with good Matches, if their Parents would or could marry them into another Family, esteemed lesle noble than their own. After all these Apartments, we come at length to the Amkas, which is something very Royal. This is a great square Court with Arches, as may be our Place Royal: with this difference, that there are no Buildings atop, and that the Arches are severed from one another by a Wall, yet so that there is a small Gate to pass from one to the other. Over the great Gate, which is in the middle of one of the sides of this Square, there is a large raised Place, all open on the side of the Court, which is called Nagar-kanay, because that is the Place where the Trumpets are, or rather the Oboes and Timbals, that play together in consort at certain hours of the day and night: but this is a very odd consort in the Ears of an European that is a new comer, not yet accustomed to it: for sometimes there are ten or twelve of those Oboes, and as many Timbals, that sound altogether at once; and there is an Oboe which is called Karna, a fathom and an half long, and of half a foot aperture below; as there are Timbals of Brass or Iron, that have no lesle than a fathom in diameter: whence it is easy to judge, what a noise they must needs make. Indeed this Music in the beginning did so pierce and stun me, that it was unsufferable for me; yet I know not what strange power custom hath, for I now found it very pleasing, especially in the night, when I hear it afar of in my bed upon my Terrace; than it seemeth to me to carry with it something that is grave, majestical and very melodious. And there is some Reason for this melody; for seeing it hath its Rules and Measures, and that there are excellent Masters taught from their youth to manage it, and perfectly know how to qualify and temper those strong sounds of the Oboes and Timbals, it cannot be otherwise, but they must thence obtain some sympathy that cannot be displeasing to the Ear, provided (as I said) that it be heard at a distance. And even for this Reason it is, that they have placed the Nagar-kanay, very high, and remote from the Ears of the King, as you will hear by and by. Over against the great Gate of the Court, upon which is the Nagar-kanay, beyond the whole Court, there is a great and stately Hall, with many ranks of Pillars high raised, very airy, open on three sides, looking to the Court, and having its Pillars and Ground painted and guilded. In the midst of the Wall, which separateth this Hall from the Seraglio, there is an opening, or a kind of great Window high and large, and so high that a Man cannot reach to it from below with his hand: There it is where the King appears seated upon his Throne, having his Sons on his sides, and some Eunuches standing, some of which drive away the Flies with Peacocks-tails, others fan him with great Fans, others stand there ready with great respect and humility for several Services. Thence he seethe beneath him all the Omrahs', Rajas, and Ambassadors, who are also all of them standing upon a raised Ground encompassed with silver Rails, with their Eyes downwards, and their Hands crossing their Stomaches: somewhat further of he seethe the Mansebdars, or dat Omrahs', which are also all standing in the same posture and respect as the Omrahs' do: and somewhat further of, in the remaining part of the Hall, and in the Court, he seethe a great crowd of all sorts of People. For there it is where the King every day about noon giveth a general Audience to all; which is the Reason that this great Hall is called Amkas, that is, Place of Audience, or a Place of Meeting common to great and small. During an hour and an half, or thereabouts, whilst this Assembly lasteth, the King is diverted by seeing pass before him a certain number of the handsomest Horses of his Stables, to see whether they be well dressed, and in good plight. So he doth see a good number of Elephants passing also before him, whose dirty bodies are than well washed and cleansed, and painted black like Ink, except that they have two great streaks painted read, which from the top of their Head come down to their Trunk, where they meet. These Elephants have than also certain deckings embroidered with a couple of silver Bells hanging down on the sides, fastened to the two ends of a great silver Chain, passing over their Shoulders; as also certain Cow-tails of the great Tibet, white and very dear, hanging at their Ears like great Moustaches: and two little Elephants well accoutred going by their sides, as if they were their Slaves and appointed to serve them. These great Colossuses, as if they were proud to see themselves so bravely adorned and attended, march with much gravity; and when they are come before the King, the Conductor that sits upon their Shoulders, with a pointed Iron in his Hand pricketh them, and speaketh to them, and maketh them bow with one Knee, and lift up the Trunk into the Air and make a noise, which the People take for a Taslim, or deep Salute. After these Elephants there are brought divers tamed Gazelles, which are made to fight with one another; as also some Nilgaux, or grey Oxen, which in my opinion are a kind of Elands and Rhinoceross, and those great Buffalos of Bengala with their prodigious Horns to combat with a Lion or Tiger; likewise Leopards, or Panthers tamed, which he useth in the hunting of Gazelles: further, some of those handsome hunting Dogs of Vsbeck of all sorts, every one with his little read Cover; store of Birds of prey of all kinds, some of which are for Partridges, others for Cranes, others to fall upon Hares, and, as they say, upon the very Gazelles, beating their Heads and blinding them with their Wings and Claws. Often also one or two of the Omrahs' cause at that time to pass their Cavalry for a review before the King: the Omrahs' coveting that their Horsemen should appear gallant, advantageously decked with extraordinary Garments, and their Horses trapped with Iron, and harnessed with I know not how many different and odd fashions. The King taketh sometimes pleasure himself to cause Cutlases, or short Swords, to be tried upon dead Sheep, brought to him without the bowels, and very neatly packed up, where the young Omrahs', Mansebdars and Gourze-berdars, or Mace-bearers, strive to show their force and dexterity by cutting asunder the four Legs joined together, and the Body of the Sheep all in one stroke. Mean time all these Divertisements are nothing but an Interlude of serious Affairs: for as I have said, the King omits not to make a Muster of his Cavalry, and well to view them himself. We have seen, that the War being ended, there is not one Cavalier, nor any other Soldier, but He hath seen him and examined him, either to increase his Pay, or to lessen it, or quite to cashier him. Besides it is seen every day, that he commands the Petitions, which are showed him afar of in the crowd of the People, to be brought to him and to be read: ordering the Parties concerned to approach, and examining them, and often causing Justice to be done them immediately, although he hath the Adalet-kanay, the Chamber of Justice, where he ordinarily is present once a week, attended by his two first Kadies, or Chief Justices: and though also at one other time in the week he hath the patience to hear in private, for the space of two hours, ten Persons of the common People, whom a good and rich old Man presents to him. Whence it appears (to note that by the By) that those Kings, how barbarous soever esteemed by us, do yet constantly remember, that they own Justice to their Subjects. All what I have been relating to you of what is transacted in this Assembly of the Amkas, seems to me great and royal; but that which hath extremely offended me there, is a kind of Adulation too mean and flat, commonly heard in that Place. For the King cannot say a word to any purpose, but he is presently exalted, and some of the first Omrahs' lifting up their Hands, as if they were to receive some Benediction from Heaven, cry out, Karamat! Karamat! Wonder! Wonder! Neither is there any Mogolian but he knoweth and glorieth in reciting this Proverb in Persian Verse: Aguer chach ronzra Govyed cheh est in Bubayed Goust ink mah ou pervin. If the King saith at Noonday, it is Night, you are to say, behold the Moon and the Stars. This Vice passeth even unto the People. I have seen an hundred times People of Mogol, who having need of me in some Business, made no scruple to come and tell me to my Face for a Preamble, that I was Aristotalis, Bocrate, and Abovysina Vlzaman; the Aristotle, the Hypocrates, and the Avicenna of the Time. At first I endeavoured to fence myself against it by this ordinary Compliment, that I was none such, and was far inferior to the merit of those Men: but that made them worse; so that I thought it better to accustom my Ears to their Flattery, as I have done to their Music. I cannot forbear imparting to you this little piece of Flattery, because that will let you see the more how far they carry it. A Pendet Brachman, or Heathen Doctor, whom I had put to serve my Agah, at the entering into his Service would needs make his Panegyric, and after he had compared him to the greatest Conquerors that ever were, and told him an hundred gross and impertinent Flatteries, at last concluded seriously with this; When you put your Foot into the Stirrup, my Lord, and when you march on Horseback in the front of the Cavalry, the Earth trembleth under your feet, the eight Elephants, that hold it up upon their Heads, not being able to support it. I could not hold laughing, and I strove seriously to tell my Agah, who could not hold neither, that than he would do well not to go on Horseback but very seldom, to prevent Earthquakes, which often cause so great Mischiefs. Who quickly made this Reparty with a constrained Countenance between serious and smiling: And it is therefore that I 'cause myself ordinarily to be carried in a Palekey. But no more of this: from the great Hall of the Amkas one enters into a more retired Place, called the Goselkane, that is, the Place to wash in. But few are suffered to enter there; neither is the Court of it so great as that of the Amkas: but the Hall is very handsome, spacious, painted and guilded, and its Floor raised four or five foot high. There it is where the King is seated in a Chair, his Omrahs' standing round about him, and giveth a more particular Audience to his Officers, receiveth their Accounts, and treateth of the most important Affairs of State. All the Omrahs' are obliged to be without fail every evening at this Assembly, as in the morning at the Amkas; else something is retrenched of their Pay. There is only my Agah Danechmendkan, that because he is a Person of Learning, and perpetually busy in studying, or in foreign Affairs, is dispensed with, except Wednesday, which is his day of being upon the Guard. These are indispensible Customs, and it is very just they should be so in respect of the Omrahs', because they are in a manner so in respect of the King: for he almost never faileth to be at these two Assemblies, unless some urgent Affair do supervene, or he be exceeding sick. And we did see, that Aureng-Zebe, even in his last Sickness, which was very dangerous, failed not to make himself to be carried thither once a day at lest. It is true, he being sick to extremity, that if he had not been seen there, the whole Kingdom would presently have been in disorder, and the Shops shut up in the City. Whilst the King in this Hall of Gosle-kanay is busy, as I was saying, they omit not to let pass before him most of the things that are made to pass at the Amkas. There is only this difference, that this Assembly being held in the evening, and the Court being than lesle, the review of the Cavalry of the Omrahs' is not made, as in the morning at the Amkas: but than there is this of particular, that all the Mansebdars that are upon the Guard do salute the King, and pass before him with Ceremony enough: before them marcheth with sufficient Pomp that which is called the Kours, which are many Figures of Silver carried at the end of some great silver Sticks, that are very fine and very artificially made; of which there are two that represent two great Fishes, two others that exhibit a fantastic Animal of an horrid figure, by them called Eiedeha; others that represent two Lions, others two Hands, others Scales, and many more whereof they make Mysteries. Amongst these Kours and Mansebdars, are mixed many Gourze-berdars, or Mace-bearers, who are chosen Men, tall of Stature, and of a good Mean, (spoken of elsewhere) and appointed to prevent Disorders in Assemblies, and to run about with speed to carry the Orders, and to execute the Commands of the King. I now wish I could lead you about in the Seraglio, as I have done in the rest of the Fortress: but who is the Traveller that can speak of that as an Eye-witness? I have sometimes entered into it when the King was not at Dehli, and I think pretty far, upon the occasion of a great Lady, that was so sick that she could not be carried to the Gate, according to custom; but I had always a Covering of Kachemire over my Head, which like a great Scarf hung down to my Feet, and an Eunuch conducted me by the Hand, like a blind Man, so that I cannot particularly describe to you what it is. Only in general I can tell you, according to what I have learned from some Eunuches, that in it there are very handsome Apartments severed one from another, more or lesle great and stately, according to the Quality and the Pensions of the Women; that there is almost no Chamber but it hath at its Door a Storehouse of running Water; that 'tis full of Parterres, pleasant Walks, shady Places, Rivulets, Fountains, Jets of Water, Grotta's, great Caves against the heat of the day, and great Terraces raised high, and very airy, to sleep upon in the cool: in a word, you know not there what 'tis to be hot. They principally boast of a little Tower respecting the River, being, say they, covered with Plates of Gold, as those two that are at Agra, and within all Gold and Azure, very handsome and rich Pictures and Looking-glasses. This is very near what I can tell you of the Fortress, yet before we leave it, let us return once more to the Amkas. I am now going to represent it to you after the manner I saw it at certain Festivals of the Year, especially at that which was kept after the War for an extraordinary rejoicing; for this is one of the most remarkable things I have seen. The King appeared sitting upon his Throne, in the bottom of the great Hall of the Amkas, splendidly apparelled. His Vest was of white Satin flowered, and raised with a very fine Embroidery of Gold and Silk. His Turban was of Cloth of Gold, having a Fowl wrought upon it like an Heron, whose foot was covered with Diamonds of an extraordinary bigness and price, with a great Oriental Topas, which may be said to be matchless, shining like a little Sun. A Collar of big Pearls hung about his Neck down to his Stomach, after the manner that some Heathens wear here their great Beads. His Throne was supported by six high Pillars, or Feet, said to be of massy Gold, and set with Rubies, Emeralds and Diamonds. I am not able to tell you aright, neither the number nor the price of this heap of precious Stones, because it is not permitted to come near enough to count them, and to judge of their water and purity. Only this I can say, that the big Diamonds are there in confusion, and that the Throne is estimated to be worth four Kouroures of Roupies, if I remember well. I have said elsewhere, that a Rupee is almost equivalent to half a Crown, a Lecque to an hundred thousand Roupies, and a Kourour, to an hundred Lecques: so that the Throne is valued forty millions of Roupies, which are worth about sixty millions of French Livers. Chah-Jehan, the Father of Aureng-Zebe, is he that caused it to be made, to show so many precious Stones as successively had been amassed in the Treasury, of the Spoils of those ancient Patans' and Rajas, and of the Presents which the Omrahs' are obliged to make yearly upon certain Festival days. The Art and Workmanship of this Throne is not answerable to the Matter: that which I found upon it best devised, are two Peacocks covered with precious Stones and Pearls, which are the work of a Frenchman, called— that was an admirable Workman, and that after having circumvented many Princes with his Doublets, which he knew how to make admirably well, fled unto this Court, where he made his Fortune. Beneath this Throne there appeared all the Omrahs' in splendid Apparel, upon a raised Ground covered with a great Canopy of purfled Gold with great golden Fringes, and enclosed by a silver Balistre. The Pillars of the Hall were hung with Tapestries of purfled Gold, having the ground of Gold; and for the roof of the Hall, there was nothing but great Canopies of flowered Satin, fastened with read silken Cords, that had big tufts of Silk mixed with threads of Gold hanging on them. Below there was nothing to be seen but great silken Tapestries very rich, of an extraordinary length and breadth. In the Court there was set abroad a certain Tent they call the Aspex, as long and large as the Hall and more. It was joined to the Hall by the upper part, and reached almost as far as to the middle of the Court; mean time it was all enclosed by a great Balistre covered with Plates of Silver. It was supported by three Pillars, being of the thickness and height of a Barge-mast, and by some lesser ones, and they all were covered with Plates of Silver. It was read from without, and lined within with those fine Chittes, or Cloth painted by a Pencil of Maslipatan, purposely wrought and contrived with such vivid Colours, and Flowers so natural drawn of an hundred several fashions and shapes, that one would have said, it were an hanging Parterre. Thus was the great Hall of the Amkas adorned and set out. As to those arched Galleries, which I have spoken of, that are round about the Court, each Omrah had received order to dress one of them at his own charges. And they now striving who should make his own most stately, there was seen nothing but purfled Gold above and beneath, and rich Tapestries under foot. The third day of the Feast, the King caused himself to be weighed with great Ceremony, and after him divers Omrahs', in great Scales, and with Weights said to be of massy Gold. I remember that all the Omrahs' expressed a great joy, that the King weighed two pounds more now than the year preceding. Every year there are held such kind of Festivals, but never any was seen done with so much splendour and charge. It is said, that that which induced Aureng-Zebe to celebrated this splendid Feast, was nothing else but to make the Merchants of purfled Gold recover themselves, who had whole Magazines full of it, much spoiled in those four or five years of War, wherein they could not cell them. These Expenses of the Omrahs' were great; but the simple Cavaliers paid their share of it, because that the Omrahs' after the Feast made them take of that Commodity to make Vests thereof. There is an ancient Custom accompanying these Feasts, which little pleaseth the Omrahs': And it is this, that than they are by respect obliged to make some fair Presents to the King in proportion of their Pay. There are some, that to appear brave, or for fear of being searched for the Rapines by them committed in their Offices and Governments; or to purchase the Favour of the King, in the hopes of having their Pensions augmented, make him Presents that are extraordinary. Some (which is ordinary enough) do present fine Vessels of Gold set with precious Stones; others present fair Pearls, Diamonds, Emeralds, or Rubies; others (which also is very common) give him, without other Ceremony, a quantity of those pieces of Gold, that are worth about a Pistol and an half. I remember, that Aureng-Zebe, being gone to visit (during this great Festival) his Visir Jafer-kan, not as Visir, but as a Kinsman, and under the pretence of desiring to see a piece of Building, which he had caused to be raised anew, Jafer-kan presented him in these pieces of Gold, with the value of an hundred thousand Crowns, some good Pearls, and one Ruby valued forty thousand Crowns; but which Chah-Jehan, who was admirably well skilled in Jewels, discovered not to be worth five hundred Crowns; the which perplexed the first Jeweller's exceedingly, that had been deceived therein. There is another thing sometimes attending these Feasts, which is odd enough: And that is a kind of Fair, than held in the Mehale, or the King's Seraglio. The Women of the Omrahs' and of the great Mansebdars, or little Omrahs' (I mean those that are the handsomest and the most gallant) are the She-Merchants that keep the Fair, and cell Commodities; the King is the Merchant that buyeth, as also all those Begums or Princesses▪ and other great Ladies of the Seraglio. The Wares are fine purfled Gold, or rich Embroideries of the new fashion, some rich Ribbons well wrought upon Cloth of Gold, or some pieces of that fine Cloth which is worn by the great Ladies, and other such Merchandise of great price. If they have ever a handsome Daughter, they forget not to bring her along with them to let the King see her, and so make her known to those Begums. The jest of this Fair is, that the King comes to bargain with those She-Merchants, like a petty Merchant, penny by penny, contesting that they are not in earnest, that it is too dear, that he will give no more than so much; that the Merchandise of such an one is far better, and the like. The Women, on the other hand, do their best to make good their part, and without considering that 'tis the King, (which is the best of the sport) they contend and stand upon their price, till sometimes they come to high words, as that that is to be a Merchant of Snow, (one of their phrases) that he understands nothing in the matter of Wares, that he may go to another Place, that that Commodity is not for him, etc. The Begums do the like, or worse, for they sometimes fall to downright railing, so that there is such a cry and noise, and boufonnery, that it cannot be paralleled. But when any price is agreed on, who ever buyeth on this or that side, the King payeth, and the Begums pay, all with ready money: and it also falls out often enough, that the King and the Begums, instead of Silver Roupies, let slide (in favour of the handsome She-Merchant, or her Daughter) some Roupies of Gold, as if 'twere by mistake, and without taking notice of any thing. The She-Merchants also take it in like manner, all passeth with expressions of raillery and gallantry. Chah-Jehan, who did not hate the Sex, would still multiply this Fair, and have it at all Festival days, though he knew it did not very well please some Omrahs'. But there is one thing, which to me seems to be a little too extravagant; which is, that the public Women, I mean not those of the Bazar, but those more retired and considerable ones, that go to the great marriages in the houses of the Omrahs' and Mansebdars to sing and dance, those that are called Kenchen, as if you should say, the guilded, the blossoming ones; that those, I say, did also enter in the time of Chah-Jehan into the Seraglio at such Fairs, and there passed even the whole night in singing and dancing. These are not of that sort which prostitute themselves promiscuously to all; and they are most of them handsome and well apparelled, and excellent singers and dancers, after the mode of the Country, surprising in the suppleness of their body, and the nimbleness of their motions, yet in the upshot of the rank of Public Women. Chah-Jehan was not content only to have them come to the Seraglio at those Feasts, but when they came to salute him, according to that ancient custom that obligeth them to come every Wednesday to do obeisance to the King in the Amkas, he often made them to enter there, and to pass all night with him in such sports and boufonries, Aureng-Zebe is more serious, he suffers them not to come into the Seraglio: he permits only (not to abrogate the custom) that they may ordinarily come every Wednesday to give him the Salam, or Salute, in the Amkas, at a distance, but they must presently return home again. But since we are upon these Feasts and Fairs, and speak of these Kenchens, what hurt were it if I should tell you a story to make you merry, of one of our French Men; since Plutarch is of opinion, that little things are not always to be passed by, and that they often mind us more of the genius and temper of men than the greatest. This French Man called Bernard, was at this Court about the latter years of King Jehan-Guire. He must needs have been some good Physician, and withal Excellent in Chirurgery, according to the relations that are made of him. He was welcome to Jehan-Guire, and became very familiar with him, to that degree that they drank▪ and debauched together. Nor did this Jehan-Guire ever think on any thing, but a good cup and merriment, leaving the management of the State to his Wife, the renowned Nour-Mehale, or Nour-Jehan-Begum, which he used to say, had wit enough to govern the Empire without his giving himself any trouble about it. Besides that this our Countryman had of the King ten Crowns daily pay, he gained yet more by treating those great Ladies of the Seraglio, and the grand Omrahs', that all made use of him, and presented him who could best, because he was both successful in his Cures, and extraordinarily favoured by the King: But he was a man that could keep nothing, what he received with one hand, he at the same time gave away with the other, so that he was known and loved by all, especially by those Kenchens, upon whom he made great expenses, having always a set of them that passed the night at his house in singing and dancing. Mean time he chanced to fall in love with one of these Women that was young and beautiful, and danced exceeding well; but the Mother apprehending lest the Daughter, by prostituting herself, should loose her strength and vigour (as it will fall out) would not let her go out of her sight: so that Bernard could never found any other way to compass his ends but this. One day when the King made him a Present in the Am●kas, before all the Omrahs', for a considerable Cure he had done in the Seraglio, he very submissively gave his Majesty thanks, waving the Present, but instead of it, begged this favour of him, that he would vouchsafe to give him this young Kencheny, which he was amorous of, and which stood behind him, ready to make the usual obeisance to the King. The whole Assembly broke out out into laughter to see him wave the Present, and to hear him make so ridiculous a demand, he being a Christian, and the Woman a Mahometan and a Kencheny. But Jehan-Guire, who never troubled his head much with Mahometanism, and could not hold laughing aloud, presently commanded that this young Woman should be given him, saying, Lay her on his shoulders, and let him carry her away. So said, so done; and in the presence of the whole Assembly this Kenchen was put on Bernard's back, who went away thus charged, and carried her to his house. I cannot forbear giving you here ●an account of a divertisement, which usually these Feasts end with, and which is unknown to us in Europe: and that is the combat of the Elephants, which the King, the Ladies of the Court, and the Omrahs' do behold from several apartments of the Fortress, and which is shown before all the people in this great sandy place which looks to the River. They raise a wall of earth three or four foot broad, and five or six foot high. The two Elephants that are to fight, meet one another face to face, one on the one side of the wall, the other on the other, each having two Riders upon him, that so, if the first, who sits on his shoulders (having a great pointed iron in his hand, to turn the Beast on the right or left hand) should fall, the other, who sits backward, may cast himself into his place. These four Riders or Guides, do animate their Elephants to the Combat, and vigorously to fall upon their enemy, now flattering them, and by and by chiding them as cowards, and very rudely kicking them with their heels. After they have been a good while thus chafed and pushed on, than you shall see these two bulky masses come to the wall, and bluntly assault one another, and give such cruel blows with their teeth, head and trunk, that you would think they would soon strike one another dead. This fight continues a while, than ceaseth, and gins afresh several times, until the mudwall being overthrown, the stoutest of the two passeth upon the other, maketh him turn his back, pursueth him with blows of his teeth and trunk, and gets such an holdfast upon him, that there is no means of separating them, except it be with the Cherkies, that is, certain artificial fires cast betwixt them, this Animal being very fearful of fire: whence it comes, that since Fire-arms have been used in Armies, Elephants do almost no good at all. It is true indeed, that some of those brave ones that come out of Ceilan, are not so timorous; but that is not till they have been whole years accustomed to it, by discharging every day Muskets before them, and by casting squibs between their legs. Mean time, this conflict of the Elephants would be no such displeasing fight, if it were not so cruel, it often happening, that some of those poor Guides are trod under foot and perish: for the Elephants in the combat have this malice, that they strive above all things to strike with their trunk, and to pull down the conductor of their adversary; and thence it is, that on the day when these poor Riders know they are to make the Elephants fight, they bid farewell to their Wives and Children, as if they were condemned to death. That which encourages and comforts them, is, that if they escape and quit themselves well of their duty, the King increases their pay, and commands a sack of Peyssas, which amounts to about fifty French Liures, to be forthwith given them, or if they be killed upon the spot, he orders that pay to be made to the Widow, and the Office to be given to his Son, if he have any. There is another mischief, which often accompanieth this combat; which is, that in this great throng there are always some persons overthrown by the Elephant, or trod under foot by the Horses and People, that on a sudden run away all at once, and fall one upon another, when the Elephants are enraged, and the one pursueth the other, so that than one cannot at any nearness look on but with danger. For my part, the second time I saw it, I did sufficiently repent for having approached so nigh, and if I had not had a good Horse, and two good Servants, I believe I should have paid for my curiosity as dear as others. But 'tis time we should leave the Fortress, and return into the City, there to observe to you two things I had forgot. The first is the great Mosque, seen afar of in the midst of the Town, standing upon a rock, flatted to build upon, and to make round about a large place for four long and fair Streets to end upon, and answering to the four sides of the Mosque, viz. one to the principal Gate, or Frontispiece, another behind that, and the two others to the two Gates that are in the middle of the two remaining sides. To come to the Gates, there are twenty five or thirty steps of fair and large Stones going round about, except the backpart, which is covered with other great Quarry-stones to cover the uneveness of the cut Rock: which contributes much to make this Fabric make a show. The three Entries are stately, there is nothing but Marble, and their large Gates are covered with Copper Plates exceedingly well wrought. Above the principal Gate, which is much statelier than the two others, there are many small Turrets of white Marble as well without as within; that in the middle is much bigger and higher than the two others. All the rest of the Mosque, I mean from these three Domes unto the great Gate, is without covering, because of the heat of the Country; and the whole Pavement is of large squares of Marble. I grant willingly, that this structure is not according to the rules and orders of Architecture, which we esteem is indispensably to be followed; yet I observe nothing in it that offends the eye; but rather found all to be well contrived, and well proportioned: And I do even believe, that if in Paris we had a Church of this way of Architecture, it would not be disliked, if there were nothing else in it but that'tis of an extraordinary and surprising aspect, and because that, excepting the three great Domes and all the Turrets, which are of white Marble it appears all read, as if all were nothing else but great Tables of read Marble, though it be nothing else but a stone very easy to cut, and which even flaketh of in time. I shall add by the by, that if it be true what is said of the quarries of this stone, 'tis remarkable, that it grows again every year; whether it be by a petrescent water yearly filling it, or otherwise, I decide not. This Mosque it is to which the King repaireth every Friday (which is the Sunday of the Mahometans) to pay his devotion. Before he goes out of the Fortress, the Streets he is to pass, are constantly watered because of the heat and dust. Two or three hundred Musquetiers are to stand and make a lane about the Gate of the Fortress, and as many more on the sides of a great Street that ends at the Mosque. Their Muskets are small, but well wrought, and they have a kind of Scarlet-case with a little streamer upon them. Besides there must be five or fix Cavaliers well mounted ready at the Gate, and ride at a good distance before the King, for fear of raising dust; and their office is to keep of the people. Things being thus prepared, the King is seen to come out of the Fortress seated upon an Elephant richly harnessed, under a Canopy with Pillars painted and guilded; or else on a Throne shining of Gold and Azure, upon two beams, covered with Scarlet or purfled Gold, carried by eight chosen and well accoutred men. The King is followed by a body of Omrahs', some of which are on horseback, some in a Palekey. Among these Omrahs' there are many Mansebdars, and Mace-Bearers, such as I have before spoken of. And though this be not that solendid and magnificent Procession, or rather Mascarade of the Grand Signior, (I have no properer name for it) nor the warlike order of our Kings, it being altogether of another fashion, yet for all that there is something great and royal in it. The other thing I had forgot to acquaint you with, is an Edifice in the City, called the Karvansarab of the Princess; the renowned Begum-Saheb, eldest Daughter of Chah-Jehan, having caused it to be built at her charges, and willing to contribute something to the decoration of the Town, as all the Omrahs' strove to do to please Chah-Jehan. This is another great Square, arched like our Palace-Royal, but still with this difference, that one Arch is separate from the other by a wall, and that in the bottom of every Arch there is a little Chamber; and besides that, above the Arches there is a Gallery which rangeth round about the building, to enter into as many high Chambers, as there are below. This Place is the Rendezvous of all the great Merchants, Persians, Vsbecks', and other Strangers that ordinarily do there found empty Chambers convenient enough, to stay in for some time in great safety, the Gate being shut every night. If there were a score of such Structures in divers parts of Paris, Strangers newly arriving would not be in that trouble, as often they are to found safe Lodgings; for there they might be until they had seen their Acquaintance, and looked for good Accommodation: besides that they would serve for Magazines of all sorts of Commodities, and for the Rendezvous of all Merchant's Strangers. Before we leave Dehli, I shall add a few lines in reference to this question, which doubtless you'll make, viz. Whether in Dehli there be as much People and Gallantry as at Paris? Certainly when I consider those three or four Cities of Paris that are one above another, all those Chambers and other Rooms full from top to bottom; when I farther consider that incredible throng and confusion of Men and Women, of Horsemen and Passengers on foot, of Chariots, Sedans and Coaches, and that there are but few great Piazzas and Gardens in Paris; this City seems to me a Nursery of the World, and I can hardly believe, that there are as many People in Dehli. Yet notwithstanding when I reflect upon that multitude of Shops on one side of Dehli, and on the other, upon the vast extent of that City, and that there are never lesle in it than 35000 Cavaliers, not to speak of the Houses of the Omrahs'; that of all these Cavaliers, there are very few but have Wives and Children, and a great number of Servants having their Houses apart as their Masters; and that all these Houses swarm with Women and Children: that in many places of Dehli, though the Streets be broad, and there be but few Chariots and no Coaches, yet at the hours when the heat suffers People to come abroad for their business, there is great confusion: When (I say) I consider all this on the other hand, I do not well know what to determine about the question, and I imagine, that if there be not altogether so much People in Dehli as in Paris, at lest there wants not much of it. Concerning the number of gallant People, it must be acknowledged, that there is this difference between those of Paris and Dehli, that of ten Persons met with upon the Streets of Paris, you shall see seven or eight well clothed and of some fashion, which no Man will count rascally or beggarly People; whereas in Dehli, for two or three Persons that are pretty well covered, you shall always found seven or eight poor and ragged People; the Army which is there drawing after it all that crew of Beggars and Rascals. Yet this is to be acknowledged for a truth, that in Dehli, as well as in Paris, one meets with a very great quantity of Persons well made, gallant, well mounted, well dressed, and well attended: And indeed, to be upon the great Place before the Fortress at the hours when all those Omrahs', Rajas, and Mansebdars go to the Assembly and to the Guard, that hath something, great and splendid in it: when you shall see there every where arrive those Mansebdars well accoutred, shining with Gold, and well mounted, a couple of Men going before them to make place, and as many behind; when you shall also see many of those great Omrahs' and Rajas riding upon proud Elephants, and some of them on Horseback like the Mansebdars, and most of them sitting in their rich Palekies, carried upon the shoulders of six men, their back leaning against some thick Cushion of purfled Gold, chewing their Betele, to have a good breath and vermilion lips, with a Servant on the side carrying a Toothpick, and a Porcelain or silver Spitting-Veslel; and two more, fanning him and keeping of the flies and dust from him with Peacocks-tails; and three or four others marching before to put by the People; to which is to be added part of their Cavalry (I mean the bravest and best mounted of them) following after: When, I say, all this is seen together marching, as hath been said, with the crowd made there as well as at Paris, it will not be denied to be something great and very gallant. As to the Country about Dehli, it is considerable for its fertility; for it beareth Rice, Millet, and three or four other sorts of Legumes, (which is the ordinary food of the common People) Corn, Sugar, Indigo, and all that in abundance. At two leagues of the City on Agra's side, in a place by the Mahometans called Koja Kotubeddine, there is a very ancient Edifice which hath been a Temple of Idols, where are Inscriptions that must also be very ancient, the Characters of them being such that no body knows what they are, and different from those of all the Languages of the Indieses, On another side, at two or three leagues distance from the Town, you see an House of pleasure of the Kings, which indeed is a stately and Royal House, but yet you must not think it approach to Fontain-bleau, or to St. german, or to Versaille. Neither must you imagine that in this Campagne of Dehli there are any St. Cloux, Chantilly's, Meudons, Liancours, Vaux, ruels, and many such others; or that you see there any of those other inferior Houses of pleasure belonging to simple Gentlemen, Citizens and Merchants. The Maxim, That the Subjects of a Kingdom have no propriety in any thing, hinders all that. Lastly, to make you pass quickly those fifty or sixty leagues, which are betwixt Dehli and Agra, you are not to think, that upon this road you shall see any such large and rich burroughss as there upon our roads. Set aside Maturas, where you see still an ancient and stately Temple of Idols, and excepting some Karavan-sarrahs, that are well enough, found on the highway to serve for night-lodgings, I found nothing considerable there, but that Royal Alley of Trees planted by the command of Jehan-Guire, and continued by the same order for an hundred and fifty leagues, with little Pyramids or Turrets erected every half league, to mark the ways, and with frequent wells to afford drink to Passengers, and to water the young Trees. Of AGRA. TO pass to the description of Agra, you have the Idea of it, if you have well taken that of Dehli; at lest in respect of its seituation, which is also upon the Gemma, and in regard of the Fortress, or Royal House, and of most of the Buildings. It is true, that Agra hath this advantage over Dehli, that being a City where the Kings have already resided a long while, viz. since Akber, who caused it to be built, and called it after his name Akber-abad, it is of greater extent than Dehli, and hath more of those fine Houses of the Omrahs' and Rajas, and more of the fair Karvansarrahs', as also more of those pretty Houses of Stone and Brick belonging to particular Persons; besides that it hath two famous Tombs, of which I shall speak hereafter: But than it hath these disadvantages, that it wants Walls; that having been built altogether by one design, it hath not those fair and large Streets of uniform buildings as Dehli; and that excepting four or five of those principal Streets of Merchants, which are very long and well enough built, all the rest for the most part, is nothing but a number of little Streets, straight without proportion, and nothing but wind and turn; which causes strange confusions when the Court is there. I see no other difference between Agra and Dehli, than that I have been just now speaking of; except it be that Agra hath more of a Country Town than Dehli, especially when we look upon it from an higher place: But ' its not such a Country-aspect as disgraceth it, but a very agreeable and divertising one; for, there being betwixt the Houses of Omrahs', Rajas and others, store of big green Trees mixed, every one having been curious to plant of them in his Garden and in his Court for shade; and besides, those high Houses of the Banians, or Heathen Merchants, appearing here and there between those Trees, as Relics of old Castles of Forests; all that causeth within the Town very pleasing sights and perspectives, especially in a dry and hot Country, where People's eyes seem to desire nothing but verdure and shade. Mean time you need not go out of Paris, to found the most pleasing and the most gallant sight in the World. Take only a walk upon the Pontneuf, attentively beholding in the daytime all things surrounding you, together with that incredible and strange confusion of People: and at night the infinite number of lights in the windows, of those high buildings that are round about you; and the same confusion which continues till after midnight; the good Citizen, and (which you shall not see in any part of Asia) the fair She-Citizen walking without fear of Robbers, and without the inconvenience of dirt: and than the long files of Stars that brave the wind, the rain and darkness. Take only, I say, such a walk upon that Bridge, observing all those things together, and than (upon my word) you may boldly maintain it, that you are upon the spot of the fairest, bravest and most magnificent artificial view of the Earth, unless it be some part of China or Japan, where I have not been. What will it be than when the Lovure, that work which was once thought would never be seen but in desigu and upon paper, shall be finished? I have purposely added the word Artificial, because speaking of the best Perspectives that are, we must always except Constantinople, when one is in a Boat in the midst of that great Channel, over against the point of the Seraglio: For there you shall found yourself altogether surprised, as 'twere in the midst of some great and vast enchanted Amphitheatre; but in this Perspective the Workmanship of Nature is most considerable, whereas in that of Paris; Art and Dexterity is most conspicuous, which doubtless renders it more eminent, forasmuch as thereby it looks more like the Seat of a great King, the Capital of a great Empire, and is really, without flattering ourselves, and all those beauties of Debli, Agra, and Constantinople, well considered and compared, the fairest, the richest, and the chiefest City of the World. In Agra the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits have a Church and a College, where in private they teach the Children of some twenty five or thirty Christian families, that have (I know not how) gathered and settled themselves there by the charity of those Fathers the Christian Doctrine. It was Ekbar who (in the time of the great power of the Pertuguezes in the Indieses) called them, and gave them a pension for their subsistence, permitting them to build Churches in the capital Cities of Agra and Lahor. And his Son Jehan-Guire favoured them yet more. But Chah-Jehan, Son of Jehan-Guire, and Father of Aureng-Zebe now reigning, took from them their pension, caused their Church at Lahor to be pulled down, and the greatest part of that in Agra, overthrowing also the Steeple of the Church, wherein that Bell was that could be heard over all the Town. These Fathers the Jesuits entertained great hopes of the progress of Christianity in the time of King Jehan-Guire, because of his contempt of the Mahometan Law, and the esteem he professed to the Christian, even giving way to two of his Nephews to embrace the Christian Religion, and to a certain Mirza-Zul-Karmin (that had been bred in the Seraglio, and was circumcised) to turn Christian too, under the pretence that he born of Christian Parents, and Son of the Wife of a rich Armenian, which Jehan-Guire had caused to be brought to him into the Seraglio. The same Fathers say, that this King, to begin in good earnest to countenance the Christian Religion, designed to put the whole Court into the habit of the Franqui, and that after he had prepared all things for it, and even dressed himself in that fashion, he called to him one of the chief Omrahs', ask his opinion of this dress; but that this Omrah altogether surprised at it, having answered him very seriously, that it was a very dangerous thing, he thought himself obliged to change his mind, and turned all into raillery. These Fathers affirm further, that he being upon the point of death, comm anded that they should be called to make him a Christian, but that than they were not made acquainted with it. Many say, that this is not so, and that he died as he had lived, without any Religion, and in the design he had, as well as his Father Ekbar, to set himself up for a Prophet, and to become the Head of a particular Religion of his own composure. However it be, there is another thing I have learned of a Mahometan, that was Son to an Officer of Jehan-Guire, namely, that this King being one day in a debauche, called to him a certain Religious man of Florence, whom he called Father Atech, as being a little fiery man; and after he had commanded him to say all he could against the Law of Mahumet, and for the Law of Christ, in the presence of many knowing Mullahs, he would have made this terrible trial of both those Laws, viz That a great Pit should be made, and a good Fire in it, and that Father Atech with the Gospel under his arm, and one of those Mullahs with the Alcoran under his, should cast themselves both together into that fire, and that he would embrace the Law of him that should not burn. But that the sad countenance of the Mullahs, altogether astonished, and the compassion he had of the Florentine Father, who accepted the condition, diverted him from it. Whatever the truth be of this story, 'tis certain, that whilst Jehan-Guire lived, these Fathers were respected and honoured in this Court, and that they conceived great hopes of the advancement of Christianity in those parts; but that since that time they have had no great cause to hope much of it, except perhaps what they received by that familiarity, which our Father Buzé had with Dara. But I shall say no more of this matter of our Missions, intending to give you a particular long Letter of it another time. Certainly I cannot but exceedingly approve of Missions, and the good Missionaries, especially our Capucins and Jesuits, and some others of our neighbourhood, because they give meek instructions, without that indiscreet zeal and transport which is expressed by some others, and they charitably entertain the Christians of the Country in their Religion, whether they be Catholics, or Greeks, or Armenians, Nestorians, Jacobites, or others; and forasmuch also as they are the refuge and comfort of poor Strangers and Travellers, and by their knowledge, sober and exemplary life, they confounded the ignorance and licentious life of the Infidels: which some others do not always practise; who therefore would do better to keep themselves close in their Convents, and not come hither and give us a masquarade of our Religion, and by doing so, and by their ignorance, jealousy, looseness, and the abuse of their authority and character, become a stumbling-block to the Law of Jesus Christ. But a particular thing infers no general; and notwithstanding those miscarriages, I very much applaud the Missions, and pious and learned Missionaries, they are absolutely necessary: it is the honour and prerogative of Christianity, to have every where thorough the World Substitutes of the Apostles. But after all that I have seen, and after all the converse and discourse I have so often had with those obstinate Infidels, I may take leave to say, that I almost despair to see struck such great strokes, as the Apostles did, who converted two or three thousand People in one Sermon: finding by experience, and knowing very well upon other accounts, after I have traveled through all the places of the Missions in the East, that all the Missionaries together, not only in the Indieses, but in all the Mahometan Dominions, do indeed by their Instructions, accompanied with Charity and Alms, made some progress among the Gentiles, but do in ten years not make one Christian of a Mahometan. Truly these Infidels have high thoughts of our Religion, they never speak of Jesus Christ but with great veneration; and they never pronounce the word Aysa, that is to say, Jesus, without adding that of Azeret, which is Majesty. They even agreed with us, that he was miraculously born of a Virgin-Mother, and that he is the Kelum-Allah, and the Rouh-Allah, the Word of God, and the Spirit of God: but 'tis not to be hoped, that they will approve the rest of our Religion, so as to abandon theirs in which they were born, and their false Prophet, to embrace ours, what reasons soever be given them. Our Christians of Europe aught to wish, and even to employ their Power, Care and Charity, that Missionaries may be sent over all, such as may be no charge to the People of the Country, and whom want may not induce to do mean things, as well for the reasons already alleged, as for this cause, that they may be ever ready to lay hold on all occasions, always to bear witness to the Truth, and to labour in the Vineyard when it shall please God to give them an overture. But for the rest we aught to be disabused, and not to suffer ourselves to be so easily persuaded of so many stories, and not to believe the thing to be so facit as some make it. The Sect is too much libertine, and too attractive to quit it; it is a pernicious Law, which hath been introduced by Arms and Force, and still gets ground by those means: and I hardly know any other way capable to shake and root it out. If therefore there intervene not some of those grand and extraordinary strokes of Heaven, and God by his powerful and particular Providence interpose not, (as we aught always to hope, according to the great appearance there have been in China, in Japan, and in the Person of King Jehan-Guire) considering the irreverence of the Christians in their Churches, so dissonant from our belief of the particular presence of God upon our Altars, and so different from that deep and astonishing respect which those Infidels bear to their Mosques, where they would not so much as turn their heads, or speak the lest word to one another; there will always be great obstacles to their Conversion. In Agra the Hollanders have also an House, where ordinarily they keep four or five persons. Formerly they had a good trade there in selling Scarlet, great and small Looking-glasses, plain Lace, and Gold and Silver Lace, and some small Wares; and in buying Indigo, which is gathered round about Agra, but especially at Bianes, but two leagues distant from it, and whither they go once a year, having an house there for that purpose; as also in buying those clothes of Jelapour and Laknau, at seven or eight days journey from Agra, where they also keep an house, and whither they sand some Factors once a year. But now they say, that there is little profit for them in that trade, whether it be that the Armenians drive the same traffic, or that 'tis so far from Agra to Suratte, or that commonly some mischief or other befalls their Caravans, which must pass by Amadavad over all the Countries of the Rajas to avoid the ill ways, and the mountains that are on the side of Gonleor and Brampour, which is the nearer way. Yet notwithstanding these discouragements, they will never (I believe) abandon this Factory, as the English have done theirs in that place, if it were for nothing else but their Spices, which there they cell very well, and for having some of their People near the Court taking care of their concerns: since it cannot be otherwise, but that frequently some trouble will befall their Factories by the tyranny of the Governors and other Officers, now from the side of Bengala and Patna, another time from Suratte and Amadavad. We will conclude this part with those two wondered Mausolees, or Tombs, that give to Agra so much advantage over Dehli. It was Jehan-Guire that caused the first to be erected to honour the memory of his Father Eckbar; and Chah-Jehan raised the other in honour of Taje-Mehale his Wife, that extraordinary and celebrated Beauty of the Indieses, whom he loved so passionately, that 'tis said, he never enjoyed any other Woman but her whilst she lived, and that when she died, he was in danger to die himself. I shall not stay to discourse of the Monument of Eckbar, because whatever beauty is there, is found in a far higher degree in that of Taje-Mehale, which I am now going to describe unto you. You may theresore represent to yourself, that at the going out of the City of Agra Eastward, you enter into a long and broad paved street, which riseth gently, and hath on one side an high and long wall, making the side of a square Garden that is much bigger than our Palace-Royal; and on the other side a row of new houses arched, such as are those of the principal Streets of Dehli above spoken of. Having gone the length of half the Wall, you shall found on the right hand of the side of the Houses a great Gate well made, by which one enters into a Carvan-serah, and over against it on the walls side, a stately Gate of a great square Pavilion, by which you enter into the Garden between two Conservatories built up with Freestone. This Pavilion is longer than 'tis large, built of a Stone like read Marble, but not so hard. The Frontispiece seems to me very magnificent after their way, and as high as that of St. Lovys in the Street of St. Antony. It is true, you do not there see Columns, Architraves, and Cornishes cut out after the proportion of those Five Orders of Architecture so religiously observed in our Palaces: it is a different and particular kind of structure, but such an one as wants no agreeableness even in the unusualness of its contrivance, and which in my opinion, would very well deserve a place in our Books of Architecture. 'Tis almost nothing but Arches upon Arches, and Galleries over Galleries, disposed and ordered an hundred different ways; and yet all appears stately, well enough contrived and managed. There is nothing that offends the eye; on the contrary all is pleasing, and a man cannot be weary in beholding it. The last time I saw it, I was there with one of our French Merchants, who also could not behold it enough. I durst not tell him my thoughts of it, apprehending I might have spoiled my gust, and framed it according to that of Indostan: but he being lately come from France, I was very glad to hear him say, he had never seen any thing so august and bold in Europe. After you are somewhat entered into the Pavilion to pass into the Garden, you found yourself under an high Vault made like a Cap, which hath Galleries above round about and below, on the right and left side two Divans or Causeys, made up of earth of eight or ten foot high. Opposite to the Gate there is a great Arch quite open, by which you enter into an Alley, which cuts almost the whole Garden into two equal parts. This Alley is by way of terrace so large, as that six Coaches can pass on it abrest, paved with great squares of hard Stone, raised some eight foot high above the Garden-plots, and divided in the middle by a Channel walled up with Freestone, having jets of water at certain distances. After you have gone twenty five or thirty paces upon this Alley, turning your eye to behold the Entry, you see the other face of the Pavilion, which though it be not comparable to that which looks to the Street, yet wants not its stateliness, being high and of a structure approaching the other. And on both sides of the Pavilion, along the wall of the Garden, you see a long and profound gallery by way of terrace, supported by many low columns near one another. And in this Gallery 'tis, that during the season of the rains, the Poor are permitted to enter, who come there thrice a week, receiving Alms from a foundation made there by Chah-Jehan for ever. Advancing further in this Alley, you discover at a distance before you a great Dome, where is the Sepulchre, and below on the right and left hand you see divers Alleys of a Garden set with Trees, and several Parterres covered with Flowers. At the end of this Alley, besides the Dome before you, you discover on the right and left two great Pavilions, built of the same Stone, and consequently looking all read as the first. These are great and spacious square Edifices, made by way of Terrasse, opening by three Arches, and having at the bottom the wall of the Garden, so that you march under them as if they were high and large Galleries. I shall not stay to describe unto you the Ornaments within these Pavilions, because in respect of their Walls, Ground-plot, and Pavement, they are not much unlike the Dome, which I am going to delineate unto you, after I shall have observed, that between the end of the Alley (which we have spoken of) and the Dome, there is a pretty large space of a floor, which I call a Water-Parterre, because that the diversely cut and figured Stones you march upon, are there instead of the Box-Wood of our Parterres. And 'tis from the midst of this Parterre, that you may conveniently see a part of this Edifice, where the Sepulchre is, which remains now to be considered. It is a great and vast Dome of white Marble, which is near the height of that of our Val de Grace in Paris, surrounded with many Turrets of the same matter with Stairs in them. Four great Arches support the whole Fabric, three of which are visible, the fourth is closed in by the wall of an Hall, accompanied with a Gallery, where certain Mullahs (entertained for that end) do continually read the Alcoran, with a profound respect to the honour of Taje-Mehalle. The mould of the Arches is enriched with Tables of white Marble, wherein are seen engraven large Arabian Characters of black Marble, which is very agreeable to behold. The interior or concave part of this Dome, and the whole wall from top to bottom is covered with white Marble; and there is no place which is not wrought with Art, and hath not its peculiar Beauty. You see store of Agat, and such sorts of Stones, as are employed to enrich the Chapel of the great Duke of Florence; much Jasper, and many other kinds of rare and precious Stones, set a hundred several ways, mixed and enchased in the Marble that covers the body of the Wall. The Quarries of white and black Marble, that make the floor, are likewise set out with all imaginable beauty and stateliness. Under this Dome is a little Chamber enclosing the Sepulchre, which I have not seen within, it not being opened but once a year, and that with great Ceremony, not suffering any Christian to enter, for fear (as they say) of Profaning the Sanctity of the place: but really by what I could learn, because it hath nothing rich or magnificent in it. There remains nothing else, than to give you occasion to take notice of an Alley in the fashion of a Terrasse, twenty or twenty five ordinary paces large, and as many or more high; which is betwixt the Dome and the extremity of the Garden, whence you see below you, at the foot of it, the River of Gemna running along, a great campagne of Gardens, a part of the Town of Agra, the Fortress, and all those fair Houses of the Omrahs' that are built along the water. There remains no more, I say, than to 'cause you to observe this Terrasse, which taketh up almost the whole length of one side of the Garden, and than to desire you to judge, whether I had reason to say, that the Mausoleum, or Tomb of Taje-Mehale, is something worthy to be admired. For my part, I do not yet well know, whether I am not somewhat infected still with Indianisme; but I must needs say, that I believe it aught to be reckoned amongst the wonders of the World, rather than those unshapen masses of the Egyptian Pyramids, which I was weary to see after I had seen them twice, and in which I found nothing without, but pieces of great Stones ranged in the form of steps one upon another, and within nothing but very little Art and Invention. A Letter written to Mr. Chapelain, sent from Chiras in Persia, Octob. 4. 1667. concerning the Superstitions, strange Fashions, and Doctrine of the Native Indieses, or Gentiles of Indostan. Whence may be seen, that there are no Opinions so ridiculous, and so extravagant, which the spirit of Man is not capable of. SIR, IF I should live whole ages, I know not whether I could ever forget those two Eclipses of the Sun, of which I saw one in France in the Year 1654. and the other in the Indieses at Delhi in the Year 1666. if I remember aright. The former seemed very remarkable to me upon the account of the childish credulity of our common people; and of that panic terror which had so seized the heart, that some bought Drugs against the Eclipse; others kept themselves close in the dark in their Caves, and their well-closed Chambers; others cast themselves in great multitudes into the Churches: Those apprehending some malign and dangerous influence, and these believing that they were come to their last day, and that the Eclipse would shake the foundations of Nature, and overturn it, notwithstanding any thing that the Gassendi's, Robervals, and many other famous Philosophers could say or writ against this persuasion, when they demonstrate, that this Eclipse was of the same nature with so many others that had preceded without any mischief, and that it was a known accident, foreseen and ordinary, which had nothing peculiar, but what some cheating Astrological Mountebanks might have devised. That which I saw at Dehli seemed also very considerable to me, by reason of the ridiculous Errors and Superstitions of the Indians. At the time when the said Eclipse was to appear, I went up to the Terrasse of my house, which was situate on the side of the River Gemna, thence I saw both sides of the River, for near a league in length, covered with the Heathen Idolaters, that stood in the water up to their girdle, demurely looking up into the sky, to the end that they might plunge and wash themselves at the moment when the Eclipse should begin. The little Boys and Girls were stark naked; the men were almost so too, but that they had a kind of scarf round about their thighs to cover their nakedness: and the married Women, together with the young Maids that were not above six or seven years old, were covered with a single cloth. Persons of condition, as the Rajas, or sovereign Princes of those Gentiles, (who commonly are about the Person, and in the pay of the King) and the Serrahs' or Exchangers, the Banckers, Jewellers, and other great Merchants, were most of them gone to the other side of the water with all their family, and had there put up their Tents, and fastened in the River certain Kanates, which are a kind of skreens, to perform their Ceremonies, and conveniently to wash themselves with there Wives, so as not to be seen by others. These Idolaters not sooner saw the Eclipse begin, but they raised a great cry, and all at once plunged themselves wholly into the water, I know not how many times one after another; standgin up afterwards in the water, and lifting up their eyes and hands to Heaven, muttering and praying with great devotion, and from time to time taking water with their hands, which they threw up towards the Sun, bowing down their heads very low, moving and turning their arms and hands sometimes one way, sometimes another, and thus continuing their plunging, praying and apishness unto the end of this Eclipse; at which time every one retired, casting some pieces of Silver a good way of into the water, and giving alms to the Brachmans' or men of the Law, who failed not to be at that Ceremony. I took notice, that at their going out of the water, they all took new clothes that were laid ready for them folded up on the sand, and that many of the devouter sort left there their old garments for the Brachmans'. And in this manner did I see from my Terrasse this great solemnity of the Eclipse; which was celebrated after the same manner in the River Indus and Ganges, and in all the other Rivers, as also in the Receivers of water in the Indieses, but especially in that of the Tanaiser, where were met together above an hundred and fifty thousand persons, come together from all parts of the Indieses, because the water of it is on that day reputed more holy and efficacious than on any other. The great mogul, though he be a Mahometan, suffers these Heathens to go on in these old superstitions, because he will not, or dareth not cross them in the exercise of their Religion, and besides it is not performed without presenting him, by the hands of the Brachmansas Commissioners, a Lecque or an hundred thousand Roupies, which are worth above fifty thousand Crowns, for which he returns nothing but a few Vests and an old Elephant. Now you shall see those solid reasons (forsooth) which they allege for this Feast, and for the Ceremonies by them observed in it. We have (say they) our four Beths', that is, Books of the Law, Sacred and Divine Writings, given us by God through the hands of Brahma. These Books do teach us that a certain Deuta, which is a kind of corporeal Divinity, very malign and mischievous, very black and very filthy (these are their own expressions in their language) seizeth on the Sun, blackens it as 'twere with ink, and so darkens it: That this Sun, which is also a Deuta, but of the best and the most beneficent and perfect Divinities, is at that time in very great pains and terrible anguish, to see himself thus seized on and misused by that black villain: That 'tis a general duty to endeavour to deliver him from this miserable condition; which cannot ●e effected but by the force of prayers, washings and alms, and that these actions are of a very extraordinary merit to such a degree, that an alms given at that time is worth an hundred given at another. Who is there, say they, that would not give cent pour cent? Sir, these are the two Eclipses I spoke of which I shall hardly ever forget, and which minister occasion to me to proceed to some other extravagancies of these Gentiles, whence you may draw what consequences you shall please. In the Town of Jagannat, which is seated upon the Gulf of Bengala, and where is that famous Temple of the Idol of the same name, there is yearly celebrated a certain Feast, which lasts eight or nine days, if I remember well. There is found an incredible number of people, as there was anciently in the Temple of Hammon, and as 'tis at this day at Mecca. This number, 'tis said, amounts sometimes to above an hundred and fifty thousand persons. They make a stately Engine of wood, as I have seen of them in many other places of the Indieses, with I know not how many extravagant figures, almost such as we are want to paint Monsters with two heads or bodies, half man and half beast, or gigantic and terrible heads, Satyrs, Apes or Devils; which Engine is put upon fourteen or sixteen wheels, such as the Carriages of Cannons may be, which fifty or sixty persons more or lesle do draw, or thrust forwards: Upon the middle of it appears most conspicuously the Idol Jagannat, richly dressed and adorned, which is thus transported from one place to another. The first day that they show this Idol with Ceremony in the Temple, the crowd is usually so great to see it, that there is not a year, but some of those poor Pilgrims, that come afar of, tired, and harassed, are suffocated there; all the people blessing them for having been so happy, as to die on so holy an occasion. And when this Hellish Triumphant Chariot marcheth, there are found (which is no Fable) persons so foolishly credulous and superstitious as to throw themselves with their bellies under those large and heavy wheels, which bruise them to death, having suffered themselves to be persuaded, that there is no action so heroic nor so meritorious as that, and that Jagennat will at the same time receive them as his Children, and 'cause them to be born again in a state of felicity and glory. The Brachmans' for their particular advantage and interest, I mean that of Alms and Respect given to them as Persons devoted to these Mysteries, do entertain the People in these errors and superstitions, and they proceed even to such infamous cheats and Villainies, that I could never have believed them, if I had not fully informed myself of it. These Impostors take a young Maid, of the fairest they can meet with, to be the Bride (as they speak, and bear the besotted people in hand) of Jagannat, and they leave her all night in the Temple (whither they have carried her) with the Idol, making her believe that Jagannat himself will come and embrace her, and appointing her to ask him, Whether it will be a fruitful Year, what kind of Processions, Feasts, Prayers and Alms he demands to be made for it. In the mean time one of these lustful Priests enters at night by a little backdoor into the Temple, deflowreth this young Maid, and maketh her believe any thing he pleaseth; and the next day, being transported from this Temple into another with the same magnificence, she was carried before upon the Chariot of Triumph on the side of Jagannat her Bridegroom; these Brachmans' make her say aloud before all the people, whatsoever she had been taught of these Cheats, as if she had learned it from the very mouth of Jagannat. But let us go on (if you please) to follies of another kind. Before this Chariot, and often in the very Temples of the Idols, on Festival days, you shall see public Women dance, making an hundred indecent and extravagant postures; and yet the Brachmans' found a way to accord all that with their Religion. I have seen some Women, that are not only famous for their beauty, but also for great reservedness, which refused very considerable presents of certain Mahumetans and Christians, and even of Heathen strangers, as if they were only dedicated to the Ministry and the Ministers of Deura, or the Idol Temple to the Brachmans' and these Fakires, which are there seated most of them upon ashes round about, altogether naked with their fearful hair of Megaera, and in the posture I shall speak of hereafter. But let us stay not longer upon these follies. There are so many Writers of voyages relating the custom of the Indian Women, burning themselves with their Husbands, that I think something will at last be believed of it. For my part, I am going to take my turn also, and to writ to you of it like others; yet in the mean time observing withal, that 'tis not all true what is said of it, and that now they do not burn themselves in so great a number as formerly, because the Mahometans, that bear sway at present in Indostan, are enemies to that barbarous custom; and hinder it as much as they can; not opposing it absolutely, because they are willing to leave their idolatrous people, who are far more numerous than themselves, in the free exercise of their Religion, for fear of some revolt: but by indirectly preventing it, in that they oblige the Women, ready to burn themselves, to go and ask permission of the respective Governors, who sand for them, make converse with their own Women, remonstrate things to them with annexed promises, and never give them this permission, but after they have tried all these gentle ways, and till they found them fixed in their sottish resolution. Which yet hinders not but that many burn themselves, especially of those that live upon the Lands of the Rajas, where no Mahometan Governors are. I shall not stay to give you the history of all those, which I have seen burn themselves; that would too be long, and too tedious: I shall only relate unto you two or three Examples of them, whence you may judge of the rest; but first you shall have the relation of a Woman, which I was sent unto to divert her from such a mischievous design. A friend of mine, called Bendidas, the first Clerk of my Agah Danechmendkan, died of an Hectic, having been treated by me above two years. His Wife immediately resolved to burn herself, together with the Body of her Husband; but her Parents, by the order of my Agah, whose servants they were, endeavoured to dissuade her from it, representing to her, that though it were indeed a generous and laudable resolution, and would be a great honour and happiness in the Family, yet she aught to consider, that her Children were yet little, that she could not abandon them, and that she was to prefer their good, and the affection she had for them, to the love she had for her Husband, and to her own satisfaction. These Parents not having been able to prevail with her by all these representments, bethought themselves to desire me to go to her, as sent from my Agah, and as an ancient friend to the Family. I went and when I came, I did, as soon as I came in, see a cluster of seven or eight fearful old Women, together with four or 5 infatuated and brainsick Brachmans', who all cried by turns, beating their hands about the dead Corpse, and the Widow in her lose hair, looking pale, yet with dry and sparkling Eyes, sitting and crying also aloud, and beating her Hands, as the rest with a kind of Cadency, upon the Feet of her Husband. The outcry and noise being ended, I approached to this Company of people, and addressing myself to the Widow, I gave her softly to understand, that I came from Danechmendkan; that he had appointed a monthly Pension of two Crowns, to each of her two Sons, but on condition that she should not burn herself, to the end, that she might take care of them, and breed them up as was fit; that else we knew ways enough to hinder her from burning herself, if she were obstinate for it, and to make those repent, that should allure and incite her to such an unreasonable resolution, especially since none of her Kindred was satisfied with it, and that she would not be counted infamous, as those are that want the resolution to burn themselves after the death of their Husbands, when they have no Children. I often inculcated to her all these considerations, without hearing a word of answer from her; though at last she said, looking fiercely upon me: Well, if I am hindered to burn myself, I am resolved to break my head against the Wall. Than said I by myself; What Diabolical fury doth possess thee? And to her I answered, full of indignation: Than take thy Children, thou unhappy Creature, and cut their Throats, and burn them with thee; for they will be starved, I being now ready to return to Danechmendkan, and to annul their Pension. These words being spoken by me, with the loudest and most menacing tone I could, made impression upon the spirit of this Woman, and upon that of all the assistants: She presently, without any reparty, let her Head sink down upon her knees, and most of the old Women and Brachmans' went away. Whereupon her Relations, that were come with me, entered and parleyed with her. And I, thinking I had done enough, took Horse, and came away to my Lodgings, supposing they would do the rest well enough. In short, about evening, when I was going to give an account to my Agah of what I had done, I met with her Parents, who thanked me, and said, that the dead Corpse had been burnt, and the Widow persuaded to remain alive. Concerning the Women that have actually burned themselves, I have so often been present at such dreadful spectacles, that at length I could endure no more to see it, and I retain still some horror when I think on't. Yet I shall represent to you some of them, but pretend not to express to the life, with what courage and resolution these poor Women achieved such a direful Tragedy; for there is nothing but the Eye itself that can exhibit a right idea thereof. When I was passing from Amadevad to Agra, over the Lands of the Rajas, that are in those parts, there came news to us in a Burrow, where the Caravane rested under the shade (staying for the cool of the evening, to march on in their journey) that a certain Woman was than upon the point of burning herself with the Body of her Husband. I presently risen and ran to the place where it was to be done, which was a great Pit, with a Pile of wood raised in it, whereon I saw laid a dead Corpse, and a Woman, which at a distance seemed to me pretty fair, sitting near it on the same Pile; besides four or five Brachmans', putting the Fire to it from all sides; five Women of a middle age, and well enough dressed, holding one another by the Hand, and dancing about the Pit, and a great Crowd of People, Men and Women, looking on. The Pile of Wood was presently all on fire, because store of Oil and Butter had been thrown upon it, and I saw at the same time through the flames, that the Fire took hold of the clothes of the Woman, that were imbued with well-sented Oils mingled with Powder of Santal and Saffron. All this I saw, but observed not, that the Woman was at all disturbed; yea, it was said, that she had been heard to pronounce with great force these two words, Five, Two, to signify, according to the Opinion of those that hold the Souls Transmigration, that this was the 5 th'. time she had burnt herself with the same Husband, and that there remained but two times for perfection; as if she had at that time this Remembrance, or some Prophetical Spirit. But here ended not this Infernal Tragedy: I thought it was only by way of ceremony, that these five Women sung and danced about the Pit; but I was altogether surprised, when I saw, that the flame having taken hold of the clothes of one of them, she cast herself with her Head foremost into the Pit, and that, after her, another, being overcome by the flame and smoke did the like: And my astonishment redoubled afterwards, when I saw, that the remaining three took one another again by the Hand, continued their dance without any apparent fear, and that at length they precipitated themselves, one after another into the fire, as their companions had done. It troubled me sufficiently, that I knew not what that meant; but I learned shortly after, that these had been five Slaves, who, having seen their Mistress extremely afflicted at the sickness of her Husband, and heard her promise' him, that she would not survive him, but burn herself with him, were so touched with compassion and tenderness towards this their Mistress, that they engaged themselves in a promise to follow her in her resolution, and to burn themselves with her. Many persons, whom I than consulted about this custom of Women burning themselves with the Bodies of their Husbands, would persuade me, that what they did was from an excess of affection they had for them: But I understood afterwards, that it was only an effect of Opinion, prepossession and custom; and that the Mothers, from their youth besotted with this superstition, as of a most virtuous and most laudable action, such as was unavoidable to a Woman of honour, did also infatuate the spirit of their Daughters from their very infancy: Although, at the bottom, it was nothing else but an Art of the Men, the more to enslave their Wives, thereby to make them have the more care of their health, and to prevent poisoning of them. But let us proceed to another Tragedy, which I shall rather represent to you than many others, at which I have been present, because it hath something uncommon in it. 'Tis true, I was not there myself; but you may do as I, who do not stand out against crediting these things, because I have seen so many of them which seemed incredible to me. This action is grown so famous in the Indieses, that no body doubts of it, and it may be, that even yourself have already heard of it in Europe. 'Tis of a Woman, that was engaged in some Love-intrigues with a young Mahometan her Neighbour, that was a Tailor, and could play finely upon the Tabor. This Woman in the hopes she had of marrying this young man, poisoned her Husband, and presently came away to tell her Tailor, that it was time to be gone together as they had projected, or else that she should be obliged to burn herself. The young Man fearing, jest he might be entangled in a mischievous business, flatly refused her. The Woman, not at all surprised at it, went to her Relations, and advertised them of the sudden death of her Husband, and openly protested that she would not survive him, but burn herself with him. Her Kindred well satisfied with so generous a resolution, and the great honour she did to the whole Family, presently had a Pit made, and filled with Wood, exposing the Corpse upon it, and kindling the Fire. All being prepared, the Woman goes to embrace and bid farewell to all her Kindred that were there about the Pit, among whom was also the Tailor, who had been invited to play upon the Tabor that day, with many others of that sort of Men, according to the custom of the Country. This fury of a Woman being also come to this young Man, made as if she would bid him farewell with the rest; but in stead of gently embracing him, she taketh him with all her force about his Collar, pulls him to the Pit, and tumbleth him together with herself into the Ditch, where they both were soon dispatched. She which I saw burn herself, when I parted from Suratte to travel into Persia, in the presence of Monsieur Chardin and Paris, and of many English and Dutch, was of a middle age and not unhandsome. To represent unto you the undaunted cheerfulness, that appeared in her countenance, the resolution with which she marched, washed herself, spoke to the people; the confidence with which she looked upon us, viewed her little Cabin, made up of very dry Millet-straw and small Wood, went into this Cabin, and sat down upon the Pile, and took her Husband's Head into her Lap, and a Torch into her own Hand, and kindled the Cabin, whilst I know not how many Brochmans' were busy in kindling the fire round about: To represent unto you, I say, all this, as it aught, is not possible for me; I can at present scarce believe it myself, though it be but a few days since I saw it. 'Tis true, that I have seen some of them, which at the sight of the Pile and Fire, appeared to have some apprehension, and that perhaps would have gone back, but 'tis often too late: Those Demons, the Brachmans', that are there with their great Sticks, astonish them, and hearten them up, or even thrust them in; as I have seen it done to a young Woman that retreated five or six paces from the Pile, and to another that was much disturbed when she saw the Fire take hold of her clothes, these Executioners thirsting her in with their long Poles. Yet I have often seen one, that is still a handsome Woman, and had saved herself out of their Hands, falling into the Hands of the Gadous, that sometimes meet there in great numbers, when they know that 'tis some fair and young Woman that is to be burnt, and that hath no great Kindred, nor much Company with her: For the Women that are afraid of the Pile, and fly away from it, knowing that they cannot be received again amongst the Gentiles, nor live with them, because they repute them infamous, after they have committed such a fault, and brought such a disgrace upon their Religion, such Women, I say, are ordinarily the prey of this kind of Men, who are also counted infamous in the Indieses, and that have nothing to lose. A Mogolian durst not save, nor receive any, for fear of bringing himself into great trouble. Some Portuguese living in Seaports, where they were strongest, have sometimes carried away some of them. For my part, I have often been so enraged against those Brahmen, that if I durst, I had strangled them. I remember, among others, that at Lahor, I saw a very handsome and a very young Woman burned: I believe she was not above twelve years of age. This poor unhappy Creature appeared rather dead than alive, when she came near the Pile; she shook, and wept bitterly: Mean time three or four of these Executioners, the Brahmen, together with an old Hag, that held her under the Arm, thrust her on, and made her sit down upon the Wood, and lest she should run away, they tied her Legs and Hands, and so burned her alive. I had enough to do to contain myself for indignation; but I was forced to content myself with detesting this horrid Religion, and to say by myself, what the Poet once said of such another, upon the occasion, of Iphigenia, whom her own Father Agamemnon sacrificed to Diana, for the interest of the Grecians, amongst whom he was one of the principal Leaders. — Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum! These are certainly very barbarous and very cruel Customs, but that which the Brahmen do in some other places of the Indieses is yet more so: For instead of burning those Women that will dye upon the death of their Husbands, they bury them in the ground alive up to the very Throat, and than two or three of them fall at once upon them, and wring their Neck round, and so choke them, covering them quickly with some earth, and than marching over their Heads. But let us pass to some other Customs of those Countries. Most of the Gentiles burn their dead; but some there are, that do no more than with some Straw broil them on a River's side, casting them thereupon from the height of a steep Bank into the Water: Which I have often seen upon the River Ganges. Some of these Gentiles there are, who, when they perceive a sick person near death carry him to the side of a River (at which barbarous action I have been once present) and than first put his Feet into the Water, and afterwards let him slide down as far as to his Throat, and than when they think he is now expiring, they sink him quite under Water, and there leave him, after they have made a great clamour, and clapping with their Hands: And this, say they, to the end that the Soul leaving the body may be washed from all the impurities, she may have contracted in the Body. And this is not only a reason given by the Vulgar; for I have spoken with the most Learned of them, who delivered the same with great seriousness. But let us go on to other extravagancies. Amongst that vast number and great variety of Fakires, Derviches, or Religous Heathens of the Indieses, there is abundance of them that have Convents, in which there are Superiors, and wherein they make certain vows of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience, leading so odd a life, that I doubt whether you can give credit to it. These are commonly called Jauguis, as if you should say, United to God. You shall see many of them sit stark naked, or lie days and nights upon Ashes, and commonly enough, under some of those large trees, that are on the sides of the Talabs or Ponds, or else in those Galleries that are about their Deuras or Idol-temples. Some of them have their Hair hanging down to the middle of their Legs, and that wreathed into several parcels, as the large Main of our Barbes, or rather as the Hair of those that have the sickness of Poland called the Plica. Of these I have seen some in divers places, who held one Arm, and sometimes both, lifted up perpetually above their Heads, and that had at the end of their Fingers wreathed Nails, that were longer by measure than half my little finger. Their Arms were small and lean as of hectical persons, because they took not sufficient nourishment in that forced posture, and they could not let them down to take any thing with them, either meat or drink, because the Nerves were retired, and the Joints were filled and dried up: wherefore also they have young Novices, that serve them as Holy men with very great respect. There is no Megaera in Hell so terrible to look on, as those Men are, all naked, with their black skin, long Hair, dried Arms, and in the posture mentioned, and with crooked Nails. I have often met in the Field, especially upon the Lands of the Rajas, whole squadrons of these Faquires, altogether naked, dreadful to behold. Some held their Arms lifted up in the posture mentioned; others had their terrible Hair hanging about them, or else they had wreathed them about their Head; some had a kind of Herculeses Club in their Hand; others had dry and stiff Tiger-skins over their Shoulders. I saw them pass thus quite naked, without any shame, through the midst of a great Burrough, I admired how Men, Women, and Children could look upon them so indifferently, without being moved no more than if we should see pass some Eremite through our streets; and how the Women brought them alms with much devotion, taking them for very holy Men, much wiser and better than others. I have seen for a long while a very famous one in Dehli, called Sarmet, who went thus stark naked along the streets, and who at length would rather suffer his Neck to be cut of, than to put on any clothes, what promises or menaces soever Aureng-Zebe might sand to him. I have seen many of them, who out of devotion went long Pilgrimages, not only altogether naked, but charged with Ironchains, like those that are put about the Legs of Elephants. Others, who, out of a particular vow, stood for seven or eight days upright upon their Legs, which thereupon swelled as big as their Thighs, without sitting or lying down, or without reposing themselves otherwise than by leaning some hours of the night upon a stretched Cord: Others, who stood for whole hours upon their Hands without wavering, the Head down, and the Feet upward: And so of many others sorts of postures so constrained, and so difficult, that we have no Tumbler able to imitate them; and all this it seems upon the account of Religion, of which yet their appears not the lest shadow in it. All these so extraordinary things did (to tell you the truth) exceedingly surprise me at first, I knew not what to say or think of it. Sometimes I looked upon them as a remainder, or rather as the Authors of that ancient and infamous Sect of the Cynics, but only that I found nothing in them, but brutality and ignorance, and that they seemed to me a kind of Trees, somewhat moving from one place to another, rather than rational Animals. Another time I considered them as Men altogether Enthusiastical; though as I lately said, I could not found any shadow of true Piety in all they did. Sometimes I thought, that this lazy, idle, and independent Life of Beggars might have something attractive in it. Sometimes I imagined that the vanity, which creeps in every where, and which is as often found under the patched Mantle of Diogenes, as under the comely Garment of Plato, there might lurk that Spring, which might set a going so many Engines; and than reflecting withal upon the miserable and austere life they led, I knew not what Judgement to make of them. 'Tis true, that many say, that they do not exercise these strange austerities but in the hopes they entertain of becoming Rajas in their renascence, or of returning again in a more happy life. But, as I have often told them to their Faces, how is't possible for any Man to resolve upon such a miserable life from the hope of another, that is to be not longer, and hath also, in the upshot, but very little happiness in it, though one should return a Raja, and even a Jesseingue or a Jessomseingue, which are the two most puissant Rajas of the Indieses? There must needs, said I, lie something else under it, which you have no mind to discover to us, or you must be arrant Fools. Amongst those I have been speaking of, there are such that are believed to be true Saints, illuminated and perfect Jauguis, entirely united to God. These are people that have altogether abandoned the World, and sequestered themselves into some very remote corner or Garden, like Eremites, without ever coming to Town. If you carry them any meat, they receive it; if they do not, 'tis believed that they can live without it, and subsist by the sole favour of God in perpetual fasting, prayer, and profound meditations: For they sink themselves so deep into these raptures, that they spend many hours together in being insensible, and beholding in that time, as they give out, God himself, like a very bright and ineffable Light, with an unexpressible joy and satisfaction, attended with an entire contempt and forsaking of the World: For thus much one of them, that pretended he could enter into this rapture when he pleased, and had been often in it, told me; and others that are about them, affirm the thing with so much seriousness, that they seem to believe in earnest, as if there were no imposture in it. God alone knows whether there be any truth in it, and whether in this solitude and fasting the imagination debilitated, may not suffer itself to be carried away into these illusions: Or whether they be not of that kind of natural Raptures, into which Cardan said he fell when he listed; and this the rather, because I see, there is used some Art in what they do, forasmuch as they prescribe to themselves certain Rules, by little and little to bind up their Senses: For they say, for Example, that after they have fasted many days, using nothing but Bread and Water, 'tis requisite first to keep themselves alone retired from all company, directing the Eyes steadily towards Heaven for a while, than gently casting them down again, and than fixing them both so as to look at one and the same time upon the tip of their Nose equally, and as much on one side as the other (which is troublesome enough) and remaining firm and intent in that posture, until such a Light do come. Whatever the matter be, I know, that these Raptures, and these ways of falling into them, make the great Mystery of the Cabala of Jauguis, as the Soufies do also. I call it Mystery, because they keep it very secret amongst them; and if it had not been for this Pendet or Indian Doctor, to whom Danechmendkan gave a Pension, and who durst hid nothing from him; and if also Danechmendkan had not known the Mysteries of the Cabala of the Soufies, I should not have discovered so much of it. I know besides, that as for the extremity of Poverty, of Fast and Austerities, that also can do much to it. We must not think (or I am much deceived) that any of our Religious Friars or Eremites go in this point beyond those Men, nor generally beyond all the Asiatic Monks; witness the Life and Fast of the Armenians; Copththes, Greeks, Nestorians, Jacobites, and Maronites. We must rather avow, that we are but Novices, when compared with those Religious Men: But than we must also acknowledge, according to what I have experimented, in respect of those of the Indieses, that they can much more easily bear hunger than we can in our colder Climates. There are others very differing from those, but very strange Men likewise; they are almost perpetually travelling up and down, they deride all, take care of nothing, Men that brag of secrets, and who, as the people say, know not lesle than to make Gold, and so admirably to pepare Mercury, that a grain or two of it taken every morning restoreth the body to perfect health, and so strengthens the Stomach, that it feeds greedily and digests with ease. This is not all: When two of these Jauguis, that are eminent, do meet, and you stir them up in the point and power of their knowledge or Jauguisme, you shall see them do such tricks out of spite to one another, that I know not whether Simon Magus could have outdone them. For they divine what one thinketh, make the Branch of a Tree blossom and bear fruit in lesle than an hour, hatch Eggs in their bosom in lesle than half a quarter of an hour, and bring forth such Birds as you demand, which they make fly about the Chamber, and many such other prodigies. I mean, if what is said of them be true; for I remember, that one day my Agah sent for one of these famous Diviners, and when he was come, agreed with him to give him the next day 300 Roupies, which is about 150 Crowns, if he should tell him, as he said he would, his present thought, which he was to writ before him upon a paper: As also, that I myself made a bargain with the same, to give him 25 Roupies, if he should divine mine; but the Prophet failed us, as also did at another time one of those pretended producers of Birds, to whom I had also promised 20 Roupies. I am still to be understood, if it be true what is said of them. For, as for me, I am with all my curiosity none of those happy Men, that are present at, and see those great feats; and if I should chance to see any of such things as are thought strange, I am always considering and seeking, whether the thing may not be done by some Juggle, Art, or Trick of Legerdemain: and I am sometimes even so unhappy, or, if you will, so fortunate, as to found out the cheat, as I did him, that made a Cup run, to discover who it was, that had stolen money from my Agah. Lastly, there are some in many places, that are quite of another way than all those I have discoursed of. Their Life and their Devotion is more meek and more polished; they go over the streets barefoot and bareheaded, girt about with a Scarf hanging down to their Knees, and having a white Sheet which passeth under their right Arm, and comes out over their left Shoulder like a Cloak, without other clothes under it. They are always very clean and neat in all things, and commonly go two and two together with great modesty, holding in their Hand a small Earthen Travet with two handles, very neat. They do not go gossipping from Shop to Shop, as many of the other Fakires do. They go freely every where into the Houses of the Gentiles, where they are welcome, and much made of; they being esteemed a Blessing to the House. They are by no means to be accused of any thing, though it be well enough known, what in such visits among the Women passeth. But 'tis the custom, they are in possession of being Saints for all that, and any House thinks itself honoured with their visit. But it is not only there so; many other places there be in the World, where things are not so strictly looked to. But that which I found most ridiculous in those people is, That they are impertinent enough, to compare themselves with our Religious Men, they meet with in the Indieses. I have often taken pleasure to catch them, using much ceremony with them, and giving them great respect; but I soon heard them say to one another, This Franguis knows who we are, he hath been a great while in the Indieses, he knows that we are the Padries of the Indians. A fine comparison, said I within myself, made by an impertinent and idolatrous rabble of Men! But we stay too long upon these Heathen-Beggers: Let us go on to their Books of Law and Sciences: you may afterwards judge, whether most of what I am going to say of it, may be put, as I think it may, in the number of Extravagancies. Do not wonder, if, though I know not the Hanscrit, the language of the Learned (of which somewhat may be said hereafter, and which is perhaps the same with that of the old Brahmans) do notwithstanding tell you many things taken out of Books written in that Tongue. For you must know, that my Agah Danechmendkan, partly upon my solicitation, partly out of his own curiosity, took into his service one of the famousest Pendets that was in all the Indieses, and that formerly had had a Pension of Dara, the Eldest Son of King Chah-jehan; and that this Pendet, besides that he drew to our House all the most Learned Pendets, was for three years constantly of my conversation. When I was weary of explaining to my Agah those late discoveries of Harvey and Pecquet in Anatomy, and of discoursing with him of the Philosophy of Gassendi and Descartes, which I translated to him into Persian (for that was my chief employment for five or six years) that Pendet was our refuge, and than he was obliged to discourse, and to relate unto us his stories, which he delivered seriously and without ever smiling. 'Tis true, that at last we were so much disgusted with his tales and uncouth reasonings, that we scarce had patience left to hear them. They say than, that God, whom they call Achar, that is to say, immovable or Immutable, hath sent them four Books, which they call Beths', a word signifying Science, because they pretend that in these Books all Sciences are comprehended. The first of these Books is called Athen-habed, the second Zager-bed, the third Rek-bed, the fourth Sama-bed. Conform to the doctrine of these Books, this people aught to be distinguished, as really they are, into four Tribes: The first is of Brachmans', Men of the Law; the second of Quetteries, Men of Arms; the third, Men of Bescue or Traffic, commonly called Eanians; and the fourth, Men of Seydra, that is, Handicrafts Men and Labourers. And these are so discriminated, that those of one Tribe cannot marry into another, that is, a Brahman cannot marry with a Woman Quettery, and so of the rest. They all agreed in one Doctrine, which is that of Pythagoras concerning the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls, and in this, that they must not kill or eat of any Animal. However there are some of the second Tribe that may eat of them, provided it be neither Cows nor Peacocks-flesh, they all having a great veneration for these two creatures, especially the Cow, because they fancy I know not what River lying between this Life and that to come, which they are to pass by holding themselves fast on a Cows-tail. Possibly their ancient Legislators had seen those Shepherds of Egypt, crossing the Nile, by holding with their lefthand the Tail of an Ox, and in their right-hand a Stick to guide him with; or rather they have imprinted in them this respect for Cows, because they draw from them Milk and Butter, which is a great part of their subsistence; and because also they are so serviceable for the Plough, and consequently for the Life of Man; and that the rather because it is not so in the Indieses as in our Parts, for maintaining so great a number of Cattles as we do: if but half as many of them should be killed in the Indieses, as there are in England or France, the Country will quickly be destitute of them, and the Land remain Untilled. The heat is there so violent for eight months of the year, that all is dry, and that Oxen and Cows are often starved, or dye of eating trash in the Fields like Hogs. And 'tis upon the account of the scarcity of Cattles, that in the time of Jehan-Guire, the Brahmen obtained an Edict, that no Cattles should be killed for a certain number of years, and that of late they presented a Petition to Aureng-Zebe, and offered him a considerable sum, if he would make the like Prohibition. They remonstrated, that for 50 or 60 years passed much Land had remained Unploughed, because the Oxen and Cows were become too scarce and too dear. It may be also, that these Lawgivers considered, that Cows and Ox-flesh in the Indieses is not very savoury, nor wholesome, unless it be for a little time in Winter, during the cooler season: Or lastly, that they would take the People of from mutual cruelty, (to which they were too much inclined) by obliging them, as by a Maxim of Religion, to exercise humanity to the very Beasts, and by making them believe, that killing or eating an Animal, it might hap that they did kill or eat one of their Grandsires'; which would be an horrid crime. According to the Doctrine of these Beths', they are obliged to say their Prayers at lest thrice every day, in the morning, at noon, and at night, with their face turned to the East. They are also bound to wash their whole body thrice, or at lest before they eat; and they believe, that 'tis more meritorious to wash themselves in running water than in any other. And it may be, that the Legislators in this point also have had a respect to what is proper and convenient for this Country, where nothing is more desirable than washing and bathing. And they found it troublesome enough to observe this Law, when they are in cold Countries: I have seen some of them that were like to die, because they would there also observe their Law of washing their Body by plunging themselves into Rivers or Ponds, when they found any near; or by throwing whole buckets of water over their heads, when they were remote from them. When I told them upon occasion, that in cold Countries it would not be possible to observe that Law of theirs in Winter (which was a sign of its being a mere human invention) they gave this pleasant answer: That they pretended not their Law was universal; that God had only made it for them, and it was therefore that they could not receive a Stranger into their Religion: that they thought not our Religion was therefore false, but that it might be it was good for us, and that God might have appointed several differing ways to go to Heaven; but they will not hear that our Religion should be the general Religion for the whole earth, and theirs a fable and pure device. These same Books do teach them, that God having determined to created the World, would not execute it immediately, but made first three Perfect Being's: the first was Brahma, which signifieth Penetrating into all things; the second Beschen, that is Existing in all things; and the third Mehahden, that is, great Lord. That by the means of Brahma he created the World, by the means of Beschen he preserveth it, and by the means of Mehahden he will destroy it. That it is Brahma, who by the command of God did publish the four Beths', and that therefore he is in some of their Churches represented with four Heads. As to those three Being's, I have seen some European Missionaries that were of opinion, that these Gentiles had some Idea of the Mystery of the Trinity; and said, it was expressly contained in their Books that there are three Persons, and one only God. For my part, I have made the Pendets sufficiently discourse upon this point; but they declare themselves so poorly, that I could not clearly understand their sense. I have even heard some of them, who said, that these are three Creatures very perfect, which they called Deütas, y●● without explaining well what they understood by this word Deütas; as our ancient Idolaters never explained what they meant by these words Genius and Numina, which is (I think) the same with Deüta among the Indians. 'Tis true, that I have spoken with others of the most knowing amongst them, who said, that these three Being's were indeed nothing but one and the same God, considered three manner of way, viz. as he is the Producer, Conservator, and Destroyer of things; but they said nothing of three distinct Persons in one only Deity. Moreover I have seen the Reverend Father Roa, a Germane Jesuit and Missionary at Agra, who being well versed in their Hanscrit, maintained that their Books did not only import, there was one God in three Persons, but that even the second Person of their Trinity was incarnated nine times. And that I may not be thought to ascribe to myself the writings of others, I shall relate unto you word for word, what a certain Carmelite of Chiras hath lighted upon, which he related when the abovementioned Fathat Roa passed that way to come back to Rome. The Gentiles (saith he) do hold, that the second Person of the Trinity was incarnated nine times, and that because of divers necessities of the World, from which he hath delivered it: But the eighth Incarnation is the most notable; for they hold, that the World being enslaved under the power of Giants, it was redeemed by the second Person, incarnated and born of a Virgin at midnight, the Angels singing in the Air, and the Heavens pouring down a shower of flowers all that night. This savours much of Christianity: But than there follows a Fable again, which is, That this God incamate killed first of all a Giant that flew in the Air, and was so big as to obscure the Sun, and by his fall to make the Earth to shake, and that by his great weight he sunk as deep as Hell▪ that this God incarnate being wounded in the side, in the first conflict with this Giant, fell, but by his fall put his Enemies to flight; that after he had raised himself again, and redeemed the World, he ascended into Heaven; and that by reason of his wound, he is commonly called the Wounded in his Side. In the tenth Incarnation, which shall than be, when according to our supputation Antichrist shall come, the World shall be delivered from the slavery of the Mahometans: But this is only a vulgar Tradition, which is not found in their Books. They say also, that the Third Person of the Trinity hath manifested himself to the World; concerning which they relate, That the Daughter of a certain King, being fit ●o be married, and asked by her Father, whom she would marry, answered, that she would not be united but to a Divine Person; and that at the same time, the Third Person of the Trinity appeared to the King in the form of Fire; that that King forthwith gave notice of it to his Daughter, who presently consented to the Marriage; That this Person of the Trinity, though altogether in a fiery appearance, was called before the King's Council, and seeing that the Counsellors opposed this Marriage, took hold of their Beards and burned them, together with the whole Royal Palace, and than married the Daughter. Ridiculous! They add, that the first Incarnation of the second Person, was in the nature of a Lion; the second, in that of a Swine; the third, in that of a Tortoise; the fourth, in that of a Serpent; the fifth in that of a Brahma She-Dwarf, only a foot and a half high; the sixth, in that of a Monster, a Manlion; the seventh, in that of a Dragon; the eighth, as hath been said already; the ninth, in an Ape; the tenth, in that of a great Cavalier. Concerning this I shall acquaint you, that I doubt not but that the Reverend Father Roa, hath taken all he saith of this matter out of the Books of the Gentiles, and that is the main ground of their Mythology. I had written many things of it at large in my Papers, and had also taken the Figures of their Gods or Idols, which I had seen in their Temples, having also got of them the Characters of their Language Hanscrit; but finding at my return all those things, or at lest the best part of it Printed in the China Illustrata of Father Kircher, who had obtained it at Rome from the same Father Roa; I shall content myself to have named the Book to you. 'Tis true, that the word Incarnation, which the Reverend Father useth, was new to me, having never seen it so expressly used; I had only heard some Pendets thus explaining the thing, viz. That God had formerly appeared in those Figures when he did all those wonders they relate. Others explained it to me after this manner, to wit, That it was the Soul of certain Great Men, such as we might call Hero's, that had passed into these Bodies, and that these Hero's were thus become Deütas, or to speak in the phrase of our old Idolaters, some powerful and considerable Divinities, Numen, Genio's, Demons, Spirits; for I see not that this word Deüta can signify any other thing: But this second Explication of the Pendets, cometh in effect to the first, for as much as most of them believe, that our Souls are Portions of God. Others there were that gave me a much sublimer Explication, saying, That all those Incarnations or Apparitions, which their Books speak of are not to be understood according to the Letter, but Mystically, forasmuch as thereby are explained the several Attributes of God. Some there were, and those of the most learned, acknowledging to me candidly, that there was nothing more fabulous than those Incarnations, and that they were only the Inventions of Legislators, to retain People in some Religion: And though this were so, if there were nothing else but this, (which is common to them all) that our Souls were Portions of the Deity, it were to be exploded in sound Philosophy, without making any Mysteries in Religion of it, seeing that in respect of our Souls we should be God, and that in effect it should be ourselves that had imposed upon us a Religious Worship, Metempsychoses, Paradise and Hell, which would be ridiculous. I shall here add a few words, to declare that I am not lesle obliged to Monsieur Henry Lorrique, and to Monsieur Abraham Roger, than to the Reverend Fathers Kircher and Roa. I had compiled an hundred things relating to the Gentiles, which I found in the Books of those Gentlemen, and which would have been a great trouble to me to range them as they have done. I shall therefore content myself to say something in General to you of their Studies and Sciences, not indeed in that good order which possibly you might expect, but just as I have learned it, and as 'tis probably found in their Books; I mean by fragments, and without coherence. The Town of Benares, which is seated upon the Ganges in a very fine and rich Country and place, is the General School, and as 'twere the Athens of the Gentry of the Indieses; where the Brachmans' and the Religious (those that addict themselves to study) come together. They have no Colleges nor Classes ordered as with us, me thinks, 'tis more after the way of the School of the Ancients; the Masters being dispersed over the Town in their Houses, and especially in the Gardens of the Suburbs, where the great Merchants do suffer them. Of these Masters some have four Disciples; others six or seven; and the most famous, twelve or fifteen at most, who spend ten or a do●zen years with them. All this study goeth on very coolly, because most Indians are of a slow and lazy humour, to which the heat and diet of the Country contributes much; and because they are not animated to industry as we, by that great emulation, and by the great hopes we have of coming thereby to great preferment. They study leisurely, and without much tormenting themselves; eating their Kichery or mixture of Legums, which the rich Merchant's cause to be dressed for them. Their first study is of the Hanscrit, which is a Language altogether different from the common Indian, and not known but by the Pendets. And this is that Tongue, of which Father Kircher hath published the Alphabet received from Father Roa. It is called Hanscrit, that is, a pure Language; and because they believe this is to be the Tongue, in which God, by the means of Bra●●a, gave them the four Beths', which they esteem Sacred Books, they call it an Holy and Divine Language. They pretend also, that it is as ancient as Brahma, whose Age they do not reckon but by Lecques, or hundred thousands of years. But I would gladly have a warrant for such an extraordinary Antiquity. However, it cannot be denied that 'tis very old, in regard that the Books of their Religion, which certainly is very ancient, are written in this Tongue, and besides that, it hath its Authors in Philosophy and Physic in Verses, and some other Poems, and many other Books, of which I have seen a great Hall quite full in Benares. After they have learned the Hanscrit (which is very difficult to them, because they have no Grammar worth any thing) they commonly apply themselves to read the Purane, which is as it were the interpretation and sum of the Beths', which are very large, at lest if those be they which were showed me at Benares: and besides they are so very rare, that my Agah could never found them to be sold, what industry soever he used in it. And they keep them very secret, for fear lest the Mahometans should lay their hands on them and burn them, as they have already done several times. After the Purane some fall upon Philosophy, wherein certainly they go not far. I have already intimated, that they are of a slow and lazy temper, and are not excited by the hopes to obtain some good place by their study. Among their Philosophers there have principally been six very famous, who make so many different Sects; which causeth also a difference and an emulation among the Pendets or Doctors: For they know, that such an one is of this Sect, another of another, and every one of them pretends his Doctrine to be better than that of others, and more conform to the Beths'. There is indeed another, a seventh Sect, which is called Bauté whence do proceed twelve other different Sects; but this is not so common as the others, the Votaries of it being hated and despised as a company of irreligious and atheistical people, nor do they live like the rest. All these Books speak of the first principles of things, but very differently. Some say, that all is composed of little Bodies that are indivisible, not by reason of their solidity, hardness, and resistance, but smallness; adding divers things which approach to the opinions of Democritus and Epicurus, but with so much confusion that one knows not where to fasten, all seeming like a rope of sand: which yet may be as much or more the fault of the Pendets, which seem to me very ignorant, than of the Authors. Others say, that all is made up of matter and form; but not one of them explains himself clearly about the matter, and lesle about the form. Yet so much I have found, that they understand them not at all as they are want to be explained in our Schools, by educing the Form out of the power of the Matter: For they always allege Examples of things Artificial, and among them that of a Vessel of soft Clay, which a Potter turns and shapes divers ways. Others hold, that all is composed of four Elements and a nothing; but they do not at all explain themselves concerning Mixtion and Transmutation. And as for their nothing, which comes near to our privation, they admit I know not how many sorts of them, which (I believe) they understand not at all, nor are able to make out to others. There are also some, that maintain light and darkness to be the first Principles, and say a thousand impertinent and confused things upon it, making longwinded discourses, which savour nothing at all of Philosophy, but are like the talk of the vulgar. Others there are that admit privation for the Principle, or rather privations, which they distinguish from nothing, and of which they make long enumerations, so useless and little philosophical, that I can scarce imagine them to be in their Books, or that their Authors could have entertained themselves with such uncouth things. Lastly, some of them do pretend that all is composed of accidents; of which also they make odd, long, and tedious enumerations, and such as favour only some Pettifogger, that can amuse the common People. Touching these Principles in general, they all agreed that they are eternal; our production out of nothing not having come (it seems) into their thoughts, as it hath neither to many others of the ancient Philosophers: Yet they say, that there is one of them that hath touched something of it. As to Physic, they have many little Books that are rather collections of receipts than any thing else; the most ancient and chief wherefore is in Verse. I shall here tell you. that their practice is sufficiently different from ours, and that they ground themselves upon these Principles: That one who is sick of a Fever, needs no great nourishment: That the main Remedy of sicknesses, is Abstinence: That nothing is worse for a sick Body than Flesh-broth, nor which corrupts sooner in the Stomach of a feverish Patient: That no Blood is to be let but in great and evident necessity, as when you apprehended some translation into the Brain, or find some considerable part, as the Chest, Liver, Kidneys, inflamed. Whether this Practice be better than ours, I leave to Physicians to decide; but I see that 'tis successful among them. The same practice is not peculiar to the Physicians of the Gentiles, but the Mogolian and Mahometan Doctors, that follow Avicen and Averro, do also very strictly observe it, especially as to Meat-broths. 'Tis true that the Mogul's are somewhat more prodigal of their Blood than the Gentiles, for in those sicknesses wherein they fear those accidents lately specified, they commonly blood once or twice: but these are none of those petty venesections of the new invention of Goa and Paris, but they are of those plentiful ones used by the Ancients, of 18. or 20. ounces of Blood, which often come to a swooning, and frequently choke the Disease in the very beginning, as Galen saith, and as I have often experimented. Concerning Anatomy, I may safely say, that the Gentiles understand nothing at all of it, and they can speak nothing as to that subject but what is impertinent. Nor is it a wonder they are so ignorant in it, since they never open any Body of Man or Beast: they do so much abhor it, that when I opened some living Kids and Sheep before my Agah, to make him understand the Circulation of the Blood, and to show him the Pecquetian Vessels, through which the Chyle at last comes into one of the ventricles of the Heart, they trembled for fear and ran away. Yet notwithstanding they affirm, that there are five thousand Veins in Man, neither more nor loss, as if they had well counted them all. Touching Astronomy, they have their Tables, according to which they foresee the Eclipses; and though they do it not with that exactness as our European Astronomers, yet they come pretty near. Mean time they discourse of the Eclipse of the Moon, as they do upon that of the Sun, believing that it is the Rah, that black Villain, and mischievous Denta, who at that time seizeth on the Moon and blackens her. They hold also, that the Moon is an hundred thousand kosses, that is, above fifty thousand Leagues above the Sun: that she is lucid of herself; and that 'tis she, from whom we receive a certain Vital Water, which gathereth and disposeth itself in the Brain, descending thence as from a source into all the members for their functions. Besides this, they are of opinion, that the Sun and Moon, and generally all Stars are Deütas; that 'tis night when the Sun is behind the Someire, that imaginary Mountain, which they place in the midst of the Earth, and make I know not how many thousand Leagues high, and to which they give the shape of an inverted Sugar-loaf; so that 'tis not day with them, but when the Sun gets out from behind this Mountain. In Geography they have sped not better. They believe the Earth to be flat and triangular, and that it hath seven stories, all differing in beauty, perfection, and inhabitants; each of which is encompassed, they say, by its Sea; that of these Seas one is of Milk, another of Sugar, the third of Butter, the fourth of Wine, and so forth: so that after one Earth there comes a Sea, and after, Sea an Earth; and so on unto seven, beginning from Someire, which is in the midst of these stories: that the first story, which is at the foot of Someire, hath Deütas for its inhabitants, which are very perfect; that the second contains likewise Deütas, but lesle perfect; and so the rest, still lessening the perfection unto the seventh, which they say is ours, that is, of men far lesle perfect than all the Deütas; and lastly, that this whole Mass is sustained upon the heads of divers Elephants, which when they stir, 'cause an Earthquake. All these strange impertinences, which I have had the patience to relate, have often made me think, that if they be those famous Sciences of the ancient Brahmans of the Indieses, very many have been deceived in the great opinion they entertained of them. For my part, I can hardly believe it, but that I found the Religion of the Indians to be from immemorial times; that 'tis written in the Language Hanscrit, which cannot be but very ancient, since its beginning is unknown, and 'tis a dead Language, not understood but by the Learned; that all their Books are only written in that Tongue: All which are as many marks of a very great Antiquity. Let us now add a few words about the worship of their Idols. When I descended along the River Ganges, and passed through Banares, that famous School of all the Indian Gentility, I went to see the chief of the Pendets, who hath there his ordinary residence. This is a Fakire, or Religious Monk, so renowned for his knowledge, that Chah-Jehan, partly for his Science, partly to please the Rajas, gave him a Pension of 2000 Roupies, that is, about 1000 Crowns. This was a big and proper Man, goodly to look on; who for all his clothes had nothing but a white silken Scarf, tied about his waste, and hanging down to his leg, with another read Scarf about his shoulders like a little Cloak. I had often seen him at Dehli in this posture before the King, in the Assembly of all the Omrahs', and marching upon the Streets, sometimes on foot, sometimes in a Palekey. I had also frequently seen and many times conversed with him, when for a whole year together he constantly came to our conference before my Agah, whom he courted, that he might procure him again that Pension which Aureng-Zebe (being come to the Crown) had taken from him, that he might appear a great Musulman. In the visit I made him at Banares, he was exceedingly courteous to me, and even gave me a Collation in the Library of his University, attended with six of the most famous Pendets of the Town. When I found myself in so good Company, I prayed them all to tell me their sense about the Adoration of their Idols; intimating to them, that I was leaving that Indieses, extremely scandalised upon that score; and reproaching them, that that worship was a thing against all reason, and altogether unworthy such Scholars and Philosophers as they were. Whereupon I received this Answer. We have indeed (said they) in our Deuras or Temples, store of divers Statues, as those of Braham, Mehaden, Genich and Gavani, who are some of the chief and the most perfect Deütas: and we have also many others of lesle perfection, to whom we pay great honour, prostrating ourselves before them, and presenting them Flowers, Rice, scented Oils, Saffron and such other things with much Ceremony, but we do not believe these Statues to be Brahma or Bechen, etc. themselves, but only their Images and Representations, and we do not give them that honour, but upon the account of what they represent. They are in our Temples, because 'tis necessary for praying well, to have something before our eyes that may fix the mind; and when we pray, it is not the Statue we pray to, but he that is represented by it. For the rest, we acknowledge that 'tis God that is absolute, and the only Omnipotent Lord and Master. This is, without adding or subtracting any thing, the resolution they gave me. But, to tell you true, this seemed a little too much accommodated to our Christianity, in respect of what I had learned of it from several other Pendets. After this, I put them upon their Chronology, where they pretended to show me far higher Antiquities than all ours. They will not say, that the World is eternal; but they make it so old, that I almost know not which is best. It's determined duration, say they, is of four Dgugue. This Dgugue is a certain determined number of years, as amongst us we have a seculum (an Age) with this difference, that an Age of ours contains only an hundred Years, but their Dgugue is made up of an hundred Lecques, that is, an hundred times hundred thousand years. I do not precisely remember the number total of the years of each Dgugue; but this I know very well, that the first, called Sate-Dgugue, is of twenty five Lecques of years: that the second, which they call Trita, is of above twelve Lecques: the third, called Duaper, of eight Lecques and sixty four thousand years, if I remember well: and the fourth, called Kale-Dgugue, is of I know not how many Lecques. The three first, say they, and much of the fourth, are elapsed; so that the World shall not last so long as it hath done, because it is to perish at the end of the fourth, all things being than to return to their first Principles. I made them compute again and again, to have their age of the World aright; but finding that that perplexed them, and that they agreed not among themselves about the number of the Lecques, I contented myself to see that they make the World exceeding old. But being pressed a little to make out this Antiquity, they pay you with nothing but little stories, and at length come to this, that they found it so in their Beths', or the Books of their Law, given them by the hands of Brahma. After this I urged them concerning the nature of the Deütas, of which I desired to be particularly instructed; but I received nothing but what was very confused. They said, that there were three sorts of them, Good, Evil, and Indifferent ones, that were neither good nor bad; that some thought, they were made of Fire, others of Light; others that they were Biapek, of which word I could not get a clear explication; only they said, that God was Biapek, and our Soul was Biapek, and what is Biapek is incorruptible, and depends neither from Time nor Place: That others would have them to be nothing else but Portions of the Deity; and lastly, that some there were, that made them certain kinds of Divinities severed and dispensed over the World. I remember, that I also put them upon the nature of the Lengue-cherire, which some of their Authors do admit: But I could obtain nothing else of it but what I had long since understood from our Pendet, which was, That the seeds of Plants and Animals are not form anew, but were contrived in the first production of the World, and dispensed abroad every where and mixed in all things; and that they are (not only potentially but actually) the very and entire Plants and Animals, though so small, that their parts cannot be distinguished, but when being put into a convenient womb, and there nourished, they extend themselves and increase: So that the seeds of an Apple and Pear-Tree are a Lengue-cherire, that is, a little entire and perfect Apple and Pear-Tree, having all its essential parts: And so the seeds of an Horse, an Elephant, and a Man, etc. are a Lengue-cherire; a little Horse, a little Elephant, a little Man, in which there wants nothing but the Soul and Nourishment to make them appear what they are. For a conclusion, I shall discover to you the mystery of a great Cabala, which in these last years hath made great noise in Indostan, because certain Pendets, or Heathenish Doctors, had possessed with it the minds of Dara and Sultan-Sujah, the two first Sons of Chah-Jehan. You cannot but know the Doctrine of many of the Ancient Philosophers, touching that great Soul of the World, which they will have our Souls and those of Animals to be portions of. If we did well penetrate into Plato and Aristotle, we might perhaps found that they were of this sentiment. It is in a manner the general Doctrine of the Heathen Pendets of the Indieses, and 'tis the same which still maketh the Cabala of the Soufies, and of the greatest part of the learned Men in Persia, and which is found explained in Persian Verses, so sublime and emphatical in their Goultchen-raz or Parterre of Mysteries: which is also the very same of Dr. Flud's, whom our great Gassendus hath so learnedly refuted; and that wherein most Chemists loose themselves. But these Indian Cabalists or Tendets I speak of, drive this impertinence farther than all those Philosophers, and pretend, that God, or that Sovereign Being, which they call Achar, (immutable,) hath produced or drawn out of his own substance, not only Souls, but also whatever is material and corporeal in the Universe; and that this production was not merely made by way of an efficient cause, but by a way resembling a Spider that produceth a Webb, which it draws forth out of its own body, and takes in again when it william. Creation therefore, say these Doctors, is nothing else but an extraction and extension, which God maketh of his own Substance, of those webs he draws from his own bowels; as Dest●●ction is nothing else but a reprisal, or taking back again this Divine Substance, and these Divine webs into himself: So that the last day of the World, which they call Maper●é or Pralca, when they believe that all shall be destroyed, shall be nothing else but a general reprisal of all those webs which God had drawn forth out of himself. There is therefore nothing (so they go on) that is real or effactive in all we think, we see, hear, smell, taste or touch: all this World is nothing but a kind of Dream and a mere Illusion, in regard that all this multiplicity and diversity of things that appear to us, is nothing but one and the same thing, which is God himself; as all those several Numbers of 10, 20, 100, 1000, etc. are indeed nothing but one and the same unity many times repeated. But if you demand any reason for this fantasy, or any explication of the manner, how this issuing from and reprisal into the substance of God, this extension, and this variety of things is made; or how it can be, that God, being not corporeal but Biapek and incorruptible, (as they acknowledge) should yet be divisible into so many portions of Bodies and Souls; they never make any other return, but of some pretty comparisons, as, That God is like an immense Ocean, in which if many Vials full of Water should be floating, they would, wherever they should move, be found always in the same Ocean, in the same Water; and that coming to break, their Water would at the same time be united with their whole, and with that great Ocean of which they were portions. Or they will tell you, that it is with God as with Light, which is the same through the whole Universe, and which yet appears an hundred different ways, according to the diversity of the Objects it falls upon, or according to the several colours and shapes of Glasses through which it shineth. They will pay you, I say, only with such kind of similitudes, that bear no proportion at all with God, and are good for nothing, but to cast dust into the eyes of the ignorant people: And you must not expect any solid Answer from them, if you should tell them, that those Vials would indeed be in a like Water, but not in the same; and that it is indeed a like light over all the World, but not the same: or if you should make any other objections against them, they return always to the same comparisons, pretty expressions, or as the Soufies, to the fine Verses of their Goultchen-raz. Now Sir, what think you? Had I not reason, from this great heap of extravagancies, I mean, from that panic and childish terror struck into those Indians by Eclipses; from that superstitious compassion for the Sun to deliver it from that black Daemon, accompanied with those Apish Prayers, Washings, Plunging, and Alms cast into the River; from that mad and infernal obstinacy of the Women, burning themselves with the Corps' of their Husbands; from those several madnesses of the Fakires; and lastly, from all that fabulous stuff of the Beths' and other Indian Books: Had I not reason, I say, to premise in the title of this Letter; (which is but a poor advantage to me from so long travelling) That there are no opinions so ridiculous or extravagant, of which the mind of man is not capable. To conclude, I have no more to add than to desire you, to do me the favour and deliver with your own hands the Letter to Monsieur Chapelle. It is he that first procured me that familiar acquaintance I had with Monsieur Gassendi, your intimate and Illustrious Friend, that hath been so advantageous to me; which maketh me acknowledge my great obligations to him, and exceedingly engageth me to love him, and to remember him in what part of the World soever I am: As I am no lesle bound to honour you as long as I live; as well for the peculiar affection you have always expressed to me, as for the good counsel you have assisted me with in your many letters during the whole course of my voyages, and for that favour of sending to me with so much generosity (without interest or money) unto the end of the World: whither my curiosity had carried me, a Chest of Books, when those, of whom I demanded them for money, ordered by me to be paid at Marseilles, and who should have honestly sent them me, abandoned me there, and laughed at all my Letters, looking upon me as a lost man, whom they should never see again. A Relation of a Voyage made in the year 1664. when the Great mogul Aureng-Zebe went with his Army from Dehli, the Capital of Indostan, to Lahor; from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, commonly called by the Mogul's, The PARADISE of the Indieses, etc. By way of several Letters, written by the Author to his Friends. The first Letter to Monsieur de Merveilles, written at Dehli, Decemb. 1664. Aureng-Zebe being ready to march. CONTAINING The Occasion and Cause of this Voyage of Aureng-Zebe; together with an account of the state and posture of his Army, and the Equipage and ordinary Provisions of the chief of his Cavalry; and some curious particulars observable in the Voyages of the Indieses. SIR, SInce that Aureng-Zebe began to found himself in better health, it hath been constantly reported, that he would make a Voyage to Lahor, and go from thence to Kachemire, to change the Air, and to be out of the way of the approaching Summer heats, for fear of a relapse: That the more intelligent sort of men would hardly be persuaded, that as long as he kept his Father Chah-jean prisoner in the Fort of Agra, he would think it safe to be at such a distance. Yet notwithstanding we have found, that Reason of State hath given place to that of Health, or rather to the Intriqus of Raucbenara-Begum, who was wild to breathe a more free Air than that of the Seraglio, and to have her turn in showing herself to a gallant and magnificent Army, as her Sister Begum-sabeb had formerly done during the Reign of Chah-jean. He departed than the 6th of December, about three a clock in the afternoon; a day and hour that must needs be fortunate for a great Voyage, if we may give credit to the Gentlemen Astrologers, who have so decreed it. And he arrived at Chach-limar, his House of Pleasure, distant about two Leagues from hence; where he spent six whole days, thereby to give to all sufficient time to make necessary preparations for a Voyage, that would take up a year and an half. We have this day news, that he is gone to encamp on the way of Lahor, and that when he hath stayed there two days, he intends to continued his march without any further expectation. He hath with him not only the Thirty five thousand Horse, or thereabout, and 10000 Foot, but also both his Artilleries, the great or heavy, and the small or lighter, which is called, The drtillery of the Stirrup, because it is inseparable from the person of the King, whereas the Heavy sometimes leaveth him to keep the high and well beaten Roads. The Great Artillery is made up of seventy pieces of Cannon, most of them cast; of which some are so ponderous, that they need twenty yoke of Oxen to draw them; and some of them require Elephants to help all those Oxen, by thrusting and drawing the wheels of the Wagons with their Trunks and Heads when they stick in any deep way, or are to pass some steep mountain. That of the Stirrup is composed of fifty or sixty small Field-pieces, all of Brass, each carried upon a little pretty and painted Chariot (as hath been already said in another place) beautified with many little read Streamers, and drawn by two very handsome Horses, driven by the Gunner himself, together with a third Horse, which the Gunner's Assistant leads for a relief. All these Chariots go always a great pace, that they may be soon enough in order before the Tent of the King, and discharge all at once at the time of his entry, to give the Army notice. All these great preparations give us cause to apprehended, that in stead of going to Kachemire, we be not led to besiege that important City of Kandahar, which is the Frontier to Persia, Indostan and Vsbeck, and the Capital of an excellent Country, yielding a very great Revenue, and which for this very reason hath been ever the bone of contention between the Persians' and Indians. Whatever it be, there is now a necessity to dispatch at Dehli, any business whatsoever notwithstanding; and I should found myself much cast behind the Army, if I should tarry any longer: Besides I know, that my Navab, or Agab Danechmendkan stays for me abroad with impatience: He can not more be without philosophising in the afternoon upon the Books of Gassendi and Des-Cartes, upon the Globe and the Sphere, or upon Anatomy, than he can be without bestowing the whole morning upon the weighty matters of the Kingdom, in the quality of Secretary of State for foreign Affairs, and of Great Master of the Cavalry. I shall departed this night, after I have given the last order for all my businesses, and provided all necessaries for my Voyage, as all the principal persons of the Cavalry do; that is, two good Tartarian Horses, whereto I am obliged by reason of the one hundred and fifty Crowns of pay, which I have by the month; a Camel of Persia, and a Groom; a Cook, and another Servant, which must be had ordinarily to march in these Countries before the Horse, and to carry a Flagon with water in his hand. I also have provided the ordinary Utensils, such as are a Tent of a middle size, and a proportionate piece of foot-Tapistry; and a little Bed with girdles, made up with four strong and light Canes, and a Pillow for the head; two Coverlets, whereof one folded up fourfold serveth for a Matrasse; a round Tablecloth of Leather to eat upon; some Napkins of died Cloth, and three small Sacks for Plate, which are put up in a greater Sack, and this sack into a very great and strong Sack made of Girdles, in which are put all the provisions, together with the Linen of the Master and Servants. I have also made provision of excellent Rice for five or six days, for fear I should not always found so good; of some sweet Biscuit, with Sugar and Anis; of a linen sleeve with its little iron-hook, to let, by the means thereof, run and to keep curdled milk; and of store of Lemons with Sugar, to make Limonade; such Milk and Limonade being the two great and sovereign refreshments of the Indieses: All which, as I said, is put into the last named Sack, which is so large and heavy, that three or four men have pains enough to lift it up: though two men do first fold and turn one side upon the other when it is full, and though the Camel be made to stoop very nigh it, and there need not more than to turn one of the sides of that Sack upon the Camel. All this equipage and provision is absolutely necessary in such Voyages as these. We must not look for such good lodging and accommodations as we have in our Country. We must resolve to encamp and live after the Arabian and Tartarian mode, without expecting any other Inns than Tents. Nor must we think to plunder the Countryman; all the Lands of the Kingdom being in propriety to the King: We are well to consider, that we must be sober and prudent, and that to ruin the Country man, were to ruin the Demesne of the King. That which much comforts me in this march, is, that we go Northward, and departed in the beginning of the Winter after the reins; which is the right season for travelling in the Indieses, because it raineth not, and we are not so much incommoded by heat and dust. Besides that, I found myself out of danger of eating the bread of Bazar, or of the Market, which ordinarily is ill baked, full of sand and dust; nor obliged to drink of those naughty waters which being all turbid, and full of nastiness of so many people and beasts that fetch thence, and enter into them, do cause such fevers, which are very hard to cure, and which breed also certain very dangerous worms in the legs. They at first cause a great inflammation, accompanied with a fever, and ordinarily come forth a little after the Voyage although there have been some, that have stayed a whole year and more before they appeared. They are commonly of the bigness and length of a small Vial-string, so that one would sooner take them for some nerve than for a worm; and they must be drawn out little by little, from day to day, gently winding them about a little twig of the bigness of a needle, for fear of breaking them. This, I say, comforteth me not a little, that I found myself exempt from these inconveniences; my Navab having vouchsafed me a very particular favour; which is, that he hath appointed to give me every day a new loaf of his house, and a Souray of the water of Ganges, with which he hath laden several Camels of his train, as the whole Court doth. Souray is that Tin-flagon full of water, which the Servant, that marcheth on foot before the Gentleman on horseback, carrieth in his hand, wrapped up in a sleeve of read cloth. Ordinarily it holdeth but one pint; but I had some of them expressly made, that hold two. We shall see, whether this cunning will succeed. The water cooleth very well in this Flagon, provided that care be had always to keep the sleeve moist, and that the Servant that holds it in his hand, do march and stir the air, or else that it be held towards the wind; as is commonly done upon three pretty little sticks, crossing one another, that they may not touch the earth; For the moistness of the linen, the agitation of the air, or the wind, are absolutely necessary to keep the water fresh; as if this moistness, or rather the water imbibed by the sleeve did keep out the little igneous bodies or spirits that are in the air, at the same time when it giveth entrance to the nitrous or other parts, which hinder the motion in the water, and cause coolness; in the same manner as Glass keeps out Water, and giveth passage to the Light, by reason of the particular texture and disposition of the parts of the Glass, and the diversity there must be between the particles of Light and those of Water. We do not use this Tin-flagon for keeping our water cool but in the field: When we are at home, we have Jars of a certain porous Earth, in which it is much better cooled, provided it be exposed to the wind, and moistened with a Linnen-cloth, as the Flagon; or else, use is made of Saltpetre, as all persons of quality do, whether in Towns, or in the Army. They put water, or any other liquor, to be cooled, in a round and long necked Tin-flagon, such as are the English Bottles, and for the space of half a quarter of an hour this Flagon is stirred in water, into which hath been cast three or four handfuls of Saltpetre; this maketh the water very cold, neither is it unwholesome, as I did apprehended; but only that sometimes it causeth gripe at first when one is not accustomed to it. But to what purpose, to play so much the Philosopher, when we should think to departed, and to endure the Sun, which at all seasons is incommodious in the Indieses, and to swallow the dust, which is never wanting in the Army; to put up, to load, and to unload every day our Baggage, to help the Servants to fasten sticks, to draw Cords, to put up Tents, and to take them down again, to march in the day, and in the night, to devour cold and heat, and in a word, to turn Arabians for a year and an half, during which time we are to be in the Field. Adieu; I shall not fail to acquit myself of my promise, and from time to time to inform you of our Adventures; and besides, since the Army for this time will make but small Journeys in its march, and pass on with all that pomp and magnificence, which the Kings of Indostan do affect, I shall endeavour to observe the most considerable things, that I may impart them to you, as soon as we shall arrive at Lahor. THE SECOND LETTER; CONTAINING The Number and Magnificence, the Order and the Disposition of the Tents o the Great mogul in the Field: The Number of Elephants, Camels, Mules, and Porters, necessary to carry them: The Disposition of the Bazars or Royal Markets: That of the particular Quarters of the Omrahs', or Lords, and of the rest of the Army: The extent of the whole Army, when encamped: The confusion there met with; and how it may be avoided: The Order of preventing Robberies: The different Manners of the March of the King, the Princesses, and the rest of the Seraglio: The danger there is in being too near the Women: The several ways of the Royal Hunting, and how the King hunts with his whole Army: The abundance of people there is in the Army, and the method of making them all subsist. SIR, THis indeed is called marching with gravity, and as we speak here a la Mogole,: it is no more but fifteen or sixteen day's Journey from Dehli to Lahor, which make little more than sixscore Leagues; and yet we have spent almost two months on this way. 'Tis true, the King with the best part of the Army went somewhat aside from the high way, the better to enjoy the divertisements of Hunting, and for the conveniency of the water of Gemna, which we went to look for on the right hand, and which we leisurely followed long enough in our hunting, crossing fields of tall grass, full of all sorts of game, where the Horsemen could scarce be seen. At present, whilst we are at rest, I am going to make good what I have promised you in the Title of this Letter; hoping shortly to make you come to Kachemire, and to show you one of the best Countries in the World. When the King is in the field, he hath usually two Camps, I mean two Bodies, of Tents separated, to the end that when he breaketh up and leaveth one, the other may have passed before by a day, and be found ready when he arriveth at the place designed to encamp it: And 'tis therefore, that they are called Peiche-kanes as if you should say, Houses going before: These two Peiche-kanes are almost alike, and there are requisite above threescore Elephants, more than two hundred Camels, above an hundred Mules, and as many more Porters to carry one of them. The Elephants carry the most bulky things, such as are the great Tents, and their great Pillars, which being too long and too heavy, are taken down in three pieces. The Camels carry the lesser Tents: The Mules, the Baggage and Kitchins. And to the Porters are given all the little moveables, and such as are delicate and fine, that might easily be broken; as Porcelain, which the King usually employeth at Table: those painted and guilded Beds, and those rich Karguais; which I shall speak of hereafter. One of these two Peiche-kanes, or Bodies of Tents, is no sooner arrived at the place designed for encamping, but the Great Marshal that order the Lodging, chooseth some fair place for the King's Quarters; yet with a regard, as much as is possible, to the Symmitry and order that is to be observed for the whole Army; and he marketh out a Square, of which each side is above three hundred ordinary paces long. An hundred Pikemen presently clear and levelly this pace, making square planes to raise the Tents upon, and surrounding all this great Square with Kanates or Skreens seven or eight foot high, which they fasten with cords tied to sticks, and with perches fixed in the ground, by couples, from ten to ten paces, one without, and the other within, inclining the one upon the other. These Kanates are made of a strong cloth lined with stained Linen. In the middle of one of the sides of this Square is the Entry or Royal Gate, great and magnificent, and the Indian stuff which 'tis made of, as also those Stuffs, of which the whole side of the Square of the face is lined without, are far better and richer than the others. The first and the greatest of the Tents, that is reared in this Enclosure, is called Amkas, because it is the place where the King and all the Lords in the Army do assemble about nine a clock in the morning, when the Mokam, that is, the usual public Meeting is held. For, the Kings of Indostan, although they are in a march, do not dispense but very rarely with this almost inviolable custom, which is passed into a kind of Duty and Law, viz. to appear twice a day in the Assembly, there to give order for State-Affairs, and to administer Justice. The second, which is little lesle than the first, and a little further advanced into the Enclosure, is called, Gosl-kane, that is to say, a place to wash in: And here 'tis, where all the▪ Lords every night meet, and where they come to salute and do obeisance to the King, as ordinarily they do when they are in the Metropolis. This Assembly in the evening is very inconvenient to the Omrahs'; but it is a thing that looks great and stately, to see a far of, in an obscure night, in the midst of a Campagne, cross all the Tents of an Army, long files of Torches lighting these Omrahs' to the King's Quarters, and attending them back again to their Tents. 'Tis true, that these lights are not of wax as ours, but they last very long. They are only an Iron put about a stick, at the end of which are wound rags of old Linen from time to time, which is moistened with Oil, held by the Link-men in their hands in a Brass, or Latton-flagon, with a long and straight neck. The third Tent, which is not much lesle than the two first, and is yet further advanced into the Enclosure, is called Kalvet-kane, that is to say, a retired or the Privy Council-place, because none but the first Officers of the Kingdom enter into it; and 'tis there where the greatest and the most important Affairs are transacted. Yet further into the Square are the particular Tents of the King, encompassed with small Kanates or Skreens, of the height of a man, and lined with stained Indian Stuff, of that elegant workmanship of Maslipatam, which do represent an hundred sorts of different flowers: and some of them lined with flowered Satin with large Silk fringes. The Tents joining to the Kings, are those of the Begum or Princesses, and the other great Ladies and She-Officers of the Seraglio, which are likewise encompassed, as those of the King, with rich Kanates; and amidst all these Tents are placed those of the lower She-Officers, and other serving-Women, always, upon the matter, in the same order, according to their Office. The Amkas, and the five or six principal Tents are raised high, that they may be seen at a good distance, and the better fence of the heat. Without it is nothing but a course and strong read cloth, yet beautified and striped with certain large stripes, cut variously and advantageously to the eye: But within it is lined with those fine Indian flowered Stuffs, of the same work of Maslipatam; and this work is raised and enriched with silk, gold and silver Embroideries having great Fringes, or with some fine flowered Satin. The Pillars supporting these Tents, are painted and gild; One marcheth on nothing but rich Tapestry, having matrasses of Cotton under them four or five inches thick, and round about these Tapestries there are great square Rails richly covered to lean upon. In each of the two great Tents where the Assembly is kept, there is raised a Theatre richly adorned, where the King giveth Audience under a great Canopy of Velvet, or purfled with gold. In the other Tents are found the like Canopies, and there you may see also set up certain Karguais, that is, fine Cabinets, whose little doors are shut with Silver-locks. To conceive what they are, you may represent to you two small Squares of our Skreens, set upon one another, and neatly round about fastened to one another with a Silken-string; yet so that the extremities of the sides of the uppermost come to incline upon one another, so as to make a kind of a little Tabernacle with this difference from our Skreens, that all the sides of these are of very thin and slight Firr-boards, painted and gild without, and enriched round about with gold and Silk-fringes, and lined within with Scarlet, or flowered Satin, or purfled with Gold. And this is very near what I can tell you of what is contained within the great Square. What concerns the particulars that are without the Square; there are first two pretty Tents on both the two sides of the great Entry or Royal Gate, where are found two choice Horses saddled, and richly harnessed, and altogether ready to be mounted upon occasion, or rather for State and Magnificence. On the two sides of the same Gate are placed in order those fifty or threescore small Field-pieces, that make up the Artillery of the Syrup above mentioned, and which discharge all together to salute the King entering into his Tent, and to give notice thereof to the whole Army. Before the Gate there is always left voided, as much as may be, a great place, at the end of which there is a great Tent, called Nagar-kane, because that is the place of the Timbals and Trumpets. Near this Tent there is another great one, which is called Tchauky-kane, because it is the place where the Omrahs' keep guard, every one in his turn, once a week twenty four hours together; yet notwithstanding most of the Omrahs' on the day of their guard, cause, close by, to be reared one of their own Tents, to be the more at liberty, and to have more elbow room. Round about the three other sides of the great Square are set up all the Tents of the Officers, which are always found in the same order and disposition, unless it be that the place permit it not: They have all their peculiar names; but as they are hard to pronounce, and I pretend not to teach you the Language of the Country, it will be sufficient to tell you, that there is a particular one for the Arms of the King; another for the rich Harnesses of Horses; another for Vests purfled with Gold, which are the ordinary Presents bestowed by the King. Besides, there are four more, near one another; the first of which is designed for keeping Fruit; the second for Comfits; the third for Ganges water, and the Saltpetre to cool it; and the fourth for the Betele, which is that Leaf, whereof I have spoken elsewhere, which is offered to friends, as Coffee is in Turkey, and chewed to make ruddy lips, and a sweet breath. Next to these, there are fifteen or sixteen others that serve for Kitchins and what belongs to them. Amongst all these Tents are those of a great number of Officers and Eunuches. Lastly, there are four or five long ones for led Horses, and some others for the best Elephants; and all those that are for hunting. For there must needs be a retreat for all that great number of Birds of prey, that are always carried for Game and Magnificence; and so there must be for those many Dogs, and those Leopards serving to take wild Goats; for those Nilgaus, or grey Oxen, which I take for Elcks; for these Lions and Rhinoceros', that are led for greatness; for those great Bufalo's of Bengale fight with Lions; and lastly for those tamed wild Goats, they call Gazelles, that are made to sport before the King. This vast number of Tents, now spoken of, together with those that are within the great Square, make up the King's Quarter, which is always in the middle, and as 'twere in the centre of the Army, except the place do not allow it. It will easily be thence concluded, that this Quarter of the King must needs be something great and royal, and afford a very fine prospect, if one behold from some high place this great body of read Tents in the midst of the Army, encamped in a fair and even Campagne, where may be fully seen all that order and disposition that is to be observed in the whole. After that the Great Marshal of the Camp hath chosen a place fit for the Kings Quarter, and hath made the Amkas to be set up highest of all the Tents, and by which he is to take his measure for the ordering and disposing the rest of the Army accordingly; He than marketh out the Royal Bazars or Markets, whence the whole Army is furnished with necessaries; drawing the first and the chief of all, like a great Street running strait, and a great free way traversing the whole Army, now on the right hand, and by and by on the left of the Amkas and the King's Quarter, and always in the straightest line that may be towards the encamping of the next day. All the Royal Bazars, that are neither so long nor so broad, commonly cross this first, some on this, others on the other side of the King's Quarter; and all these Bazars are discerned by very high Canes like great pearches, which are fixed in the ground from three hundred to three hundred paces or thereabout, with read Standards, and Cows-tailes of the great Tibet fastened on the top of these Canes like Perirwigs. The same Marshal designs, next, the place of the Omrahs', so as they may always keep the same order, and be ever as near as may be the King's Quarter; some on the right, others on the left hand, some on this side of him, others beyond him; so that none of them may change the place that hath been once appointed for him, or that himself hath desired in the beginning of the Voyage. The Quarters of the Omrahs' and Rajas, as to their particular order and disposition, are to be imagined in a manner like that of the King: For commonly they have two Peiche-kanes with a Square of Kanates, which encloseth their principal Tent and those of their Women; and round about these are put up the Tents of their Officers and Cavaliers▪ with a peculiar Bazar▪ which is a street of small Tents for the lower sort of people that follows the Army, and furnisheth the Camp with Forage, Grains, Rice, Butter, and the other things that are most necessary; whereby they are so accommodated, that they need not always go to the Royal Bazars, where generally all things are to be found as in the Capital City. Each Bazar is marked at the two ends by two Canes planted in the ground, which are hast all as those of the Royal Bazars, that so at a good distance the particular Standards fastened to to them may be discovered, and the several quarters distinguished from one another. The Great Omrahs' and Rajas affect to have their Tents very high. But they must beware jest they be too high, because it may hap, that the King, passing by, might perceive it, and command them to be thrown down; of which we have seen an example in this last march. Neither must they be altogether read from without, since those of the King alone are to be so. Lastly, out of respect they must all look towards the Amkas, or the Quarter of the King. The residue of the space between the King's Quarter, and those of the Omrahs' and the Bazars, is taken up by the Tents of the Mansebdars or little Omrahs', and of that infinite number of great and small Merchants that follow the Army; of all those that belong to the Law; and lastly, of all such as serve both the Artilleries: Which maketh indeed a prodigious number of Tents, and requireth a very great extent of ground. Yet it is not all true what is said of either of them. And I believe, that when the whole Army is in a fair and even Campagne, where it may encamp with ease, and that, following the ordinary plot, it comes at length to be lodged, as near as may be, in a round (as we have often seen it does, upon this road) the compass of it will not be above two Leagues, or two Leagues and an half; and with all this there will yet be left here and there several voided places. But than the great Artillery, which taketh up a great tract of ground, very often a day or two go before. Nor is all true, what is said of the strange confusion, which commonly strikes an astonishment into all new comers. For a little acquaintance with the method of the Army, and some heeding of the order observed in the Camp, will soon enable one to avoid all embarasment, and to go to and from about his business, and to found his quarter again; forasmuch as every one regulateth himself by the King's Quarter, and the particular Tents and Standards of the Omrahs', that may be seen afar of, and by the Standards and Periwigs of the Royal Bazars, which may also be seen at a great distance. Yet for all these marks it will sometimes fall out, that one shall be extremely perplexed, and even in the day time, but especially in the morning, when a world of people do arrive, and every one of those is busy and seeks to lodge himself: And that not only, because there is often raised so great a dust, that the King's Quarter, the Standards of the Bazars and the Omrahs' (which might serve for guides) cannot be discovered: But because a man finds himself between Tents that are putting up, and between cords, which the lesser Omrahs', that have no Peiche-kane, and the Mansebdars stretch out to mark their lodgings, and to hinder, that no way may be made nigh them, or that no unknown person may come to lodge near their Tents, where often they have their Women: If in this case you mean to get by on one side, you will found the ways obstructed by those stretched-out cords, which a troup of mean Servingmen standing there with big cudgels, will not suffer to be lowered, to suffer the Baggage to pass. If you will turn back, you'll found the ways shut since you passed. And here it is, where you must cry out, storm, entreat, make as if you would strike, and yet well beware of doing so, leaving the men, as well as you can, to quarrel against one another, and afterwards to accord them for fear of some mischief; and in short, to put yourself into all imaginable postures to get away thence, and to make your Camels pass: But the great trouble is, when a man is obliged to go in an evening to a place somewhat remote; because that those offensive smokes of the fire of green Wood, of Cowshares, of Camel-dung, which the common people than make in their kitchens, do raise a mist (especially when there is no wind) so thick, that you can see nothing at all. I have been three or four times surprised with it, so as not to know what to do. Well might I ask the way; I knew not whither I went, and I did nothing but turn. Once, among other times, I was constrained to stay still this mist passed, and the Moon risen. And another time I was forced to get to the Aguacy-die, to lie down at the foot thereof, and there to pass all the night as well as I could, having my Servant and Horse by me. This Aguacy-die is like a tall Mast, but very slender, which can be taken down in three pieces, and 'tis planted toward the King's Quarter, near that Tent which is called Nagar-kane. In the evening is drawn up to the top of it a Lantern with a light burning in it all night long; which is very commodious, as being seen a great way of; and thither it is that people gone astray do retire, from thence to get again to the Bazars, and to ask the way, or there to pass the rest of the night; for no body hinders one from doing so, and a man may be there in safety from Robbers. It is called Aguacy-die, as if you should say, light of Heaven, in regard that from a far of it appears like a Star. For the prevention of Robberies, each Omrah causeth a guard to be kept all the night long, in his particular Camp, of such men that perpetually go the round, and cry Kaber-dar, have a care. Besides, there are round about the Army set guards, at five hundred common paces from one another, that keep a fire, and cry also Kaber-dar. And over and above all these, the Cotoval, who is, as 'twere, the great Prevost, sends out Troops of Guards every way, that pass through all the Bazars, crying out and trumpetting all night long. Yet for all this, some robberries there are now and than committed; and 'tis necessary always to be upon ones guard, to go to sleep by times, that so you may be awake the rest of the night, and not to trust your servants too much to keep guard for you. But let us now see, how many different ways the Great mogul is carried in the Field. Ordinarily he causeth himself to be carried on men's shoulders, in a kind of Sedan or Litter, upon which is a Tact-raven, that is, a Field-throne, on which he is seated: And this is like a magnificent, Tabernacle with pillars, painted and guilded, which may be shut with glass, when 'tis ill weather; the four branches of the Litter are covered with Scarlet or purpled Gold, with great Gold and Silk-fringes; and at each branch there are two robust and well-cloathed Porters, that change by turns with as many more that follow. Sometimes also he goeth on Horseback, especially when 'tis a fair day for hunting. At other times he rideth on an Elephant, in a Mik-dember, or Hauze; and this is the most splendid appearance: For, the Elephant is decked with a very rich and very magnificent Harnass; the Mik-dember, being a little square House or Turret of Wood, is always painted and guilded; and the Hauze, which is an Oval seat, having a Canopy with Pillars over it, is so likewise. In these different Marches he is always accompanied with a great number of Omrahs' and Rajas following him close and thick on horseback without any great order: And all those that are in the Army are obliged to be at the Amkas at break of day, unless he do exempt them from it upon the account either of their peculiar Office, or their great Age. This march is very inconvenient to them, especially on hunting days; for they must endure the Sun and Dust as the simple Soldiers, and that sometimes until three of the clock in the afternoon; whereas, when they do not attend the King, they go at ease in their Palekies, close covered, if they please, free from the Sun and Dust; sleeping in them couched all along as in a bed, and so coming in good time to their Tent, which expects them with a ready dinner, their kitchen being gone the night before, after supper. About the Omrahs', and amongst them, there is always a good number of Horsemen well mounted, called Gourze-berdars, because they carry a kind of Silver-Mace of Arms. There are also many of them about the right and left wings, that precede the person of the King, together with store of Foot men. These Gourze-berdars are Choice-men, of a good men and a fair stature, appointed to carry orders, and having all of them great sticks in their hands, whereby they put people aside at a good distance, and hinder that no body march before the King to incommode him. After the Rajas marcheth a train mixed of a great number of Timbals and Trumpets. I have already said in another place, that this Train consists of nothing but of figures of Silver representing strange Animals, Hands, Scales, Fishes, and other mysterious things, that are carried at the end of great Silver-sticks. At last a great troup of Mansebdars, or little Omrahs', well mounted, and furnished with Swords, Arrows and Quivers, follow after all the former: And this Body is much more numerous than that of the Omrahs', because, besides that all those that are of the Guard dare not fail to be at break of day, as the Omrahs', at the gate of the King's Tent to accompany him: There are also many, that come amongst them, to make their Court, and to become known there. The Princesses, and the great Ladies of the Seraglio are also carried in sundry fashions; some are carried, like the King, on men's shoulders, in a Tchaudoule, which is a kind of Tactravan, painted, guilded, and covered with great and costly Network of Silk of divers colours, enriched with Embroidery, Fringe, and thick pendant tufts. Others are carried in a very handsome Palekys closed, that are likewise painted and guilded, and covered with that rich silken network. Some are carried in large Litters by two strong Camels, or by two small Elephants, instead of Mules: and in this manner I have sometimes seen carried Rauchenara-Begum; when I also observed, that in the forepart of her Litter, being open, there was a little She-slave, that with a peacockstail kept of from her the Flies and Dust. Lastly, others are carried upon Elephants richly harnessed, and covered with ●mbroider'd deckings, and great Silver-bells; where these Ladies sit, raised, as 'twere, into the middle region of the Air, four and four in Mikdembers latticed, which always are covered with silken Network, and are not lesle splendid and stately than the Tchaudoules and Tactravans. I cannot forbear relating here, that in this Voyage I took a particular pleasure in beholding and considering this pompous march of the Seraglio. And certainly nothing more stately can be imagined, than to see Rauchenara-Begum march first, mounted upon a lusty Elephant of Pegu in a Mik-dember, all shining of Gold and Azure, attended by five or six other Elephants with their Mikdembers, almost as splendid as hers, filled with the principal She-Officers of her House; some of the most considerable Eunuches, richly adorned, and advantageously mounted, riding on her side, each with a Cane in his hand; a Troup of Tartarian and Kachemirian Maids, of Honour about her, oddly and fantastically dressed, and riding on very pretty Hackney-horses; and lastly, many other Eunuches on Horseback accompanied with store of Pages and Lackeys, with great sticks in their hands, to make way afar of. After this Rauchenara-Begum, I saw pass one of the principal Ladies of the Court, mounted and attended in proportion: And after this, a third in the same fashion; and than another, and so on to fifteen or sixteen all, (more or lesle) bravely mounted and accompanied according to their quality, pay, and office. Indeed this long file of Elephants to the number of fifty, or more, thus gravely marching with paces, as 'twere, counted, and withal this gallant train and equipage, does represent something that is Great and Royal; and if I had not beheld this Pomp with a kind of philosophical indifference, I know not, whether I should not have suffered myself to be carried away to those extravagant sentiments of most of the Indian Poets, who will have it, that all these Elephants carry as many hidden Goddesses. 'Tis true, one can hardly see them, and they are almost inaccessible by men; it would be a great misfortune to any poor Cavalier whosoever, to be found in the Field too near them in the march; all those Eunuches, and all the crew of Servants are to the highest degree insolent, and desire nothing more than such apretext and occasion to fall upon a man and give him some Bastinadoes. I remember, I was once thus unfortunately surprised, and certainly I had been very ill used, as well as many other Cavaliers, if at length I had not resolved to make my way out by my sword, rather than suffer myself to be thus maimed as they began to order the matter; and if by good luck I had not been provided with a good Horse, that carried me vigoronsly out of the press, when I put him on thorough a torrent of people, that was to be repassed. And it is grown in a manner a common Proverb of these Armies, That, above all, one must beware of three things: First, Not to let one self to be engaged amongst the troops of the chosen led Horse, they never failing to strike: Secondly, not to come into the places of Hunting: Thirdly, not to approach too near the Women of the Seraglio. Yet notwithstanding by what I hear, it is much lesle dangerous here than in Persia; for there 'tis death to be found in the field in sight of the Eunuches that attend them, though you were half a league distant from them. It is required, that as many men as there are in the Villages and Burroughs, where they pass, do all abandon them and retire afar of. As to the Hunting of the King, I knew not first how to imagine what is commonly said, which is, that the Great mogul goes to hunt with an hundred thousand men: But now I feel, it may very well be said, that he goes to hunt with above two hundred thousand, nor is it a thing hard to comprehend. In the neighbouring places to Agra and Dehli, along the river Gemma as far as to the mountains, and even on both sides of the high way to Lahor, there is abundance of untilled Lands, some of Copse-wood, and some of Grass above a man's height: In all these places there are great numbers of Guards, uncessantly roving up and down, and hindering all other people from huntin except Partridges, Quails and Hares, which the Indians know to take with nets: So that every where in those places there is very great store of all kind of Game. This being so, the hunting guards, when they know that the King is in the field, and near their quarters, give notice, to the Great Hunting-master, of the quality of the Game, and of the place where most of it is: than the Guards do line all the avenues of that quarter, and that sometimes for above four or five Leagues of ground, that so the whole Army may pass by, either this or that way, and the King being in his march may at the same time enter into it with as many Omrabs, Hunters and other persons as he shall please, and there hunt at his ease, now in one manner and than in another, according to the difference of the Game. And now behold first, how he hunteth the Gazelles or wild Fawns with tamed Leopards. I think, I have else where told you, that in the Indieses there is store of Gazelles, that are in a manner shaped as our Hinds or Fawns; that these Gazelles commonly go in several troops, and that every troup, which never consists of above five or six, is always followed by one only male, discernible by the colour. One of such troops being discovered, they endeavour to make the Leopard see them, who is held chained upon a little chariot. This crafty animal doth not presently and directly run after them, but goes winding and turning, stopping and hiding himself, so to approach them with more advantage, and to surprise them: And as he is capable to make five or six leaps with an almost incredible swiftness, when he finds he is within reach, he lanceth himself upon them, worrieth them, and gluts himself with their blood, heart and liver: If he faileth (which often happens) he stands still, and it would be in vain for him to attempt to take them by running after them, because they run much faster, and hold out longer than he. Than the Master comes gently about him, flattering him, and throwing him some pieces of flesh, and thus amusing him, puts something over his eyes to cover them, and so chains him, and puts him upon the chariot again. One of these Leopards gave us once in our march this divertisement, which frighted store of people. A troup of Gazelles appeared in the midst of the Army, as they will do every day; it chanced that they passed close to two Leopards that were carried. as they use to be, upon their little chariot. One of them not blinded, made such an effort that he burst his chain, and darted himself after them, but without catching any of them: Yet the Gazelles, not knowing which way to escape, being pursued, cried after, and hunted on every side, there was one of them that was forced to repass again near the Leopard, who, notwithstanding the Camels and Horses that pestered all the way, and contrary to what is commonly said of this Beast, that it never returns to its prey when it hath once failed of it, flew upon it and caught it. The hunting of the Nilgaux or grey Oxen, which I said were a kind of Elcks, hath no great matter in it. They are enclosed in great Nets, that are by little and little drawn closer together, and when they are reduced to a small compass of enclosure, the King, the Omrahs', and the Hunters do enter and kill them at pleasure with Arrows, Half-pikes, Sables or Muskets; and sometimes in so great numbers, that the King sends quarters of them for presents to all the Omrabs. The Game of the Cranes hath something of divertisement. 'Tis a pleasure to see them defend themselves in the Air against the Birds of prey; they sometimes kill some of them; but at length, not being nimble in turning, many strong Birds master them. Of all the Games that of the Lion is the most Royal, because there is none but the King and the Princes that can exercise it (unless it be by a very particular leave;) but it is also the most dangerous. The manner of it is this. When the King is in the field, and the Hunting-guards have discovered the place of the Lion's retirement; they tie fast an Ass thereabout, which the Lion soon comes to devour, and without caring to look out for other prey, as Oxen, Cows, Mutton or Shepherds, he goes to seek for drink, and returns to his ordinary lodging place, where he lies down and sleeps until next morning, when he finds another Ass in the selfsame place, which the Hunters have fastened there as the day before; and when they have thus baited and amused him several days in the same place, and now that the King is nigh, they at length tie fast another Ass, but whom they have made to swallow a quantity of opium, to the end that his flesh may the better lull asleep the Lion, and than all the Countrymen of the circumjacent Villages spread large and strong nets made for that purpose, which they also by degrees reduce to a small compass, as is practised in the hunting of the Nilgaux. All things thus prepared, the King mounted on an Elephant trapped with iron, being attended by the great Hunting-master, some Omrahs' riding also on Elephants, by abundance of Gourze-berdars on Horseback, and by a numerous Hunting-guard on foot, armed with Half-pikes, approacheth to the Nets from without, and with a great Musket shoots at the Lion; who when he finds himself wounded, comes directly to the Elephant, as his custom is; but he meets with those big Nets stopping him, and the King shoots so often at him, that at last he kills him. Yet in this last hunting there was a Lion that leapt over these Nets, fell upon an Horseman whose Horse he killed, and than ran away: But the Hunters met with him, and enclosed him again in the Net, which caused a great disturbance to the Army; we were three or four days paddling in small torrents running down the mountains, betwixt underwood and such long grass as that Camels hardly can be seen therein; and happy were these that had some provision of victuals; for all was in disorder: The Bazars could not range themselves, and the Villages were remote. The reason why we were to stop there so long, was, that as it is a good Omen with the Indians when the King kills a Lion, so it is a very ill one, when he faileth, and they think that the State would run great hazard if they should not master him. Hence 'tis also that they make many Ceremonies upon the account of this Hunting; for they bring the dead Lion before the King in the general Assembly of the Omrahs', and after he hath been well viewed and exactly measured, ' its recorded in the Archives, that such a King, at such a time, slew a Lion of such a bigness, of such hair, of so long and large teeth and claws, not omitting the lest circumstances. I shall here only add a word in reference to what is commonly said of the Opium, that the Ass is made to swallow, viz. That one of the chief Hunters assured me, that it was but a tale of the vulgar, and that the Lion slept sufficiently without it, when he had his belly full. Now to return to our march; when the great Rivers, which in these quarters commonly have no Bridges, are to be passed, there are made two Boat-Bridges, about two or three hundred paces distant from one another; which they know well enough how to chain and fasten together. Upon them they cast earth and straw mingled together, which preventeth the sliding of the animals. The first passing upon, and the coming from it are only dangerous, because, that besides the great crowd, which than commonly throngeth, and the great confusion and embarasment, it often happens that pits or holes are made when 'tis moving earth; and than you shall have Horses and burdened Oxen tumble upon one another, over whom people do pass with an incredible disorder; which would be yet greater, if all were to pass in one day: But ordinarily the King encampeth but half a League from the Bridge, where he stays a day or two, and he never almost encampeth farther than half a League from the River on the other side of the Bridge, that so the Army may have at lest three days and three nights to pass more conveniently, Lastly, as to the number of people that is found in the Army, it is not so easy a thing to determine it. It is so differently spoken of, that one knows not what to Judge of it. What I can tell you of it in the general, that is most probable, is this: That in this march there were at lest, as to Soldiers and others, an hundred thousand Horsemen, and above an hundred and fifty thousand Animals, as Horses, Mules or Elephants; that there were near fifty thousand Camels, and almost as many Oxen or Asses, that serve to carry the grain, and other provisions of these poor people of the Bazars, their wives and children: For they lug all with them, as our Bohcmians do. Upon this measure you may reckon pretty near the number of the serving people, supposing that nothing is there done but by the force of servants, and that I, who am but in the rank of a Cavalier of two Horses, can hardly do my business with lesle than three men: Some say, that in the whole Army, there is scarce lesle than between three or four hundred thousand persons. Others reckon more; others lesle. No body ever told them to determine the precise number. I can say nothing of certainty, but only that 'tis a prodigious and almost incredible number; but than you are to imagine, that 'tis all Dehli, the Capital City, that marcheth, because that all the Inhabitans of that Town, living upon the Court and the Army, are obliged to follow them, especially when the voyage is to be long, as this; or else they must starve. The difficulty is to know, whence and how so great an Army can subsist in the Field, so vast a number of people and beasts. For that, we must only suppose (which is very true) that the Indians live very soberly, and observe a very simple diet, and that of all this great number of Cavaliers there is not the tenth, or not the twentieth man, that in his march eats flesh: provided they have their Kichery, that is, their mixture of Rice and of other legums, upon which they pour butter when they are boiled, they are content. We are also to know, that Camels endure labour, hunger and thirst extremely well, live upon a little, and eat almost any thing, and that assoon as the Army encampeth any where, the Camel-drivers let them to into the field to browse, where they eat whatever they light upon. Besides, that the Merchants that entertain Bazars in Dehli, are obliged to entertain them in the field: and that all the small Merchants, that keep shop in the Bazars of Dehli, keep them also in the Army, either by force, or out of necessity, and lastly, that as to Forage, all these poor people go roving up and down every where in the Village, to buy what they can get, and to gain something by it; and their great and common refuge is, with a kind of Trowel to raspe or knock down whole fields, to beaten and wash what they have there gotten, and so to carry it to cell to the Army, which they do sometimes very dear and sometimes very Cheap; I forgot to mention one thing that's remarkable, viz. that the King enters into the Camp, now on one side, than on another; and that to day he passeth near the Tents of certain Omrahs', and tomorrow near those of others. Which he doth not without design; for the Omrahs', which he passeth by so near, are obliged to meet him, and to make him some small present or other; so that some will present him with twenty Roupies of Gold, which maketh thirty Pistols; others with fifty, and so others in proportion, according to their generosity, and the greatness of their pay. For the rest, you will excuse me, that I do not observe to you the Towns and Burroughs that are between Dehli and Lahor; I have seen in a manner none of them, for I went almost always cross the fields, and in the night, because my Agah was not placed in the middle of the Army, where often is the high way, but very forward in the right Wing. We went as well as we could by Starlight cross the fields to gain the right Wing of the Camp, without seeking for the high way; though sometimes we found ourselves much perplexed, and in lieu of three of four Leagues, which is the ordinary distance of one encampment from one another, we sometimes made five or six; but when the day comes on, we soon found ourselves where we should be. THE THIRD LETTER. A Description of Lahor, the Capital of Penjeab, or, The Kingdom of the Five Waters. SIR, IT is not without reason, that this Kingdom, of which Lahor is the Capital City, is called Penjeab, or the Country of the Five Waters, because there are actually Five considerable Rivers coming down from those Mountains, within which the Kingdom Kachemire is locked up, and that run cross this tract of Land to fall into the River Indus, discharging themselves together into the Ocean at Scymdi, towards the entry of the Persian Gulf. Whether Lahor be that ancient Bucephalos, I decide not. Mean time, Alexinder is sufficiently known here under the name of Sekan-der Filifous, that is, Alexander Son of Philip; but as to his Horse, they know it not. The City of Lahor is built upon one of these Five Rivers, which is not lesle than our River Loire, and for which there is great need of a like bank, because it maketh great devastation, and often changeth its bed, and hath but lately retired itself from Lahor for a quarter of a League; which very much incommodeth the Inhabitants. The Houses of Lahor have this peculiar above those of Dehli and Agra; that they are very high, but most of them are ruinous, because 'tis now more than twenty years that the Court is always at Dehli or at Agra, and that in these later years the rains have been so excessive, that they have overthrown many of them, whereby also much people hath been killed. 'Tis true, there remain still five or six considerable Streets, of which there are two or three that are above a League long; but in them also are many buildings found that fall down. The King's Palace is not longer upon the River side, as it was formerly, because that the River hath left it. It is very high, and magnificent; yet those of Agra and Dehli do much surpass it. It is now above two months that we are here, expecting the melting of the Snow of the mountains of Kachemire, for a more convenient passage into that Kingdom. But at length we are to departed tomorrow. The King hath been gone these two days. I have got a little Kachemirian Tent, which I bought yesterday. I was advised to do like others, and to leave here my ordinary Tent, which is big and heavy enough, because, they say, that between the mountains of Kachemire, whither we are now marching, it will be difficult to found room enough, and that the Camels not having place enough to pass, we shall be obliged to get our Baggage carried by Porters, and that so my large Tent would cost me much to carry. Adieu. THE FOURTH LETTER. SIR, I Believed, that after we had overcome the heats of Maok, near Babel-ma●del, I could defy those of the rest of the Earth, but since these four days that the Army left Lahor, I found I come very short of my reckoning, and I have experimented to the hazard of my life, that it is not without reason, that the Indians themselves did apprehended the eleven or twelve days march of the Army, from Lahor to Bamber, the entry of the mountains of Kachemire. I protest unto you, without any exaggaration, that the heats have been so excessive, that sometimes they have reduced me to extremity, insomuch that I knew not in the morning whether I should live till night. The cause of this extraordinary heat is, that the high mountains of Kachemire being on the North of our road, keep from us all the cool wind that might come and refresh us from that Quarter, and do reflect the sunbeams upon us, and leave the field burned up and choking. But to what purpose, to play the Philosopher, and to seek reasons for that, which perhaps will kill me tomorrow. THE FIFTH LETTER. SIR, I Passed yesterday one of the greatest Rivers of the Indieses, called the Tche●au. The excellency of its water, of which the great Omrahs' make provision in lieu of that of Ganges: (whereof they have drunk hitherto) keeps me from believing this to be some River to pass to Hell, rather than to Kachemire, where they would make us believe we shall found Snow and Ice: For I found it grow worse and worse every day, and that the more we advance, the more heat we feel. 'Tis true that I passed the Bridge at Noonday; but I almost knew not, which was best, to march in the field, or to keep one's self stuffed up under a Tent: At lest, I have succeeded in my design, which was, to pass the Bridge with ease, whilst all men did repose themselves, expecting to leave the Camp towards evening when the Heat is not so violent; whereas if I had stayed as the rest did, some mischief perhaps might have befallen me. For it hath been, I hear, the most terrible confusion, and the greatest disorder that ever was in any the like former passage from Dehli; the entering upon the first Boat, and the going of from the last, having been made very difficult, because it was mere moving sand, which as people marched upon it, and stirred it, did slide away into the water, and left a pit; insomuch that a great number of Camels, Oxen and Horses were in the crowd overthrown and trampled under foot, and store of blows distributed besides: There are ordinarily, upon such occasions, some Officers and Cavaliers of the Omrahs', who to make way for their Masters and their Baggage, are not sparing of them. My Navab hath lost one of his Camels with the Iron Oven it carried; which maketh me apprehended, I shall be reduced to the bread of Bazar. Farewell. THE SIXTH LETTER. SIR, IT is too much curiosity, 'tis folly, or at lest temerity in an European to expose himself to such heats and dangerous marches; It is putting one's self into manifest peril of life. Yet notwithstanding, misfortune is good for something. Whilst we stayed at Lahor, I was seized on by a Flux, and by gripe, which did very much incommode me; caused by my constant lying upon a Terrasse, and taking the cool of the night, as we use to do at Dehli without danger. But since we have been marching these eight or nine days, the sweat hath dissipated all those humours. My body is become a right Sieve, very dry, and I have not sooner taken into my stomach a pint of water (for lesle will not serve our turn) but I see it at the same time issue out of my limbs like a dew to the very ends of my fingers. I believe I have this day drunk above ten pints. And this is some comfort, that one may drink of it as much as one lists without danger, provided it be good water. The SEVENTH LETTER, to the same. Written from the Camp of the Army, marching from Lahor to Kachemire, the tenth of March in the morning. SIR, The Sun is but just now rising, yet he is intolerable; there is not a Cloud in the Sky, not a breath of Wind; my horses are spent, they have not seen a green Herb since we came out of Lahor; my Indians for all their black, dry, and hard Skin, sink under it. My face, hands and feet are peeled of, and my body is covered all over with pimples, that prick me as so many needles. Yesterday one of our poor Cavaliers, that had no Tent, was found dead at the foot of a small Tree, he had seized on. I doubt, whether I shall outlive this days journey; all my hope is in a little dry curdled Milk, which I am going to dilute with Water and Sugar, and some Lemons, I have left, to make Limonade. Farewell; the Ink drieth at the end of my Pen, and the Pen falls out of my hand. Farewell. The EIGHTH LETTER, to the same. Written from Bember, the Entry of the Mountains of Kachemire, after having two days encamped there. What Bember is; the change of carriages for the Mountains; the incredible number of Porters, and the order observed in the Army. SIR, WE are at length arrived at Bember, the foot of a steep, black, and burned Mountam, and we are encamped in the channel of a large Torrent dried up, full of sand and stones burning hot; It is like an hot Oven: And if it were not for the shower of Rain, we had this morning, and for the curled Milk, the Lemons, and the Fowl brought to us from the mountains, I know not what would have become of me, and you would perhaps never have seen this Letter. But, God be thanked, I feel the Air a little cooler; my Stomach, Strength and Tongue are returned. So than take this account of our new kind of march and trouble. Yesternight the King first of all, together with Rauchenara-Begum, and the other Women of the Seraglio, the Raja Ragnat that performs the Office of the Vizir, and Fasel-kan the High Steward, went away from this burning place, and last night the great Hunting-master departed with some of the greatest and most necessary Officers of the Royal Family, and many considerable Women. This night 'tis our turn; my Navab Danech-men●-kan will go away, and Mahmet-Emir-kan, the Son of that famous Emir-jemla, of whom I have spoken so much in another place, will be of our Company; and so will Dianet-kan, our good friend, with his two Sons, and many other Omrahs', Rajahs and Mansebdars: And after us, all the other Lords, that are bound for Kachemire. will be gone all in their turns, to avoid in these difficult and narrow ways of the mountains, the trouble and confusion, during these five days of marching between this place and Kachemire. All the rest of the Court, as Fedaykan, the great Master of the Artillery, three or four great Rajas, and many Omrahs', are to stay hereabout for a guard, during three or four months,, until the King do return after the great heats are over. Some shall go to dress their Tents on the one side of the River Tehenau, others in the neighbouring Towns and Burroughs, and others will be obliged to camp here in this Fire of Bember. The King for fear of starving this small Kingdom of Kachemire, first carries with him the lest number of Women he can, the greatest Ladies, the best friends of Rauchenara-Begum, and those that are most necessary for service. Nor doth he carry more of the Omrahs' and Militia than he needs must: And the Omrahs' that have leave to come with him cannot take with them all the Cavaliers, but only 25 of 100, yet without comprehending therein the particular Officers of their Family. And that is to be religiously observed, because there is an Omrah upon the Guard at the entry of the Mountains, that reckons all that pass, one by one, and hinders the passing of that great number of Mansebdars and other Cavaliers, that would feign go and enjoy the cool Air of Kachemire; as also all those small Merchants and little people of Bazar that seek to gain a livelihood. The King, for the carriage of necessaries and the Women of the Seraglio, taketh with him some of the strongest and best Elephants: These Beasts, though gross and unwieldy, are very surefooted, and in ill way they march very warily, assuring themselves first of one foot before they remove the other. He taketh also some Mules with him; but Camels, the most necessary, he cannot make use of in this passage; these Mountains being too steep and craggy for their long shanked and stiff legs: Porters must supply their places; and what number you think must there be, if the King alone, as they say, hath above six thousand for his occasions, and I, a private man, though I have left at Lahor my ordinary Tent and much of my baggage, as every one hath done, even the King himself and the Omrahs', found myself obliged to have three of them? 'Tis believed, there are already not lesle here than fifteen thousand, partly of those which the Governor of Kachemire and the Rajas here about have compelled to be here, partly of those that come hither of their own accord out of the neighbouring Villages to earn something; for a man is obliged, following the King's order, to give them ten Crowns for an hundred pound weight. 'Tis said, that, in all, there are above thirty thousand of them, without reckoning that a month ago the King and the Omrahs' sent away some baggage before, and the Merchants, all sorts of Commodities. THE NINTH LETTER. An exact description of the Kingdom of Kachemire, and the present State of the Neighbouring Mountains; together with an Answer to five considerable Questions of a Friend. SIR, THE Histories of the Ancient Kings of Kachemire tell us, that all that Country was formerly nothing but a great Lake; and that there was an old Holy man, called Kacheb, that gave an outlet to the Waters by a Miraculous Cut he made in the Mountain of Baramoule. This may be seen in the Abridgement of these Histories, which Jehan-Guire caused to be made, and which I am translating out of the Persian Tongue. For my part, I would not deny, all this Land to have once been covered with Water; the like is affirmed of Thessaly, and some other Countries; but 'tis hard to believe, that this opening is the work of one man, because the Mountain is very big and very high. I should rather think, that some great Earthquake (those parts being subject enough to them) had opened some Cavern under ground, which the Mountain did sink into, after the same manner as the opening of Babelmandel is made (if it be true what the Arabians of that Country say of it) and as whole Towns and Mountains have been seen to be swallowed up in great Lakes. However it be, Kachemire is no Lake now, but a very fair Campagne, diversified by many little Hillocks, about 30 Leagues long, and 10, or 12 Leagues broad; situated in the extreme of Indostan, North of Lahor, locked up within the Mountains of Caucasus, between those of the Kings of the great Tibet, the little Tibet, and the Raja Gammon, its next Neighbours. The first Mountains surrounding it, I mean those that are next to the Plain, are of a middle height, all green with Trees or Pasture, full of all sorts of cattle, as Cows, Sheep, Goats, Horses; and of Game of divers kinds, as Partridges, Hares, Gazelles, and of some Animals yielding Musk. There are also abundance of Bees; and (which is rare in the Indieses) there are found no Serpents, Tigers, Bears, Lions, but very seldom. So that it may be said, that these are not only very innocent Mountains, but flowing with Milk and Honey, as were those of the Land of Promise. Beyond those middlesized Mountains, there rise others, very high ones, the top of which are always covered with Snow, and appear above the ordinary Clouds and Mists, always calm and clear as well as Mount Olympus. Out of all these Mountains do issue innumerable Sources and Rivulets on all sides, which the Inhabitants know how to convey to their Rice-fields, and even through raised Ground unto their little Hillocks; and which, after they have made a thousand other little Rivulets, and a thousand Cascatas every where, come at last to meet, and to make a very fair River, that carrieth Boats as big as our River of Seine, and after it hath gently turned about the Kingdom, and passed through the midst of the Capital City, finds its outlet at Baramoule between two steep Rocks, and having afterwards taken in many small Rivers that come down from the Mountains, falls about Atex into the River Indus. All these Rivulets descending from the Mountains, make the Plain and all those Hillocks so fair and fruitful, that one would take this whole Kingdom for some great Ever-green Garden, intermixed with Villages and Burroughs, discovering themselves between Trees, and diversified by Meadows, Fields of Rice, Corn, and divers other Legumes, of Hemp, and Saffron; all interlaced with Ditches full of Water, with Channels, with small Lakes and Rivulets here and there. Up and down every where are also seen some of our European Plants, Flowers, and all sorts of our Trees, as Apples, Pears, Prunes, Apricocks, Nuts, Vines. The particular Gardens are full of Melons, Water-melons, Skirrets, Beets, Radishes, all sorts of our Potherbs, and of some we have not. 'Tis true, there are not so many sorts of Fruit as with us, nor are they so excellent as ours; but I believe that that is not the fault of the Soil, but that, if they had as good Gardeners as we, knowing to cultivate and grafted Trees, to choose proper places and proper Stocks, and to sand for Grafts from Foreign Countries, they would have as many and as good as we; because among that number of divers sorts, which I often caused to be brought to me, I have frequently met with very excellent ones. The Capital City, which is of the same name with that of the Kingdom, is without walls; 'tis three quarters of a League long, and half a League broad; situate in a Plain, about two Leagues distant from Mountains, which seem to make as 'twere a Semicircle; and standing upon a Lake of sweet Water of four or five miles in compass, which is made up of Live-Springs, and of Rivulets running down the Mountains, and disgorgeth itself by a Navigable Channel into the River which passeth through the midst of the Town. This River hath in the Town two wooden Bridges over it for communication. Most Houses are of Wood, but well built, and of two or three Stories high; not as if they had not very good Free Stone there (many old Idol-Temples ruined, and other Buildings made of it, being yet to be seen;) but the abundance of Wood, easily descending from the mountains by little Rivers, which it is cast into, maketh people found that way of Building turn to better account. The Houses that stand upon the River have almost all of them their little Garden, lying upon the Water; which maketh a very pleasant Perspective, especially in the Spring and Summer, when men walk on the Riverside. The other Houses that stand not upon the River, have also almost all of them some Garden; and there are a good number of such, that have a Channel answering to the Lake, and a little Boat to go and divert themselves upon it. In one end of the Town there appears an Hill, lose from all the rest, which maketh another very agreeable Perspective, because on its Declivity there stand very fine Houses with Gardens, and on the top a Mosque and an hermitage well built with a Garden, and store of fine green Trees: And 'tis upon the account of these Trees and Gardens, that in the Language of the Country 'tis called Haryperbet, as if you should say, the Mountain of Verdure. Opposite to this Hill there is seen another, on which there is also a Mosque, but a little one, together with a Garden, and a very ancient Building, which seems to have been a Temple of Idols, though they call it Tact Souliman, that is, the Throne of Solomon, because that Soloman, as the Mahometans say, caused it to be built when he came to Kac●emire; but how they will prove, that Solomon made this Voyage, I know no●. The Lake▪ hath this peculiar, that 'tis full of little Isles, which are as many Gardens of Pleasure, that appear all green in the midst of the Water, by reason of those fruitbearing Trees, and of the Walks▪ on both sides set with Arbours, and because they are surrounded with large-leaved Aspen-trees, standing at two foot distance from one another; the biggest whereof may be clasped about, but as tall as Masts of great Ships, having only a tu●t of Branches at the top like Palm-trees. Beyond the Lake, upon the side of the Hills, there is nothing but Houses and Gardens of pleasure, the place having been found wonderfully proper for it, as being in a very fine Air, in the view of the Lake, the Isles, and the Town, and full of Springs and Rivulets. The most admirable of all these Gardens is that of the King, which is called Cha●limar. From the Lake, one enters into it by a great Canal, bordered with great green Tur●s. This Canal is above five hundred common paces long, and runs 'twixt two large All●●s of Poplars: It leadeth to a great Cabinet in the midst of the Garden, where gins another Canal far more magnificent, which runs with a little rising unto the end of the Garden. This Canal is paved with large Freestone; it's sloping side covered with the same; and in the midst of it, there is a long Row of Jets of Water, from 15 to 15 foot. There are also, from space to space, great Rounds of Water serving for Storehouses, whence many Jets of Water, variously figured, do spring up: And this Canal ends at another great Cabinet, which is almost like the first. These Cabinets, which are in a manner made like Domes, situate in the middle of the Canal, and encompassed with Water, and consequently between those two great Allees of Poplars, have a Gallery that reigneth round about, and four Gates opposite to one another; two of which do respect the Allees, with two Bridges to pass over, one on one side, and the other on the other; the other two look upon the opposite Canals. Each Cabinet consists of a great Chamber in the midst of four other lesser Chambers, which are in the four Corners: All is painted and guilded within, the great Chamber as well as the little ones, having Sentences with great Letters in the Persian Tongue written upon them. The four Gates are very rich; they are made of great Stones with two Columns, taken from those ancient Idol-Temples, ruin'd by Chah-Je●an. The price of these great Stones and Pillars is not well known, nor what kind of Stone they be; though it appears sufficiently, that 'tis a sort of precious Stone, finer than Marble or Porphyre. From all that hath been said, one may easily conjecture, that I am somewhat charmed with Kachemire, and that I pretend, there is perhaps nothing in the world like it for so small a Kingdom. It deserves very well to reign over all those neighbouring Mountains as ●ar as Tartary, and over all Indostan, as far as Ceilon, as once it did: And 'tis not without some cause, that the Mogul's call it the Terrestrial Paradise of the Indieses▪ that Eck●ar took so much pains to make himself Master of it; and that his Son Je●an-Guire became so amorous thereof, that he could not leave it; and often said, he would rather loose all his Empire, than Kachemire. And from the time that we arrived there, all the Poets, both Kachemirians and Mogolians, strove to make Poems to the praise o● this little Kingdom, to present them to Aureng-Zebe, who gladly received and rewarded them. I remember, that among others, there was one, that exaggerating the extraordinary height of the Mountains encompassing it, and rendering it almost inaccessible any where, said, that the top of these Mountains was the cause, that the Heavens did retire into the Figure of a Vault, as we see it; and that Kachemire being the Masterpiece of Nature, and the King of the Kingdoms of the World, it was suitable it should be hard of access, and so enjoy an undisturbed peace and tranquillity, commanding all, and not being liable to be commanded by any. He added, that the reason why Nature had surrounded it with Mountain's, of which some, namely the highest and most remote, were always white and covered with Snow, the lowermost and the next to the Plain, all green and covered with Wood, was, because that the King of the Kingdoms of the World was to wear the most precious Crown, the top whereof was to be of Diamonds, and the bottom of Emeralds. If the Poet had added (said I to my Nava● Danechmendkan; who was willing to make▪ me admire all those Poems) that all those great Countries of Mountains that ●nviron it, as the little Tibet, the State of the Raja Gammon, Kachguer, and Serenaguer, are to be comprehended under the Kingdom of Kachemire; since, according to the History of the Country, they once depended from it, and consequently that the River Ganges on the one side, that of Indus on the other, the Chena● on a third, and the Gemma on the fourth, do issue out of Kachemire; that these Rivers, with so many others that run thence, do countervail the Gibon, the Pison, and the two others; Gen. 2. 11, 12, 13, 14. and if at last he had concluded, that this was certainly the true Terrestrial Paradise, rather than that in Armenia, this would have much enhanced the worth of all his Commendations. The Kachemirians have the Reputation of being a very witty people, much more intelligent and dexterous than the Indians, and as fit for Poesy and Sciences as the Persians'. Besides, they are very industrious and willing to take pains; they make Palekies, Trunks, Bedsteads, Standishes, Boxes, Spoons,, and many other pieces, and all of good and very handsome Workmanship, sent over all the Indieses. They know how to give it a good Varnish, and so dexterously to sergeant the Veins of a certain Wood that hath very fine ones, by applying Gold-strings upon it, that there is nothing finer. But what is peculiar and considerable in them, and which draws the Trade and Silver into their Country, is that prodigious quantity of Stuffs called Chales, which they work there, and employ their little Childerens in. These Chales are certain kinds of Stuff an Ell and a half long, and about an Ell broad, which are embroidered at each end with a kind of Embroidery about a Foot large. The Mogul's and Indians, both Men and Women, wear of them in Winter upon their Heads, passing them over their left Shoulder like a Mantle. They make two sorts of them; one, of the wool of the Country, which is finer than that of Spain; the other, of a Wool▪ or rather of an Hair, they call To●z, taken from the Breast of a wild Goat of the great Tibet. These latter are of a far greater price than the former; neither is there any Castor so soft and delicate. The mischief is, the worms get easily into it, unless you have a particular care often to unfold and air them. I have seen of these which the Omrahs' purposely caused to be made, which cost an hundred and fifty Roupies: Of the others that are made of the Wool of the Country, I have seen none that costs above fifty. 'Tis observed of these Chales, that, work them never so carefully in Patna, Agra, and Lahor, you shall never make the Stuff so soft and fine, as in Kachemire; which is commonly imputed to the particular Water of the Country: As at Maslipatan they make those fine stuffs, which become fairer by washing. The Kachemirians are also famous for their good complexion. They look as well as our Europeans, and have nothing of a Tartarian flat-nosed and little eyed Face, as those of Ka●hguer, and most of the people of the great Tibet. The Women especially are very beautiful; and therefore all Strangers, that are newcomers to the Court of Mogol, are furnished from thence, that so they may have Children whiter than the Indians, and whi●h by these means may pass for true Mogul's. And certainly, if one may judge of the Beauty of the retired Women by that of the common People, met with in the Streets, and seen up and down in the Shops, we must believe, that there are very handsome ones. At Lahor, where they have the repute of being proper and ●lender, and the handsomest of the Brown Lasses of the Indieses (as really they are) I used an Art which is ordinary among the Mogul's, which is, to follow some Elephants, especially those that are richly harnessed; for assoon as those Women hear the two Bells hanging on the sides of those Beasts, they all put their heads out of the Windows. The same Trick I used here; and I made also use of another, in which I succeeded very well▪ it was devised by an old and famous Master of a School, whom I had taken to help me to understand a Persian Poet. He made me buy store of Conduits; and he being known and welcome every where, carried me into above 15 houses, telling them that I was his Kinsman, newly come out of Persia, that I was rich and to be married: As soon as we came into a house, he distributed Conduits to the Children, and presently all came about us, Women and Children, great and small, to have their share, or to be seen▪ This curiosity alone cost me many a good Roapy; but it confirmed me, that in Kachemire there are as fair Faces, as in any place of Europe. There remains only to impart unto you what I observed most considerable between the Mountains, from Bember hither, (with which perhaps I should have begun;) and after having given you account of some other little Voyages I have been obliged to make ●●er sparts of this Kingdom, you will learn all I could come to know of the rest of the circumjacent Mountains. Concerning therefore first our Voyage from Bember hither, it seemed to me surprising enough, to found myself from the first night that we▪ parted from Bember▪ and entered into the Mountains▪ pass from a To●●d to a Temperate Zone: For, we had▪ not sooner mounted this dreadful Wall of the World, I mean, this▪ high, s●eep, black▪ and bald Mountain, of Bember▪ but that in descending on the other▪ side, we found an Air that was pretty tolerable, fr●sh, gentle and temperate. But that which surprised me more in these Mountains, was, to found myself, in a trice, transported out of the Indieses into Europe. For, ●eeing the Earth covered with all our plants and shrubs, except Issop, Thyme, Marjoram and Rosemary, I imagined I was in some of our Mountains of Auvergne, in the midst of a Forest of all our kinds of Trees, Pines, Oaks, Elms, Plane-trees. And I was the more astonished because in all those burning Fields of Indostan, whence I came▪ I had seen almost nothing of all that. Among other things relating to Plants, this surprised me, that one and a half days journey from Bember I found a Mountain, that was covered with them on both sides, but with this difference, that on the side of the Mountain that was Southerly, toward the Indieses, there was a mixture of Indian and European Plants, and on that which was exposed to the North I observed none but European one's; as if the former had participated of the Air and temper of Europe and the Indieses, and the other had been mee●ly European. As to the Trees, I admired this natural course of Generations and Corruptions: Below in these bottoms, where perhaps▪ not man ever was, I saw hundreds that were falling, or fallen, one▪ upon another, dead and half rotten of age; and other young and verdant ones growing out of the foot of those that were dead: Some of them also I saw burnt, whether it▪ was from Lightning, or that in the heat of Summer they had taken fire by rubbing themselves against one another, when they were agitated by some hot and impetuous wind; or, as the Countrypeople say, that they▪ take fire of themselves, when they are grown old and dry. I admired also those natural Cascatas of water, which we found between those Rocks. We met, among others, one of them so wondered, that doubtless, it cannot be paralleled. One seethe a far of from the side of an high Mountain, running down a Torrent of water in a Channel covered with Trees, and precipitate itself in a trice to the bottom of a steep-Rock of a stupendious height, with a noise that is able to strike one deaf, like a Cataract. There was erected near it, a Theatre, upon a Rock, which Je●an-Guire had caused purposely to be made plain, that the Court passing, might there repose themselves, and from thence with conveniency behold this admirable Work-man-ship of Nature; which as well as those old Trees, I was just now speaking of, seems to resemble something of great Antiquity, and of the first production of the World. All these divertisements were blended with an odd accident. On the day, that the King went up the Mountain of Pirepenjale, which is the highest of all, and whence one gins to discover a far of the Country of Kachemire; on that day, I say, that the King ascended this Mountain, being followed by a long row of Elephants, upon which sat the Women in Mikdembers, and Embaries; one of those Elephants was frighted by beholding, as the Indians would have it, such a long and steep ascent, and fell back upon him that was next, and he upon the next, and so on to the fifteenth, so that not one of them being able▪ to turn in this way, which was extremely rude and steep, they all tumbled into the precipice. It was good fortune for those poor Women, that the precipice itself was not very steep▪ so that there were but three or four of them killed; but the fifteen Elephants remai'nd upon the place. When these bulky Masses do once fall under those vast burdens they are loaden with, they never rise again, though the way be never so fair. We saw them two days after, in passing by, and I observed some of them yet stirring their Trunk. This accident put the whole Army, which had marched four days along the Mountains in file, into great disorder, because to recover these Women and all that wreck, a stop was made for the remainder of that day and all the night, every one being necessitated to stop where he was, because it was in many places impossible to advance or go back, and none had near him those Porters that carried his Tent and Victuals. As for myself, I was not in the wors● condition, having found means to creep out of the way, and to take the conveniency of a small place to lie down i●▪ for myself and my Horse. And, to my good luck, one of my servants that ●ollow'd me, had a little bread, which we shared together. I remember, it was▪ there where stirring some stones we found a great black Scorpion, which a young mogul of my acquaintance took, and squeezed it in his own hand, and than in the hand of my servant, and at last in mine, without our being stung by him. This young Cavalier said, that he had charmed him, as he had done many others before, by a passage of the Alcoran, which he would not teach me, because, he said, the power of charming would pass to me and leave himself, as it had passed to him by quitting his Teacher. In traversing this same Mountain of Pirepenjale, where the Elephants tumbled down, there occurred, those things which called to my mind some of my former philosophical thoughts. The first was, that in lesle than an hour we felt Summer and Winter; for in ascending we did sweated gross drops, all men going on foot in a burning Sun; and when we came to the top of the Mountain, we yet found the ●cy Snow, that had been ●ut to open the way; there was a Frost upon a misling Rain, and there blew a wind so cold▪ that all people shook and run away, especially the ●illy Indians, who never had seen Ice or Snow, nor felt such a cold. The second was, that in lesle than two hundred paces I met with two quite contrary winds; one from the North, which blew in my face ascending, especially when I came near the top, and another from the South, which blew against my back in descending; as if this Hill had protruded exhalations out of its bowels from all sides, which coming forth had caused, a wind that had descended and taken its course in those two opposite dales. The third was the meeting an old Hermit, that had lived on the top of this Mountain since the time of Jehan-Guire, and whose Religion was not known; though it was said, that he did miracles, caused strange thunders when he would, and raised storms of Hail, Snow, Rain and Wind. He looked somewhat savage-like, having a long and large white Beard uncombed. He asked alms somewhat fiercely; suffered us to take up water in earthen cups, he had ranged upon a great stone; made sign with his hand, importing that we should speedily march away, and grumbled at those that made a noise, because▪ said he to me, (when I was come into his Cave, and had a little sweetened his looks with half a Roupy, which with much humility I put into his hand) a noise raiseth furious storms and tempests. Aureng-Zebe, said he further, did very well in following my counsel, and not permitting to make a noise: Chah-Je●an always took care of the same; but Jehan Guire once mocking at it, and causing Trumpets and Cymbals to sound, was like to have perished here. In reference to the little Voyages I have made in divers parts of this Kingdom, behold the particulars I took notice of as I passed. We were not sooner arrived at Kachemire, but my Navah Danechmendkan sent me, together with one of his Horsemen for a Convoy, and a Countryman, to one of the extremities of this Kingdom, three small days journey from hence, upon the relation made him, that this was the very time to see the Wonders (for so they speak of them) of a Spring that is thereabout. These Wonders are, that in the month of May, the time when the Snow gins but to melt, this Fountain, for about the space of fifteen days, regularly flows and stops thrice a day, at break of day, at noon and at night: It's flowing ordinarily lasts three quarters of an hour, more or lesle, and that plentifully enough, to fill a square receptacle, having steps to go down to it, and being about ten or twelve foot broad, and as many foot deep. After the first fifteen days, its course gins to be lesle regular and lesle copious; and at length, after a month or thereabout, it quite stops and runs no more for the rest of the year, unless it be, that during some plentiful and long rains, it f●●ws incessantly and without Rule, as other Fountains do. The Gentiles have on the side of the Receiver a little Temple of the Idol of Brare, which is one of their false Deities; and thence it is that they call this Fountain Send-Brary, as as if you should say, ▪ Water of Brare; and that thither they come from all parts in pilgrimage, to bathe and sanctify themselves in this miraculous water. Upon the origin of this Water they make many fables, which I shall not recite to you, because I found not the lest shadow of truth in them. During the five or six days of my stay there, I did what possible I could to found the reason of this Wonder. I did attentively consider the situation of the Mountain, at the foot of which this Spring is found: I went to the very top with great pains, s●arching and prying every where. I observed that it extends it sel● in length from North to South; that 'tis severed from other Mountains, which yet are very near to i●; that it is in the form of an Ass●s back; that its top, which is very long, hath not much more than an hundred paces where it is largest; that one of the side of the Mountain, which is covered with nothing but green grass, is exposed to the East, yet so that the Sun comes not to shine on't before eight a clock in the morning, because of the other opposite Mountains; and lastly, that the other side, which is exposed to the West, is covered with Trees and Bushes. All this being considered, I did imagine, that the heat of the Sun, together with the particular situation and the internal disposition of the Mountain, might very well be the cause of this pretended Miracle, that the Mountain, Sun, coming briskly to strike on the side opposite thereto, heats it, and melts part of the frozen waters, which during the Winter, when all was covered with Snow, had insinuated themselves into the inner parts of the earth of this Mountain; that these waters penetrating, and by little and little running down unto certain beds of quick rock, which retain and convey them toward the Springhead, cause the flowing of the Fountain at Noon; That the same Sun, raised to the South, and leaving that other side, now growing cold, for to strike with its beams as 'twere perpendicularly, the top, doth also melt other frozen waters, which likewise run down by little and little as the other, but by other turn, unto those rocky beds, and 'cause the Flowing at Night: and that lastly, the Sun heating likewise this Western side, produceth the like effect, and causes the third flux in the Morning; which is slower than the two others, either because this Western side is remote from the Eastern where the Source is; or because that being covered with wood, it is not so soon heated; or by reason of the cold of the night. Now I found this my reasoning the more cogent, forasmuch as it seems to agreed with what is affirmed, that in the first days the water comes in greater abundance than in the latter; and that at last it stops, and runs not at all; as if indeed in the beginning there were of those frozen waters greater plenty in the earth than at last. It seems also to agreed with what is observed, that there are some days in the beginning, in which one flux is found more abounding than the other, and sometimes more at noon than in the evening or morning, or in the morning more than at noon; it commonly falling out so that some days there are hotter than others, or that some clouds arise which interrupt the equality of the heat, and consequently make the flux unequal. Returning from Send-brary I turned a little aside from the road to go and lie at Achiavel, which is an House of pleasure of the ancient Kings of Kachemire, and at present of the Great mogul. That which most adorns it, is a Fountain, the water where of diffuseth itself on all sides round about that Fabric (which is not despicable) and into the Gardens by an hundred Canals. It breaks out of the Earth, as if by some violence it ascended up from the bottom of a Well, and that with such an abundance as might make it to be called a River rather than a Fountain. The water of it is admirably good, and so cold that one can hardly endure to hold one's hand in it. The Garden itself is very fine, there being curious Walks in it, and store of Fruitbearing Trees, of Apples, Pears, Prunes, Apricocks and Cherries, and many jets of waters of various figures, and Ponds replenished with Fish, together with a very high Cascata of water, which by its fall maketh a great Nape of thirty or forty paces long, which hath an admirable effect, especially in the night, when under this Nape there is put a great number of little Lamps fitted in holes purposely made in the Wall; which maketh a curious show. From Achiavel I went yet a little more out of my way to pass through another Royal Garden, which is also very beautiful, and hath the same pleasantness with that of Achiavel, but this is peculiar in it, that in one of its Ponds there are Fishes that come when they are called, and when you cast bread to them; the biggest whereof have golden Rings in their Noses, with inscriptions about them, which they say that renowned Nourmehalle, the Wife of Jehan-Guire, the Grandfather of Aureng-Zebe, caused to be fastened in them. I was not sooner returned from Send-brary, but Danechmendkan, well satisfied with my Voyage, made me undertake one more, to see another sure Miracle, as he called it, which should be capable to make me soon change my Religion, and turn Musselman. Go, saith he, to Baramoulay, which is not further from hence than Send-brary; there you shall found a Mosque in which is the Tomb of one of our Pires or Saints, which still every day works Miracles in curing sick people, that flock thither from all parts: It may be, that you will believe nothing of all those miraculous Cures you shall see; but you will at lest believe one Miracle, which is done every day, and you may see with your own eyes: And that is of a big round stone, which the strongest man is hardly able to raise in the lest from the ground, but yet eleven men, by praying to that Saint, lift up, as if it were a straw, with the end of their eleven fingers, without any trouble at all, and without being sensible of any weight. Hereupon I began this journey also, accompanied with my Horseman and the Country-fellow, and being arrived at Baramoulay, I found it a place pleasant enough. The Mosque is sufficiently well built, the Tomb of the pretended Saint well adorned, and round about it there was store of people of great devotion, who said they were sick. Near the Mosque there was a Kitchen with large Kettles full of Flesh and Rice, which, in my opinion, was the Mangnet drawing the sick people thither, and the Miracle that cured them. On the other side was the Garden and the Chambers of the Mullahs, who with great conveniency, and delight spend their life there, under the shadow of the miraculous Sanctity of this Pire, which they are not wanting to celebrated: But as I am always very unhappy in such occasions, he did no Miracle that day upon any of the sick. As for the great Stone, which was the business I came for; there were Eleven Cheats of these Mullahs that crowded together in a round, and by their long Vests hindered me from seeing well in what manner they took and lifted it up, yet said all, that they held it only with the end of one of their fingers, and that it was as light as a feather. For my part, who had my eyes open, and looked on narrowly, I perceived well enough, that they took great pains, and they seemed to me, that they used also the thumb, which they held very firm upon the second finger bend and closed: But yet I was not wanting to cry out as well as the Mullahs and all the other assistants, Karamet, Karamet, Miracle, Miracle, giving at the same time a Roupy for the Mullahs, and with great show of devotion praying them to favour me with suffering me once to be one of the Eleven lifters up of the Stone. They did hesitate long before they resolved to permit it, but having given them another Roupy, and made them believe I was persuaded of the truth of the Miracle, one of the Eleven gave me his place, they doubtless imagining, that Ten of them joined together would be▪ sufficient to do the business, though I should not add much to it, and that they would so range themselves and crowd together, that I should perceive nothing of their imposture. But they found themselves egregiously deceived, when they saw, that the Stone, which I would not support but only by the end of my finger, always inclined and fell to my side, until at length I found it necessary to put my thumb to it, and to hold it with my finger as they did; and than we lifted it up from the earth, yet not without much pain. Notwithstanding which, when I saw that they all looked upon me asquint, not knowing what to make of me, I still went on crying like the rest, Karamet, Miracle, Miracle, and over and above casting to them another Roupy to secure myself from being stoned; and stealing away from among the crowd, I presently took horse, without eating or drinking, and left the Saint and the Miracles to those that had saith enough to believe them: Observing, as I passed along, that famous opening, which is an outlet to all the waters of this Kingdom, of which I have already said something in the beginning of this Book. I left my way again, to approach to a great Lake, which I saw a far of, through the middle whereof passeth the River that runs 10 Baramoulay. It is full of Fish, especially Eels, and covered with Ducks and wild Fowl, and many other River Fowl. 'Tis where the Governor comes in Winter, at which time 'tis covered with those creatures, to divert himself with fowling. In the midst of this Lake there is an Eremitage with its little Garden, which, as they say, doth miraculously float upon the water, and where the Eremite passeth his Life without ever going from it. Besides which, they make a thousand other ridiculous tales of it, which are not worth reciting, unless perhaps you will except what some have told me. That it was one of those ancient Kings of Kachemire, who out of curiosity caused this Eremitage to be built upon thick beams fastened to one another. Thence I went to found out a Fountain, which hath something that's rare enough in it, bubbling up gently, and rising with some little impetuosity, and making small bubbles of air, and carrying with it, to the top, some small Sand that is very ●ine, which goeth away again as it came, the Water becoming still, a moment after it, without ebullition, and without bringing up Sand; and soon after beginning afresh as before, and so continuing its motion by intervals, which are not regular. But the Wonder, as they say, consists in this, that the lest noise, made by speaking, or by knocking one's foot against the ground, moveth the water, and maketh it run and bubble as was said. Yet I found plainly, that speaking or knocking availeth nothing to produce that effect, and that it moveth as well when one saith nothing, as when one speaks or knocketh. But now, to give the true cause of it, that requireth more thinking than I have bestowed upon it; unless one should say, that the Sand, by falling down again, obstructeth the narrow Channel of this small and weak Spring, until the water, being closed up and kept in, it make an effort to remove and raise again the Sand, and so to disengage itself; or rather, that some wind, penned in the Channel of the Spring, rises by turns, as it comes to pass in artificial Fountains. After we had considered this Fountain, we entered into the Mountains to see a great Lake, which hath Ice in Summer, and looketh like a little icy Sea, having heaps of Ice, made and unmade by the Winds. Afterwards we passed through a certain place, called Sengsafed, that is, White stone; which is famous for being full all the Summer long of all sorts of Flowers like a Parterre, and for this observation, that when much people goes thither, making a great noise and much stirring the air, there presently falls a shower of rain. This is certain, that when, some years since, Chah-Jehan went thither, he was in danger of perishing by the great and extraordinary rain survening, though he had commanded, they should make the lest noise they could. This agreed with what my Eremite of Pirepengale had told me. And now I was going to a Grotta of odd congelations, which is two days journey from thence; but I received news, that after my so long absence my Navah was troubled about me. As to the condition of the neighbouring Mountains round about, I have, since our being here, done what possibly I could to inform myself about them; but I have profited but little, for want of people that are intelligent and observe things; yet notwithstanding I will not omit to relate to you what I have learned of it. The Merchants of Kachemire, that go every year from mountain to mountain, gathering fine Wool to make those Stuffs I have above been speaking of, do all agreed, that between the mountains, which still depend from Kachemire, there are found very fine places of good land, and that amongst others there is one place, which pays it tribute in Leather and Wool, sent for by the Governor every year; and where the Women are extreme handsome, chaste and laborious; that there is also another farther of from Kachemire, which also pays its tribute in Leather and Wool▪ and hath very pretty, though but small, fertile plains, and most pleasant valleys, abounding in Corn, Rice, Apples, Pears, excellent Apricocks and Melons; as also in Raisins yielding very good Wine; the Inhabitants whereof have sometimes refused to pay the tribute, relying upon the difficulty of access to their Country; but there hath always been a way found to enter and to reduce them. The same Merchants agreed also, that among the other Mountains, that are more distant and depend not more from Kachemire, there are likewise found very pleasant Countries, peopled with very handsome Whites, but such as almost never come out from their homes; of which some have no Kings, nor, as far as could be perceived, any Religion; only that some of them do eat no Fish, counting them unclean. I shall add here, what I was lately told by a good ancient man, that had married a Wife of the ancient Family of the Kings of Kachemire. He said, that when Jehan-Guire made a strict inquiry after all those that were of that Family, he was afraid to be taken, and thereupon fled with three Servants cross these mountains, not knowing in a manner whither he went; that thus wand'ring he came at last into a very fine small Canton, where when it came to be known who he was, the inhabitants came to visit him and brought him presents, and that, to make up their kindness, they brought to him in the evening one of the beautifullest of their young Maidens, praying him that he would bed with her, because they desired very much to have issue of his Blood: That passing from thence into another Canton, not much distant from the former, the people likewise came to see him, and to present him; but that the kindness of the evening was far different from the other, in that these inhabitants brought to him their own Wives, arguing that those of the other Canton were Beasts, because that his Blood would not remain in their house, since the Maidens would carry the Child with them into the house of him, to whom they should be married. I may further add, that some years since, there being a dissension risen between the family of the King of the little Tibet, which borders upon Kachemire, one of the pretenders, to the Crown did secretly call for the assistance of the Governor of Kachemire, who by order of Chah-Jehan gave him powerful succours, and put to death or flight all the other pretenders, and left this man in the possession of the Country, on condition of an annual Tribute to be paid in Crystal, Musk and Wool. This petty King could not forbear coming to see Aureng-Zebe, bringing with him a present of those things I just now named; but he had so pitiful a Train, That I should never have taken him for what he was. My Navah entertained him at dinner, that he might receive the better information concerning those Mountains. I heard him say, that his Country on the East side did confine with great Tibet; that it was about 30 or 40 leagues broad; that there was indeed some little Crystal, Musk, and Wool, but for the rest very poor; and that there were no Gold Ours as was said; that in some places there was very good fruit, especially Melons; that they had very hard Winters, and very troublesome, because of the deep Snows; and that the people, which formerly had been Heathen, was almost all become Mahometan, as himself, namely, of that Sect called Cbia, which is that of all Persia. Besides, that seventeen or eighteen years ago Chah-Jehan had attempted to make himself Master of the Kingdom of the Great Tibet, as formerly also had done the Kings of Kachemire; that his Army after sixteen days difficult march, always among Mountains, did besiege a Castle which they took; that there remained no more for him to do, than to pass a River, which is famous and very rapid, and thereupon to march directly to the Capital Town, which he would have easily carried, the whole Kingdom being in a panic terror; but that the season being far spent, the Governor of Kachemire, who was the General of that Army, did apprehended he should be surprised by the Snow, and so returned, leaving in that Castle a Garrison, which, whether it was from fear of the Enemy, or from want of sufficient provision, he could not say, soon abandoned it; which broke the design the Governor had of returning thither the next Spring. Now that the King of this Great Tibet knows, that Aureng-Zebe is at Kachemire, and threatens him with War, he hath sent to him an Ambassador, with Presents of the Country, as Crystal, and those dear White Cow-tails, by way of ornament fastened to the ears of Elephants, as also Musk, and a Stone of Jachen of great price, because of an extraordinary bigness. This Jachen is a bluish Stone with white veins so hard that it is wrought with nothing else but the Powder of Diamond, highly esteemed in the Court of the mogul. They make Cups of it and other vessels, of which I have some richly wrought with threads of Gold, of very curious Workmanship. The Train of this Ambassador did consist of three or four Cavaliers, and ten or twelve tall men, dry and lean, having three or four hairs in their beards like the Chinese, and plain read Bonnets upon their heads like our Seamen, the rest of their Garments suitable. I think there were four or five of them with Swords, but the rest marched behind the Ambassador without any rod or stick. He treated with Aureng-Zebe in his Master's name, promising that he would suffer a Mosque to be built in the Capital City, wherein Prayers should be made after the Mahometan way; that the Money, henceforth to be coined, should on the one side have the Impress of Aureng-Zebe, and that he would pay him a certain annual Tribute. But 'tis believed, that as soon as this King shall know that Aureng-Zebe is gone from Kachemire, he will laugh at all this Treaty, as he did formerly at that, which he had made with Chah-Jehan. This Ambassador had in his suit a Physician, which was said to be of the Kingdom of Lassa, and of the Tribe Lamy or Lama, which is that of the men of the Law in that Country, as the Brahmen are in the Indieses; with this difference, that the Brahmans have no Caliph, or high-Priest, but the Lamians have one that is not only acknowledged for such by the Kingdom of Lassa, but also by all Tartary, and who is honoured and reverenced like a divine person. This Physician had a Book of Receipts, which he would never cell to me; the writing of it seemed, at a distance, somewhat like ours. We made him begin to writ the Alphabet, but he wrote so slowly, and his writing was so bad in respect of that in his Book, that we soon judged, this must needs be a poor Doctor. He was much wedded to the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls, and was full of admirable stories of it; among the rest he related of his great Lama, that when he was old and ready to die, he assembled his Council, and declared to them, that now he was passing into the Body of a little Child, lately born, that this Child was bred up with great care, and when it was about six or seven years old, they brought to it store of householdstuff pel mel with his own, and that the Child was able to distinguish those, that were or had been his from that of others: Which was, said this Doctor, an authentic proof of the Transmigration. For my part, I thought at first he rallied, but I found at last, that he spoke very seriously. I was once to see him at the Ambassadors with a Merchant of Kachemire, that knew the Language of Tibet, and was an Interpreter to me. I made as if I would buy some Stuffs he had brought to cell, which were some kind of Ratines' of about a foot and an half broad, but it was really to learn something of that Country, yet it was no great matter I obtained from him. He only told me in general, that all the Kingdom of the great Tibet was, in comparison to his, a miserable Country, full of Snow for more than five months of the year; that his King made often War with the Tartars; but he could never distinguish to me, what kind of Tartars they were. At length, after I had made a good many Questions to him, without receiving any satisfaction upon them, I saw I lost only my time with him. But there is another thing, which is so certain, that no body here doubts of it. 'Tis not yet twenty years, that there went Caravans every year from Kachemire, which crossed all those Mountains of the great Tibet, entered into Tartary, and arrived in about three months at Cataja, notwithstanding the very ill ways, and the rapid Torrents; which latter are to be passed over Cords stretched from one Rock to another. These Caravans brought back Musk, China-wood, Rhubarb, and Mamiron, which last is a small root exceeding good for ill Eyes. Repassing over the great Tibet they also loaded themselves with the Merchandise of that Country, viz. Musk, Crystal and Jachen, but especially with store of very fine Wool of two sorts, one of Sheep, and the other called Touse, which is rather, as I have said, a kind of hair approaching to our Castor, than a Wool. But since the attempt, which Chah-Jehan made on that side, the King of the great Tibet hath altogether shut up the way, and suffers not any one from Kachemire to enter into his Country: And thence it is, that the Caravans at present go from Patna upon the Ganges, not passing through his Country at all, but leaving it on the left hand, and coming directly to the Kingdom of Lassa. Concerning this Kingdom, here called Kacheguer, which doubtless is that which our Maps call Kascar, I shall relate to you what I was able to learn of it from the Merchants of the Country itself, who, knowing that Aureng-Zebe was to stay a while at Kachemire, were come thither with a good number of Slaves, of both Sexes, whom they had to cell. They say, that the Kingdom of Kacheguer lieth East of Kachemire, drawing a little Northward; that the shortest way thither was to go directly to the great Tibet; but that passage being obstructed, they were forced to take their way through the little Tibet; that first they went to a small Town, called Gourtche, the last Town depending from Kachemire, and four days journey distant from the same; that from thence in eight days they came to Eskerdou, the Capital City of the King of the little Tibet, and thence in two days more to a small Town called Cheker, likewise belonging to the little Tibet, and situate upon a River very famous for being Medicinal; that in fifteen days they came to a great Forest upon the Confines of the little Tibet, and in fifteen days more to Kacheguer a small Town, once the Seat of the King of Kacheguer, which is now at Jourkend, lying somewhat more to the North, and ten days journey distant from Kacheguer. They added, that from the Town of Kacheguer to Katay 'tis no more but two months' voyage; that every year there go Caravans, bringing back of all those Commodities I have named, and passing into Persia through Vsbeck, as there are others that do pass to Patna in Indostan. They said moreover, that to go from Kacheguer to Katay, Travellers must get to a Town that is eight days journey from Coten, the last Town of the Kingdom of Kacheguer; that the ways from Kachemire to Kacheguer are very difficult; that among others there is a place, where, in what season soever it be, you must march for about a quarter of a League upon Ice. This is all, I could learn of those parts, which though indeed it be very much confused and very little, yet will it be found much, considering I had to do both with people so ignorant, that they almost knew not to give a reason of any thing; and with Interpreters, who, for the most part, know not how to make the Questions to be understood, nor intelligibly to deliver the Answers made thereto. I thought once, I would have here concluded this Letter, or rather this Book, and taken my leave of you until I came to Dehil, whither we are now returning: But since I am in the vein of writing, and at some leisure, I shall endeavour to give you some satisfaction to those Five particulars, you demanded of me in your last Letter in the name of Monsieur Thevenot, that illustrious person, who daily giveth us more discoveries, without going out of his study, than we have learned of those that have gone round the World. The first of his demands is, Whether it be true, that in the Kingdom of Kachemire there are Jews settled there from immemorial times; and if so, whether they have the Holy Scripture, and if their Old Testament be altogether conform to ours? The Second is, That I would give you an account of what I have observed touching the Mounsons, or the Season of the ordinary Rains in the Indieses. The Third is, That I would give you my Observations, and declare to you my Thoughts concerning the wondered regularity of the Current of the Sea, and the Winds in the Indieses. The Fourth is, Whether the Kingdom of Bengale is so fertile, so rich, and so beautiful, as 'tis said to be? The Fifth is, That I would at length decide unto you the old Controversy touching the Causes of the Increase of the Nile. Answer to the first Demand, concerning the Jews. I Should indeed be very glad, as well as Monsieur The, venote that there were Jews to be found in the Valley of those Mountains, who might be such, as I believe he would have them; I mean, of those Ten Tribes transported by Salmanasser. But you may assure him, that if anciently there have been of them in this place (as there is some reason to believe there were,) there are none of them at present, and all the inhabitants of it are now either Gentiles or Mahumetans; and that perhaps 'tis China, where they may be found. For I have lately seen, in the hands of our Reverend Father, the Jesuit of Dehli, some Letters of a Germane Jesuit written from Pekin, taking notice that he had there seen some of them, that had preserved the Jewish Religion and the Old Testament, that knew nothing of the Death of JESUS CHRIST, and that they would even have made this Jesuit their Kacan, if he would have forborn to eat Swine's flesh. Mean time here also are not wanting several marks of Judaisme. The first is, that at the entering into this Kingdom, after having passed the Mountains of Pirepenjale, all the Inhabitants I saw in the first Villages seemed to me to be Jew's, in their garb and mien, and in something peculiar, which maketh us often discern Nations from one another. I am not the only person, that hath had this thought; our Father, the Jesuit, and many of our Europeans had the same before me. The second is, that I have observed, that among the meaner sort of the people of this Town, though they be Mahometans, yet the name of Mousa, that is Moses, is much used. The third, that commonly they say, that Solomon came into their Country, and that it was he that cut the Mountain of Baramoule to give an outlet to the waters. The fourth, that they say, Moses died at Kachemire, and that his Tomb is one league distant from this Town. The fifth, that they pretend, that that little and very ancient Edifice, which appears from hence upon an high mountain, was built by Solomon, and that thence they call it to this very day the Throne of Solomon. So that I would not deny, but that some Jews may have penetrated hither; and that in length of time they may have lost the purity of their Law, turned Idolaters, at last Mahumetans. In short, we see store of the Jewish Nation that have passed into Persia to Lar, Ispahan, and also into Indostan on the side of Goa and Cochin: I have been informed, that there were of them in Aethiopia, even gallant and military men, and some of them so considerable and potent, that there was one of them, fifteen or sixteen years ago, that had attempted to make himself King of a little Country of the Mountains of a very hard access; if it be true, what two Ambassadors of the King of Aethiopia, that were lately in this Court, related to me. Answer to the Second Demand, about the stated Rains in the Indieses. THe Sun is so strong and violent in the Indieses all the year long, and principally for the space of eight months, that he would burn all, and tender the Country barren and inhabitable, if Providence had not particularly provided and disposed things in so admirable a way, as that in the month of July, when the heats are most violent, Rains begin regularly to fall, which continuing for three months together, do temper the Earth, and tender it very fruitful, and so qualify the Air that it may be endured. Yet are not these Rains so regular, that they fall always just at the same time; of which I have made many observations in different places, and principally at Dehli, where I lived a long while. The like is fourd in other Countries; and there is always some difference in the time from year to year: For sometimes they begin or end a fortnight or three week's sooner, sometimes later; and there are also some years, in which they are not so plentiful as in others; insomuch that two years, together it did almost not rain at all; which caused much Sickness, and great Famine. Besides, there is also this difference in respect of Countries different and remote from one another, that these Rains ordinarily begin sooner, or are more plentiful in one than in the other. For example, in Bengale and along the Coast of Coromandel, as far as to the Isle of Ceilan, they begin and end a month sooner than towards the Coast of Malabar: And in Bengale these Rains are pouring down for four months, and sometimes continued for eight days and nights together without intermission; Whereas at Dehli and Agra they are never so strong, nor so durable, there passing sometimes two or three whole days without any Rain; and ordinarily the whole morning from break of day until about nine or ten a clock it reins but very little or nothing. But the most considerable difference I have; observed, is, that the reins in divers places come from different quarters of the World, as about Dehli they come from the East, where lies Bengale; whereas, on the contrary, in the parts of Bengale and upon the Coast of Coromandel they come from the South; and upon the Coast of Malabar they proceed almost always from the West. I have also observed another particular about which they all agreed in those parts, viz. That according as the Heat of the Summer comes sooner or later, is more or lesle violent, and lasts longer or a shorter time; the Rains also come sooner or later, are more or lesle plentiful, last longer or a shorter time. These Observations have given me ground to believe, that the Heat of the Earth and the Rarefaction of the Air must be the principal causes of these Rains, and draw them; forasmuch as the Air of the Seas, which lie near round about the Lands, being colder, more condensed, and more gross, filled with clouds which the great heats of the Summer raise from the waters, and which the winds drive and agitate, dischargeth itself easily upon the Land, where the Air is hotter, more rarified, in more motion and lesle resisting than upon the Seas, so as that this discharge is more or lesle tardy and abundant, according as the Heat comes sooner and is more violent. Suitable to the same Observations I was persuaded that if the Rains begin sooner upon the Coast of coromandel than upon that of Malabar, 'tis by reason that the Summer gins there sooner, it being possible that there it may do so for some particular reasons, which perhaps would not be hard to found, if the Country were well examined: For we know, that according to the different situation of a Land in respect of Seas or Mountains, and according as 'tis more Sandy, or Hilly, or Woody, the Summer comes there either sooner or later, and with more or lesle violence. I am further persuaded, that it is no wonder, that the Rains come from different quarters; that upon the Coast of Coromandel, for example, they come from the South, and upon that of Malabar from the West; because that in all appearance it must be the nearest Seas that sand them, and the Coast of Coromandel, is nearer to the Sea, which lieth Southerly in respect of it, and is more exposed to it, as the Coast of Malabar is to the West of it, lying towards Bahelmandel, Arabia, and the Gulf of Persia. Lastly, I have imagined, that if at Dehli, for example, the Rains come from the East, it may yet be that the Seas which are Southerly to it, are the origin of them; but that they are forced by reason of some Mountains, or some other Lands where the Air is colder, more condensed and more resisting, to turn aside and discharge themselves another way, where the Air is more rarified, and where consequently they found lesle resistance. I forgot to tell you, that I also observed at Dehli, that there it never reins to purpose, till for many days there have passed store of Clouds Westward▪ as if it were necessary that those spaces of Air which are beyond Dehli Westward, should be first filled with Clouds, and that these Clouds finding there some obstacle, as it may be some Air lesle hot and lesle rarified, and consequently more condensed and more able to resist, or some other contrary Clouds and Winds repelling them, should become so thick, so burdensome and so heavy, that they must fall down in Rain, after the same manner as it often enough falls out, when the Wind driveth the Clouds against some high Mountain. Answer to the third Demand, which is concerning the Regularity of the Current of the Sea, and of the Winds in the Indieses. AS soon as the Rains do cease (which ordinarily comes to pass toward s themonth of October,) it is observed, that the Sea taketh its course Southward, and that the cold Northern Winds ariseth. This Wind blows for four or five months without intermission and without storms, always keeping the same equality as to its strength and quarter, unless it change or cease a day or so by accident, but than it returns again unto its former place and temper. After that time; for two months or there about the other Winds do reign without any rule. These two months being past, which is called the Intermediate season, or, according to the Hollanders, the Wavering or Changing Season, the Sea returns back from South to North, and the Southwind riseth to reign also in his turn for four or five months, as the Current of the Sea doth: so that there pass two months of intermediate season; during which, Navigation is very difficult and dangerous, whereas during the two Seasons it is very easy, pleasant and without peril, except it be about the end of the season of the Southwind. Hence you may found cause not to wonder, if you hear that the Indians, though else very timorous and inexpert in the art of Navigation, do notwithstanding make pretty long and considerable Voyages; as when they sail from Bengale to Tanassery, Achem, Malaque, Sian and Makassar; or to Maslipatan, Ceilan, the Maldives, Moka, and Bender-Abassy; because they take their time to go with one good Season, and to return with the other. 'Tis true, that often enough they are surprised and cast away; but that is, when they cannot dispatch their affairs in good time, or fail of taking their measures. Our Europeans also do sometimes loose themselves, though they be far better Seamen, bolder and more understanding, and their Ships better conditioned and equipped. Of these two intermediate Seasons, that which maketh the Southwind is incomparably more dangerous than the other, and much more subject to tempests and storms: And even in the Season itself this wind is ordinarily much more impetuous and unequal than that of the North. And here I must not omit to give you a remark, which is, that about the end of the Season of the Southwind, during the time of the rain, although there be a great calm out at Sea, yet 'tis very tempestuous near the Coasts; to the distance of fifteen or twenty leagues: whence the Ships of Europe or others, when they will approach the Indian Coasts, for example, of Suratte, or Maslipatan, must be very careful of taking their time to arrive just after the Rains; or else they run great hazard of being split and lost upon the Coast. This is very near what I could observe of the Seasons in these parts; of which I much wish I could give you a good reason. I shall venture to tell you, that it came into my thoughts, first, that the Air, which environs the Globe of the Earth, aught to be esteemed to have a share in it, as also the Water of the Sea and Rivers, forasmuch as both the one and the other gravitate upon this Globe, tend to the same Centre of it, and so are in some manner united and fastened to it; so that from these three Bodies, the Air, the Water and the Earth, there results as 'twere one great Globe. Next, that the Globe of the Earth being suspended and balanced, as it is, in its place, in that free and unresisted space, where the Creator thought good to place it, would be capable to be easily moved, if some adventitious Body should come against it and hit it. Thirdly, that the Sun having passed the Line to move towards one of the Poles, for example, the Arctique, coming to cast its rays that way, maketh there impression enough to depress a little the Arctique Pole, and to do that more and more according as it advanceth towards the Tropic; letting it rise again by little and little, according as he returns towards the Line, until by the force of his rays he do the like on the side of the Antartique Pole. If these suppositions, joined to that of the Diurnal Motion of the Earth, were true, it were not methinks, without reason what is commonly affirmed in the Indieses, viz. That the Sun conducts and carries with him the Sea and Wind. For if it be true, that having passed the Line to go towards one of the Poles, he causeth a change in the direction of the Axis of the Earth, and a depression in the Pole on that side, the other Pole must needs be raised, and that consequently the Sea and the Air, being two fluid and heavy Bodies, run down in this inclination: so that it would be true to say, that the Sun advancing towards one Pole, causeth on that side two great regular Currents, viz, that of the Sea, and that of the Air which maketh the Mounson-wind, as he causeth two opposite ones, when he returns towards the other Pole. Upon this ground, methinks, it might be said, that there are no other but two main opposite Fluxes of the Sea, one from the side of the Pole Arctique, the other from that of the Antartique; that if there were a Sea from one Pole to the other, that passed through our Europe, we should see, that these two Currents would there be regular every where, as they are in the Indieses, and that that which hinders this regularity of the Flux from being general, is, that the Seas are intercepted by Lands, which impede, break, and vary their Course; in like manner as some say, that the Ordinary Flux and Reflux of the Sea is hindered in those Seas that lie in length, as the Mediterranean doth from East to West. And so likewise might it be said upon the same Foundation, that there are but two principal opposite Winds or Fluxes of the Air, and that they would be universally regular, if the Earth were perfectly smooth and equal, and one part like another every where, An Answer to the Fourth Question, concerning the Fertility, Richeses and Beauty of the Kingdom of Bengale. ALL Ages have spoken of Egypt as of the best and fruitfullest part of the World▪ and Writers will not grant, there is any Country comparable to it: But as far as I can see by the two Voyages I have made in the Kingdom of Bengale, I am of opinion, that that advantage belongs rather to it, than to Egypt. It bears Rice in that abundance, that it not only furnishes its Neighbours, but many very remote parts. 'Tis carried up the River Ganges to Patna; and 'tis transported by Sea to Maslipatan, and to many others Ports of the Coast of Coromandel. Besides, 'tis sent away into foreign Kingdoms, and principally into Ceilan and the Maldives. Further, it also abounds in Sugar, so that it furnishes with it the Kingdoms of Golkonda and Karnates, where there grows but very little. Arabia also and Mesopotamia are thence provided with it, by the way of Moka and Baffora; and Persia itself, by Bander-Abassy. Moreover, Bengale is also the Country of good Conduits, especially in those places where the Portugueses are, who are dextrous in making them, and drive a great trade with them. They ordinarily make store of those big Pomecitrons, as we have in Europe; and a certain Root, which is longish like Sarfaperilla, and very delicate; and of that common Fruit of the Indieses called Amba, and of Ananas, and the same Mirobolans, which are excellent; as also of Lemons and Ginger. 'Tis true, that the Country of Bengale yields not so much Corn as Egypt; but if that be a defect, it is to be imputed to its Inhabitants that eat very little Bread, and much more Rice than the Egyptians: Yet it always bears what is sufficient for the Country, and to afford excellent Biscuits, very cheap, for the provision of our European Ships, English, Dutch, and Portuguese. You may there have almost for nothing those three or four kinds of Legumes, which together with Rice and Butter are the most usual food of the meaner people: And for a Roupy, which is about half a Crown, you may have twenty good Pullet's and more; Geese and Ducks, in proportion. There are also kids and Sheep in abundance, and such store of Pork, that the Portugueses, settled there and accustomed to the Country, live almost on nothing else but that; and the English and Dutch victual their Ships with it. There is also plenty of many sorts of Fish, both fresh and fault: And, in a word, Bengale is a Country abounding in all things; and 'tis for this very reason, that so many Portugueses, Mesticks, and other Christians are fled thither from those quarters, which the Dutch have taken from them. For, the Jesuits and Augustinians, that have great Churches there, wherein they exercise their Religion with all freedom, did assure me, that in Ogouli alone there were no lesle than eight or nine thousand Souls of Christians; and (which I will easily believe) that in the rest of that Kingdom there were above twenty five thousands. And 'tis this affluence of all those things necessary for life, joined to the Beauty and good Humour of the Women natives, that hath occasioned this Proverb amongst the Portuguefes, English, and hollanders, viz▪ That there are an hundred open Gates to enter into the Kingdom of Bengale, and not one to come away again. As to the Commodities of great value; and which draw the Commerce of Strangers thither▪ I know not, whether there be a Country in the World, that affords more and greater variety: For, besides the Sugar I have spoken of, which may be numbered amongst the Commodities of value, there is such store of Cottons and Silks, that it may be said, that Bengale is as 'twere the general Magazine thereof, not only for Indostan or the Empire of the great mogul, but also for all the circumjacent Kingdoms, and for Europe itself. I have sometimes stood amazed at the vast quantity of Cotton-Cloth of all sorts, fine and others, tinged and white, which the Hollanders alone draw from thence and transport into many places, especially into Japan and Europe; not to mention what the English, Portugal and Indian Merchants carry away from those parts. The like may be said of the Silks and Silk-Stuffs of all sorts: One would not imagine the quantity, that is hence transported every year; for, this Country furnishes generally all this great Empire of mogul as far as Lahor and Caboul, and most of the other foreign parts, whither Cotton-Cloth is carried. 'Tis true, that these Silks are not so fine as those, of Persia, Syria, Said and Barnt; but than there is also a great difference in the price; and I know from good hands, that whosoever shall take care of choosing them well, and of getting them well wrought, may have very good Stuffs made of them. The Hollanders alone have sometimes seven hundred or eight hundred men of the Natives at work in their Factory of Kassem-Bazar; as the English and other Merchants have theirs in proportion. It is also in Bengale, where that prodigious quantity of Saltpetre is found; which is so conveniently carried down the River Ganges from Patna, and where the English and Dutch load whole Ships full for many places of the Indieses and for Europe. Lastly, 'tis Bengale, whence the good Lacca, Opium, Wax, Civet, long Pepper do come; and even Butter is to be had there in so great plenty, that though it be a gross Commodity, yet notwithstanding 'tis thence transported into divers places. It cannot be denied that the Air, in regard of Strangers, is not so healthy there, especially near the Sea: And when the English and Hollanders first came to settle there many of them died; and I have seen in Balasor two very fine English Ships, which having been obliged, by reason of the War of the Hollanders, to stay there above a year, were not able to go to Sea, because most of their Men were lost. Yet since the time that they have taken care and made orders, as well as the Hollanders, that their people shall not drink so much Bouleponges, nor go so often a shore to visit the Sellers of Arac and Tobacco, and the Indian Women; and since they have found, that a little Wine of Bourdeaux, Canary or Chiras is a marvellous Antidote against the ill Air; there is not so much sickness amongst them, nor do they now loose so many men. Bouleponge is a certain beverage made of Arac, that is, of strong water, black Sugar, with the Juice of Limon water, and a little Muscadine upon it; which is pleasant enough to the taste, but a plague to the Body and to Health. As to the Beauty of the Country, you are to know, that all Bengale, taking it near an hundred leagues in length on both sides of Ganges, from Raje-mehale unto the Sea, is full of great Channels, formerly cut out of the River Ganges with vast labour, reaching far into the Country for the conveniency of transporting Commodities, and the Water itself, which by the Indians is counted the best in the world. These Channels are on both sides lined with well▪ peopled Villages and Burroughs of Gentiles, and the large Fields, lying near them, bear abundance of Rice, Sugar, Corn, Legumes, Mustard, Sezamum for Oil, small Mulberries of two or three foot high, to feed Silkworms. But than the vast number of great and small Isles, that are in the midst of Ganges, and fill all that great space of six or seven days journey, (as there is in some places of this River from one side to the other;) this giveth an incomparable Beauty to the Country: For, they are very fertile, filled with fruitbearing Trees, Ananas', and all sorts of verdure, and interlaced with a thousand little Channels, which you cannot see the end of, as if they were so many Water-mails all covered with Trees. The worst of it is, that many of these Isles that are next the Sea, are now abandoned by reason of those Corsaires, the Franguys of Rakan, elsewhere spoken of; and that they have at present no other Inhabitants but Tigers (which sometimes swim over from one Isle to the other) and Gazelles, and Hogs, and Poultry grown wild. And 'tis upon the account of these Tigers, that for people travelling between these little Isles in small boats, as usually they do, 'tis dangerous in many places to land; besides, great care is to be had, that the boat, which in the night is fastened to Trees, be not too near the Bank; for there are now and than some men surprised; and I have heard it said, that Tigers have been so bold as to come into the boats, and to carry away men that were asleep, choosing the biggest and fattest of them, if one may believe the Watermens of he Country. I remember, I made once a voyage of ten days, from Pipli to Ogouli, between those Isles and Channels; which I cannot forbear to relate to you, because there passed not a day without some extraordinary accident. My Chaloupe of seven Oars was no sooner got out of the River▪ Pipli, and advanced 3 or 4 leagues into the Sea along the coast, to gain the Isles and the Channels, but we saw the Sea covered with Fishes like huge Carp, pursued by a Shoal of Dolphins. I made my men row that way, and saw, that most of those Fishes lay along the Coast as if they were dead; that some advanced a little, others played and tumbled as if they were drunk. We all laboured to take some of them, and we caught 124 with our hands without any difficulty. Viewing them I observed, that out of all their mouths there came out a bladder (like those that are in Carp,) which was full of Air, and reddish at the end. I imagined easily, that this must be the bladder which kept them from sinking; but I could not conceive, why it should thus come out of their mouth, unless it were that they had been long and closely pursued by those Dolphins, and had made so great an effort to fly away as to make this bladder thus swell, and colour, and to hung out of their mouth. I afterwards told this thing to an hundred Seamen, but they could not believe it, and I never found but one Dutch Pilot, who told me, that sailing once upon the Coast of China, he had met with the like, and that presently they put out their Boat to Sea, and took, as I did, with their hands abundance of Fishes. The day after, about even, we came among those Isles, and after we had looked for a place, where 'twas likely no Tigers would come, we landed, made fire, dressed a couple of Pullet's, and our Fish, which was excellent. Presently after Supper I made my men row until night, and for fear of losing our way between those Channels in the dark, we retired out of the great Channel, and found a good shelter in some small Creek, where we fastened our boat to a thick branch of a Tree, far enough from the Land, for fear of Tigers. In the night, when I was watching, there fell out a Philosophical accident, of which kind two had happened to me afore in Dehli. I saw a Rainbow of the Moon, which I showed to all my Company, and which very much surprised two Portuguese Pilots I had taken into my Boat at the desire of a friend, who had never seen nor heard of such a thing. The third day we went astray between these Channels, and if we had not met with some Portugueses making Salt in one of the Isles, that directed us in our way, I know not what would have become of us. But behold another Philosophical accident. In the night, being got again under shelter in a little Channel, my Portugueses that still were concerned about the Rainbow of the last night, and whom that Observation had made more curious to behold the Heavens, awakened me, and showed me another, as fair and as well formed as that was, which I had showed them. Mean time I would not have you think, that I mistook an Iris or Rainbow for a Corona, or Crown. There is no month almost but at Dehli these Lunar Rainbows are seen in the season of the Rains, when the Moon is high above the Horizon: And I found that it must be so; having seen of them three or four nights one after another, and sometimes double ones. They were not Circles about the Moon, but opposite to her, and in the like Position with Solar Rainbows: And as often as I have seen them, the Moon was Westward, and the Rainbow Eastward. The Moon was also near full; which in my opinion, is necessary; because at other times she would not have light enough to form any. Lastly, these Rainbows were not so white as the Crowns use to be, but much more coloured, insomuch that there might be discerned in them some distinction of Colours. And thus you see, how I have been more happy than the Ancients, who, according to Aristotle, had observed none such before him. The fourth day about evening we retired out of the great Channel, as we used to do, into a very fair place of safety; but had one of the most extraordinary nights that ever I knew. There was not a breath of wind, and the Air was so hot and stuffing that we could scarce breathe. The Bushes round us were so full of those little shining worms, that they seemed to be on fire; and there arose fires here and there, which were like flames, and frightened my Seamen, who said, they were Devils. Among the rest there arose two, that were very extraordinary; one was a great Globe of fire, which in falling and spinning lasted above the time of saying a Pater noster; and the other, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, was like a little Tree all in a flame. The night of the fifth day was terrible and dangerous. There arose so great a storm, that though we were under the shelter of Trees, and that our small Boat was well fastened, yet notwithstanding all that, the Wind broke our Cable, and was casting us into the great Channel, where we had infallibly perished, if I had not, together with my two Portugueses, presently laid hold on the Branches of some Trees, where we held fast for above two hours, whilst the storm lasted: For there was no assistance to be expected from my Indian Oar-men, whom fright had made incapable to help us in this occasion. But, what was most troublesome and amazing, there fell a Rain as if it had been poured down with buckets, which filled our Boat, and was accompanied with such Lightning and Thunderclaps, very near our head, that every moment we thought we should sink. The remainder of our Voyage unto the ninth day, when I arrived at Ogouli, we passed very well and with pleasure; for I could not be satisfied with beholding such beautiful Countries: Mean time my Trunk and all my Baggage was wet, my Pullet's dead, my Fish spoiled, and all my biscuit drunk with water. Answer to the Fifth Question, about the Increase of the Nile. I do not know, whether I shall acquit myself, in respect of this Fifth Question, as it were to be wished: But I shall faithfully impart to you what I have set down of it, after I had twice observed the Nile's Increase, and carefully examined the same, and taken notice withal of some things in the Indieses, which have afforded me greater aids for it, than that Learned Man could have, that hath so ingeniously written of it, though he never saw Egypt but in his Study. I have already said in another place, that at the time when the two Ambassadors of Aethiopia were at Dehli, my Agah Danechmendkan, who is extraordinarily curious, sent often for them, to inform himself, in my presence, of the Condition and Government of their Country; and one day, amongst other things, we occasioned them to discourse of the Source of the Nile, which they call Abbabile; whereof they spoke to us as a thing so known that no body doubted of it, and where one of these Ambassadors, and a Mogolian, that was returned with him out of Aethiopia, had been in person. They told us, that it taketh its Origin in the Country of the Agaus, and issueth out of the Earth at two big bubbling Springs, near one another, which form a small Lake of about thirty or forty paces long; that at the coming out of this Lake it is than already a pretty River, and that from place to place it receiveth other Rivers which enlarge it. They added, that it runs bending, and forming a great Peninsule, and that after several Cascatas from steep Rocks, it falls into a great Lake, which is not above four or five days journey from its Source, in the Country of Dumbia or Dembea, three little days journey from Gonder, the Metropolis of Aethiopia; that having traversed that Lake, it issueth thence swelled with all the waters that fall there, passeth through Sonnar, the principal City of the King of Funges or Barharis, tributary to the King of Aethiopia, running on and making the Cataracts, and so entering into the Plains of Messer, which is Egypt. After we had learned these particularities of the Source and Course of the Nile, I asked him, (to judge whereabout the Source of the Nile might be) towards which part of the World they believed the Cou●trey of Dumbia, wherein is Gonder, to be, in respect of Babelmandel? But they knew not what to answer to this, but only, that they went always Westward, and especially the Mahometan Ambassador, (who was obliged to know better, and to take more Notice of the Position of the World, than the Christian, because the Turks are obliged in saying their Prayers to turn themselves towards Mecca) did assure me, that I was not at all to doubt thereof: Which did astonish me very much, because, according to their Description, the Source of the Nile should be much on this side of the Aequinoctial, whereas all our Maps with Ptolemy place it a good way beyond it. We also asked them, at what time it did use to rain in Aethiopia, and whether there were regular Seasons of Rain as in the Indieses? To which they answered, that it reigned almost never upon that Coast of the Red-Sea, from Su●ken-Arkiko, and the Isle of Masouva to Babelmandel, not more than it doth at Moka, which is on the other side, in the Happy Arabia; but that in the Heart of the Country, in the Province of Agaus, and in that of Dumbia and the circumjacent places it reigned much for two of the hottest months of the Summer, and at the same time when it reigned in the Indieses; which was also, according to my computation, the very time of the Increase of the Nile in Egypt. They said further, that they knew very well; it was the Rain of Aethiopia which swollen the Nile, overflowed Egypt, and fertilized the ground of it by the slime it carried upon it; and that it was even therefore, that the Kings of Aethiopia pretended a Tribute to be due to them out of Egypt, and that, when the Mahometans made themselves Masters of it, ill treating the Christians of the Country, they had a mind to turn the Course of the Nile another way, viz. into the Red-Sea, thereby to ruin Egypt and to tender it infertile; but that this design miscarried by reason of the great difficulties in effecting the thing. All these particulars, which I had already learned, when I passed over to Moka, from a dozen Merchants, that come there every year in the name of the King of Aethiopia to attend the Indian trading Vessels, are considerable to make us judge, that the Nile increaseth not but by the Rains which fall without Egypt towards the Source of that River: But the particular Observations, I have made upon two Increases of this River, make them yet more so; for, in reference to all those Stories, that are made of it, as, That 'tis on a determined day it gins to increase; that on the first day of its increase there falls a certain Dew, which maketh the Plague cease, so▪ that no body dieth any more of it after that hath once fallen; and that there are peculiar and hidden causes of the overflowing of the Nile: In reference, I say, to these stories, I have found during the said two Inundations, that they are but tales fancied and amplified by the people of Egypt, naturally inclined to superstition, and amazed to see a River swell in summer in a Country where it reins not: And I have found, that 'tis not otherwise with the Nile than 'tis with other Rivers, that swell and overflow by plentiful Rains, without any such fermentations of the nitrous soil of Egypt, which some have suggested as the cause thereof. I have seen it swelled above a foot, and very turbid, near a whole month before that pretended determined day of its Increase. I have observed during its increase, and before the Channels were opened, that when it had grown for some days a foot or two, it afterwards decreased little by little, and than began to increase a new, and so went on to increase and decrease without any other measure but that of the Rains that fall nigh the Source, and, as is often seen in our River Loire, according to the fall of more or lesle Rain in the Mountains whence it flows, and the days or half days of fair weather there. In my return from Jerusalem, going up from Damietta to Cairo, I chanced to be upon the Nile about a month before the pretended day of the Dew-fall, and in the morning we were all wet of the Dew fallen in the night. I have been in Rosette at supper with Monsieur de Bermon, Vice-Consul of our Nation, eight or ten days after this day of the Dew-fall, when three persons were struck with the Plague, of whom their died two within eight days, and the third, which was M. de Bermon himself, had perhaps not escaped, if I had not pierced his Plaguesore; which presently infected myself like other; so that, if I had not forthwith taken some Butter of Antimony, I might have been as well as they, an Example of the little certainty there is in the Plague after the Dew; but this Emetic Medicine in the beginning of the Evil did wonders, and I kept but three or four days within doors; during which, I remember, my Bedovin that served me made no scruple ●o drink, in my presence, the remainder of my broth, to encourage me, and from his principle of Predestination, to laugh at the fear we have of the Plague. Yet Experience shows, that after the day of the Dew the Plague is commonly not so dangerous as before, but the Dew contributes nothing to that; 'tis only in my opinion, that than there is a greater opening of the pores, which gives a vent to the malign and pestiferous spirits, that were shut up in the body. Moreover, I have carefully enquired of some Masters of Boats, that had gone up as far as the end of the Plains of Egypt, that is, to the very Rocks and Cataracts; who assured me, that when the Nile did overflow in the Plains of Egypt, where that pretended fermenting Nitrous Earth is, 'tis at the same time much swelled between those Mountains of the Cataracts, where, in all appearance there is no such Nitrous Earth. Besides, I have made diligent enquiry of those Negroes of Sonnars, that come to serve at Cairo, and whose Country, being tributary to the King of Aethiopia, as I have said, lies upon the Nile between the Mountains above Egypt; and they have assured me, that at the same time when the Nile is high and overflowing in Egypt, 'tis so also with them by reason of the Rains than falling in their Mountains, and higher higher up in the Country of Hab●che or Aethiopia. The Observations I have made in the Indieses, concerning the regular Rains that fell at the same time when the Nile swells in Egypt, are also very considerable in this matter, and may make you imagine, that the Indus, Ganges, and all the other Rivers of those parts are so many Niles, and the Land, that is near their fall into the Sea, so many Egypt's. This was my thought of it in Bengale, and what follows are the very words I set down about it. That great number of Isles which are found in the Gulf of Bengala at the Mouth of the River Ganges, and which by lapse of time are joined to one another, and at length with the Continent, put me in mind of the Mouths of the Nile, where I have observed almost the same thing; so that as 'tis said, after Aristotle, that Egypt is the Workmanship of the Nile, so it may be said, that Bengale is the Work of Ganges, only with this difference, that as the Ganges is incomparably bigger than the Nile, so he carrieth with him towards the Sea a far greater quantity of Earth; and so forms greater and more Islands than the Nile; and that the Islands of the Nile are destitute of Trees, whereas those of Ganges are all covered with them, because of those four months of constant and plentiful Rains that fall in the heart of the Summer, and tender it needless to cut Channels in Bengale, to water and enrich the Earth, as they do in Egypt. It is just so with Ganges and the other Rivers of Indostan, as with the Nile; this and those increase in Summer by the means of Rain, which ordinarily fall at that time; except that than, and almost never, there are no Rains in Egypt, but a little toward the Sea, and that it reins not about the Source of the Nile; whereas in the Indieses it reins in all the Countries, through which any Rivers pass; except the Kingdom of Scymid towards the Persian, Gulf, where is the Mouth of the River Indus; it happening that in some years it doth not rain there at all, though for all that the Indus swells there, and the Fields are watered by the means of cut Channels, just as in Egypt. For the rest, concerning the desire of M. Thevenot, to impart to you my Adventures of the Red-Sea, of Suez, of Tor, of Mount Sinai, of Gidda (that pretended Holy Land of Mahomet, half a days Journey distant from Mecca;) as also of the Isle of Camarane and Louhaya, and of whatever I could learn at Moka of the Kingdom of Aethiopia, and of the most commodious way to enter into it; these particulars, I say, I shall in time draw fair out of my manuscripts, if God permit. Some Particulars forgotten to be inserted in my first Book, to perfect the Map of Indostan, and to know the Revenue of the Great mogul. TO understand the better what follows, 'tis requisite to know the signification of these Terms, viz. 1. Soubah, that is, Government and Province. 2. Pragna, that is, the Principal Town, Burrough or Village that hath many others depending from it, where Rents are paid to the King, who is absolute Lord of all the Land of his Empire. 3. Serkar, that is, the Exchequer of the King's Treasure. 4. Kazine, that is, Treasure. 5. Rupee, the Money of the Country, equivalent to 29 or 30 pence. 6. Lecque, that is, an hundred thousand Roupies. 7. Courour, that is, an hundred Lecques. 1. Jehanabad, or Dehli, is the first Soubah; it hath sixteen Serkars in its dependence, and 230 Pragna's: It yields to the King nineteen Millions and five hundred and twenty five thousand Roupies. 2. Agra, otherwise called Akher-abad, is the second. It hath 14 Serkars, and 260 Pragna's; yielding to the King twenty five millions two hundred and twenty five thousand Roupies. 3. Lahor hath 14 Serkars, and 314 Pragna's, bringing in to the King the Rent of twenty four millions six hundred ninety five thousand Roupies. 4. Hasmer, which belongs to a Raja, yields to the King a tribute of twenty one millions nine hundred and seventy thousand Roupies. 5. Gusarate, the Capital whereof is Amadavad, hath 9 Serkars, and 190 Praguas; yielding to the King thirteen millions three hundred and ninety five thousand Roupies. 6. The Kingdom of Candahar belongs to the King of Persia; but the Pragna's that remain united to the Crown of the Great mogul, are 15 and yield in rent 1992500 Roupies. 7. Maloüa hath 9 Serkars, and 190 Pragna's; bringing in 9162500 Roupies 8. Patna, or Beara, hath 8 Serkars, and payeth the rent of 9580000 Roupies. 9 Elabas hath seventen Serkars, and 260 Pragna's; rendering 9470000 Roupies. 10. Haoud hath 5 Serkars, and 149 Pragna's: It yields 6430000 Roupies. 11. Moultan hath 4 Serkars, and 96 Pragna's: Brings in 11840500 Roupies. 12. Jagannat, in which is comprehended Bengale, hath 11 Serkars, and 12 Pragna's: It yields 7270000 Roupies. 13. Kachemire hath 5 Serkars, and 45 Pragna's: Yields 350000 Roupies. 14. Caboul hath 35 Pragna's, and brings in 3272500 Roupies. 15. Tata hath 4 Serkars and 54 Pragna's, and giveth 2320000 Roupies. 16. Aureng-abad, formerly Daulet-abad, hath 8 Serkars, and 79 Pragna's: Yields 17227500 Roupies. 17. Varada hath 20 Serkars and 191 Pragna's; yielding 15875000 Roupies. 18. Candeys, whose principal Town is Brampour, hath 3 Serkars, and 103 Pragna's: It brings in 18550000 Roupies. 19 Talengand, which borders upon the Kingdom of Golkonda on the side of Maslipatan, hath 43 Pragna's, and payeth in rent 6885000 Roupies. 20. Baganala, on the Confines of the Lands of the Portugueses, and the Mountains of Seva-gi (that Raja which plundered Suratte,) hath 2 Serkars, and 8 Pragna's; paying the rent of 500000 Roupies. According to these Particulars, which I take not to be the most exact or the most true, the Great Mogul's yearly Revenue of his Lands alone would amount to above two Kourours of Roupies. A Letter sent from Chinas' in Persia, June 10th 1668. To Monsieur Chapelle; Concerning his Design of repairing again to his Studies, about some Points relating to the Doctrine of Atoms, and to the Nature of the Mind of Man. My dear Friend, I Did always believe what Monsieur Luillier, said, That it would only be a Transport of Youth, and that you would quit this kind of Life, so much displeasing to your Friends, and at length return to your Studies with more vigour than ever. I have been informed from Indostan by the last Letters of my Friends, that you are now in good earnest, and are going to take a flight with Democritus and Epicurus, far beyond the flaming Walls of the world, into their infinite Spaces, to see and victoriously to report unto us what may, and what may not be done, Et ultra processit longè flammantia, etc. to take a Review, and to fall upon a serious meditation of the nature of those Spaces, the general Place of things; upon those infinite Generations and Corruptions of their pretended worlds by their alleged fatal Concourse of Atoms; upon the Nature, Indivisibility, and other Proprieties of their Atoms; upon Liberty, Fortune and Destiny; upon the Existence, Unity, and Providence of God; upon the use of the Parts of Animals; upon the Soul, and all the other sublime matters they have treated of. For my part, I cannot condemn this Design, the inclination we have to know, being natural; on the contrary I am bound to believe, that it belongs but to great Souls to elevate themselves to such high Erterprises, in regard it is principally by this means, that a man can make appear what he is, and the advantage he hath above other Animals. But as the highest Undertake are commonly also the most dangerous, this certainly is not without much danger. For though we seem to have a peculiar inclination and affection to Truth; yet it seems also, that we have another very strong one to Liberty and Independency, not to acknowledge a Master above us, and to say, to believe and to do all according to our Fancy, without the fear of any, and without an obligation to tender an account for any thing; so that if we be not upon our Guard, this latter Inclination will carry away the Bell; and if we stay upon the Reasons that carry us to this liberty, and content ourselves with slightly considering those that might take us of from it; we shall soon found ourselves engaged in a strange life, or at lest be in suspense between both, and tossed up and down between a 'Tmay be that this is so, and 'Tmay be that it is not so; lukewarm, or cold, slow, and indifferent to what concerns the End and Rule of our life. Moreover methinks, that most Philosophers suffer themselves easily to be carried away to this vanity of believing, that to entertain Opinions beyond the vulgar, is the way of being reputed Rare and Excellent Wits; they taking pleasure even to vent such Opinions as something Mysterious, belonging to none but men of great Knowledge, and grounded on deep and weighty Reasons; although they be not too much persuaded themselves of what they affirm. So that if such men do not take great care on that hand also, they shall not fail to be seized on by the aforementioned vanity; and whilst they go about to persuade others of what they are not persuaded themselves, they shall insensibly fall into that very Belief; like a Liar, who after having often related one and the the same Untruth, or at last believes it to be a Truth; Or at lest they shall in the end fall into those unquietnesses, may be's, and indifferencies, which I have mentioned instead of attaining that state of solid tranquillity and sublime knowledge, which they promised, and wherewith they flattered themselves. Lastly, there is no doubt, that though we have this inclination to learn, yet we are withal very lazy; we desire indeed Knowledge and Truth, but we would have it very cheap, without much Labour and Watching, which are irksome things, and often disturbing our health, yet necessary evils if we will know thoroughly the lest thing, and make ourselves capable to give a soiled Judgement thereof. And thence it comes, that if we be not constantly upon our Guard, and contend not perpetually with our slothfulness, we shall soon come to flatter ourselves with this belief; That to know things, there needs not so much painful study; and so not being to resolve upon an uncessant Labour, we suffer ourselves to be easily surprised with that Appearance of Truth, which shineth forth in the Reasons commonly produced by these Gentlemen▪ called les Esprits sorts; instead of seriously examining them▪ that so they may not be made to appear to us beyond what they contain of strength, nor the force of those that make against them be hid and disguised; as often enough happens, either by ignorance or prevention, or else by the vanity and presumption of those persons, that make it their business to dogmatise; or lastly, by, I know not what, unhappy pleasure we generally take in suffering things to be exaggerated to us, or in evaggerating them ourselves, tending to nothing else, than pleasantly to deceive one another. Thus, my dear Friend▪ to tell you freely my thoughts of your Design; methinks, that in Philosophy, and especially in the study of those high matters which you undertake, there is no middle way: I mean, that either we must, without so much subliming our Wits, suffer ourselves to be sweetly carried away by the Current, which so many men of good sense, and that are reputed honest persons and good Philosophers, do follow (which to me seems to be the best and surest, as well because of the great Labour, this study demands, as of the danger there is, that in Philosophising but by halves, and not penetrating things to the bottom, we get nothing by the bargain but disquieting Doubts, making us unhappy the rest of our days, and leaving us often very vicious, and uneasy to Society;) Or else, if we will Philosophise, to do it to purpose, and that, without fearing the labour, and without suffering ourselves to be surprised by the vanity of coveting to pass for extraordinary Wits, as also without suffering ourselves to be carried away by that unhappy inclination of desiring to live without a Master and a Law; that, I say, without these, we fall resolutely upon the study, and from a pure love to Truth, we become obstinate in weighing and weighing again all that comes before us, in meditating, writing, conversing, debating; in a word, in forgetting nothing of what may contribute to improve our understanding, and to tender it more intelligent. As to what at present you demand of me by your last, viz. that I should impart to you what came into my thoughts when I was discoursing with our Danechmendkan, the Learned Gentleman of Asia, about all those matters, you are now applying your Studies to: I shall tell you freely, and without flattering myself, that you might address yourself to a more intelligent person than me, but to none, that hath studied them with more care, than I have done. For I have not only contented myself, exactly to weigh the reasons of all that ever I could come to see of both Ancient and Modern Authors, Arabians also, and Persians', and Indians; but I have farther conferred an hundred times with whatever great men I could any where meet with, so far as that I have often feigned, when I was with those Esprits sorts, as they will be called, that I was not averse from their Sentiments, to the end that they might conceal nothing from me. But that being a thing of great prolixity, it will be better, since you are now on the way to return into Europe, to refer that matter to our Meeting there, when we shall be able by word of mouth better and more conveniently to declare our thoughts to one another. Yet notwithstanding, that I may not seem to be careless of your desire, I shall in the mean time tell you thus much of the nature of our Understanding, That it seems to me very rational to believe, that there is something in us more perfect and excellent, than all that which we call Body or Matter. You know, according to the Idea that Aristotle hath given us of the First Matter of things, that nothing can be imagined so imperfect, as it. For, in short, to be nothing but a certain Neque quantum, neque quale, is, methinks, to approach to a Nothing as near as may be. You know also, that all the perfections and proprieties, which Democritus and Epicurus attribute to their Primitive Bodies, or to the first and sole Matter of things, comes in a manner to this, that there are certain small and very solid Being's, without any vacuity in them, and indivisible; all having some particular and essential figure, so that there is an infinite number of round ones, (for example) an infinity of Pyramidal, an infinity of Square, and infinity of Cubick, Hooked, Pointed, Triangular ones; and so an innumerable number of other kinds of different Figures; all movable of their own nature, and of an unimaginable Celerity; yet some of them more proper for the sensible motion of Concretions than others, that is to say, for disengaging and separating themselves, or for flying sooner and more easily away than others in the dissolution of Compounds, according as they are more or lesle small, or more or lesle round, or more or lesle polished and slippery: And lastly, that they are all eternal by their nature, and consequently all incorruptible and independent (as they pretend;) though they be without any sense, reason and judgement. You know, I say, that all the Proprieties of their little Bodies come, very near, to what I have now said; of which I desire you to be mindful, that so we may hereafter judge, whether they be capable of what is ascribed to them. Yet, to take nothing from the force of their Principles, and to undeceive you; if you believe, I have cast of Atoms, I shall avow to you frankly, that the more I consider that Division to Infinity of any portion of Finite matter, the more absurd and unworthy of a Philosopher it seems to me: and I believe the Reasons, which are alleged to prove it, to be as captious as those, which Zeno, supposing this same divisibility, brought to prove, that there was no motion since Mathematical Points, Lines and Superficies, which have no being but by the Understanding, and are without profundity, aught not to be transferred and applied to Bodies Physical, which cannot be without all the dimensions, and are the workmanship of Nature: To which add, that a Philosopher aught to avoid, as much as is possible, to dive into Infinity, that being a deep and dark Abyss, which often serveth men for nothing else but to hid themselves, and in which the wit of man is at a perfect loss. Moreover, I acknowledge, I am still of that opinion, not only, that Atoms are indivisible, because they are little portions of Matter, or little hard Bodies, resisting and inpenetrable (proprieties as essential to Matter, as Extension) and because they are pure, matter continued, without any parts that are only contiguous, and of which each hath its particular and determinate Superfice; but also that the separation, disjunction or dissociation of parts merely contiguous in a compound, is, in my judgement, the only division conceivable: so that 'tis not possible, not only to divide any Atom, that is, any portion of matter purely continuous, though we should suppose it as long as a Needle, since that to divide it with Scissors; for example, or otherwise, you must come to some penetration, which is inconceivable to us; and that it must needs be, that something of the Needle, some portion or some part (if it may be said, that there are parts in a whole, where there are no contiguous ones) do yield, and yet that 'tis inconceivable, how it were able to yield to the Scissors that should press it, or to make other, anteriour ones, yield without penetration; and that the more, because the parts pressed, and the part of the Scissors that should press, are both of them of the same Nature and the same force, both hard, resisting and impenetrable. So that the Doctrine of Atoms hath this great advantage, that it doth not so much as suppose its Principles, by demanding to grant out of mere favour the Indivisibility of the Primitive Bodies; forasmuch as it even cannot be conceived that they are divisible; nor, how out of soft, yielding and divisible Principles there should result a Compound that's hard; nor, how two most subtle portions of Matter, coming to hit one against another, should not resist each other by their hardness, without reducing themselves into some dust of smaller Particles. Besides, this Doctrine demands not, to have it granted out of mere Grace, that there must be little voided spaces betwixt the parts of Bodies compounded, how subtle soever you may device a matter to fill them up; seeing it is likewise unconceivable, not only how a motion should be able to begin in pleno (where all is perfectly full) but how the parts themselves of this most subtle matter, that must have their particular figures defined and determined as well as the bigger, can be so perfectly disposed as that there should not still remain some of those little Spaces betwixt them. I shall further acknowledge to you, that I think, it may, in the Atomical way of Philosophising, be very well and very rationally conceived, that there is no compound of so admirable a figure, composition, order and texture of parts, taking in the Body of Man itself, but that it may be form by the concourse, order and particular disposition of their little Bodies, the Atoms, provided there intervenes a guiding and regulating cause, intelligent enough for that purpose. I shall likewise confess, that from their Principles there might result a Compound so perfect, as to be capable of the most difficult Local Motions that could be imagined, such as are, To walk like a Living and Animal Substance; as also, perfectly to imitate the singing, weeping, and all the other local motions of the most perfect Animals; there being no contradiction at all in it, all Watches and so many other artificial Engines evincing it, and not suffering us to doubt of the possibility of the thing. Lastly, I shall very willingly agreed, that the Sect of Democritus and Epicurus, (it being supposed, that the Atoms are the workmanship of the Almighty and Alwise hand of God,) hath very great advantages above the rest, in that it can give a more probable reason of a great number of considerable effects of Nature, where others come short; and in my opinion, there are none but such as have not examined things thoroughly, and compared other Sects with it, that can doubt thereof. But to imagine and to persuade myself, that their Principles, with all those advantages, at length are capable, as they would have it, by a particular concourse, order, union and disposition, how admirable soever, and even by an intelligent guidance intervening, to arrive to the forming of such an Animal as is Man in his operations; This is that, my dear Friend, which I could never think possible; it hath ever appeared to me contrary to Reason and good Sense, and will doubtless, appear so to you, provided you have the patience to recollect what you have heard and hundred times, and which I am now going to repeat to you after my own way. It is not that I mean to preach to you, and to make you believe I am become a very good man after my return (a Traveller like myself, and brought up in the School of Atoms, might possibly do Miracles, which I know not whether men would believe any thing of;) Be persuaded, that if I take upon me to discourse to you, it is not out of any vanity or affectation, but from my inmost sense, and with all possible sincerity. Nor is it, that I pretend, with all this Asiatic Preamble, to have found any new Reasons in the Indieses; expect no such thing, I pray: I do almost despair as well as Cicero, that men should ever found any thing more upon this Subject beyond what hath been already found. It would be no hard task for me to show, that all what the Moderns have said concerning it, is either nothing, or nothing new; There would need not more, than to begin with taking up again, what Gassendi and Arnault have written about it against Des Cartes, to which I found not, that he hath made any Answer: And it were to be wished, that he had been able to answer them so demonstratively and magisterially, as it seems he would have men believe he did: I should embrace, and little lesle than adore the Author of a Demonstration upon this Argument; and to such an one the following Verses would be much more deservedly applicable, than to that ancient Atomist; Qui genus humanum genio superavit, & omnes Praestinxit Stellas, exortus uti Aethereus Sol. I shall therefore desire but one thing of you, which is, That you would please to make (which seems to me the only thing to be done here) a serious reflection upon what passeth within us, and upon the operations of our Understanding; and that thereupon you would tell me sincerely, Whether you think, that there is a proportion between the perfection of those operations, and the imperfection of what we call Body or Matter; supposing (what you will easily grant me) that how much soever you strain your mind, you shall never conceive any other thing in Atoms, and generally in all that's Body or Matter, than those proprieties already enumerated, Size, Shape, Hardness, Indivisibility, Motion; or, if you will (which matters not here) Softness and Divisibility. I promise' myself, that you will readily grant me this Request, which is, to go over again those ingenious and agreeable thoughts of yours, that have been drawn out of your Memories; and those many other Fragments of the same force of Wit, that have been left behind, and generally all those other Poetical Transports and Raptures of your Homer, Virgil, and Horace, which seem to have something of Divine in them: And you will not refuse in that serenity of mind and Philosophical temper, wherein sometimes you are in the Morning, to make some reflection upon four or five things, that seem to me to deserve very well the attention of a Philosopher. The first is, That our Senses are not only struck by Bodies so, as the Eyes of a Statue or an Automaton, but that we feel their impression, the titillation and pain, and that even we perceive that we feel, when we say, I perceive that this or that pleaseth my taste much more or much lesle than ordinarily; that my pain is much lesle or much more than it was; and so of an hundred things else. The second, That often we stay not there, but deduce these particular Conclusions; We aught therefore to follow this; or we aught to eat that: And afterwards, these general ones; All what is good, is to be followed; and all what is evil, is to be avoided. The third, That we remember what is passed, and consider what is present, and foresee what is to come. The fourth, That sometimes we endeavour to penetrate into ourselves, into that which is inmost in us, as I now do, when I am searching what I am; what is this Reasoning power that is within me; what are these thoughts; these ratiocinations, and these reflections I make, reflecting thus upon myself and my Operations. The fifth, That being resolutely set to meditate upon a thing, we sometimes make new Discoveries, found new Reasons, or at lest see those that have been found already, weighing them, and comparing one with another, and sometimes drawing thence such Consequences, as shall depend from a greater number of antecedent Propositions, which may be seen as 'twere in one view, and concur all to deduce such a Conclusion; as it comes to pass in all Sciences, especially the Mathematics; wherein our Spirit shows I know not what force and admirable extent. These few reflections might suffice for what I demand of you; and that the rather, because as I can say more comes almost to the same thing. But you must resolve for once to endure the Style of these Countries of Asia, the Air of which I have breathed so long, and to have the patience further to cast your Eyes on a thing that seems to me very considerable, which is, That we know not only particular things that make impression upon our Senses, but that our Understanding, by I know not what admirable force and capacity, taketh occasion to know and to form to itself Ideas of a thousand things, that fall not immediately and wholly as they are under the Senses; for example, that Man is a Reasonable Animal; that the Sun is much bigger than the whole Earth; that 'tis impossible, one thing should be at the same time and not be; that two things, being equal to a third, are equal among themselves; that the absence of the Sun causeth the Night, that all what's generated is subject to corruption; that of nothing nothing can be naturally made; as not any thing that is, can naturally return to nothing; that of necessity there is something Eternal and Un-created in the Universe, God, or the first Matter of things, or both, or that God created this Matter, and that either from all Eternity or in Time: And an infinity more of other great and vast thoughts, and remote from Matter, of which we scarce know by what door they have entered into our Mind. Now, all these actions, I have been speaking of, that argue so great a force and power, capacity and extent of the Mind of Man; all those intern Motions; that peculiar State which we cannot perfectly explain, but yet plainly feel and perceive in ourselves, when we attentively reflect on what passeth within us, and consider our operations; All those Actions, I say, and interior Motions, or whatever you will call them, can they indeed to be ascribed to Spirits, to a Wind, to Fire, to Air, to Atoms, to Particles of a Subtle Matter, and, in a word, to any thing that hath no other Qualities or Proprieties than what can be comprised under this word, Body, how small and fine and nimble soever it may be, into what texture or disposition soever it may be cast, and of what motions soever it may be made capable? It cannot: we shall never be able to imagine that these things are mere Local Motions of some Engine barely Artificial, dead, insensible, without Judgement, without Reason: These can never be any of those inward actions I have mentioned, as, That I see or know that I know; that I see I reason; that I see those reasonings, and perceive that I see them. Moreover, let us a little cast our Eyes upon some of the main Propositions of Euclid, (not to speak of those of Archimedes, Apollonius, and so many others;) For my part, when I think only on the 47 th'. of the 1st. of Euclid, I there found something so great and noble, that I avow to you, I can hardly believe that it was an Human Invention: So that I should imagine, that it was therefore that Pythagoras, after he had been so happy as to found this incomparable Proposition, was so ravished and transported, that he made that famous Sacrifice to thank the Gods, and had a mind to declare thereby, that this Invention surpassed the reach of an Human Understanding. Yet I would not therefore say, that there is reason to believe, that in Man there is a particle of Divinity, or some such thing. This is an unreasonable Tenet of some Stoics, and of the Cabalists of Persia, and of the Brachmans' of India, who, to acknowledge openly the Nobleness and Perfection of the Spirit of Man, chose rather to cast themselves into this extremity, than to believe it to be so base and imperfect, as to be all Body and Matter. I am far from entertaining such a Sentiment; you will see in the Letter to Mounsieur Chapelain, that I cannot believe this to be an opinion defensible by a Philosopher: But this I do, I observe in Man, as well as those Stoics and others, something so perfect, so great and high, that their opinion seems to me an hundred times lesle absurd, than that, which holds that in Man, and even in the whole Universe, there is nothing but Body, but bodily and local Motions, but Atoms, but Matter. Lord! When I think on't, who is that man, how little of good sense soever he may have, that can persuade himself, that when an Archimedes, a Pythagoras, and others of those great men, had those effects of the Mind, and were in their deep Meditations, there was than nothing in their Heads and Brains but what was Corporeal, nothing but Vital and Animal Spirits, nothing but a certain Natural Heat, nothing but Particles of a very subtle Matter, or nothing but Atoms, which, though they be Insensible, and without all Understanding and Reason, and do not so much, (according to the Doctrine of the Atomists,) as move but by a fatal and blind motion and hit, should yet come to move and concur so luckily and wonderfully, that, as once by such a concourse they had form the Head of those Great men, such as it is with those innumerable Organs so industriously ordered and disposed; so also they should than be so lucky as to form and produce those subtle thoughts, and profound meditations; or rather that they should come to move themselves in all those Organs in so wondered a manner, as at last to fall into a certain Order and into a certain Disposition and State, so marvellous, that they themselves were that Conceiving, Seeing, Meditating, those admirable Propositions, and those Divine Inventions? Add to this, when we found ourselves, upon some Affront, or other Displeasure received, ready to fall into Choler and Rage, and yet stop our Passion; I pray, this internal Commander and Command, which we feel, this kind of Obedience, of moderation and retreat, that is made, for example, upon the account of some consideration of Honesty, of Honour and Virtue, and against that natural Inclination we have to be revenged; what is that interior motion and state? Can it be rationally said, that 'tis nothing but some Rollings, Counter-motions, Reflections, and peculiar conjunctions and textures of Atoms or Spirits, or of little Masses or Particles of Matter, which are made within those Nerves, those fine Membranes, those very subtle Channels and Organs of the Brain, Heart, and other parts of the Body? These are pure Chimeras. A word more concerning Liberty: When in the apprehension of taking an ill part for a good, we keep ourselves in a poise, seeking within ourselves all the reasons that are for and against, and seriously pondering and examining them; this apprehension, this research, this balancing, and the resolution we at last take to do or not to do the thing; all that, all those motions, all that inward state and way of Being (I speak in no other terms than they) shall it be nothing but a fortuitous and blind concourse of little Bodies? Is't possible that you can imagine or persuade yourself this? Lucrece himself, that sworn Partisan of the Epicurean Sect, could not do it, nor resolve to attribute to Atoms alone those free motions of the William. For if the Will, saith he, is drawn away from fatality, and raised above Destiny, E● fatis avulsa voluntas, etc. How can he, with all his clinamen or deviation of Principles, have believed in good earnest and without scruple, that there is nothing but Body, and nothing done in us, more than elsewhere, but by a natural, eternal, independent, immutable and inevitable concourse of Atoms? He was not ignorant, that that being so, neither the Will, nor any other thing whatsoever could be drawn and exempted from that concatenation and eternal and inmmutable Sequel of Motions and Causes, that would follow and succeed one another by eternal Orders absolutely necessary and unchangeable. Besides all this, I could put you in mind of many Reasons that are want to be alleged upon this Subject. You know that great man, who hath collected more of them than a score of very good ones. But that would be to abuse your Patience too much▪ and besides I see not, that there is much more of any importance to be considered hereupon, than what I have lately represented unto you. I could also tell you, how I judge that all Objections, made upon this point, may be most rationally answered; but I know, that you are not a person, for whom Books are to be made. I shall only mention two things to that purpose. The first is, That 'tis true what they say, That Eating, Drinking, Health; Natural Heat, the Spirits, and a good Disposition of Organs, (all which are natural things, and as they speak, depending from Atoms as Principles and the first Matter) are things necessary to all those Thoughts, Reasonings and Reflections; and, in a word, to all those Internal Operations I have mentioned. This is a thing that cannot be denied, and which every one doth too sensibly experiment not to aver it: But thence to conclude, that whatsoever intervenes and concurs to form those Operations, is only and merely Body, Atoms, Spirits, Subtle Matter, is that which, after the lest Reflection made upon their Excellency, and upon the imperfection of Bodies or Atoms, or upon the little resemblance there is in their Qualities to those Operations, can never with any good sense be granted: So that, methinks the most that might be allowed, would be, that the Atoms, and Spirits, and all those other things alleged, are indeed necessary as conditions or dispositions, or the like, and not as the first and absolute Principles, and as the Total cause of the Operations; but that there is requisite some other thing than all that, something nobler, higher, and more perfect. The second thing is, That 'tis true also, that we cannot form a right, or, as they speak, a next and positive Idea of what is above a Body or of any thing that is not Body: This, indeed, we cannot do, in my opinion, whilst we are in this mortal state so strictly united to the Body; the dependence of the Bodily Senses, that so much confine and obscure the light of our Understanding, hinders us from it: But I see not that thence it is to be concluded, that therefore there is really nothing above Body, or Atoms, or Matter. For, how many things are there, of which we have no such positive Idea, which yet Reason obligeth us to avow that they have a real Being? Or rather, how few things are there, of which we have any True Ideas? Have these Philosophers themselves any positive Idea of their Atoms? They acknowledge that their smallness is such, that it cannot be so much as imagined by hearing this word Atom pronounced or explained: so far are they from being capable to fall under our senses, and from imprinting in us a true and positive Idea; and yet notwithstanding they believe, and conclude from Reason, that they are. A Mathematician, hath he the positive Idea of the Magnitude of the Sun? It is so prodigious, and so far remote from the capacity of the Senses, that we are not able even so much as to imagine it such as it is; and yet for all this, there is none that is not fully persuaded and convinced thereof by the force of Demonstrations, and that knows not perfectly, that he exceeds by far the bigness of the Globe of the Earth. And besides, it is not true, that the nature of a thing may be known two manner of ways; either positively, as when it falls under some one or more of our Senses, or as when we give a positive Definition thereof; or negatively, by saying what it is not: Now I shall grant, that we are not capable to know the Principle of our Operations or Ratiocinations by the first way, to say what it is, and how those Operations are made and produced. Alas! we are not so happy; we should need other Senses far more perfect than all those we have. We are not born to dive and Philosophise so far: Invida praeclusit speciem natura videndi. But we aught also to acknowledge, that at lest we are capable to know it after the second way: So that, if we cannot say truly and positively what it is, we can at lest say, and certainly know what it is not: I mean, that from the perfection of the Operations, which we do evidently see to be such as that they have no proportion with all those proprieties and perfections of Atoms, and do universally surpass the reach of what is merely Body; we can deduce a certain Conclusion, that the Principle of such Operations, and those Operations themselves must needs be something above all that's Body or Corporeal. Which is here sufficient for me, who at the beginning engaged myself not further, and pretend not, that we can make a true and positive Idea of that Principle; but only that we can and aught to conclude by Ratiocination, that there must needs be something, as hath been said, that is far more perfect and far more noble than all that is in the rank of Bodies, whatever its being or Nature may be. But shall I make an end, fully to discover unto you my thought? You well know, whether I am a person that taketh pleasure in vaunting, or in forging Untruths, or to speak things at random in a matter so important as this. It cannot be denied, that there is a very great difference between the Operations of Brutes, and those admirable Operations of Man, of which we now treat: I speak not only in respectof those of their outward senses, but also in reference to those of their inward ones, or their Imagination. All that is so much beneath the Reasoning of man, that we must avow, there is not any proportion, and that those of Man proceed from a very differing and infinitely more perfect Principle. Notwithstanding all that (and this is the thought I would declare to you) I should think that person an hundred times lesle absurd, that should go about to maintain, that in the Principle of those Operations of Brutes, whether it be of their internal or even their external Senses, there were somewhat more perfect than Corporeity and all that may be understood and comprehended under the name of Body, or Matter, or Spirits; than him, that should pretend the Principle of the Operations of Man were merely Corporeal: So much do I take this Opinion to be out of all reason, and unworthy of a man of good Judgement. Certainly it can be no serious Philosophy; it can be nothing but an Excess of Vanity, that hath cast those Philosophers, we have spoken of, into such an irrational Extreme. They doubtless saw, that their Sect had great Advantages above all the rest, in being able to explain with much Ease and Probability abundance of the most considerable Effects of Nature, only by Local Motion, and the Order and particular Disposition of their Matter, Corpuscles or Atoms: And thence they would make us believe, that by the same Principles they could give an account of all, and explicate whatever concerns the Spirit of Man, and the Operations thereof. My Dear Friend, have not you and I concluded an hundred times, that how much soever we strained our Understanding, we could never conceive, how from Insensible Corpuseles there could ever result any thing Sensible without the intervention of any thing but what's insensible; and that with all their Atoms, how small and how nimble soever they make them, what motions and figures soever they give them, and in what order, mixture or disposition they range them, yea and whatever industrious hand they assign them for guidance, they would never be able (still supposing with them, that they have no other proprieties or perfections than those recited) to make us imagine, how thence could result a Compound, I say not, that should be Reasoning like Man, but that should be merely Sensitive, such as may be the vilest and the most imperfect Worm on Earth. How than dare they pretend, that they will make it out, how thence can result a thing Imagining, a thing Reasoning, and such an one as shall be the Imaginations and Ratiocinations themselves? For my part, if you'll believe me, let us lay aside all that presumption and vanity of those Esprits forts; let us not pretend to be able to explicate the nature of the Principle of our Reasonings in the same manner, as we might do the other things that fall under our Senses, and let us not play the Geometers upon it. We are not, as I have already said, happy enough for that; 'tis a thing which cannot be done in this mortal state, and in this great dependence from the corporeal senses in which we stand. Yet notwithstanding we aught to form a higher Idea of ourselves, and not to make our Soul to be of such base alloy, as those Philosophers, too corporeal in this point, would have us do. We aught to believe for certain, that we are infinitely more noble and more perfect than they make us, and resolutely maintain, that though we cannot exactly know what we are, yet we know very well and very certainly, what we are not; which is, that we are not altogether of Mire and Dirt, as they pretend. Farewell. FINIS. THE PREFACE. THE World being an ample Volume, in whose Extent and Varieties the Framer's Wisdom and Attributes are manifestly read and set out, it seems that great Travellers are the best Scholars and Proficients in this Book; since on's Native Country is but as a single Leaf, where all the Singularities are not to be seen which are found in the other. — Non omnis fert omnia Tellus. And the truth of it is, those Ancient Philosophers, who have first laid the Foundations of Arts, Sciences, and Commonwealths in the World, were Travellers into these very Eastern Parts, (partly described by us here) whence they brought home all their Knowledge; it being here that Man and Knowledge itself had their first beginning. So that wise Travellers are not unlike those rich laden Vessels which through many dangers bring wholesome and profitable Cargoes, Drugs, and other Conveniences, to be dispersed among the several Societies of their ow● Country: They are like those diligent Master Bee●, who run diver● miles t● extract out of many bitter Herbs that sweet Liquor, which they afterwards kindly refund to be enjoyed at home in common, in the hardest Seasons of the Year, by their Fellows. What costs them dear, others have it cheap: And there's scarce any Private Persons in the Commonwealth, to whom we own greater Honour and Thanks, than to Worthy Travellers and Discoverers of Foreign Countries. Yet it may be truly said, That Ancient Travellers and Geographers have but as course Lininers and Coast-Drivers, drawn a very rough Draught in their Relations of those Countries they described unto us, in comparison of some later Writers, who also sometimes do but copy their Predecessors Stories; and Merchants, with most other Travellers, are weather-driven by their private Occasions or Misfortunes, to take but a Cursory Survey of Places, and so give but an answer able account of the same to the World. But among all the Ancient and Modern Travellers, none had such fair Opportunities and Advantages as the Illustrious Monsieur Tavernier had, to make a true, profitable, and exact Relation of the Singularities of those Remote Parts of Asia, where he passed so many Years in great Splendour, as shall appear by the ensuing Considerations and Qualifications of a good Traveller. 1. He from his Youth had a strong Inclination to Travel, which secret Instinct is certainly a Preordination of God for an Undertaking; and this unseen Impulsion carries such extraordinary Instruments cheerfully and prosperously through all the Difficulties, others of a contrary disposition would never wade through, for whom it would be in vain to strive against the current of Nature. 2. This Travelling Genius made him begin early to fit himself for his design, and soon to go about it. He was therefore sufficiently imbued in his Intellectuals with all due knowledge of Sciences, Language, and Geography, and precedent Travellers Maps and Books, without all which common Travellers cannot conceive so soon and so orderly, nor reap so much benefit for themselves or others. 3. But Speculations without Experience are but unprofitable Notions; and the Experiments of this kind are not to be had without great Means and Expense, for want of which many a good Undertaking is Stillborn. Haud facilè emergunt, quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi— is an old and true Saying. But our noble Tavernier had an ample Estate, drove a great Trade, had Money in abundance, and a Prince's or Embassador-like Retinue, without which and great Presents none is scarce looked upon in Luxurious Asia, fit for admittance into great and worthy Companies, where Knowledge may be attained; so that he thereby soon got into the Presence, Familiarity, and Closets of the Emperors, the Ministers of State, and the Philosophers of Persia, Mogol, etc. and got into the Acquaintance and Conversations of the leading and common Merchants, Traffiquers, and People; and knew their Languages very well: for it is in vain to have Eyes, if one have not also a Tongue in such cases. 4. And whereas Learning and Richeses do sometimes tender narrow Souls of a more proud and unsociable temper, Monsieur Tavernier is by Nature and Education, and obliging, cheerful, and insinuating Traveller, and of a graceful Countenance. Comely Personages are beloved almost as soon as they are seen; and those that have but fair Souls, are not so till after they are known. Now Monsieur Tavernier having both these Advantages, had a free entrance into the Friendship and Notions the Indians (great or small) had concerning the Natural, Mechanical, Political, Religious, and Trading State of their own Country; which he made more his business to know, than to grow more rich. And at some times he would reckon Thousands of Pounds as nothing to attain his ends in this point of Knowledge and further Experience; as the perusal of this his own Work, and Persons now in London, that knew him in and after his Travels, can fully testify. 5. Moreover, Mutual Help of Persons equally understanding and curious, is a great advantage in such Researches and Observations as these. Now John Baptista Tavernier, besides many other Heads and Hands, had herein the Assistance of a Brother, as complete a Traveller as himself in those furthest Parts of Asia, and had not lesle the foregoing Qualifications in Person and Estate than this his Brother John Baptista had, as the Reader may well perceive by this Volume of Travels. 6. And as for the Time; Six Voyages, and about Forty Years Abode in those Countries they do describe, did tender these brethren's Knowledge vast, their Experiments tried over and over, and this their Account more sure and exact (as I said) than that of any other Traveller heretofore. 7. And finally, to confirm the undoubted Credit that's to be given to this Nobleman and his Relation, (who is above all design of Flattering or Deceiving the Reader) you may meet with several Worthy Persons in this City and the Court of England; and I myself, who was at Paris some few years ago at Monsieur Tavernier's Arrival, and who can witness the grand Esteem, the solemn Honours and Thanks, that were than given him by Persons of all Ranks and Degrees, the French East India Company's Admiration and Recommendation of him, that he had done his King and Country more Credit in those proud Eastern Courts than ever any did before him; the French King's employing of him there; the Rarities he brought home to the Learned; the vast Richeses and Memoirs he gained for himself, and the incomparable Jewels and Singularities he brought to the French King; the Titles of Lord and Baron conferred upon him extraordinarily, though he were a Merchant and a strict Protestant. These (I say) Public and Private Testimonials do show what Credit other Nations and his own (which is Singular) had given to him. But in a word his own Observations herein gathered will prove it better. But if any desire to have some Account of the Work itself, the Newness, Profit, and Satisfaction the very Subject must needs yield to all Persons and Professions cannot but be acceptable. The Naturalist shall have Plants, Minerals, Animals, and Phoenomena's never seen in our Climate. And about Physic, the Law, Music, and Poetry, more Time and Trials are required in those Countries than here; and you shall accordingly read of Cures done that draw near to natural Miracles. The Divine will see things worth his Observation in their Religion and Morals, wherein they may confounded the very Christians; whereof I'll only touch but thus much: That by the Light of Nature those Heathens own a Supreme Deity, and a Future State of Happiness and Torments; and do in view of the same most strictly keep the Civil and the Ten Moral Commandments, much answer able to ours, which their Prophets have left to them. So that they punish Murder and Adultery even in * Tunquin ch. 7. p. 18. Princes and Princesses; terrible Examples whereof you may here read at large. And the Church and State Government are subservient in a Subordination, the one being a Prop to the other. Even Statesmen may found Subject of weighty consideration, in the Antiquity, Model, and Exactness of their Government. As for instance: Though they have a special regard to Monarchy, so as to keep the Succession within the same Line; yet the * Tunquin c. 11. p. 35. Great Constable, and the King's Council have Power left them to propose and choose the fittest Person among the Royal Children, or Collateral Successors, who is nominated in the King's Life-time, to prevent after Disturbances. They have also on the other side very singular and unimitable ways to prevent the Insurrections, Divisions, and Rebellions of the Militia and the People. But above all, the Traveller and Traffiquer into those Parts will be like to run into a thousand Inconveniences, and Losses of Health, Life, and Estate, without being guided by such Directions as he carefully gives herein, which others cannot possibly so soon and so well know. It is in fine herein declared, by what means the French, Holland, and Portugal East India Companies were Settled, Improved, and Worsted in those Countries; also the Coinage, and the Reduction thereof to ours; the particular places where all sorts of East India Commodities are best and cheapest had; the Rates and Exchange Returns are here to be found; the manner how to know their Falsifications in Gold, Silver, Jewels, Drugs, Silks, Linen, and all the other Merchandizes which are brought from those Nations are here set down: It being otherwise hard or impossible to escape the Cheats of the Persians', Chineses, and Japoners, without such Instructions. I'll say not more, but that in this Work was employed the Help of another Worthy Gentleman, who laboured in the first Volume of Tavernier's Translation; but it was brought to an end and perfection by me, who had the occasion to be more particularly acquainted with Monsieur Tavernier himself, his Native Tongue, and other Particularities abroad. Edmund Everard. The TABLE to Tavernier's Volume of Japon, China, and Tunquin, etc. A Relation of Japon, and of the cause of the Persecution of the Christians in those Islands. pag. 1. A Relation of what passed in the Negotiation of the Deputies which were sent to Persia and the Indieses, as well on the behalf of the French King, as of the French Company, for the settling of Trade. 26 Observations upon the Trade of the East Indies. 51 Of the Commodities which are brought as well out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, and other neighbouring Territories. And also of the Weights and Measures of the said Commodities. 57 Chap. 1. A discourse in general concerning the City of Tunquin, and of the manner how the Author came to have knowledge thereof. 1 Chap. 2. Of the Situation and Extent of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 5 Chap. 3. Of the Quality of the Kingdom of Tunquin 7 Chap. 4. Of the Richeses, Trade, and Money of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 13 Chap. 5. Of the Strength of the Kingdom of Tunquin by Sea and Land 14 Chap. 6. Of the Manners and Customs of the People of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 16 Chap. 7. Of the Marriages of the Tunquinese, and their Severity toward Adulteresses. 18 Chap. 8. Of the Visits, Feasts, and Pastimes of the Tunquinese. 21 Chap. 9 Of the Learned Men in the Kingdom of Tunquin. 24 Chap. 10. Of their Physicians, and the Diseases of the Tunquinese. 28 Chap. 11. Of the original Government and Policy of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 31 Chap. 12. Of the Court of the King of Tunquin. 38 Chap. 13. Of the Ceremonies observed when the Kings of Tunquin are advanced to the Throne. 40 Chap. 14. Of the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin, and of their manners of burying their Dead. 46 Chap. 15. Of the Religion and Superstition of the Tunquinese. 49 Chap. 1. Of the Island of Formosa, and how the Hollanders possessed themselves of it, and how it was taken from them by the Chinese. 57 Chap. 2. Of Maurice Island, where they cut Ebony. 61 Chap. 3. Of the Grandeur of the General at Batavia, and what befell his Wife and his Niece. 65 Chap. 4. Of General Vanderbroug, and of the Original of the City of Batavia. 69 Chap. 5. Of the Country about Cochin, and how the Holland General crowned one of the Indian Princes. 74 Chap. 6. Of the Sieur Hollebrand Glins, Precedent of the Factory at Ormus. 77 Chap. 7. Touching the Islands of the Prince. 79 Chap. 8 How the Hollanders sent to declare War against the Persians', and of the ill success of their Fleet. 80 Chap. 9 Of the Severity of the Holland Commanders in the Indieses. 83 Chap. 10. Touching the Women. 85 Tunquin page The Order of the March of the Queen Mother and Reigning Queen of Tunquin when they go abroad out of the Palace. A New and Particular RELATION Of the KINGDOM of TUNQUIN: With a MAP of the COUNTRY and several FIGURES. CHAP. I A Discourse in general concerning the City of Tunquin, and of the Manner how the Author came to have knowledge thereof. THE Kingdom of Tunquin has been long unknown to the People of Europe; neither have they, who have given us Relations thereof, well understood the Country, as having trusted too much to defective and fabulous Descriptions and Observations. Not that I am willing to be over severe in censuring; but submissively I am bold to affirm, That this which I here make Public was extracted out of my Brother's Writings, of which I had the overlooking in my second Voyage that I made to the Indieses; and of which I was the more confident, for that the Author had been one who had made Eleven or Twelve Voyages from Batavia, Bantam, and Achem, to Tunquin. Other Observations I collected from the Tunquinesis themselves, with whom I have had several Discourses, during the time that I was at Batavia and Bantam, where they principally trade. And that which gave me the more light was this, That those Merchants several times bring along with them some of their Bonze's or Priests, as also some of their Learned Men to teach their Children to Writ and Read. For these Merchants when they make a Voyage by Sea, carry all their Families along with them. And from these Bonze's and other Learned Men I had several Observations and Memoirs in Writing, as being desirous to be informed by me of the Government and Situation of our France. And as I was never without an Atlas and some other particular Maps, they were ravished with admiration, when I showed them the Structure and Composure of the whole World, and the Situation of its several Kingdoms and Estates. Therefore may the Reader with the more pleasure and delight peruse these Relations, when he has so much reason to be persuaded that they are cordially done, and that they are made public by a person whose sincerity has no design to abuse him. My Brother, who was a person both cunning and courageous, and one that loved to Travel as well as myself, having heard much talk in the Indieses of the Grandeur of the Kingdom of Tunquin, resolved to go thither, and as he had a particular gift to learn a Language in a little time, he soon grew familiar with the Malaye, which is the Language of the Learned in those quarters of Asia, as Latin is among Us in Europe. He understood that Silk, Musk, and other Commodities of the like nature, were much cheaper there than in other places adjoining, and that the People dealt with more fairness and honesty. Upon the encouragement of which Information he prepared a Ship, and made his Voyages with good success. He always carried with him a good Sum of Money; and more than that, he stored himself with a considerable number of small Curiosities, to present the King and his Nobility, according to the general Custom of all the Eastern Countries: Thus he came to be well received the first time that he set foot in the Country; so that the Customer being by him obliged with a small Clock, a pair of small Pistols, and two Pictures, which were the Pictures of two Courtesans, immediately gave notice to the King of his arrival. Thereupon having order to attend the Court, and coming to kiss the King's hands, the whole Assembly was surprised to hear a Stranger, born in a Country so far distant, speak the Malaye Language so fluently. The King gave him a favourable reception, and kindly received the Present which he brought along with him. It was a very noble Sword, of which the Handle and Hilt were all over enchased with Rubies and Emeralds, with a Backsword Blade. To this he added a pair of Pistols, adorned and inlaid with Silver, a Persian Saddle and Bridle, embroidered with Gold and Silver, a Bow and Quiver full of Arrows, and six Pictures, like those which he had given the Customer. These things highly pleased the King, who presently drew forth the Sword out of the Scabbard, the better to look upon and consider it. At length one of his Sons took it up, to try whether it would fit his hand as well as those of his own Country, and offered to make a blow. My Brother, seeing the young Prince handle the Weapon gracefully enough, after the manner of the Country, told the King, that if he pleased, he would show the King how they handled that Weapon in France, of which the King readily consented to be a Spectator. This was my Brother's first Reception at Court; for he made several Voyages to Tunquin, and every time that he returned, they still the more and more obligingly entertained him. But that which fixed him more in the good opinion and favour of the King and Lords of the Court, was his frolic and gentle behaviour in playing with them for several large Sums, insomuch that being one that ventured deep, he lost above 20000 Crowns in one Voyage. However the King, who was a generous Prince, would not suffer him to be a loser, but gave him those considerable Presents that supplied his losses. By means of my Brother's thus long so journing in Tunquin, and the familiar acquaintance which he had at Court, together with the Trade which he drove in the Kingdom, as he was diligent to inform himself of all the Curiosities of the Country, it was easy for me upon the same foundation to lay the Structure of these Memoirs. Though I may safely say, I was not lesle laborious in my own particular, and by the frequent Discourses which I had with a great number of the Tunquinese, with whom I met both at Bantam and Batavia that came thither to Trade, and whom I often treated at my own Expenses, to inform myself of the particular Ceremonies and Customs of their Country. Thus you see the Grounds and Foundations of this Relation, which is both faithful and exact, and by which that noble Country, of which the Descriptions hitherto have been so obscure and uncertain, shall be truly discovered and set forth, such as it is; declaring withal, that no other Consideration or Interest, than that of speaking truth, has incited me to undertake this Description. For the better observation of a right Method in pursuance of this Relation, and to conduct the Reader gradatim to the more perfect knowledge of this Kingdom, I will speak first of its Situation, its Extent, and its Climate. Next I shall come to discourse of its Qualities, its Richeses, and its Trade, which are the three Springs and Sources of the Strength and Force of a Nation. Next I shall give an Account of the Customs and Manners of the People as well in their particular OEconomy and Civil Society, as in relation to their Marriages, their Visits and Festivals. Next to this we shall give a brief Account of the Learning, and learned Men, and among them of their Physicians, and the Subject of their Art, that is to say, of the Diseases particular to the Country. We shall also give a Relation of the Original of the Government and Policy of the Kingdom of Tunquin, of the Condition of the Court, of the Inauguration and Funerals of their Kings, and in the last place of the Original of the Inhabitants. And I dare engage, that the Map of the Country, and the Cuts which were drawn upon the place, will not lesle contribute to the Divertisement of the Reader, than to the Explanation of the Matter which they contain. CHAP. II. Of the Situation and Extent of the Kingdom of Tunquin. WE shall have the lesle reason to admire wherefore our Predecessors had so little knowledge of this Kingdom, when we consider that having formerly been a considerable part of China, the Inhabitants in the same manner as the Chineses did, kept themselves close within their own bounds, never minding to have any Commerce with other People, whom they contemned and looked upon as Barbarians come from the other part of the World. But now that they found that Strangers come to found them out in their own Territories, they begin to see that other People have as good Government as themselves; which has bred in them a desire to Converse and Trade with Foreigners; so that now they associate themselves in friendly manner with all other People, as I have observed them to do both at Batavia and Bantam. Most people believe this Country to lie in a very hot Climate; nevertheless it is now known to be very temperate, by reason of the great number of Rivers that water it; which, together with the Rains that fall in their Seasons, 'cause a brisk freshness of the Air; which indeed happens most usually over all the Torrid-zone, as I have observed in my Indian Travels. From whence we may also have reason to believe the Country to be very fruitful and thick inhabited. To the East this Kingdom lies upon the Province of Cauton, one of the best of China. To the West it is bounded by the Kingdom of Brama. To the North it borders upon two other Provinces of China, Junnan and Quansi. To the South it lies upon Cochinchina, and the great Gulf of the same name. To return to the Climate, the Air is so mild and temperate, that all the year long seems to be but one continual Spring; Frost and Snow are never there to be seen; and besides, the Pestilence, the Gout, the Stone, and other Diseases so frequent in Europe, there are never known. There are but two Winds, which divide the whole Year between them; the one blowing from the North, the other from the South, and both continuing the same for six months together. The first refreshes the Earth in that manner, that there is nothing so delightful as the Country of Tunquin. The other gins to blow from the end of January to the end of July; and the two last months are their months of rain. The greatest inconvenience is, that there arise once in seven years, as well in this Country as in other parts of the Indieses, those hideous and terrible Tempests, that blow down Houses, tear up Trees by the roots, and make strange Desolations. They seldom last above four and twenty hours, nor are their sad Effects to be felt but only upon the Seas of China, Japon, Cochinchina, Tunquin, and the Manilles, being rarely known in any other Seas. The Astrologers of those parts believe that these terrible Tempests proceed from the Exhalations that rise out of the Ours of Japon. It comes with that sudden force that when it surprises a Vessel out at Sea, the Pilots have no other remedy than to cut down all the Masts, that the storm may have the lesle force upon the Ship. In this fair extent of Land, almost equal to that of France, are several Provinces, whose limits are not well known; the Tunquineses being no great Geographers, nor having been over curious to writ the Annals of the Nation. But the most understanding and knowing among them assured me at Batavia, that the whole Kingdom contained above twenty thousand Cities and Towns. They also affirmed that there might be many more, but after the manner of their Neighbours the Cochinchinese, many of the People choose rather to upon the Water than upon the Land; so that you shall see live the greatest part of their Rivers covered with Boats, which serve them instead of Houses; and which are very neat, though they also keep their cattle in them. CHAP. III. Of the Quality of the Kingdom of Tunquin. THis Country for the most part is a levelly Extent, which rises up and down into pleasant Hillocks; the greatest Hills which it has lying to the North. It is watered by several Rivers which intercut and glide through the Country: some of which carry Galleys of good burden, and large Shallops, very commodious for trade. Yet in all the Country there grows neither Corn nor Wine, by reason of the want of rain, which never falls but in the Months of June and July. But it bears an infinite quantity of Rice, which is the chief sustenance of the People. Of this Rice also they make their Drink, besides which they have good Aqua Vitae or Strong-water. Their Fruits are excellent, but much different from ours, as are also the Trees that bear them. The chiefest of these Trees are the Palmtree, which bears a Fruit bigger than in any part of Asia. The Nut is about the bigness of a Man's Head, in shape like a Cocoanut; the Shell is very hard, and being opened, the Pulp within is as white as Snow, having a taste like our Almonds, and every one of the Fruits contains about two glassfuls of Liquor, very refreshing and pleasing to the Palate. The Gogavier, very much resembles our Laurel, of which there are two sorts; the one bears a Plum, green without and red within: but the Fruit of the other Tree, which is in much more esteem, is yellowish without and white within, the top of the Fruit being like a small Nosegay: the Pulp is full of small Kernels, lesle than those of a Pomegranate; and if they be eaten before they are ripe they bind the belly, whereas being eaten when they are come to full maturity they work a contrary effect. Formerly this Fruit was not known in the Kingdom of Tunquin, but after the Portugals seated themselves at Macao, they carried several Plants thither, so that now the Fruit is grown very common. The Papager bears a Fruit which very much resembles a small Melon, the taste whereof is very delicious. The Arager grows upright and straight, like the Mast of a Ship▪ bearing no Branches but at the top, which makes it appear like a Crown. The Fruit which it produces is like a Nutmeg, but a little more round. The People break this Nut, and bruising it together with Betlè leaves, mix both with a little Chalk, and make use of the Powder to keep their Teeth clean, to dye their Lips of a Vermilion colour, and to keep their Breath sweet. They have but two sorts of Figs, the one like ours, and the other like those which are called Adam's Figs, as long as a Man's finger. There is also another Tree, very like our Willow, which they call the Powder Tree, because that of the Wood they make Charcoal, and of the Coal a Powder which they make use of in their Wars. The Jambager is another Tree, that grows very high, which bears a Fruit about the bigness of a Citrul-Cucumber, the Pulp whereof is full of Kernels like a Granate, very cooling and pleasant, and very frequently eaten in the Season of heat. The Highways are also planted with Trees on both sides for the convenience of Travellers: And there are some of these Trees so big that two or three thousand men may stand under them, like that at Ormus, or Bandar Abassi, by me described in my Relations of Persia, and of which many other Travellers have made mention. When the Branches of these Trees are about ten or twelve foot long, there issue forth other little Branches which turn downward, and by little and little descending to the ground, take root and afterwards become as it were so many Pillars to support the Master-Branches. There are some of the Master-Branches three hundred Paces long, which are supported by these outgrowing Branches at the distance of every ten or twelve foot. The Fruit is of the bigness of one of our great Nuts, the Shell whereof is read, containing within nothing but a Kernel like a grain of Millet. The Rear Mice feed upon 'em, and also make their Nests in the trees. These Rear-mices are as big as a good Pullet, insomuch that their Wings are above a foot and a half long. They never light upon the tree like other Birds, but you shall see them all the day long hanging at the branches of the trees, fastened by their Claws to the tree with their heads downward. Upon every Wing they have seven as it were little Hooks or Claws, so that being shot, they never fall to the ground, but remain fixed to the branches, that at a distance you would take them to be some great Pears that hung upon the tree. They are accounted a great dainty among the Portugals, who leave their Pullet's to eat them. 'Tis true that their Flesh is very white, and when they are young they are a delicate sort of Diet. I happened to eat of them two or three times with the Portugals, who thought they had obliged me with a great dainty; and had I not known what they were, I should have taken them for Pullet's. And now I am talking of the Delicacies of the Country, I will tell you of one sort of Diet which is very singular. This Food is the Nest of a certain Bird which is not where to be found, but in the four Islands that lie upon the Coast of Cochinchina, and of which you have the Figures in the Table A, B, C, D. These Birds are about the bigness of a Swallow, and build their Nests in such a manner, that they are neither too close compacted, nor altogether transparent; they are like an Onion composed of several rings and enveloping; that compose a Nest of a certain sort of Gunim, which is steeped in warm water, and mixed with all the Sauces which are made both for Fish and Flesh. It is transported all over India and into Holland for Curiositie's sake. You would believe in eating those Meats which are seasoned therewith, that those Nests were composed of all the Spices in the Orient. I have not only brought this Diet into France, and presented of it to several Persons of Quality, but I have also my Vouchers for the truth of what I relate, several of my Friends who have brought it from Holland, among the rest M. de Villermont, whose Name is famous for his Travels into the East-indieses. He and all those that have eat thereof agreed with me, that all the Spices of the East put together, do not give that effectual relish and savour as these Nests do, to the Meats and Dishes wherein they are used. Near to these four Islands, where these Birds Nests are found, are five others marked in the Map 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. In these five Islands are such infinite number of Tortoises, and such excellent Food, that the Tunquinese and Cochinchinese do not believe they have entertained their Friends at a Banquet as they aught to do, till the Tortoises are brought in. Those two Nations pickle up great quantities of them, and sand them abroad, which is a vast trade among them; and indeed the chiefest occasion of the Wars between them is, because the Cochinchineses do all they can to hinder the Tunquinese to fish for them, alleging that those Seas and Islands belong to them. Neither is the Meat but the Shell also of great esteem, and one of the greatest Commodities for Trade in Asia. Tunquin also affords great store of Anana's and Orange trees, of which there are of two sorts: the one that bears a Fruit not bigger than an Abricot; the other bigger than those of Portugal: both alike in taste, and being to be gathered from the tree for six months together. They have also two sorts of Citrons, the one yellow, the other green; but both the one and the other so tart and sour, that they cannot be eaten without offence to the Stomach. Nevertheless, the Juice is made use of as we do here of Aqua fortis, to cleanse Copper, Tin, and Iron, before we gilled those Metals, as also for Tinctures, especially those of Silk. They are also made use of for Lies to whiten Linen, and to take out Spots. Through all the Territories of the Great Mogul they make use of this Juice of Citrons to whiten their Calicuts; whereby they make them sometimes so white that they dazzle the sight. They make great quantities of Silk in the Kingdom of Tunquin, of which both rich and poor make themselves Garments. The Hollanders, who thrust themselves in every where, where there is any hope of gain, carry of such a quantity every year, that it is now become the chiefest part of that Commodity which they carry to Japon; whereas before they fetched their Commodities from Persia, Bengala, or China. As for sweet smelling Flowers, the Tunquineses have but one sort, which they call the Flower of Bague. It grows like a large Nosegay, and the Branches of the Shrub that bear it, spread themselves crawlingly upon the ground. As they have great store of Sugar, so they eat very much, while it is yet in the Cane, not having the true Art to refine it: and that which they do grossly refine, they make into little Loaves weighing about half a pound. They eat very much, making use of it always after Meals to help digestion. Through the whole Kingdom are neither Lions, Asses, nor Sheep; but the Forests are full of Tigers, Hearts, and Apes, and the Fields are full of Beefs, Cows, and Hogs. As for Hens, Ducks, and Turtles, they are not to be numbered, which is the general Provision for their Festivals. Their Horses are very well shaped; of which there are always five or six hunger d in the King's Stables; He also keeps the same number of Elephants, of which some are for the Service of his House, the rest bred for the Wars. These Elephants are of a prodigious bigness, neither are there any so tall nor so nimble in any part of Asia; for they will bow themselves, and stoop so low, that you may get upon their backs without help. They have no Cats, but they have Dogs that serve for the same purpose, and will watch all night to kill the Rats and Mice, which are very large and very troublesome. Very few Birds are to be seen in the Air; which toward the evening grows duskish, by reason of those vast number of Gnats that get into the Houses in the night time and hinder people from sleeping, not only by the noise which they make, but with their continual stinging; which is one of the greatest inconveniences of the Country. For remedy whereof in some measure, an hour before they go to sleep they take the Husk or Chaff of the Rice, which flies from the Rice when it is beaten, and strew it upon a small Fire in a Fireshovel, and so let it smoke, and by that means they kill or drive those Flies away. Besides this, they cover the Bed with a Pavilion or Tent that trails upon the ground, made like a Net with very small holes to let in the Air. But notwithstanding all the prevention can be used, they will be about a man when he rises i' the morning. But there is yet a far greater inconvenience in this Country, which proceeds from the infinite numbers of white Emmets, which though they are but little, have teeth so sharp, that they will eat down a wooden Post in a short time. And if great care be not taken in the places where you lock up your Bales of Silk, in four and twenty hours they will eat through a Bale, as if it had been sawed in two in the middle. Several of them have fallen from the Ceiling into my Neck, where they raised Blisters upon the Skin, which presently fall again being washed with cold Water. I have told you that Hens and Ducks are infinitely numerous in Tunquin, I will now tell you how they preserve the Eggs of these Creatures, which they will keep for two or three years together without being spoiled. They salted them, and to make them take salt, they fill a Vessel full of Water, and throw a good quantity of Salt into it. If the Egg sink to the bottom, the Pickle is not good; than they throw in more Salt, till they found that the Eggs swim. The Pickle being thus made, they take Ashes, and make them up into a Past with this Pickle: and in this Past they enclose every Egg by itself, and than wrap it up in a leaf of an Herb, not unlike one of our Pear-tree leaves, but much larger, and than put the Eggs into Earthen Pots close covered: after which manner they keep their Eggs for two or three years together. In other parts of the Indieses where there is great store of Oil, as in the Dominions of the Great Mogul, the Kingdoms of Pegu, and Arochan, they put their Eggs into great Earthen Pots well varnished, and than fill the Vessel with an Oil which is made of a small Seed like Rape-seed. For as for Salad Oil, after you are once passed Aleppo, you see no more Olive-trees over all Asia, but only in one place of Persia near Casbin, where between the Mountains lies a little Valley, about a League long and half a League broad, full of Olive-trees, but they make but very little Oil, preserving the Olives only to eat. But to return to the Eggs; they are the chief Provision which they eat a Shipboard. But the Eggs which are preserved in Salt are preferred much before those that are kept in Oil; because that in using the first, there is no need of carrying Salt to Sea, or of boiling Salt with their Rice. When they eat them, they boil them till they are hard, and with every mouthful of Rice they eat a Pea's bigness of Egg, which is as good and better than Salt with their Rice. As to what remains, there are neither Ours of Gold nor Silver in the Kingdom of Tunquin, neither do they Coin any Money. CHAP. IU. Of the Richeses, Trade, and Money of the Kingdom of Tunquin. THE chief Richeses of the Country of Tunquin consist in the great quantity of Silks which they cell to the Hollanders, and other Foreigners, and in their Lignum Aloes. Of which there is some worth a thousand Crowns the Pound, according to its goodness and oiliness. There is some that is not worth above three Crowns, but it is dry and good for nothing but to make Cabinets, or Beads to hung about women's Necks. All the Mahometans, especially such as let their Beards grow, make great account of this Wood; and when they give a Visit, they presently bring a little Chasing-dish, and cast a small piece of this Wood upon the Coals, which yields a smoke and pleasing mist; with which they perfume their Beards, at the same time lifting up their hands to Heaven, and crying, Elhemed Illah, or God be thanked. If the Wood be oily, the bigness of a Pea will serve to throw upon the fire, which being a little moistened in Water, will yield as much smoke as a dry piece as big as a Man's fist. Which is the reason, that if it be oily and good it wants no price. One of the chief Presents, as I have observed in another part of this Book, which the Portugals of Goa sent to the Emperor of Japon, was a piece of Lignum Aloes, six foot long, and two round. It cost 40000 Pardo's or 54000 Liures. It is so much the more pleasure and profit to trade with the People of Tunquin, by how much the more faithful and frank they are in their dealing than the Chinese, who will deceive you if they can; so that it is a hard thing to be too cunning for them, as I have often found by experience. When you have fold them any Commodity, and they found that their Bargain is not very advantageous, their general way of getting of is this: As they have generally three forts of Reals, one sort that is full weight, others which are light, four, others eight per Cent. if they have no mind to stand to their bargain, they offer to pay you for your Goods in light Reals, which they have clipped themselves, and so you are deceived. There are no such People for Trade in the World: they refuse to deal in nothing, even in old Shoes, and if you will cell them but one of them too, they'll buy it, without ever enquiring why you will not cell the other. But for those of Tunquin they are more blunt and plain in their dealing, so that it is a pleasure to have to deal with them. I have told you, there are neither Ours of Gold or Silver in Tunquin, neither do they Coin Money there. So that in Trade they make use of certain Lingots of Gold, as they are brought out of China, some of which amount to 300 Liures of our Money, other to six hundred. They also make use of Bars of Silver as they are brought from Japon. As for small Payments they either cut the large Bars into small pieces, to which purpose they have their Scales, like our Stelleers; or else they pay in Foreign-Coin, which are the Reals of Spain generally. This Gold and Silver is brought from China, and Japon, in lieu of those vast quantities of Silk which are exported out of the Country, which with Musk and Lignum Aloes are the chief Richeses of the Kingdom. CHAP. V Of the Strength of the Kingdom of Tunquin by Sea and Land. THey who have written before me concerning the Kingdom of Tunquin, have spoken largely of its Forces both by Sea and Land, and allow it a prodigious number both of Soldiers and Galleys. They writ that the Forces which were usually want to meet at the Rendezvouz were 12000 Horse, 2000 Elephants, as well to carry the King's and the Nobilities Tents and Baggage, as for the Service of the War, 300000 Foot, and 300 Galleys. And in regard the Kingdom is well stored with Provision and Ammunition, that in time of War the whole Army exceeds 500000 Men. But the number which my Brother The King of Tunquin's Setting out for the War. 1. The King going out of his Palace is carried in his Palanquin or Chair by the Chief Officers of his Household. 2. The Order of the King's March when he goes to the War. 3. The Musicians and Trumpeters who follow his Chair. 4. An Officer who carries a Basin full of Water, on which doth float a Brass Boul with a hole in the bottom of it; so that exactly in an hour this Boul becomes full of Water, and suddenly sinks to the bottom. 5. Than presently two other Officers do strike the Hour upon two great Brass Platters, N. 5. of about a Yard Diameter, and much after the Form of our Burning Glasses, yet of the Metal that Bells are made of, which causes that they are heard a very far of. Afterwards he that carries the Basin of Water takes up the Cup from the bottom, and sets it again a swimming atop of the Water, just as it was before. When it is full and sinks, they after the same manner strike on the said Platters. And this is their way of reckoning the Hour and Times in Tunquin, as well as in the Indieses, and almost throughout the Eastern Parts betwixt the Tropics; for that the Clocks which are made in Europe become useless in those Countries during the Rainy Season, the Air being there so heavy and damp, that all Iron and Steel, nay the very Knives and Watches in people's Pockets do grow rusty, though you wrap them up never so well in Cotton or Leather, and take all the care imaginable to keep them dry; yet it will be impossible otherwise to preserve them from Rust, than by letting them lie in Oil while that Wether lasts. This Foggy Dampness of the Air is predominant as soon as you are past Persia, in all the Mogul's Country, from the Fifteenth of June to the end of September. The further one goes on toward the East, the later these Rains do begin and are met withal. It's good likewise to observe, that in the Empire of the Great Mogul, in Tunquin, and in other Easterly Parts between the Tropics, they do as we divide the Day and Night into 24 Hours, making the Day of 12, and the Night to be of as much; so to proportion equally the Times of Working and of Rest. But they do subdivide both the Day and the Night into 4 equal parts, and this Division is made known by the Strokes given upon those Platters. As for Example: The first Hour of the first Watch of the Night is marked by one Blow, the second by another, and the third likewise by another. In the second Watch of the Night the first Hour is made known by two Blows one after another, and so of the rest until the third Watch; than at the first Hour of that they give three Strokes. And this Order is observed till the last Hour of the fourth Watch, which is marked by four Knocks. In this manner they continued to mark the first Hour of the day with the same Regularity. All Persons of Quality do keep Eight Officers on purpose for this Employ; who likewise are to have a care of keeping the Palace Gates. This Engine for the marking of the Hours is ordinarily hung up at the Entry of great Palaces near the Porter's Lodge. Place this Page 14. The Order of the March of the Queens of Tunquin, when they go abroad out of the Palace. A. Six Elephants go in the Front, drawing a kind of a Sedan close shut up, with Grate-like Windows. B. Fifteen Captains or Officers walk next, Armed with Firelocks. C. The Sedan wherein the Queen is. D. Six of the Queen's Gentlemen do carry Parasols, for to guard the Queen's Chair from the Scorching of the Sun. F. Six Ladies of Honour of the Queens go next. The first hath the Command of the Queen's Eunuches: these Eunuches, though throughly Spaded, yet are never admitted into the Queen's Apartment; the Kings of Tunquin being in that particular more jealous than other Kings and Mahometan Princes, who allow this sort of Eunuches to serve their Queens within the Palace. The next in Office of these Ladies presents the Queen with Sweet Meats when she is about to drink; for they usually eat some before they drink, they alleging that this keeps them from having the Cholic, to which they are very subject in Tunquin. The third in rank carries a Box of Perfumes and Betel. The others usher the Queen when she gets into the Sedan, or alights. G. Here is a Chariot drawn by Eight Maids of Quality, when she gets out of the Sedan; but before she appears, all the Men and Eunuches do withdraw into such places, whence they cannot have the sight of her, it being a Crime to look upon her: than the Ladies help her out of the Sedan, and the Maids draw her along to whatever place she has a mind to go in unto. Place this next to, The King of Tunquin setting out for the War. Order Of The March Of The king Of Tunquin When he goes Out Of his Pallice. The Order & March Of the king Of Tunquin When He goes To Warr. saw in the year 1649, when the King was preparing to make War against the King of Cochinchina, for certain Ships which the Cochinchineses had taken from the Tunquineses: though the Quarrel was taken up by certain Ambassadors which the King of Cochinchina sent to the King of Tunquin, to whom the former made satisfaction. The Army that was than prepared to march upon this Expedition was composed of 8000 Horse, 94 thousand Foot, and 722 Elephants; 130 for the War, and the rest to carry the Tents and Baggage of the King and the Nobility; and 318 Galleys and Barks, very long and narrow, with Oars and Sails; and this was that which my Brother saw. The Condition of the Soldiery is very toilsome and laborious, and of little advantage in the Kingdom of Tunquin. For they are all their life time so tied and engaged to the Service of the Wars, that though they are capable of other Labours for the support of their Families, they are not permitted to undertake it. Those days that they are not upon the Guard, they are obliged to attend their Captains wherever they go, and two days in a week they are compelled to Exercise with their Bows and Arrows in their presence. Their Companies consist of a hundred or a hundred and thirty Men; and they of each Company that have made the best shot, have one of them two months' Wages, the other one, which is paid them in Rice. He that makes the worst shot, next time he mounts the Guard, is obliged to stand Centinel double his time. All the Captains look upon it as a great piece of glory to have their Soldier's Arms and Weapons neat and bright. If they found any rust upon them, they sconce them eight days Wages for the first fault, and for the second they are very severely chastised. As for those that serve in the Galleys, they are entertained and listed proportionably. And sometimes the Captains sand their Soldiers aboard for some days, that they may learn to row. For it is one of the chiefest Pastimes of the Kings of Tunquin to see the Mock-fights of the Galleys. When he has a mind to delight himself with this Divertisement, the King, with some part of his Court, removeth to one of his fair Palaces, that stands upon one of the largest Rivers in his Country; and it is a great Honour for any of the Captains whose Soldiers carry the Victory. Now as the Victory is only got by the force of the Oars, it happens sometimes that there are some Soldiers who strain themselves so hard, that they fall down dead with the Oar in their hands: for the King is the only Judge of the Combat. Wherein the pleasure that he takes is such, that he sends an Elephant to the Captain that obtains the Victory, and gives him three months' Wages besides. If any Soldier chance to die in this Exercise, his Widow or his Heirs have two years Pay. But notwithstanding all their pain and labour, their Wages are so small, that they are not able to maintain their Wives and Children. But in regard they Mary very young in this Country, the Wives as well of the Soldiers as of all the meaner sort of people, take care to learn some Trade besides, that they may be able to maintain their Families. The Captains also have their work prepared for them. For they are obliged to look after the King's Elephants, and to manage them for the Wars, and so to breed them, that they may not be afraid of Wildfire, or any other Artificial Fires: as also to build places all along the Rivers, for the Galleys to ride sheltered in, when they can not longer live out at Sea. All these Officers and Captains, and Lords of the Court, which are generally called Mandarins, have but four days in a Month to divert themselves, two at the first change of the Moon, and two at the full. CHAP. VI Of the Manners and Customs of the People of the Kingdom of Tunquin. page. 17. Tunquin. N▪ The Great Chancellor of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 2: 3: 4▪ The Mandarins or officers of Warr. 5 Chief Chancellor of all the 〈◊〉 of The Kingdom▪ 6▪ ● Mandarins' of Learning 〈◊〉 officers of Judicature▪ ●8▪ The Chieif Usher▪ The Tunquineses, as well Men as Women, are for the most part well proportioned, of an Olive Complexion, very much admiring the whiteness of the Europeans. Their Noses and Faces are not so flat as those of the Chinese, as being generally better made. Their Hair is very black, which they usually wear as long as it will grow, being very careful in combing it. The Common People plait it in tresses, and tie it like a great Roll upon the top of their Heads. But the Nobility, Men of Law, and Soldiers, tie their Locks about their Necks, that they may not flutter in their Faces. They do not believe their Teeth to be handsome, till they have made them as black as jet; and they suffer their Nails to grow; the longest being accounted the fairest. Their Habit is grave and modest, being a long Robe that reaches down to their heels, much like that of the Japonnese, without any distinction of Sex. This Habit is bound about at the waist with a Girdle of Silk, interwoven with Gold and Silver, the Workmanship whereof is alike on both sides. As for the Soldiers, their upper Garments reach not farther than their Knees; only their Breeches reach down to the mid Leg, without either Hose or Shoe. The vulgar sort of People are altogether slaves for one part of the year. For unless they be the Citizens of the Capital City, where the King keeps his Court, all the other Handicrafts of what Trade soever, as Joiner's, Carpenters, Locksmiths, Masons, and the like, are obliged every year to work three Months at the King's Palace; and two Months▪ or Moons more (For the Tunquineses reckon their Months by the Moon) for the Mandarins, or great Lords. The rest of the year is for themselves, all which time they have liberty to work for the support of their own Family. This Service in their Language is call d Viecquan, or the Condition of a Slave. But they are liable to other drudgeries worse than those before mentioned; as to lordship Trees, with which they chief feed their Elephants. This is a severe days work, to which they were condemned by the great Grandfather of the King that now reigns, after he had put an end to the Civil Wars that turmoiled his Kingdom, and that he had brought his rebellious Subjects to submit themselves. They had occasioned him a great deal of trouble, and in regard he could not subdue them without a great hazard of his Army, his Council advised him to famish them; but he rather chose to give them their Lives, and to condemn them and their Posterity to this laborious Service, of which he might in time reap the benefit. I have told you elsewhere that the Tunquineses take great delight to live upon the Rivers, which are there free from Crocodiles and all other dangerous Animals, which haunt the Waters of Nile and Ganges. Where we are to observe, that these Rivers overflow their Banks every year, after the Rains are fallen, with that terrible violence, that many times they carry away whole Towns and Villages, at what time a good part of the Kingdom looks like a Sea, resembling the lower Egypt under Water upon the Inundation of Nile. CHAP. VII. Of the Marriages of the Tunquinese, and their severity toward Adulteresses. THE Tunquinese cannot Mary without the consent of the Father and Mother, or if they be dead, without the allowance of their nearest Kindred. They must also have the permission of the Judge or Governor of the place where the Marriage is to be made, for the obtaining of which they must give him some Present. But in regard they were want to exact upon the poor people more than they were able to give them, so that many Marriages were disappointed, to the great damage of the Public; the King, who reigned in the year 1639, being informed of these Extortions, and their ill Consequences, set forth a Law to regulate those Abuses, and to kerb the Authority of the Governors. He ordered that the young Man who was desirous to Mary, should pay no more than such a Sum, according to the proportion of his Estate, amounting to one or two fourth's per Cent. and that they that were not worth above a hundred Crowns should pay nothing. Now in regard the Common People, both Men and Women, are naturally laborious, all that the Maids can get they preserve for their Portions, and to buy them two or three handsome Garments, with a Necklace of Coral or yellow Amber, and a certain number of Beads, to garnish their Locks; which they suffer to hung down upon their Backs, accounting the beauty of their Hair to consist in the length. There is no Wedding kept without a great Feast; and they must be very poor when the Feast lasts not above three days; for sometimes they junket for nine days together. The next day after the Wedding the Bridegroom calls the Bride his Sister, and she calls the Bridegroom Brother. The Law of the Land permits the Man to divorce his wife when he pleases, which they do many times for very slight causes. But the Woman has not the same Privilege: or at lest, if she desire a separation, it is much more difficult to obtain; and the occasion must be very notorious. The Tunquineses say that this Law was made to keep the Women in subjection, and to oblige them to be respectful to their Husbands. When the Husband desires this separation, the Ceremony is this. You must know that many of the Eastern People never touch their Victuals with their hands, but make use of two little sticks about six inches long, gilt and varnished, which serve them instead of Forks. The Husband than, when he goes about to repudiate his Wife, takes one of his own sticks, and one of his Wife's, and having broken them, they take each one half, and sow it up in a piece of Silk, in which they keep it. Than the Man is bound to restore the Woman what she brought with her, and to keep the Children which they had between them. But these Divorces are not half so frequent as formerly. The Laws are also very rigorous against Adulteresses. So that if a woman accused of this crime be convicted thereof, she is cast to an Elephant bred up to this purpose, who presently throws her up into the Air with his Trunk, and when she comes to the ground, tramples her under his feet, till he can perceive no life in her. While my Brother was at the Court at Tunquin, he was a witness of the severe Punishment, to which a Princess was condemned, for being taken in the Act with a certain Prince. It is the Custom in the East, when a Prince dies, to shut up in the most private and retired part of all his Palace all the women which he made use of in his life time. There they are allowed two Maids to attend them, they eat alone, and see no person living any more to the very day of their deaths. I cannot tell by what means one of the Princes of the blood had got a view of one of the deceased King his Uncle's wives; but being desirous to see her again, and to overcome all difficulties that opposed him, and to deceive the Guards that watched the Doors, he made use of a slight not easily discovered. For you must know, that in the Kingdom Tunquin, as in all the Kingdoms of Asia, in the Houses of the Kings and other great Lords, the Kitchen is usually separated from the House, and that the Garden is between them; so that for the better carrying the Meat from one place to another, the Servants make use of a kind of Flasket, or rather Iron Chest. And to keep the Meat warm, the Dishes are supported by little sticks laid athwart, about an inch distant one from another, under which is an Iron Plate with holes pierced quite through, about half a foot above another, which makes the bottom of the Chest; between which Plates they put lighted Coals, to keep the Meat warm. These Chests being to be carried by two men, the Tunquinese Prince played his game so well, that he was put into one of these Chests wherein the Princess' Meat was want to be carried up into her Apartment. But he was not there many days before the thing was discovered. He was presently brought before the King, who caused him to have several weighty Chains to be put about his Neck and Waste, and upon his Hands and Legs; and thus chained and manacled, he ordered him to be led about for five Months together, to be seen by the People. After that he was shut up in a close Prison, where he remained seven years, till the death of the King, whose Son coming to the Throne, set him at liberty, upon condition he should serve as a private Soldier upon the Frontiers of the Kingdom. As for the Princess she was shut up in a little Chamber upon the top of a Tower, where she remained twelve days without having any thing given her to eat or drink; after that the Chamber was all uncovered at the top, that the sun might come at her, and scorch her to death, and so she died in three days. The two Maids that served her had a little more favour, for they were thrown to the Elephants, who presently trod them to death. The two Porters of the Chest, or Flasket, were tied to four small Galleys, by the two Hands, and two Legs, and as they Rowed several ways were presently dismembered. Being at Daca, in the Kingdom of Bengala, I saw the same Justice done to a Bramerè, who would have betrayed Cha-Est-Can to the King of Arachan. CHAP. VIII. Of the Visits, Feasts, and Pastimes of the Tunquinese. AMong all the Eastern People the Tunquineses are the most sociable, and most frequently visit one another. Generally they make their Visits about Noon, in the hottest time of the day, and than every one walks with a Train suitable to his Condition. The Princes and Mandarines ride upon their Elephants, or else they are carried in a kind of Litter, where they may either sit or lie. Six Men carry it, and behind them follow six more to ease them by times. Their Train consists generally of fifty or sixty Persons; neither are they permitted to exceed that number. As for the ordinary Gentry, and Officers of the Court, they ride a Horseback, not being allowed above seven or eight Servants to attend them. They chew Betlè continually, as all the other Asiaticks do in such places where it is to be had. And when any one comes to visit another, it would be taken for a great affront, if at his taking leave, he should not be presented with a Box of Betlè, to take what he pleased. Tunquin page 23 The Representation of the Theatre where they Act their Comedies for the Divertisement of the King of Tunquin and his Court. 〈◊〉 the King's Box▪ ● the box 〈…〉 All these Plates are brought up, ranged in order, in a large Voider, lackered like the Plates. Usually the Voider holds ten or twelve Plates, and the Meat is cut in little pieces, about the bigness of a Hazle Nut. They make use neither of Spoons, nor Knives, nor Forks, but only of those little Sticks▪ of which I have made mention in the foregoing Chapter, never touching their Meat with their fingers. When there are several sitting at the Table, either at their ordinary Meals, or upon some Festival, they accounted it a great piece of Manners to be silent; or if they have a desire to Discourse, they always allow the Eldest the honour of beginning, bearing a great respect to them that are aged. But the Youngest, at the Table, is never permitted to begin the Discourse. They wash their Hands, their Mouths, and Faces before they sit down, but never after Meals. And when they desire to know whether every one has had his fill, they ask him whether he have eaten his Rice, according to the Custom of the Ancient Fathers in Scripture, who, by Bread, meant the whole Repast. Neither is it a Custom among them to ask one another how they do? but how many Measures of Rice he eat for his Dinner, and whether he eat with an Appetite. This is a general Custom among all the Idolatrous Indians, unless in the Dominions of the Great Mogul, where they eat not Rice only, but Bread, and there they ask in civility how much Rice they boiled, and how much Meal they baked for Bread; for the more he eats, the better in health they think a man is. Among all the Pastimes of the Tunquineses there are none wherein they take so much delight as in Comedies, which are only Acted in the Nighttime; but those which are presented the day that they first behold the new Moon are the best. They last from Sunsetting to Sunrising, and they are set out with beautiful Decorations and Machine's, very pleasing to behold. They are excellently well skill▪ d in representing the Sea and Rivers, and making a show of Sea-fights, and Combats between Galleys and Barks, though they have seldom more than eight Actors, Men and Women. The places appointed for these sights, are great Halls, the third part whereof the Theatre takes up, the rest being filled with Benches for the Spectators. Upon each side of the Theatre is a Box very sumptuously set out, reserved for the King when he pleases to come. The Actors and Actresses are very magnificently clad. The dress for the women's heads being a kind of Mitre or Diadem, which exceedingly becomes them, from the hinder part whereof two Ribonds, three fingers broad, hand down below their wastes. Both the one and the other Act their parts very perfectly, and, according to their manner, observe an exact time in their Dancing. At one of the corners of the Hall sit the two Judges of the Comedy, one of whom beats time upon a Brass Drum. Their other ordinary Pastimes, especially for the Lords and Mandarins, are Fishing and Hunting, though they take more pleasure in the former, by reason of the plenty of Fish which their Rivers afford them. But, as I said before, they follow these sports only upon the days that are permitted them, as being better husbands of their time than we, not sparing any part of it from business. So that they who at the beginning of that little knowledge which we had of these People, wrote that their Manners and Customs were wild and barbarous, were misinformed. For as there is no reason to doubt of the truth of what I affirm, and what others have confirmed by other Relations, we may well conculde from what I have said, That all the Duties of Civil Society and Politeness are not confined within our Europe; but that the Kingdom of Tunquin, anciently a part of China, still retains the good Government and Civility of the Chinese themselves. CHAP. IX. Of the Learned Men in the Kingdom of Tunquin. CErtain it is, that the Tunquineses have a very great inclination for Learning, and that they apply themselves to their Studies with diligence and success: for that they cannot be advanced without it to the Offices and Dignities in the Kingdom. I do not here, by Learning, mean the understanding of the Languages of our Learned Men of Europe, which are altogether unknown to the Eastern People, and much lesle the Philosophy of Aristotle, of which they never so much as heard. But we mean the knowledge of the Laws of their Country, by means whereof they obtain the charges of Judicature; the Mathematics, and particularly Astronomy, to which all the Orientals have a great inclination, as being great observers of the Stars, by whose assistance they flatter themselves to be able to foretell things to come. The Tunquineses are also passionate lovers of Music and Poetry, as being great admirers of Comedy and Tragedy, of which those two Sciences are the main Composition; so that the Musicians and Actors of Tunquin are accounted the best in the whole Eastern part of the World. That you may acquire Nobility by Learning, in your Youth, you must pass through three degrees, of the Sinned, the Doucan, and the Tansi, from which degree you may ascend to that of the Nobility. To attain the first degree, it behoves the Youth of Tunquin to apply themselves for eight years together to their Studies, and that very close, to enable themselves for the Office of a Notary, Proctor, and Advocate, to which there is nothing more conducing than to speak Eloquently in public. At the end of eight years, they are examined concerning the duty of those Employments; and if any one▪ fail to give an Answer to the Questions propounded, he is sent back again as incapable to obtain any Employment for the future, or to study any longer. For those that acquit themselves well of their Examination, which is very rigorous, their Names are set down in a Register, and presented to the King, who first grants them the liberty to take upon them the Title of Sinned, and than if it be their aim to enjoy the Quality of Doucan, they are commanded by the Tansi's to study Music, Astrology, and Poesy, not only to be able to be judge of it, but also to perform themselves upon occasion. For to be good judges of Comedy, which is a great Honour among them, it behoves them to be both good Comedians and Musicians. Nor indeed is there any Pastime more frequent than that of the Theatre in this Country; for there is never any solemn Festival among them, which is not accompanied and set forth with Artificial Fireworks, in making whereof these People are exquisite; after which they have their Comedies, with Machine's, and change of Scenes in every Act. Besides this, their Actors have a prodigious memory, so that let the part be never so long, they never make use of Prompters to assist them, as we do in Europe. They that will learn the Mathematics, must make their own Instruments themselves, and spend five years in this study. They are examined every year, and if they fail to answer such Questions as are asked them, for the first four they are pardoned; but at the end of the five years, if upon the grand Examination, they fail to answer the Questions demanded them by the Tansis, they are utterly degraded; whereas if they satisfy their Examinors, they are permitted the Name and Dignity of Doucan. After thirteen years thus spent, before they can arrive to the degree of a Tansi, they must spend four years more in learning to writ and read the Chinese Character to such a certain number of Words. For the life of a Man would not suffice to learn to writ and read the Chinese quite through. The reason is, because that as to this particular, it is not in China as in other Nations, where one Word is composed of several Letters. The Chineses for every Word have a different Figure, all which Figures are very numerous, as you may easily conjecture. By the by let me tell you, that these Figures are made with small Pencils, and that the Chineses make use of a certain Ink, which is made up into a Paste, and so moistened in Water as you make use of it. They have also another sort of Colour for certain Words. But they cannot make use of Pens, as our Europeans, which are made of Quills; nor of those of other Eastern People, which are made of small reddish brown Reeds, the best of which grow in certain Marshes in the Kingdom of Pegu and Arachan. But to return to the Students of Tunquin, they are also obliged to understand the Laws and Customs of the Chinese, as well as their own; and the last four years being at an end, the last and great Examination is made in the great place, within the Enclosure of the Palace of Tunquin, which is a stately Marble structure. There the King is present, with the Princes and great Lords of the Court, the Mandarins for Learning; and all the Tansis; and many also come on purpose from distant Provinces to the Solemnity. Some Relations of Tunquin have been a little too ridiculous in this particular, asserting extravagantly, that sometimes there are above 30 or 40000 Students present at these Examinations, but by what I could learn from my Brother, or gather by that discourse which I have had with the Natives, the number of Students never exceeds three thousand. There are in the place nine Scaffolds set up▪ of which the one is for the King and Princes, the other for the Examiner's, and those that are to be Examined: And for the better hearing what is said, the Scaffolds are built like an Amphitheatre. But whereas there are eight days spent in this Examination, the King and the Mandarins are never there but only the two first days. The last day all the Names of them who have been Examined, as well they who have answered well, as of them that have faltered, are left in the Hands of the sixteen chief Mandarins, who are as it were sixteen Counsellors of State, and than it is at the King's pleasure to favour whom he thinks fit, of those, who have not given full satisfaction to the Questions propounded to them. As for those who were found very ignorant, they are degraded with shame, and there is no more said of them. All those Names are usually written upon large Tables, set up at the Gate of the King's Palace for eight days together, to the end, that all the People may know who are received into the Rank of Nobility, and who not. The eight days being passed, they are all to appear again upon the same Scaffolds, where in the view of all the World, they who have had the misfortune to have faltered in their Examinations, are dismissed as unworthy of any Employment: while they who have behaved themselves worthy of approbation, are honoured with a Vest of Violet Satin, which they presently put on, and than take upon them the Name of Tansi's. Than they have given them a List of the Towns and Villages, where they are to receive the Rents which the King allows them; wherein however they have not an equal share; some being allowed more, some lesle, according to their merit, or the favour of the Prince. Presently they sand notice to the places assigned them of the time, at which they intent to be there: and than all the Inhabitants come forth to meet them, in Honour of their Dignity, with all sorts of Music, and a Guilded Branquar, carried by eight Men. There they are permitted to stay three Months to divertize themselves, and for their own recreation. After that they return to Court, to instruct themselves in the affairs of the Kingdom, and the King's House, and to perfect themselves in the knowledge of those things, which is the way to obtain the Dignity of a Mandarin. All Ambassadors who are sent to the Princes adjoining, especially to the Chinese, are chosen out of these Tansis, among whom they always make choice of the ablest, and not of the richest, the King allowing them sufficient to maintain their Port, and defray the expenses of the Embassy. CHAP. X. Of their Physicians, and the Diseases of the Tunquinese. THe Physicians belonging to the Kingdom of Tunquin do not make it their business much to study Books; spending their Youth in searching after the nature and qualities of the Roots and Simples, and how to apply them according to the nature of the Distemper. But more particularly they apply themselves to the beating of the Pulse, and its diversity of Measure, by which they chief pretend to understand the cause of the Disease, and what Remedy to make use of for cure. And therefore when they go to feel a Pulse, they feel it in several parts of the Body; and according to the diversity of the part, and the beating, they judge of the quality of the Distemper. Therefore upon their first coming, they feel the Patient in three places, first upon their right sides, and secondly upon their left. By the Pulse which they feel upon the wrist of the right hand, they guests of the condition of the Lungs; by that which they feel upon the Vein of the Arms, where generally People are let Blood▪ they guests at the Distempers of the Stomach; and the Region of the Kidneys. The Pulse of the left Wrist discovers to them the condition of the Heart: By that in the Veins of the left Arm, where usually they let Blood, they are informed of the estate of the Liver. By the Pulses of the Temples, both right and left, they give a more exquisite judgement of the Kidneys. They are very careful to count how many times a Pulse of a sick Person beats in the time of one Respiration; and according to these several Pulses, they tell you which part of the Body is particularly distempered, whether the Heart, the Liver, or the Lungs; or whether the Distemper proceed from any outward cause, as from Cold, Sadness, or any other disorderly Passion. They never make use of any other Remedies but of Herbs and Roots, which they choose themselves; there being no distinction among them of Apothecary and Physician. These Herbs they mingle sometimes with a little Ginger, which they boil in Water, and give the Decoction, being strained, to the Patient. They have very good Receipts for the Purples, Epilepsy, and several other Diseases which are accounted incurable in Europe. They make use of China Ink to stop a Dysentery, and for the cure of Wounds. When the Sea Ebbs from the shore upon these Coasts, they found upon the Sand a little small kind of Crabs, which die immediately, and by the heat of the Sun, which is there extraordinary, become as hard as a Stone in a short time; these the Tunquinese Physicians beaten to Powder, and give to their Patients in Dysenteries, and Fevers, sometimes in Aqua Vitae, sometimes in plain Water. They mightily admire the Herb Tea, which comes from China and Japan; which latter Country produces the best. It is brought to them in Tin Pots close stopped, to keep out the Air. When they would use it, they boil a quantity of Water, according to the proportion they intent to use, and when the Water seethes, throw a small quantity into it, allowing as much as they can nip between their Thumb and forefinger to a Glass. This they prescribe to be drank as hot as they can endure it, as being an excellent Remedy against the Headache, for the Gravel, and for those that are subject to the Griping of the Guts; but than they order a little Ginger to be put into the Water when it boils. At Goa, Batavia, and in all the Indian Factories, there are none of the Europeans who do not spend above four or five Leaves a day; and they are careful to preserve the boiled Leaf for an Evening Salad, with Sugar, Vinegar, and Oil. That is accounted the best Tea which colours the Water greenest; but that which makes the Water look Read, is little accounted of. In Japan. The King and great Lords, who drink Tea, drink only the Flower, which is much more wholesome, and of a taste much more pleasing. But the Price is much different, for one of our ordinary Beer Glasses is there worth a French Crown. The most dangeroug Distempers that befall the Tunquinese, most usually hap when the bad Air surprises the People; for of a sudden it deprives them of their Speech, and than Death suddenly follows without a speedy Remedy. The best Remedy for this sudden Distemper is to mix some Counterpoison with Aqua Vitae instead of Wine, and to let the Patient drink it as hot as he can. The Patient also must at the same time▪ be rubbed with a Cloth dipped in Aqua Vitae▪ where Cinger has been boiled. This takes away the pains caused by cold Winds, and unwholesome Airs. Though some for the more speedy cure of these pains. lay the Patient upon a Bed made only of Girts, four Fingers distant one from the other; and than setting a Chafing-dish underneath, 'cause the sick Person to sweated in a Cloud of Frankincense, till the pain is gone, repeating the same thing Morning and Evening. As for Blood-letting, it is by no means used in that Country. They make use of Fire, especially for the Purple-Feaver, a Disease so dangerous in France. For the cure of this, the Physicians of Tunquin take the Pith of a Reed, which they dry very well; dip it in Oil, and set it on Fire: and than apply to every Purple Spot one of these lighted Wicks. The Spot will give a whif like a small Squib, and that's an infallible▪ sign that the Venom▪ is gone out of the body. This Remedy is seldom applied but in the night time, because the Spot does not appear so well in the day time. And the Physician must be very careful, that when this Venom flies out of the Patient's Body, it does not found a way into his own; for than there is no Remedy▪ but Death. There are some Physicians that will prick the Purple Spot with a Needle, and let out the Pestilential Blood; after which they burn the part so pricked, and than rub it with Ginger, not permitting their Patient to take the Air in 20 days after they are cured. While they are under cure, they drink nothing but Water, with Citron-peel boiled in it, and abstain from Flesh and Butter. They give them to eat Rice boiled in Water, and salt Fish; but the more they abstain from eating and drinking, the sooner they are cured. And indeed it is a wondered thing to see the excellent effects of their Remedies in so short a time; for they have no lingering Distempers to hold them years together, as they do among us. CHAP. XI. Of the Original, Government, and Policy, of the Kingdom of Tunquin. IT is not above six hundred years since Tunquin was first governed by particular Kings, in regard it was anciently a part of the Dominion of the Chinese. What is reported of the first Tunquineses, That they were without Governors, and without Kings, is altogether fabulous▪ like to that which is related of a certain Infant of three years of Age, who appearing before a great Assembly of the People, exhorted them to free themselves from the power of the Chinese, who were their Oppressors. Upon which a lovely Horse miraculously appearing to the said Infant, he mounted the Horse, and immediately setting forward with those that were gathered after him, as also others that appeared as wonderfully to assist him, he set upon the Chinese, and defeated them in such manner, that they never durst venture after that to return any more to reconquer what they had lost. But the most certain truth of Tunquin History assures us, That for these six Centuries last passed▪ it has been governed by six various Families. The first that assumed the Title of King was a famous Robber, whose Name was Din, who having gathered together a great Number of Malcontents, and Vagabonds, became so powerful and formidable through his own Valour, that after several bloody Battles gained, it was no difficult thing for him to seize upon the Throne. But he did not reign long in peace, for the most part of the People rebelled against him; and in the first Battle that he fought, he lost his Life. However his own Party won the day; and having left two Sons, his eldest reigned three years; after whose death, the younger Brother ruled in his stead, but died soon after, neither of the Brothers leaving any issue behind them. After that the Kingdom was miserably distracted by several Civil Wars, till the weaker Party calling in the Chineses to their Assistance, became the most puissant. Than it was that a certain Mandarin, of the Family of Lelequel, was advanced to the Throne, who being a valiant and prudent Prince, restored tranquillity to the whole Kingdom. Who, when he saw himself Established in peace, built that large Palace, which they, who have seen it, admire, as well for its Circuit, as for its magnificent Structure, being all of Marble of divers Colours, both within and without. This King had but one Daughter, who soon after her Father's death, the better to secure herself, married one of the most powerful Mandarins in the Country, of the House of Tran. But soon after, one of her Subjects rebessing against her, gave her battle, took her Prisoner, and put her to death. Having thus got the Power into his hands, the Rebel usurped the Throne; but nine years after, he was also slain in Battle by his own Subjects, who had called the Chineses to their Assistance. They being thus Masters of the Kingdom, held it for twenty years, and set Governors over every Province. But at length the Mandarins grew weary of their Oppression, because of the heavy Tributes which they laid upon the Tunquinese; so that a valiant Captain of the House of Le, having assembled a numerous Power together, gave the Chinese three Battles, and in every one overcame them. The Chineses thus expelled out of Tunquin, the Conqueror seized the Crown, and in his Family the Regal Government continued for above fourscore years. After which time, a great Lord, of the Family of Marr, which had formerly enjoyed the Sceptre, to Revenge himself of an affront which the King had put upon him at Court, found a way to escape his hands, and being assisted by a great Number of discontented Persons, of which the best regulated Kingdoms are always full, and the Chinese, who always sought an opportunity to regain what they had lost, after a bloody Battle, he possessed himself of the Kingdom, it being never known what became of his Predecessor. But this new King enjoyed the Fruits of his Victory but a small while. For two years afterwards; a Mandarin, of the House of Trin, having espoused the Daughter of another great Lord, openly declared War against his Sovereign, with a design utterly to extirpate the House of Marr. Unhapplly for him, death put a stop to his designs, though he left two Sons behind him, able enough to have pursued his undertake. But the eldest, naturally timorous, and fearing to engage himself in a dangerous War, voluntarily submitted himself to the King, who gave him the Government of a Province, and married him to one of his Sister's Daughters. The younger Brother being a valiant Prince, and having his deceased Father's Army at his Devotion, though the King proposed him great advantages, would give ear to nothing, but out of his ambition to Reign himself continued and successfully accomplished what his Father had begun: In the second Battle which he gave the King, who was there in person, he took him Prisoner, together with his Brother, who had submitted to him, and some few days after he put them both publicly to death at the head of his Army; the one as an unjust usurper of the Throne; the either as a desertor, who had abandoned his Father's Army, and so ill followed his intentions. Now though as Victor he might easily have ascended the Throne, and taken upon him the Name and Title of King▪ yet he would not accept of any higher Title than that of General of the Army; and the better to Establish himself in his Authority, and to gain the affection of the People, he-caused Proclamation to be made through all the Provinces of the Kingdom, that if there were any Prince of the House of Le yet remaining alive, he should show himself, with full assurance that upon his appearing, he should be put into possession of the Kingdom. There was but one to be found, who had been so closely pursued by the House of Marr, while it ruled, that to save his Life he was forced to abscond himself in the Frontiers of the Kingdom, under the Habit of a private Soldier. The General was overjoyed to found that there was yet a lawful Heir of the House of Le to be found, that he might place him upon the Throne. So that so soon as he was known to be of the Legitimate Race, all the Equipage and Attendance of a King was sent to him, with Order to all the Provinces as he passed along, to receive him as if he were already crowned. The whole Army marched two days march to meet the King, and brought him to Checo, the capital City of the Kingdom, where he was placed in the Throne of his Father, and with great Pomp proclaimed King of Tunquin. But General Trin, who cared not so much for the Royal Title, as the Royal Power, so ordered his business, that leaving to Le all the outward show and Pomp of Royal Authority, he reserved to himself the whole command of the Army, and the greatest part of the Revenues of the Kingdom absolutely to dispose of at his own pleasure. So that from that time to this hour, we may affirm that there has been, and still are, two Kings of Tunquin, of which the first has only the Name and Title of King, and is called Boüa, and the second Choüa, who has all the Authority, disposing of all things at his pleasure, while the other remains shut up in his Palace like a Slave, not permitted to stir abroad but upon certain days: and than he is carried through the Streets of Checo, like an Image, though with a magnificent Train and Royal Equipage. He has generally 2000 Soldiers for his Guard; and sometimes 20000 which are quartered upon the Frontiers, chief toward Cochinchina. He also has ready upon the Frontiers 50 Elephants for War. And upon the Rivers of the Kingdom where the Enemy can come to damage him, he usually keeps 100 great Galleys, with a vast company of small Galliots, to which the Soldiers and Rowers that belong, have more pay than the others at Land. And these, that they may row with more strength, row standing, with their Faces toward the Prow, quite contrary to our Rowers, who turn their backs. The King gives public Audience almost every day; but he makes no Edict, or public Decree, that is of any effect, if it be not also Signed by the Chova. At these Audiences he has with him thirty two Councillors of State, and besides these, a hundred others to judge of all Appeals of the Kingdom. The Eunuches have a very great Power at Court, as in all other Courts of Asia, and the King, as to his most important affairs, confides more in them than in his own Children. The eldest Children do not always succeed their Father; for the Chova, or General, with all the Councillors, which are generally his Creatures, thought it convenient, that when the King should have more Sons than one, he should make choice of whom he pleased to succeed him. So that so soon as he has named him, the Choüa▪ attended by the principal Officers of the Army▪ Councillors of State, and Eunuches, come to congratulate him, and to give him their Oaths to set him upon the Throne after the death of his Father; and for the other Brothers they are always shut up in the Palace, as in a Prison, without meddling with any affairs of State. They never ●●tir out of the Palace but four times a year, and they never stay abroad above six days at a time, the Officers that attend them being put upon them by the Chova, who is as it were Lord high Constable of the Kingdom. The first of these six days of liberty they go to visit the Temples, and the Priests, to whom they give large Alms; the two next days they take their pleasure in hunting; and the three last days they spend their time upon the Rivers, in Galleys sumptuously trimmed and adorned▪ The Kingdom▪ of Tunquin is divided into eight large Provinces, every one of which has its Governor, and its Magistrates, from whose sentence there lies an Appeal to the Court. We should wrong this Country to say that there were no Nobility therein▪ as indeed there are none in most Kingdoms of Asia. But they must all 〈◊〉 to this degree their merit; some by the Wars, and some by their Learning▪ They who 〈◊〉 them Nobility by Arms, have where with all to live handsomely at home; and they begin to learn their Exercises betimes▪ at farthest by eleven on twelve years of▪ Age. The first thing they are to understand, is how to handle their Swords▪ the Blades of which are straight, long, and broad, like those of the Swissers, having but one Edge. They are also taught to aim with their Bows, and to fire a Musket with Matches, (for they know not the use of Firelocks) to ride the great Horse, to shoot running, and to manage their Zagays, which are a sort of Staves, cheeked with Iron, like a Half-Pike. When they are ready in all these Exercises, than they learn to make all sorts of Artificial Fireworks; as also how to invent new ones, to make use of them against the Elephants. By the way I must needs tell you, there are some of these Elephants as I have seen several times, that are so accustomed to these Artificial Fires, that they regard them not at all, neither are any way disturbed at the Squibs that are thrown, and go of under their very Noses and Bellies. Nevertheless of 200 of these Creatures▪ which the Eastern Kings carry to their Wars at a time, you shall have hardly fifteen that are so hardy and valiant. So that unless their Governors take not great care, instead of running upon the Enemy, they turn upon their Friends, and put the whole Army into a most dismal confusion; as you shall hear by the following Story. For Aurenge-Zebe, the present Great Mogul, being than a young Prince, obtained of Cha-geha●, his Father, to let him have the command of an Army of three score thousand Men, and fourscore Elephants; and with this force, out of his Antipathy to the Christians, he laid Siege to Daman, a Town belonging to the Portugals, fourteen Leagues from Surat. The Governor wa● a person of great Valour, and had also two Sons with him, who, together with himself, had both served the King of France. He had also in the Town eight hundred Gentlemen, who voluntarily put themselves into the Garrison for its defence, from all parts of India where the Portugueses had to do▪ and were all excellently well mounted. For the Portugals at that time made use of none but Arabian Horses, the worst of which cost a thousand Crowns at lest. The Governor finding that the Indian Prince began to press hard upon him, having already made two Assaults, resolved with all his Cavalry and Infantry to make a Salley upon Sunday Morning, causing them to fix at the ends of their Spears and Lances certain Artificial Fireworks, to which they were ordered suddenly to give fire, as soon as they should gain the Elephant's Quarter. This design was so successful, that when it came to be executed, the Elephants were so suddenly terrified, that running impetuously through the Indian Army; they trod to the ground, and cut in pieces with the Swords and Scitheses which were fastened to their Trunks, what ever stood in their way. The Portugals taking advantage of this confusion, made no lesle havoc among the amazed Multitude, whom they had surprised securely and profoundly asleep. For they had an opinion, that the Portugals would never attack them upon the Sabbath day, believing they had the same veneration for that day which the Jews had. But they were utterly deceived, in so much that the Portugals, by virtue of this Stratagem so closely pursued, obtained a notable Victory, to the utter destruction of 20000 of Aurenge-Zebe's Army, the spoils whereof are reported to have amounted to above twelve Millions. But to return to the Kingdom of Tunquin, I must tell you, that the Tunquineses have often waged War against the Chinese, because the first would not pay the latter the Tribute which was accorded them by a Treaty made by one of their Kings, of the House of Le. But in the year 1667; the Chinese; seeing that the Tartars had made themselves Masters of their Country, made a Peace with the Tunquinese, wherein it was agreed, that the said Tribute should be not longer paid; but that they should every year sand an Ambassador only to Pequin, to do homage to the Emperor of China. As for their Justice and Policy, they observe a very exact Order and Regulation over all the Kingdom of Tunquin, as well in their Cities, as in the Country. So that few of the best regulated Kingdoms exceed them. Moore especially they have a great care, for the public good, to repair the Bridges and Highways; and every quarter of a League there is such Provision made, that any Traveller may there meet not only with Water, but Fire also to light his Pipe, being generally great smoakers of Tobacco. As for Murder, they are very exact in punishing that crime. For they carry the Person apprehended before the Judge; and than he must hold to his Mouth a little wisp of Grass, to show, that by his disorderly life he had made himself a Beast. Not much unlike this is the custom in Persia, where the King and his Council condemn or pardon all but such as have murdered a Man that has any Kindred. For than all the favour that the King can show him is, to deliver him into the hands of the next of kin to the Person killed, who has power to agreed with the Criminal for a Sum of Money, which is rarely done, as being accounted an Act both infamous and ignominious. So that if there be no agreement made, than it behoves the next of kin to be the Executioner himself, and put the Criminal to that death to which he is before condemned. CHAP. XII. Of the Court of the Kings of Tunquin. ALthough the King, as I have already said, have not much Authority in his Kingdom, which is governed altogether by the General, who has the whole Militia at his Devotion, yet he is highly honoured by his Subjects, and he keeps a very splendid Court. The first and fifteenth day of every Month, all the Mandarins who are the Grandees of the Kingdom, are bound to come in their Chinese Habits to kiss the King's hands. The Constable, or General, was formerly want to perform the same Office, but by degrees he has obtained a dispensation, and only sends another Prince in his stead. As for all the other Mandarins, Governors of Provinces, Justiciaries, and Military Officers, every year they go to kiss the Choua's hands, and to congratulate him upon the first day of the year, which is the fifteenth of the fifth Month; as also when he has obtained any great Victory over his Enemies. So that the General has more Honour done him than the King himself. 'Tis also the custom of the Tunquinese, among the Men, that when they meet any Person higher in condition than themselves, they make four profound obeisances to the very Earth▪ But for the Women, what over their condition be among themselves, they never make but one. They who are desirous to be admitted into the Palace to see the King, are obliged to put on Violet Robes, and their Servants must be clad in the same colour. They that approach the King's presence, to obtain any favour, must carry a Present along with him. For though the Constable be the person that disposes of all Offices and Commands over all the Court and Kingdom, yet every year upon the fifteenth day of the seventh Month, the King distributes several considerable Gifts and Largesses to his Courtiers; as also to the Children of such Fathers who have performed any important Service for the good of his Kingdom. He gives them Pains of Gold, every one worth six hundred Liures; and Bars of Silver, amounting each to forty six Liures. The same day he also releases all Prisoners, both Criminal and Debtors, provided the crime do not deserve death; and that the debt do not exceed two Bars of Silver. Also every year, the three last days of the last Month, the 40 Mandarins, who are the chief Councillors of State, take the Oaths of all the Lords and Officers of the Court, and of their Wives; causing them to swear to be faithful to the King, and if they know of any thing that concerns the King's person, or his Kingdom, to discover it. All Governors of Provinces give the same Oaths to the Lords and Gentlemen under their Jurisdictions; and the Governors of Cities to the Citizens, and other Inhabitants. They that discover any Treason never fail of any reward; only with this distinction, in reference to the quality of the Persons that reveal it. For as for the Mandarins and Gentlemen, the King rewards them according to his own pleasure: But as for the meaner sort, whether Men or Women, they are ennobled, and gratified with a reward of 50 Pains of Gold, and 500 Bars of Silver, which in all amounts to 53000 Liures. But they esteem their Nobility far beyond their Money. At certain times of the year, there is a Muster of the Youth of the several Provinces; and all those who are found not to be either of the Nobility, or not to have learned any Trade, are presently enroled for the Service of the King, who every five years make choice of such as he intends for his Guard, and sends them to the Frontier Garrisons. There are some who endeavour to get of by Money; but if they be discovered, both the Officers and the Soldier are punished without redemption. For they hung a little Bell about his Neck, Fetter his Arms, and in that posture sand him to the Constable, who presently order his Head to be struck of. But in regard the Tunquineses are very averse from seeing any Blood shed, the Kindred or Friends of the condemned Person, intercede that he may be hanged, believing that death to be most honourable which is not defiled with Bloodshed; wherein they seem to be of the Opinion of the Turks. CHAP. XIII. Of the Ceremonies observed when the Kings of Tunquin are advanced to the Throne. BEfore we speak of the Enthroning the Kings of Tunquin, and of the Ceremonies that attend it, it behoves us to relate the manner of their setting out of the Palace, when they go at any time to take their pleasure. The King is seated upon a most magnificent Palanquin, carried by eight Men, where he may be beheld by all the People; the Lords and Officers of the Court attending him on foot, provided he do not go out of the City: for when he goes into the Country he rides upon an Elephant, and the Lords follow him on Horseback. When the Queen Mother, or his first Wife go abroad, they are likewise carried upon a close Palanquin, with Lattice-Windows, to the end, they may see and not be seen; and behind the Palanquin follow the Maids of Honour on foot. The Mandarins, and great Princes, solemnize their Birth-days every year, with great Feasting, Pastimes, Comedies, and Fireworks, and all their Friends and Kindred fail not to attend them to honour the Solemnities. In the year 1645, the eldest Son of the King, who was by his Father appointed for his Successor, upon one of his Birth-days showed the Court all the divertizements he could imagine, and the King who had a great affection for him, sent him a thousand Pains of Gold, and five hundred Bars of Silver, to the value of 120000 Liures. At which time, large Alms are distributed, especially to poor Widows and Prisoners. When the King dies, and leaves several Sons, they set up him whom (when alive) he chose for his Successor. The third day after the Decease of the King, the Constable with all the Military Mandarins, the Lords of the Council, and all the Governors of Provinces, repair to the Prince's Apartment, where they present him with a Chinese Habit, after which having mounted him upon an Elephant, they bring him into one of the great Courts of his Palace, which is all covered with Cloth of Gold and Silver as with a Tent. There it is, that being placed upon a Throne magnificently enriched, all the Mandarins prostrate themselves upon the Earth with their Heads downward; in which posture having lain for some time, they rise, and closing their Hands together, with their Arms and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, they swear to the new King to be faithful to him till death. This first Ceremony being over, the new King, to show himself liberal upon his first coming to the Crown, causes four Panes of Gold, and six Bars of Silver, to be given to eve y one. But to distinguish the Constable from the rest, he gives him twenty Panes of Gold, and forty Bars of Silver: and to the Precedent of the Council or Chancellor ten of Gold and twenty of Silver. These Presents being thus made, several Pieces of Artillery are fired round the Palace, accompanied with several Volleys of small Shot, there being than in Arms above 30000 Horse and Foot; and than the King is set upon a magnificent Palanquin, and the Constable and chief of the Council ride before upon lovely Horses. Sixteen of the principal Officers of the Court carry the King, viz. eight Military Mandarins, and eight of the Council. And in this manner they set forward to the Apartment of the deceased King, from whence all the Lords retire for two hours, except the Eunuches; and than it is, that the Princesses, Ladies of the Court, and chief Wives of the Mandarins, come to kiss the King's Hand, and congratulate his Advancement to the Throne. Which done, all the Lords return again to a noble Feast after the manner of the Country ready prepared. Their Viands are not so delicate, nor so deliciously dressed as ours, neither have they so much variety. 'Tis true, they have those Birds-nests, already mentioned, which they mix in the most part of their Dishes, which gives the Meat a taste of almost all sorts of Spices. Of all the Meats which they eat Colt's Flesh is in most esteem, and Dogs Flesh, neither of which agreed with our Palates. The Festival is concluded with Comedies and Fireworks, which allst the night. The next day the 30000 Men that gave their Volleys of small Shot the day before, are drawn up in good order in a Field next, and all the principal Officers of War, Colonels, Captains, and Lieutenants, leave the Frontiers to be at the same place. Than the King mounted upon his Palanquin, and carried by sixteen of his principal Officers, the Constable and grand Squire riding before, and attended by several other Commanders on foot, with several Mummers that play and dance before the Pallanquin, goes forth of his Palace, the Drums, Trumpets, Cornets, and other Warlike Instruments, filling the Air with their Martial Sounds. In this Pomp, and with this Equipage, the King being come to the Camp, quits his Palanquin, and mounts one of his great Elephants of War, which are used to the noise of the Guns and sight of the Fireworks. Being thus mounted, he rides into the middle of all his Troops, in which place all the Officers swear Fidelity to him; after which he bestows his Gifts upon them, to every Colonel two Panes of Gold, and forty Bars of Silver; to every Captain the half of what he gives a Colonel, and to every Lieutenant the half of what he gives a Captain: and as for the Soldiers, they have every one a Months Pay. These Presents being made, the whole Army discharges three Volleys, and than every Company retreats into a large Hutt, where they have Meat and Drink prepared for them, enough to serve them a whole day and a night. In the same Field is also set up a fair wooden Palace, sumptuously enriched within with Paintings and several pieces of Workmanship in Gold. There the King spends all the night, some part in Feasting, some part in Plays and seeing the Mummers dance, and the rest in beholding the Fireworks. The next day the King leaves his wooden Palace, which is afterwards fired by the Soldiers, as well as their own Huts, and so returns to the City. Being arrived at his Palace with the same pomp that he went forth, he seats himself upon his Throne, and there shows his Liberality to those that made the Fireworks, to the Comedians and Dancers, and all the rest that were any way contributory, to the setting forth the Pomp of the Ceremony. Than he gives Access to all the People, and two Commissioners, one for the Merchants, and the other for the Handicrafts, make a Speech to the King, the substance whereof is; that all the Burgesses and Inhabitants of the good City of Checo do acknowledge him for their King, and that they will be faithful to him till death. The Speech being ended, the King presents the Body of the Merchants with 50 Panes of Gold, and 300 Bars of Silver; and the Body of the Tradesmen with 20 Panes of Gold, and 100 Bars of Silver. The People gone home, every one strives who shall spend most in Feasting and Comedies, adding of their own to the King's Bounty; so that every Quarter of the City is full of Jollity and Rejoicing for a week together. Some days after come the Commissioners for the Commonalty, from all parts of the Kingdom, who in the behalf of their Cities and Towns make known to His Majesty the universal Joy of the People for their lawful Prince, assuring him of their Fidelity, and of their Service against the Chinese. They name particularly the Chineses, because the Tunquineses have no greater Enemies than they, and for that the Hatred between them is irreconcilable. The King observing the good will of his People, testifies his Acknowledgement in this manner: All that have not time out of mind been Rebels to their lawful Sovereigns, but have constantly taken up Arms for their Defence, are discharged for a year from all Taxes and Impositions; and for the rest, who have at any time formerly assisted the Enemy, they are only exempted for six months. All Prisoners for Debt partake also of the King's Bounty, so that after the Precedent of the Council has made a Composition with the Creditors for half the Sum, the King pays the rest. It is a thing almost incredible, what a vast number of Sacrifices the King sends to the Temples of his false Gods, to be there offered to the Idols. The number of Beasts is said to exceed an hundred thousand, besides the value of a million in Panes of Gold, Tissues, and ●ilks, to adorn the Idols, and Orange-coloured Calicuts for the Bonzes, and those that attend the Service of the Pagods. Among the rest of these Presents he sends a vast number of Pieces of blue Calicuts for the poor people that are kept in the Pagods, as our Poor are kept in Hospitals. The Idolatrous Princes also consume incredible Sums to adorn the Pagods and Images of their false Gods. There are some of them three foot high, all of massy Gold; others of Silver bigger than the Life. The new King after all these Ceremonies are over, takes his time to go and give thanks to his false Deities for his coming to the Crown when the Moon first changes, shutting himself up for the first week with the Bonzes, and living in common with them with a great deal of Frugality. During this time he visits the principal Hospitals, to see how the poor people are used, especially the old Folks, whom they have in great Veneration, to whom he distributes new Alms; for naturally the Tunquineses are very charitable. To conclude, he makes choice of some fair Situation, where he order the building of a new Pagod, which he devotes to some of his Idols. Thus his Devotion being ended, upon the first day of the second Quarter, he mounts one of his Elephants of War, attended by all the Officers of his Court on Horseback, and ten or twelve thousand men on foot, chosen out of the whole Army to attend him. All the second Quarter the whole Court stays in a certain Plain, where are three Houses set up, one for the King, one for the Constable, and one for the Precedent of the Council; with a world of Huts for the rest. There are also several small Cabins set up, which are not covered and closed but upon one side, which they turn as the Wind blows; and these are the places where they dress their Victuals: For at that time the King allows two meals a day to all his Attendants. Through this Plain runs the River of— which is very broad in that place. Upon this River are several Galleys richly gilded and painted, but especially the Admiral, which exceeds all the rest in Magnificence. The Prow, the Poop, the Ropes, the Oars, but only that part which goes into the water, glitter all with Gold; the Benches very ingeniously painted, the Rowers well clad. For there the Rowers are all Soldiers and Freemen, contrary to the Custom in Europe. The Soldiers in their youth are taught to handle their Oars, and have somewhat better Pay than the Land-Souldiers. The Galleys are not so big as ours, but they are longer, and cut the water better. While the King stays in this place, he diverts himself with seeing these Galleys row one against another. In the Evening the Rowers come ashore with their Captains to kiss the King's Hand, and they that have behaved themselves most stoutly and nimbly, carry of the Marks of his Bounty. The seven days being past, the King calls before him all the Soldiers of the Galleys with their Officers, and gives them two month's Wages extraordinary, as he does to his Land-Souldiers. 'Tis a wondered thing to behold the vast number of Fireworks which they throw about, as well upon the Land as upon the Water. For my Brother, who has been present at all these Shows, has told me, that for these seven days together you would think the Air and Water all on fire. Being at Bantam I once saw one of these artificial Firework-Shews which the Tunquineses that were there played of before the King, and I must confess it was quite another thing from what we make in Europe. The seven days being past, the King returns to the City in the same order, and with the same pomp, as he went forth▪ and being come to his Palace, he goes directly to the Apartment of his Princesses▪ where none but his Eunuches accompany him, where he stays all the rest of the month. Every Evening he diverts himself with new Fireworks, which are played of before the women's Lodgings; where also the Eunuches, together with the Comedians and Mummers, contribute to divertise the Ladies. CHAP. XIV. Of the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin, and of their manner of Burying their Dead. When the King of Tunquin dies, he is presently Embalmed and laid in a Bed of State, where for sixty five days the People have liberty to come and see him. All that time he is served as he was when he was alive; and when the Meat is taken from before the Body, one half is given to the Bonzes, and the other half to the Poor. So soon as the King hath breathed his last gasp, the Constable gives notice thereof to the Governors of Provinces, and orders them how long they shall Mourn. All the Military Mandarins and Judges wear Mourning generally three years, the King's Household nine months, the Nobility six, and the meaner sort three months. During these three years there is a Cessation from all Divertisements, except those that attend the Ceremony of the King's Advance or Elevation to the Throne. All the Viands which are served up to the King are varnished with Black. The King cuts his Hair, and covers his Head with a Bonnet of Straw, as do likewise all the Princes and Counsellors of State; neither do they leave of that Habit till the King's Body be in the Galley which is to carry him to his Innterment. Three Bells which hung in one of the Towers of the Palace, never leave tolling from the King's expiring till the Corpse be put into the Galley. The third day after his Decease all the Mandarins repair to Court, to testify their sorrow which they have for the Death of the deceased King, and ten days after that the People are allowed to see the Body lie in State, till it be put into the Galley. During the sixty five days that the Body is thus exposed, the Constable is busy in preparing for the Funeral Pomp. From the Palace to the place where the Galleys wait for the Body, it is about two days Journey, and all the way The Order observed in the March of the Funeral Pomp at the Interment of the Kings of Tunquin. The Order observed in the March of the Funeral Pomp at the Interment of the Kings of Tunquin. 1. Two Messengers of the Chamber proclaim the deceased King's Name; each of them bears a Mace, the Head whereof is full of combustible stuff for Artificial Fire or Fusées. 2. Next proceed Twelve Elephants; on each of the four foremost is one bearing the King's Standard. Than follow four other Elephants, with Wooden Turrets on their Backs, and in every one of these are Six Men, some being armed with Muskets, others with Fire Lances. The four last Elephants do severally carry a kind of Cage; some of which are on all sides shut up with Glass Windows, the other with a sort of Grates; the first being of a Square, the other having six sides and facing. 3. Than rides the Master of the Horse, attended with two Pages on Horseback. 4. Twelve Horses are led by the Bridle two and two, by as many Captains of the Guard. The Harness of the first Six Horses is very rich, the Bit, and all the Furniture of the Bridle and Saddle are of pure Gold, the Saddles are embroidered likewise with Gold: But the Six other Horses Harness is all covered over with Gold Plates. 5. The Chariot which bears the Mausolee, wherein is the King's Corpse, is dragged by Eight Stags trained to this Service. Each of these Stags is led by a Captain of the Life Guard. 6. Than follows the new King afoot clad in White Satin, with a Straw Cap on his Head. If he hath any Brothers, they attend on him in the like Attire; and they are surrounded with Musicians and Players on the Oboes, and other Instruments. 7. There proceeds afterwards Six Princesses in White Satin, who carry Meat and Drink for the deceased King. These are attended by two Ladies of Honour in Purple Garments; and about these Ladies are several Musicians. 8. Eight Princes of the Royal Blood go in Purple Garments with Straw Hats. 9 Four Governors of the four chief Provinces of the Kingdom, each bearing a Stick on his Shoulder, on which hangs a Bag full of Gold and several Perfumes; and these Bags contain the Presents which the several Provinces make unto the deceased King, for to be buried with his Corpse, that he may make use of the same in the other World. 10. Two Chariots go next, each drawn by Eight Horses, and every Couple being led by Two Men. In each Chariot is a Coffer or Trunk full of Bars of Gold and other Richeses, for the deceased King's use in the Life to come. 11. A great Crowd of the King's Officers, and of the Nobility, do follow this Funeral Pomp, some afoot and some on horseback, according to their Offices and Qualities. Place this Page 46. A Continuation of the Order observed at the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin, setting out from the City of Bodlego. The King's Body is put into a Galley, which is drawn up the River. This River is increased by several Brooks that come down from the Mountains, and it runs through barren and Desert Countries. In some of these places they are want to bury the Corpse very privately; for six only of the chief Eunuches of the Court are to know where the King hath been buried. An Oath is tendered to them never to reveal the place. And this is done perhaps on some Religious Motive, and likewise through Fear, that the Treasures which are buried by him should be digged up. These Richeses are ordinarily some Massy Bars of Gold and Silver, as likewise some Pieces of Cloth of Gold and Silver, and such kinds of other rich Furnitures, which he is to make use of (as they say) when he hath need of them in the other World. Many Lords and Ladies of the Court will needs be buried Alive with him, for to serve him in the places where he is to go. I have observed in passing through the Estates of the Raja or Prince of Velouche, which border on the Easterly parts of the Kingdom of Visapour, that the Wives suffer themselves to be buried Alive near their deceased Husbands, instead of being burned, as they practise in other Provinces of the Indieses. A. Here you see the Prospect of the City of Bodlego. B. The Galley where the King's Corpse is. C. Two Galleys do carry the Lords who go to be buried Alive with the King. That which is grated about is full of Ladies, who likewise offer themselves to be interred Alive with him. D. Other Galleys, wherein are the Treasures which are to be buried with the Corpse. Place this next to, The Order in the March of the Funeral Pomp, etc. Tunquin page 47 A Representation of the Wagons and Boats which in form of a Convoy carry the Beasts and provision necessarry for the sustenance of those that 〈◊〉 the Funeral Pomp at the interment of the Kings of Juquin from Choco to Bodlego-where the body is put in a Galley to be conveyed to the Sepulchre▪ spread with Violet-coloured Calicut, which is the King's Colour. But in regard the King and all the Court march afoot both going and coming, they make it seventeen days Journey. At every quarter of a League's end are set up Huts, where is ready prepared Water to drink, and Fire to light their Tobacco. After the Pomp is over, and that the King is returned home, the Cloth is taken up and given to the Bonzes. As to the order of their March it is thus: The two men that go foremost of all, are the two Ushers of the Door of the King's Chamber, who go repeating aloud the Name of the deceased King, carrying each of them a Mace of Arms, the bowl whereof is full of artificial Fireworks. The twelve that follow, are the twelve chief Officers of the Galley, which draw the Tomb whereon the King's Name is written. Than follows the grand Squire on Horseback, attended by two others. Next appear twelve led Horses, which are led two by two, six of which have their Bridles enriched with thin Plates of Gold, and their Saddles embroidered. The other six with Bridles of Gold, and Horses embroidered, and fringed about with a Gold and Silver Fringe; every Horse being led by two men. Next to them follow twelve Elephants, four which carry each of them a man carrying a Standard; four others which carry each of them a Tower with six men apiece, some with Muskets, others with Fire Lances; the four last carry each of them a kind of a Cage, of which one is made with Glass Windows before and upon each side; the other like a kind of a Lattice, and the other with four kinds of Ruffs: and these are the King's Elephants which he road upon when he went to the Wars. Behind them follow eight Horses, every one of them led by a Captain of the Guard, who draw the Hearse. The new King, and his Brothers if he have any, or the Princes of the Blood, follow the Hearse, clad in Robes of White Satin, which is their Mourning Colour. Lastly follow two Chariots, each one drawn by eight Horses, and carrying two Coffers, wherein are the Panes of Gold, Bars of Silver, rich Tissues and Habits, which are to be buried with the Body of the deceased King. The Funerals of the Tunquinese. AS for the ordinary Funerals of the Tunquinese, they are more or lesle pompous, according to the Quality of the Persons. At their Enterments they use great store of artificial Fireworks, which are the Companions as well of their Sorrow as their Joy. They set upon the Tomb of the deceased good store of Victuals and Comfitures, out of a belief that the dead are the better for them. For their Priests keep them in that blind Error for their own advantage, and so well order their business, that there is nothing left by morning. The same thing is practised by the Chinese at Batavia, where they have a place without the Town to bury their dead, which puts me in mind of this Story: Every evening the Guard is relieved as well in the City as in the Fortress. At the same time also they put forth eight Soldiers and a Corporal at each Gate of the City, who go the Rounds about the Walls of the City, and as far as within Canon-shot of the Walls, being fearful of being surprised by the King of Mataran, or Bontam, their Capital Enemies. Now because the Chineses burying place lay in the Walk of these Soldiers, when they saw the Provant upon one of the Tombs, took it away to their Guard, and there feasted themselves. The Chinese Priests, that usually came about midnight to take away the Victuals, finding themselves several times bereft of their Expectations, and suspecting the Soldiers belonging to the Holland Garrison, first complained to the General and Council; but that not taking effect, they resolved to poison both the Meat and the Drink, to prevent the like Fraud for the future. This took so good effect, that afterwards many of the Dutch Soldiers being poisoned, deterred the rest from any more such Liquorish Attempts. CHAP. XV. Of the Religion and Superstition of the Tunquinese THe Tunquineses as to matters of Religion are divided into three Sects: The first takes its original from an ancient Philosopher called Confutius, whose Memory is very famous over all China, and the neighbouring Countries. Their Doctrine asferts that Man is composed of two parts, the one fine and subtle, the other material and gross; and that when Man dies, the subtler part goes into the Air, and the grosser part stays in the Earth. This Sect maintains the use of Sacrifices, and adores the seven Planets. But among all their Gods and Idols they have four in particular veneration; the Names of these Gods are Rauma, Betolo, Ramonu, and Brama. They have a Goddess also, whose Name is Satisbana, which is she whom the Women adore; but for the King and the Mandarins, especially the more studious sort, they adore the Heavens. The second Sect had so its Founder a certain Hermit called Chacabout; and is followed by the most part of the meaner people. He has taught them the Transmigration of Souls, and has enjoined his Followers to observe 10 Commandments. The first is, That they shall not kill. 2. That they shall not steal. 3. That they shall not defile their Bodies- 4. That they shall not lie. 5. That they shall not be unfaithful in their words. 6. That they shall restrain their inordinate Desires. 7. That they shall do injury to no man. 8. That they shall not be great Talkers. 9 That they shall not give way to their Anger. 10. That they shall labour to their utmost to get Knowledge. As for them that design to live a Religious Life, they must renounce the Delights of this Life, be charitable to the poor, overcome their Passions, and give themselves up to Meditation. He taught moreover, that after this Life there were ten distinct places of Joy and Torment: and that the Contemners of this Law should feel Torments proportionable to their Offences, without any end of their Torments. That they that endeavoured to fulfil his Law, and had failed in any point, they should wander in divers Bodies for 3000 years before they entered into happiness. But that they who had perfectly obeyed his Law, should be rewarded without suffering any change of Body. And that he himself had been born ten times, before he enjoyed the Bliss which he possessed, not having in his first Youth been illuminated with that Knowledge which he afterwards attained. This Chacabout was one of the greatest Impostors that ever was in Asia, having spread his Opinions over all the Kingdom of Stam, over a great part of the Provinces of Japon, and from thence into Tunquin, where he died. The third Sect is that of Lanthu, to whose Fables the Japonnese and Chinese give great credence, but the Tunquinese more. He was a Chinese by Nation, and one of the greatest Magicians in the East. He made a great many Disciples, who to authorise this black Impostor, and the more to impose upon the people, made them believe that the Birth of Lanthu was miraculous, and that his Mother carried him in her Womb, without losing her Virginity, seventy years. He taught much of Chacabout's Doctrine; but that which won the Hearts of the people was, that he still exhorted the Grandees to build Hospitals in all Cities where there had been none before. Insomuch that several of the Nobility betook themselves to those places to look after the Sick, as did also a great number of the Bonzes for the same reason. While my Brother was there, the Choüa, a great Enemy to these Vagabonds, sent for a great number of Bonzes and Says, or idle Fellows, and picking out the strongest and best proportioned, sent them away to the Frontiers for Soldiers. 'Tis the Custom of the Tunquineses to adore three things in their Houses: The first is the Hearth of their Chimney made of three Stones The second is an Idol which they call Tiensa, which is the Patroness of Handicrafts, as Sculpture, Painting, Goldsmith's work, etc. So that when they put forth a Child to learn any of those Trades, before they let him work they set up an Altar; and sacrifice to this Idol, to the end he may infuse into the Lad wit and aptness to learn. The third is the Idol Buabin, which they implore when they design to build an House. For than they erect an Altar, and sand for the Bonzes and Says to sacrifice to this Idol. To this purpose they make great preparation of all sorts of Viands, and than present him with several gilt Papers, wherein are written several Magic words, endeavouring by that means that he may not suffer any misfortune to befall the House they are going to build. There are some Tunquineses that adore the Heaven, others the Moon, and others the Stars There are also some that adore five parts of the Earth, making a fifth part in the middle of that which is known to us, and to them also, but confusedly. When they worship them, they have for each of the parts a particular Colour. When they adore the Northern part, they cloth themselves in black; and the Dishes and Table whereon they lay their Sacrifices are likewise black. When they worship the South their Habit is read; when the East, green; when the West, white; and when they adore the middle of the World, they wear Yellow. They offer Offerings likewise to Trees, Elephants, Horses, Cows, and almost to all other sorts of Animals. They that study the Chinese Characters are accustomed every fifth month of the year, to sacrifice for the Souls of the dead who were never buried. They believe that by so doing their Understandings shall be more enlightened for the apprehending of all things. Every year, at the beginning of the year, they have a great Solemnity, to honour after their death those who in their life-time have done any noble action, and were renowned for their Valour, reckoning in that number those that have been so hardy as to rebel against their Princes, as being men of Courage. Three days before this great Solemnity, which is performed in a large Field, they set up several Altars, some for the Sacrifices, others for the Names of the Illustrious Men whom they design to honour. The Eve before above 40000 Soldiers spend the night in this Plain, where all the Princes and Mandarins are ordered to meet with their Elephants and led Horses, and the King himself goes thither in person. After they have finished all their Sacrifices, and burned good store of Incense to the Honour of the dead, the King and all the Mandarins make three profound Reverences where the Altars are; than the King shoots with his Bow and Arrows five times against the Altars, where lie the Names of those that were so rash as to rebel against their Sovereigns. After that the great Guns go of, and the Soldiers give three Volleys of small Shot, to put all the Souls to flight. Than they burn all the Altars, and a great number of gilt Papers, which were made use of at the Sacrifices; concluding all with a most hideous shout of all the Soldiery. Which done, the Bonzes, Sesse, and such like people, come and devour the Meat that was made use of for the Sacrifices. The first and fifteenth days of the Month 'tis a wondered thing to hear the Chiming Din of their great Bells. For those are the more especial Holydays set apart for the Worship of their Gods, and all the Bonzes and Says give them more than ordinary Worship upon those days, redoubling their Prayers, and repeating upon those days every one of them a strange kind of Charm six times over. At these times several people bring Meat and Drink to the Sepulchers of their Kindred, to sacrifice for the good of their Souls to eat. The Bonzes fail not to be there, and when the others have paid their Devoirs the Bonzes fall to, and what they cannot eat they give to the poor. But for all the austere Lives of these Bonzes and Says, neither the King nor the Mandarins make any account of them, so that they are in credit only with the common people. The Representation Of The Pagod's Or Temples Of The Idolators In Tunquin, With The Figures Of Their Deities, & Their Different Posturs' Which They Use When They Do Penance, And Accomplish Their Superstiti●s Vows, Or When They Practise Their Magic Imposturs' Which They Are Much Addicted Nj. Thaibout. 2. Thaiphou Thovi. 3. Bagoti, Magicians, And Witches The Tunquineses also have a great veneration for two Magicians, and one Magicianess. The first of their Magicians, whom they call Tay-bou, makes them believe that he knows the Events of things to come; so that when they have any occasion to marry their Children, build a House, buy Land, or undertake any business of Consequence, they consult this Oracle to know what shall hap to them. The Magician courteously receives them, and with a sergeant modesty demands of them (for Example) the Age of the person concerned. Than taking into his hands a great Book about three fingers thick, wherein are the Figures of Men, half Men, and several sorts of Land and Water Animals, of Circles, Triangles, and Squares, he goes to work, and at the same time puts into a Goblet three Pieces of Copper, whereon are engraven several Characters only upon one side. After he has shaken the Pieces in the Cup, he throws them upon the ground as at Cross and Pile; if all the Characters lie undermost he looks not further in his Book, but looks upon it as an unfortunate sign; but if one or two Characters come up, he looks in his Book, and makes the person believe what he pleases. But if all the Characters hap to turn uppermost, than the Magician cries out, that the Party is the most fortunate in the world. The second Magician is called Thay-phou-thovy, to whom they have recourse in all their Sicknesses. When any sick person comes to him, he takes a Book full of Figures like the former; only the Form of the Book is different, for this is not above an inch thick, and about four fingers long, with eight Panes full of Ciphers. If after several Apish tricks which he acts before the sick person to amuse him, he affirms that the Distemper comes from the Devil, he himself, together with the sick party and they that brought him, do Homage to the evil spirit: this Homage consists of several Sacrifices, and the Friends of the sick party present to the Devil, or rather to the Magician, a Table furnished with Rice and other Viands. But if after all these Offerings the sick party do not recover his health, all the Friends and Kindred of the sick party, with as many Soldiers as they can get, surround the sick persons House, and shoot of their Muskets three times, to drive away the Devil. Sometimes the Magician makes the sick party and his Friends believe, that the God of the Waters is the cause of the Distemper, especially if the sick person belongs to the Water, as being a Mariner, Boatman, or Fisherman. And to the end he may be cured, and that the appeased God may return to his watery Habitation, he order that all the way from the sick party's House to the next River may be spread with all the Pieces of Stuff which all the Kindred have, and that they set up Huts at such and such distances, and keep in every one a several Table furnished with all sorts of Viands for 3 days. And all this to oblige the Deity to retire, and to entertain him till he gets home. But the better to know the rise of the Disease, Thay-phou-thovy makes them believe, that they must go and consult Thaybou, who is the chief Magician, and if he answer that the Souls of the dead have caused the Distemper, the Magician employs all his tricks and devices to draw to him those mischievous Souls; and when he has got into his Clutches, as he pretends, the Soul that is the Author of the Disease, he shuts him up in a Bottle full of Water till the party be cured; and than breaking the Bottle he sets the Soul at liberty to go about his business. When the party recovers, he makes him and his Friends believe, that if the Bottle had not been well stopped to keep in the Soul, their Kinsman would have died infallibly. The Magicianess, which the Tunquineses also consult, is called Bacoti, and she keeps a great Correspondence with the Devil, to whom, if she has a Daughter, she offers her as soon as she is born, the more to oblige him. If any Mother bewail the death of her Child, and be desirous to know in what condition the Soul of the Child is in, in the other world, she goes to Bacoti, who to satisfy the Mother presently falls a beating her Drum, to summon the Soul to come to her, who presently appears, as she pretends, and tells her its Condition whether good or bad. But most commonly she makes the silly Mothers believe that the Soul is happy, and bids them be of good cheer. The Superstitions of these people are very numerous, but the most remarkable are these: The studious sort of people are very diligent to learn, how by looking in a Mirror to foretell things to come. There are some that present Aqua Vitae to the dead, and sprinkle their Ashes with it; but this only upon the Ashes of their Ancestors, from whom at the same time they beg for Health, Honour, and Richeses. Others there are, that upon the first day of their year take a piece of Chalk, and make several Figures round, square, and triangular, upon the Threshold and Steps of their Doors. They say those Figures fright away the evil spirits. Some there are that make great Observations upon the Feet of their Hens, and draw strange Conclusions of bad or ill fortune from thence. Others travelling into the Country, if they sneeze but once by the way, return to the place from whence they parted in the morning, saying, That had they gone on, some mischief would have certainly befallen them: but if they sneeze twice, they pursue their Journey, never fearing any danger for that day. There are some so superstitious, that going out of their Houses, if they meet a Woman, they return home again for two or three hours; but if they meet a Man, 'tis a good Omen. The first Fruit which they gather at the beginning of the year, is that which the Araguer bears, spoken of in the third Chapter. And this is the first which they eat with great Ceremony, during the first Quarter of their second Month. To which purpose they are so possessed with the Devil, that they poison one of these Fruits, and give it to a Child to eat, believing that by taking away the life of the poor innocent Child, they shall thrive the better all the year after. When the Moon is eclipsed, they say there is a certain Dragon that assails her, and endeavours with all his might to overcome her, with an intention to devour her. Than to assist the Moon, and to put the Dragon to flight, they discharge their Muskets, ring their Bells, beaten up their Drums, and make a hideous noise till the Eclipse be over: and than they believe that they have rescued the Moon, for which they make as great a rejoicing, as if they had obtained some eminent Victory over their Enemies. They are also very superstitious in reference to the hours of the day. They divide the natural day into twelve hours, and to every one they give the name of some Beast, as of a Tiger, a Lion, a Bear, a Horse, a Dragon, an Ape, etc. The Months also and Days have their particular Names: and when a Child is born, presently the Father and Kindred go to see the name of the Beast by which the Hour was called wherein the Child was born; believing that Animal will prove fatal to it. At the time that my Brother was at the Court at Tunquin, the King than reigning being born in the hour of the Horse, would never give Audience, nor ever stir out of his Palace at that hour, for fear some mischief should befall him at that time. That Prince was so superstitious, that one of his Children dying in the fifth month, which bears the name of the Horse, he would never permit him to be interred, but caused him to be burnt, and scattered his ashes in the Air. This is that which I could gather of most remarkable and most considerable matters concerning the State of the Kingdom of Tunquin, either out of the Manuscripts which my Brother (who died in the Indieses) left me, or from the Discourse which I have had with the Tunquineses themselves both at Bantam and Baravia. OF THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA. CHAP. I How the Hollanders possessed themselves of it, and how it was taken from them by the Chinese. THE Island of Formosa is about Eighty Leagues in compass; so that the Hollanders were never in possession of the whole Island, but were only Masters of four Fortresses, and two and fifty Villages, wherein they could number about fourteen or fifteen thousand Inhabitants. As for that part which is under the Indians, the best discovery that we can give, is only such as was made by a young Hollander upon this occasion. There was in the chief Fort belonging to the Hollanders a young man, employed there as an under Factor, who being wild and extravagant, was put out of his place and made a Soldier. He not able to undergo that miserable course of life, resolved with himself rather to die, than live in that mean condition. Thereupon having at several opportunities made a shift to make up a little Pack of what he thought was most fit for the Mountainiers of the Island, he watched his time and stole out of the Fort, and took his way directly toward the Mountains. With these Highlanders he lived four years, in which time having learned the Trade and Language of the Country, he ventured to return to the Hollanders again, who received him kindly, as being willing to understand the Government of the People, and by what means they might traffic with them. Whereupon the young man made them this Relation. But to return to the Story; the Governor gave the young man what he desired, and sent him going: but the Chineses soon after expelling the Hollanders out of the Island, it was never known what became of the young man. It may be wondered why Formosa was taken so soon: but here were two Reasons, first the faint-heartedness of the Governor, and secondly his breach of word to a French Soldier of Roven, called Abraham du Puys; for he having served out his time of seven years, desired leave to be gone, but the Governor, after he had promised him fair at first, at length absolutely refused him. Soon after the Chineses came to besiege the place. The Soldier thus disappointed, and seeing himself cooped up who might have been free, had the Governor so pleased, studied a fatal revenge upon all his Countrymen; for being by this means grown desperate, watched his opportunity, and flinging himself from the Fort into the Sea, swum directly to the Enemy. The Governor offered 200 Pieces of Eight to any person that would venture after him, and bring him back dead or alive. A Sergeant accepted his offer, but it was to get lose as the other had done; and so they got both safe into the Enemy's Quarters. The Chineses presently carried them to the General Coxima; and he being a person of Valour and Discretion, made very much of them, whereupon they readily and willingly informed him of the strength and condition of the Fortress. They also advised him to remove his Batteries to the weakest part of the Town, whereas he was than assailing it where it was most strongly fortified: which if he would do, they assured him he should be soon Master of the Fort. The General was thinking a little before they came to have raised his Siege, but upon their encouragement he fell on again according to their direction; and as he was preparing for a general Assault, the Holland Commander, fearful of losing his Life and his Estate, beaten a Parley, and surrendered the place upon Articles. During the Siege the Hollanders made a Salley, but were beaten in again, and fourteen of their men were taken Prisoners. The Chineses finding those fourteen men in their power, and remembering how cruel the Hollanders had been to their Nation when they took any of them at Sea, brought the fourteen men all together, put out one eye of each, cut of their Noses, Ears, and one hand, and so sent them back to the Fort, with order to tell the Commander, that the Dutch had taught them that kind of Mercy. CHAP. II. Of Maurice Island, where they cut Ebony. THE Island called Maurice Island lies almost in 84 degrees of Longitude, and 21 degrees of Southern Latitude, being but 2 degrees and 30 minutes from the Tropic of Capricorn, right over against the middle of the great Island of Madagascar, which it has upon the West, from whence it lies 140 Leagues, and is in compass about 60 Leagues. It bears great quantities of Ebony: and here it was that the Hollanders did formerly sand their Slaves, their banished and condemned Persons, to cut that sort of Wood, which is Labour much more severe and cruel than that of Rowing in the Galleys. The whole Island is subject to those violent and outrageous Tempests called Ouragans, which nothing can withstand, so that the People are forced to dig themselves Holes in the ground, not being able to keep their Huts standing. Neither had the poor Creatures any other Food than a little boiled Rice, and about a Farthings worth of Saltfish among four for a whole day. Since that the Price of Ebony being brought very low, the Dutch have forsaken the Island, the Profit not bearing the sorry Expenses which those poor Creatures put them to. So soon as this Tree is cut down it must be sawed into Planks, and than buried seven or eight foot deep in the Earth, which aught to be somewhat moist. There those Planks must lie two years, and sometimes three, if the Wood be very thick. After that the Wood is fit to be wrought upon, neither will it splinter or split, and will the sooner admit of a glittering Polishment. This Maurice Island puts me in mind of a Story, that the Sieur Loocker told me, concerning what befell him in his Voyage from Holland to Batavia in the Year 1643. Cha Abbess the second of that Name, King of Persia, having a great desire to learn to paint, signified to the Hollanders at Hispahan, that he desired them to sand into Holland for some person who was excellent both in Designing and Painting. Thereupon the Chief of the Factory wrote into Holland, and upon his Letters the Company sent away Loocker, to oblige the King; and to do him the greater honour, gave him the charge of Merchant of the Vessel, who is equal with the Captain, during the Voyage; to whom the Wind and Season was very favourable till they came to the Cape of Good Hope; but after they had doubled the Point, the Pilots bore too much to the North, whereas they should have steered directly East; so that when they had made the Height of the Island of Madagascar, they met with nothing but contrary Winds. For it is observable, that all the year long there blows but one Wind toward Maurice Island; so that a Ship may go thither in eight or nine days, but cannot return in thirty or forty. For you must steer Westward to 30 degrees, and from thence Eastward to 14 or 15 degrees, and than you light upon Maurice Island. Five days together the Ship was but rudely handled by the storm; which at length grew so violent, and the Sea so boisterous, that all the great Cabin was broken to pieces, the Beak of the Ship carried away, and the Foremast made unserviceable. Thirteen days together they remained in this miserable condition, tossed up and down by the Sea and Wind, all which time they never saw the Sun, unable to take any height or observation where they were. The fourteenth day it cleared up, and the Sun appeared, and than taking the Height they observed themselves to be not far from the Maurice Island, which was very true; for the next day by break of day they found themselves not above two Leagues from the Island; and they found themselves upon the North side of the Island, whereas the Hollanders lived upon the South. And therefore perceiving that if the Wind did not change, it would be a long time, and that with great difficulty too, before they could fetch a compass about the Island to come to the Fort where the Hollanders were, they called a Council, where it was resolved that Loocker with ten Soldiers should be put on shore, and that he should endeavour to get to the Fort by Land, there to make provision of Water and Refreshments for the rest of the Company, against they could come about. Maurice Island has this advantage, to be furnished with excellent Water, and great store of Goats, Oranges, Citrons, and other Fruits: but when the Ouragans hap there is not one to be seen upon the Trees, unless only upon those which are sheltered by the Ebony Boughs, which are thick and strong, and the Trees deeply rooted in the Earth. Loocker thereupon with ten Soldiers was put on shore in a Shallop, with Provisions for six days. Nor was the Island in that part above eight or ten Leagues broad, which they thought to travel in few days: but the Woods were so thick, that had they not been well provided of Carpenter's Hatchets and Axes, they could never have made their way. The first day they travelled not above a League, and the next day not above as much more, being still forced to hack their way along with great travel and pains. So that being now weary and spent, they laid themselves upon the ground to repose themselves, and get a little sleep. When they waked they heard the voices of several people, which much rejoiced them, believing them to be the Slaves and poor Creatures that were cutting Ebony not far of. Thereupon they fell to work to get as near them as they could: but the Woods proved so thick, that they despaired of doing any good. Nevertheless the further they advanced, the clearer they could hear the voices of the people, some speaking Dutch, others Portuguese. Whereupon Loocker caused one of the Soldiers in his company that had a strong voice, to call out in the Portuguese Language, to the people to come and help them. But instead of that they all betook themselves to their heels, and fled to the Commander's Lodge, telling him that there were Devils in the Woods, and that they had called to them in the Portugal Language. The Commander seeing both the Soldiers and the Slaves in such a dismal amaze and terror, knew not at first what to think; however he endeavoured to resettle their distraction, and to revive a sort of people that were half dead with fear. The next day he persuaded them to return to their Work, persuading them to lay aside their vain Fears, which proceeded only from idle Apprehensions: but they flatly denied him, telling him that they would rather die, than return to be torn in pieces by the Devil. However, others that had not been present at the accident, and therefore gave not so much credit to the report, proffered to see the utmost of this business, provided any one that had heard the voice would bring them to the place. Away upon this went a good number of them together, and coming to the place fell to work. Now because Loocker and his Companions having laboured all the night before, were fallen asleep; for a good while the Workmen heard no voice at all, nor so much as any thing stirring, so that they began to laugh at those that had brought them thither, who still obstinately maintained the truth of what they had heard. This Dispute at length began to grow so hot and so loud, that at length they waked Loocker and his Fellows, who being now got nearer to them by means of their last night's labour, heard distinctly every word they said, and notwithstanding their distress could not choose but laugh. Soon after Loocker and the Soldiers called out again, Work toward us, they cried, we are Hollanders, come and help us out of the Wood, and we will put an end to the dispute. But the Workmen not sooner heard them, but away they ran for their Lives, and when they came to the Lodge, they were so hared, so scared, and quite out of breath, that the Governor in vain endeavoured to get the lest tittle of a word from them. At length being come to themselves, they assured him that it was too true that the Devils were in the Wood, and that the more to deceive and wheedle them, to day they had not only spoken Portuguese, but Dutch too. This put the Governor and all into a deep Consternation, insomuch that they were all at their Wit's end. But the next morning Loocker and his Gang having made their way through, the Centinel spied them first from the Fort, and by the discharge of his Musket gave notice of the approach of the Devils. And than it was that the poor affrighted Mortals, laying aside their fears, and going forth to meet their own Shapes, found them to be a company of their Countrymen in distress, whom they than received into their kindness, to give an account of their Misfortunes. Three days after the Ship came into Harbour, though in a miserable condition. CHAP. III. Of the Grandeur of the General at Batavia, and what befell his Wife and his Niece. THe Company to maintain their Authority and Commerce in the Indieses, believe it to be to their advantage, that the General whom they sand to Batavia, and who commands in all the places in Asia where the Dutch traffic, should keep up the Port of a Prince. There is no Cavalry in Europe so well clad or mounted as his; the Horsemen all upon Persian or Arabian Steeds. Nor is his Foot Guard lesle sumptuous: His Halberdiers wear their yellow Satin Doublets, Scarlet Breeches laced with Silver Lace, and their Silk Stockings. But this only for the General's Guards; for those which they sand abroad to their Forts and Garrisons, it is a great pity to see how poorly they are attired, and how meanly fed. When the Dutch Fleet arrives at Batavia, the Soldiers which they bring are drawn up in the Parade of the Fortress by the Major, who chooses out the handsomest to remain at Batavia, the rest are sent and distributed into other places. When the General and his Wife go abroad, they always ride in their Coach and six Horses, with six Halberdiers attending at each Boot, and a Troop of Horse and two Companies of Foot for their Guard. The Authority of the General is very great, though he may be sometimes commanded by his Wife: neither is it safe for them that depend upon them, to do or say any thing that may offend them. But for others, who have their Employments immediately from the Company, they never oblige themselves to be so circumspect. For truth whereof I will relate the following pleasant Story. The Wife of General Matsuker having one day undertaken to play upon a Captain of a Ship called the Lucifer, and to laugh at him, for having lost a Bale of Goods which had been seized by the Company, in regard no particular person is permitted to trade. The Captain nettled at her Discourse, resolved to be revenged. Nor was it long before he found the means; for being commanded away for Maslipatan in the Kingdom of Goleonda, where being arrived, laden, and ready to set Sail to return to Batavia, the chief of the Factory desired him to take in four Bales of Goods for the General's Wife, as belonging to her, and to deliver them privately to her. This was Nuts to the Captain: so that being returned to Batavia, he went he went immediately to visit the General, and deliver him the Letters which concerned the Cargo. Immediately according to custom the General invited him to dinner, at which time it is usual for the General to inform himself of the Condition of the Factory. Among the rest of the questions the General asked the Captain whether he had any Counterband Goods aboard, or any that were not upon the Company's sole account. To which the Captain answered, that all the Goods belonged to the Company, except four Bales, which the chief Factor at Muslipatan had particularly recommended to his care, as belonging to Madam General. This being publicly spoken in the presence of a great many that were at Table, the Lady that was not ware of such a blow, was not a little surprised, and the General himself was not a little in wrath, sternly asked her how she durst undertake to trade without his knowledge. Presently she denied the whole matter, and averted that the Captain was mistaken, and took her for some other person. But the General sent for the Piscal, and ordered him to go forthwith with the Captain, and fetch the four Bales ashore; which being done, he ordered further that the Goods should be carried into the public Hall of the Town House, with a Writing fixed upon them, that whoever owned those Goods should come and claim them; but no body came. So that the Captain had the pleasure to see the Lady in a delicate raging passion, and the Goods disposed of to the Fiscal, and the Poor of the Hospital. The same General and his Wife having no Children, they began to consider to whom they should leave their Estates. At length the General bethought himself of a Niece he had at Amsterdam, and therefore wrote to the Directors of the Company to sand her to him. This Niece of his cried Potherbs and Onions about the street to get her living; in which Calling she was at last found out, and brought to the Directors; who presently changed her Habit, and of a Crier of Cabbage made her a little Lady; who though she were of such a low condition, was not without a good proportion of natural Beauty. The Fleet being ready to departed, there was a Cabin built on purpose for this Niece, and the Company having presented her with several pieces of Tissue and Silks, recommended her to C. Rosse, the Viceadmiral's care. This Captain had been several times at the Indieses before, and was both rich and a Bachelor: so that when the Ship was out at Sea, he failed not to show all the respects imaginable to this Niece. Now this young Virgin not being accustomed to the Sea, upon the lest gust of Wind she was half dead; and all that time the Captain would not stir from her Bedside, for fear any Accident should befall her. And as he was thus diligent not to stir from her Bedside in fowl, 'tis verily believed he was seldom far from it in fair weather; and that instead of sitting by her Bedside, he sometimes got fairly into it. But whether he were within or without, most certain it is, that before Madam Niece arrived at Batavia, she found herself to be with child, though she so discreetly concealed it, that none in the Vessel perceived it. The Vessel had no sooner passed the Straight that lies toward Bantam, but Madam General with a great number of her Friends in several little Barks came out to meet Madam Niece, and were not a little surprised to found her to be a person so well clad and handsome withal, without any appearance of what she had been before. A Coach and six Horses, and six Halberdiers, a Troop of Horse, and a Company of Foot, waited upon the shore for Madam General. And thus was Madam Niece conducted to the Fort with great pomp, and as kindly received by Monsieur General. Some few days after several of the Gallants of Batavia came picquiering to the House to see Madam Niece; and so it was, that all being smitten, every one desired her in Marriage: but both Uncle and Aunt were deaf to all their Suits, as having designed her to a young rich Merchant, who was than out of the way. C. Rosse laughed in his sleeve at the bustle that was made, and still continued his former respects and double Diligences, which were the more willingly permitted him in regard of the great care of their Niece, for which the Uncle and the Aunt thought themselves obliged to him during their Voyage. But at length seeing such a swarm of Sweethearts about her, he thought it but charity to undeceive so many poor Gulls, and without further ceremony to go to her Aunt, and to demand her Niece for his Wife. The She General who looked upon herself to be a kind of a Queen at Batavia, looked upon it as a high offence and indignity for a Tarpaulin Captain of a Ship to dare to make her such a Proposal, having already refused such Matches, persons that might come to be Privy Counsellors of all the Indieses. Nevertheless within a day or two after the Captain renewed his Charge, but than in a Majestic Fury she utterly forbidden him the Fort. He taking little notice of her rage, goes to the General, and after some Discourse makes the same Proposal, and receives the same Answer. But than the Captain gave the Husband such a Bone to pick, that he would not give the Wife; Sir, said he, twice already have I demanded your Niece in Marriage, this is now the third time that I make the same demand; if you refuse me, you shall ask me four times before I accept of her: and so saying briskly left him. The General reflecting upon the Captain's words, went to his Wife and told her the Story, who guessing at the effects of a long Voyage Familiarity, called Madam Niece into examination: She not being used to Dissimulation confessed the whole matter, and without any more to do was married to the Captain, to the great wonder of the whole City, till the birth of a Boy at the end of six months unfolded the Riddle. But this lying in was her ruin; for about five or six days after, the Mother and the Nurse being ill, the chief Chirurgeon of the Fort ordered them to take a little Cremor Tartar; and to that purpose sent a young man to the Master Chirurgeon of the Town, to sand him two quantities of Cremor Tartar in two Papers. He being drinking with his Friends, sends a young Barber newly come from Holland, to put up the two quantities according to direction. But the Barber mistook the Glass, and put up Sublimate instead of Cremor Tartar. So the two Women taking their Doses, dissolved in two Silver Cups of fair Water, died in 24 hours after. CHAP. IU. Of General Vanderbroug, and of the Original of the City of Batavia GEneral Vanderbroug was of Anverse, and having studied in the Jesuits College, retained some tincture of Learning, which he endeavoured to improve as much as his business would give him leave. While he was General he caused the Alcoran to be translated out of Arabic into Dutch. He was also a man of courage, and several times exposed himself to great hazards for the Service of the Company, as you shall see by the following Relation. After the Hollanders had taken several Prizes from the Portuguezes by Sea, they wanted a place of Retreat, where they might repair their endamaged Ships, and repose after the toils of the Sea. At first they cast their eyes upon the Island of Java, in that place where the English had built a small Convenience for their Trade. There is a Road in that part, where Vessels ride securely all the year, into which a River discharges itself that will receive Shallops of good burden, for above a thousand Paces. The Water of this River is most excellent; for being carried never so far to Sea, it never stinks, nor engenders Worms; which can only be said of the Thames and Ganges besides. The Hollanders therefore came and lay upon the point of a River, over against the place where the English had their small House. They had with them than the greatest part of the Ships which they had in the Indieses, laden with those great Bales of Cloth which come from Bengale and the Coast of Surat, so big that a dozen men can hardly manage them. These Bales they landed, and of them made a kind of Fortification, planting a good number of great Guns between them: For they never wanted great Guns ever since they traded alone to Japon, the only Kingdom of the World abounding in Copper; from whence they brought prodigious quantities to Macao and Goa, where they cast their Artillery. Thus the Hollanders thought that by Sea no body could endamage their small Fortification, made of Bales of cloth, which was defended by their Vessels which they had in the Road: But by Land they were afraid that the King of the Island, viz. either of Materan or Bantam, might disturb them. Observing therefore the Situation of the Island, which on that side was all covered with Woods, which reached on that side within a League of the Sea; and that where they ended, to the Shoar there was no other way but a Bank, which separated the Marsh from the River: So that the Hollanders the better to secure themselves against the two Kings, resolved to raise a Tower upon the Bank. In this Tower they planted several Culverins and small Pieces, crammed with artificial Wildfire, and every evening relieved their Guards. The King of Materan perceiving this, and believing that the Hollanders would not stop here, advanced a powerful Army to pull down the Tower. To which purpose he brought with him great Chains of Iron, and Cables made of the Coco Flax; believing that by the favour of the Night, having got his Chains and Ropes about the Tower, by the strength of his Men and Elephants he might easily pull it down. But having failed in his Enterprise, and for that the Hollanders Artillery killed him abundance of Men, he retreated with his Army. But it was not long before he returned again with a more powerful Force by Land, and also a great Fleet of small Vessels to assist him by Sea. With these Forces he gave a furious Onset a second time, which the Hollanders with no lesle vigour sustained, and beaten him of. But nothing discouraged with his loss, he resolved to give a third Onset, only he stayed some few days in expectation of more Forces. In the mean while one of the most considerable Captains of his Army was accused to the King not to have done his Duty: though seasonably advertized that the King was resolved to seize upon his person, and cut him to pieces. For you must know, that among the Javans when any person has merited Death, they tie the Offender all along upon a great piece of Timber, and the next Lord or great person that has a mind to try the goodness of his Scimitar, comes and cuts the Body into four pieces, the first stroke being made upon the Breast, the second upon the Pit of the Stomach, the third upon the lower part of the Belly. The four pieces if they be Men, are burnt; if Women, thrown to the Dogs, which they keep for that purpose. For the Javans never burn any person. This Javanese Lord therefore knowing what he was to trust to, made his escape to the Hollanders, and was kindly received by Vanderbroug. To ingratiate himself, he told the Dutch General all the King's Designs in reference to the carrying the place; where he would make his Onset, and what number of men he had. This however did not sufficiently cheer up the General, who knew his own weakness. So that the Javanese perceiving him still pensive, I found (said he) that thou art afraid of the King's strength, and reason thou hast, but be ruled by me: Thou art not ignorant that the Javanners are rigid Observers of the Law of Mahomet, and that if any Uncleanness from a Christian hand falls upon their Clotheses, they ●●ing them away, and spend six whole days in washing themselves, before they believe themselves clean. Hear than, said he; let all the Ordure and Dung of the People that are with thee be heaped in a place together, and made ●●ui● in Pots for that purpose; and when they mount their Ladders, spare not for Showers of that Liquor, and I warrant ye they will retreat faster than they came on. Farther continued he; I know that the points of their Arrows and Cric's are poisoned, and that this poison is so strong, that whoever are wounded therewith die suddenly, unless they have recourse to this only Remedy; which is to preserve their own Excrement, and to dry it to powder; and when they found themselves wounded, to take a little of the powder, and drink it of in a small Beer-glass of Water. The General observing what the Javan Lord had said, when the Enemy mounted their Ladders, lustily besmeared them with the Liquor, which he caused to be prepared against their coming; so that instead of gaining the tops of their Ladders, they made all the haste they could down again; but being hindered by those that followed them, they threw themselves headlong to the ground; by which means several of them were maimed, and several killed outright. Thus the Army disbanded in a moment, and the Emperor was the first that took his flight. Vanderbroug observing the disorderly Retreat of the Enemy, took a small Party with him, and pursued the flying Enemy, who being enclosed by those in the Fort, that sallied out upon them, were miserably cut in pieces. But the General having left the greatest part of his men, and returning only with a small and very inconsiderable Company, the Javanners who had hid themselves in the Marshes for fear, resumed courage, and suddenly fell upon him in his return, and so encompassed him on every side, that it was impossible for him to escape. However they defended themselves stoutly for a while, but being wounded with the Arrows and Cric's of the Indians, and not being provided of the forementioned Antidote, they died immediately. The General was taken alive, not so much as wounded; for as he told me afterwards himself, he found they had no desire to kill him. So soon as he was taken they carried him to the Emperor, who as soon as he saw him bid him not fear any thing, but told him withal, that it was his pleasure, that he should command his Men to quit the Fort and Tower, and be gone; otherwise that he would make both him, and all those that should fall into his Hands, perpetual Slaves. At the same time the Emperor with his principal Officers, and the General with a good Guard, came to the Foot of the Wall of the Tower, where the General in the Malay Language, laying before them his own misfortune, and the improbability of their holding out long, commanded them to quit the Fort, after they had embarked whatever they saw fitting, but only 6 Pieces of small Canon, 200 Bullets, and 500 Quintals of Powder. The Emperor was overjoyed to hear what the General said, and thought himself sure of the Fort and Tower. But than the General turning to the Emperor, told him, that none of his men understood Malay, and that therefore it would be convenient for him to repeat the same in Flemish. Which being granted, he spoke to the Soldiers in Flemish, and ordered them quite the contrary; that is to say, that they should not be Traitors to their Country, but hold out the place till death, not minding what became of him; and to that end, that they should bid the Infidels forthwith retire, or else they would immediately fire all their Guns upon them. The Emperor astonished at their Resolution retreats, and carries the General with him. Being thus retired, the General made him believe that he would found a means to writ to the Company, to give them an account of what had passed, and that he was confident they would give such order for an Accommodation, as should satisfy His Majesty, which satisfied the Emperor for that time. In the mean while the General found an opportunity to get into a small Bark, and to get to the Fort, where he was joyfully received. This Recital I had from his own mouth. The General having done this and several other eminent Services for the Company, and acquitted himself with Reputation and a fair Estate, was desirous to return home, where the Prince of Orange, and several of the States had not lesle a desire to see him. Straight he took up his Habitation at the Hague, and for a good while lived splendidly, gave great Presents and Entertainments to the Prince, and several other Grandees of Holland, by which means he ran himself into so great an Expense, that he was forced to desire of the Company, that he might return into their Service. One day the Prince of Orange ask him what Rarities he had brought out of the Indieses, he called for five Silver Plates, and setting them upon the Table, drew out five little Bags out of his Pocket, and emptied a several Bag upon a several Plate; which surprised not only the Prince, but several others of the States than present, to see such a number of Diamonds and other Jewels of a vast value. It was not without some difficulty that he was again entertained by the Company; but at length they sent him Admiral of two Ships to Batavia, where being arrived, the General and Consuls made him Admiral of the Fleet that was just bound for the Coast of Coromandel, Surat, and Persia. Being returned to Batavia, General Vandyme and the Council sent him to Malaca, which the Hollanders than besieged, and where they found a stouter resistance than they imagined. There in an assault upon the Town he received a slight Wound, of which he was quickly cured; but soon after he fell sick, and died before the Town was surrendered. CHAP. V Of the Country about Cochin, and how the Holland General crowned one of the Indian Princes. ALL the Country about Cochin is planted for the most part with that sort of Tree which they call Cocos, the Fruit whereof produces that sort of Wine which the Inhabitants call Tarry, whereof they make their Strong Water. They mingle this Wine with course black Sugar unrefined, together with the Bark of a Tree which bears nothing but Thorns. This Bark causes the Tarry and Sugar to boil and ferment like new Wine. When the Tarry and the Sugar have fermented for above seven or eight hours, they distil them in an Alembic, and make Strong Water, which is stronger or smaller, by how much the more often or seldomer it is distilled. Besides the Coverture of these Trees the whole Country is full of Cows; for they are all Idolaters in this Country, that only worship their Cows for their Gods, feed upon their Milk, and eat nothing that has Life. When you leave the Countries of these Princes, which they call Rajas, travelling toward the North East you enter into the Territories of the Raja of Velouche, which are of a large extent. He and all his Subjects being Idolaters, unless it be about nine or ten thousand poor People called Christians of S. John, as being baptised after the same manner that S. John baptised the People in the Wilderness. After the taking of Cochin, of which we have given a full Relation in our Indian Travels, General Vangous, who commanded at the Siege, became so haughty that he despised all the other Officers, as well Military as those that belonged to the Government and Justice of the City. However to recompense one of the Raja's by whose means he had taken the City, he persuaded him to quit the Name of Raja, and to assume the Title of King, that he might have the Honour to set the Crown upon his Head. To this end he made great inquiry through his whole Army for a Goldsmith, and having found out one that undertook it, and caused him to make a Crown of massy Gold, that weighed near ten Marks, which I believe the Raja found more inconvenient and weighty upon his Head, than an old Muckender with three corners bound about his Head, which is the mark of the Raja's Sovereignty. While they were making this Crown there were great preparations for the Ceremony: It was performed in a Garden near the Town, where was set a large Tent spread all over with painted Calicut. Within was a Throne erected with a Canopy of China Damask, and all the Steps to the Throne were covered with Persian Tapestry. The day being come, the greatest part of the Army, Officer's and Soldiers, went to fetch the Raja, who lay in his Hut a quarter of a League of; where they mounted him upon one of two Elephants which the General sent him, being attended likewise with two led Horses, and two Palanquins for more State. Being come to the place, he was clad in a Scarlet Robe with great Hanging Sleeves, and so brought in where Vangous was sitting upon his Throne, with a Sword and a Crown by him. The Raja being come to the Foot of the Throne, the Mayor of the Army took the Sword, delivered him by the General, and girt the Raja, who than ascending the Steps of the Throne, prostrated himself before the Holland General while he put the Crown upon his Head. Than the new King riseth up, and lays his Hand upon the Head of a Cow that stood near the Throne. Which done, kneeling with his Hands clasped, and lifted toward the Head of the same Cow, he took his Oath to be true and faithful to the Company, and to embrace their Interests. On the other side the General promised him on the behalf of the Company, that they should assist him when he should have occasion against his Enemies. Which Solemnities being very gravely performed the Musquettiers gave three Volleys, and the new King was conducted back to his Hut with the same Pomp that he was brought. Thus you see the Pride of a Pepper Merchant, to make Kings and domineer over Crowns. One other famous Act of Vangous must not be forgotten. You must know, that at the taking of Cochin the Jesuits had in that City one of the fairest Libraries in all Asia, as well for the great quantity of Books sent them out of Europe, as for several rare Manuscripts in the Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic, Persian, Indian, Chinese, and other Oriental Languages. For in all the Conquests of the Portugals, their first care was to summon all the Learned People of the several Nations, and to get all their Books into their hands. During that little time which the Jesuits stayed in Aethiopia they had copied out all the good Books that came to their knowledge, and sent all those Books to Cochin. They had stayed longer in Aethiopia, had it not been for the Jealousy of the Patriarches, and their Bishops, which are very numerous; so that if there be two men in one Village that belong to one Church, the chiefest calls himself Bishop. At their Ceremonies of Baptism when they name the Holy Ghost, they apply a hot Iron to the neck of the Infant, saying that the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles in the shape of Fiery Tongues. The Patriarches and Bishops were jealous of the Jesuits, finding that they had insinuated themselves into the favour of the King and Grandees of the Court. Which so enraged the Aethiopians, that they caused the People to mutiny, preaching that the King was about to altar the Religion of the Country, and to draw along with him several of the Lords. And the Fury of the People grew to that height, that whatever the King could do or say, he could not appease their Fury: So that they put him in prison, and elected his Brother in his place. The cause of this disorder was laid upon the Jesuits, and was the reason that they were expelled the Kingdom; neither had they scaped so, but they were afraid of the Governor of Mozambique, and the Portugals that inhabit all along the Coast of Africa. But to tell ye what became of this Library, General Vangous made no conscience to expose it to the ignorance of his Soldiers, so that I have seen the Soldiers and Seamen tear several of those beautiful Volumes to light their Tobacco. CHAP. VI Of the Sieur Hollebrand Glins, Precedent of the Factory at Ormus. When the Ships come to Ormus, it is a great prejudice for the Goods to lie out of doors. For such is the extremity of the Heat in that part, that if the Spices, especially the Cloves, be not carried to the Waterside every foot, and there laid to steep in the Water for four and twenty hours, they would turn to a mere powder. Sugar is brought thither in great Wooden Chests, but if there be the lest Cleft for a Fly or an Emmet to get in, in a small time the Chest will be half emptied. As for Camphire, which is brought from Borneo in Pipes, if it lie a little too long in that warm Air, it will exhale above half away. To remedy these Inconveniences Sieur Hollebrand resolved to build a bigger Warehouse. Among the rest of the Workmen that were employed in this Building was a Gunsmith, who came in the interim in a Ship from Batavia. This poor Fellow was employed to make Locks for the Warehouse; for in those Parts they have no other Keys, or Locks either, than what are made of Wood: So that it was a Crime for him to be found idle at any time. And therefore the Precedent finding him one Sunday in the Afternoon drinking with two of his Companions that came from the Ship to see him, gave the Fellow half a dozen good Licks with his Cane, and would have given him more, but that the Smith being a sturdy Fellow, and feeling the Blows smart, wrested the Stick out of the President's Hands, and fling it out of the Window. For which the Precedent, upon pretence that the Fellow had struck him four Blows, which was untrue, as I myself being there could witness, sent him laden with Chains to the Ship, where he would have tried him for his Life, in a full Court of the Merchants of the Factory: but they refusing him, for very madness he took two Notaries, that he had a power over, went to the Ship alone, made the Officers of the Ship, and condemned the Fellow to be hanged. And he had certainly been executed but for me and some other of my Countrymen, (for the Fellow was of Geneva) that threatened the Precedent out of his design. Yet he caused him to be drubbed Naked at the Main Mast after that inhuman manner, that he lost the use of one of his Arms. This the Genevese could never forget, and therefore sought all opportunities to kill him; to which purpose he put himself in the same Ship with Hollebrand when he returned for Holland. But coming to the Cape of Good Hope, and being sent ashore in the Shallop for Provisions, the Shallop was overset in a stormy Sea, and Hollebrand's Life thereby secured. But before we leave Ormus, where Hollebrand was building his Warehouse that caused all this mischief, let us take notice of this by the way, that there is no abiding at Ormus till April, jest you pay for your stay with some Malignant Fever, that may hold a man as long as he lives; or if he be cured by chance, yet will the White of his Eyes be more yellow than Saffron. This same sort of Fever seizes our Europeans in the Port of Alexandretta in Syria, and in the Islands where the Hollanders lad their Cloves, Nutmegs, and Mace. By the way observe, that there is a particular sort of Nutmeg which the Hollanders call Maneque, and we the Male Nutmeg, as long again and a little bigger than the ordinary Nutmeg; and this sort they never carry into Europe, because they cell it to better profit in Persia and the Indieses. This I shall also further add, that the ordinary Nutmeg condited, fuddles more than the strongest Wine, eating but only one either at the beginning or ending of the Meal. CHAP. VII. Touching the Islands of the Prince. THE Fort of Batavia has four fair Bastions, and is well built but upon an ill Foundation, those Bastions being plainly observed to sink, and requiring Reparation from time to time. For the perfecting of which Work the Hollanders wanted Slaves: whereupon a Consultation was had where to get Slaves. To which Answer was made, that there was no better place than the Prince's Islands. Which being concluded, the General of Batavia dispatched away three the biggest Ships belonging to Batavia. These Ships visited every one of these Islands, feigning that they came from Holland and wanted Refreshment. So soon as the Inhabitants discovered the Vessels, they flocked to the Shoar Men, Women, and Children, as they want to do, bringing along with them the best of their Provision, as Coco Wine, Nuts, and other Fruits of the growth of the Islands. Happy were they that could first get aboard, for they always get more by the Mariners and Soldiers, than by those that go ashore to trade. Now so soon as they were ashore, they gave them Strong Water to drink till they were drunk; and when the Masters of the Ships saw them in that condition, they immediately sent a good number of their men well armed ashore, who bond them that were upon the Sand to truck for their goods, and carried them away to their Ships, killing all those that made any resistance. But they did them little service; for finding themselves so inhumanly used as the Hollanders use their Slaves, they took a resolution to eat nothing, and to starve themselves to death, rather than to be forced to labour and be beaten every day. CHAP. VIII. How the Hollanders sent to declare War against the Persians', and of the ill Success of their Fleet. MUch about the same time Charles Constant was sent by the Company with a Fleet of seven great Ships, to declare War against the Persians', in case they would not comply with the Dutch in reference to their Silk Trade and their Customs. Being arrived at Ormus he left the Fleet there, and hastened to Ispahan, and from thence to Casbin, where than the King was. But his Embassy had not that effect as he expected: For he thought that the King would have been frighted at the noise of a Fleet of seven great Ships that lay at Ormus, but he was mistaken. For the Persian knew he need not sand any Force against the said Fleet, in regard it would be ruin'd without: It being impossible for our Europeans to stay at Ormus in the heat of Summer, as well by reason of the Heat, as for want of Water; for there is no good Water at Ormus, nor upon any part of the Coast of Persia, but what is kept in Cisterns, and that full of Worms. 'Tis true, that upon the Coast of Arabia there are Wells of good Water, but when the Arabians discover any Ships upon the Coast, they come down all in Arms to defend their Wells; for it is their profit to cell their Water, and that at a very dear rate, to those that are in necessity. Now the King and Council not being ignorant, that the longer the Fleet lay at Ormus, the worse would be its condition, would not give the Commander his first Audience in two months. During which time there died above half the Men; for from six a clock in the morning till four in the afternoon, if any of the Seamen went to take a little Air upon the Deck, he presently fell down dead. The Admiral was to blame not to make provision of Water being bound for such a place as Ormus. The Commander Constant did not take the right course to effect his business, by publishing what he intended to present the Ministers of State withal. For the Lords of Persia never take any Presents themselves, for fear it should come to the King's Ear. But there is a private Bill sent to the Party for whom it is intended, and he sends whom he thinks fit to receive it. Had he so done, and doubled his Sum of 5000 Venetian Ducats, perhaps the Athemadoulet might have used him more kindly, especially for so long time as that King had. For whatever a Predecessor does, a Successor changes many things. So that if the deceased King have given any House or Land to any person, it must be confirmed by the succeeding King in his first Year, or else the Gift returns to the King. It is the same thing if any person builds a House upon the King's Demesns: which has been a great inconvenience to the Austin Friars and barefoot Carmelites, because their Houses are built upon the Lands which Cham Abbas gave them of the Royal Demesns. So that every time a new King ascends the Throne, they are forced to make the Athemadoulet new Presents, sometimes to the Value of the Land: for it is a rare thing to found a prime Minister that is a Friend to the Christians. But the Jesuits and Capuchins, who came after them, provided better for themselves, each of those Orders having bought the Ground upon which their Houses are built. The Commander seeing that he could not compass his Design, and that the Athemadoulet would abate nothing of the forty four Tomans which he demanded, went to the Divanbegai and told him, that buying the same Goods of particular persons, they might be had for thirty two, or at most for thirty three Tomans. To which the Divanbegai answered him, That all those particular persons paid the King Custom, and Convoy upon the Road, the Custom alone amounting to Eighteen per cent. which the Hollanders did not pay: and that there was not a Year wherein they did not bring in Goods to the Value of 30000 Tomans; and that if account should be taken of the Silks which they carried away, and of the Goods which they brought in, the Athemadoulet aught to make them pay near 50000 Tomans for Duties. The Commander ill satisfied with this Answer went to his Lodging, and without ask the Advice of the Merchants that were with him, or of his Frenchman, who better understood the Practice of the Court, or without taking his leave of the King, returned privately to Ispahan, intending for Bander where the Fleet lay. The Athemadoulet being advertized of his sudden departure, was very much offended; so much the more because at the Commanders first Arrival he had done him great Civilities, even to the furnishing his Lodgings after the European manner, with a Bed, Stools, and Tables. Thereupon he gave notice thereof to the King, who when he heard of it uttered these words, Has any one given him any distaste, or is he turned Fool? He shall be glad to come back again. Being come to Ispahan, to the great wonder of the Franks, who heard nothing of his taking leave of the King, he began to make up his Pack, intending for Gomrom, in case the King did not sand for him again; which he did, 'tis true, but not with those Compliments which he expected; for he flattered himself that the King would have petitioned him to return. The King sent for him indeed, but his Compliment was not very pleasing; for the person that brought the Message told him, That it was the King's pleasure he should speedily return, and if he would not go willingly he had order to carry him by force. But notwithstanding the King's Command and the Counsel of his Friends, he set out from Ispahan for Bander, according to his first intent. We accompanied him some part of his way, and being just ready to take our leaves, we saw a Persian Gentile and well mounted, (he was a Captain of an hundred men) who calling the Interpreter to him, Go (said he) and tell thy Precedent, that he must return to his Lodging, and to morrow make haste to the King, according to the Order he has already received: and with that he road away full speed. The Interpreter told the Commander what the Captain said; but notwithstanding all this the Commander being a person of a hot and obstinate humour, continued his way. Neither the Merchants of Zulpha, nor any of the Persian or Armenian Servants would follow him, fearing the Bastinado, and believing he was secure enough; as it happened: for he had not road far, before three Captains with their Bows and Arrows in their hands bolted out upon him, one of which riding up directly to the Commander, Art thou (said he) the only person that ever set foot in this Empire, that refusest to obey the Companion of the Sun, whom so great a part of the World obeys? At the same time came up fifty stout Horsemen, and one of them who cammanded them made at Mr. Constant with his Mace. Than the Admiral was forced to lower his Sails and return back, forced to receive an Affront which he might have avoided When he was come to his Lodging, the Persian Officer without alighting called the Interpreter, and bid him go forwarn the Commander in the Name of the King, that neither he nor any of the Hollanders presumed to stir out of their Houses till further order; for that if any of them were seen abroad, they should be taught to obey the King's Commands. Thus the Hollanders having been cooped up nine days, word was brought the Commander he might return to Cusbin, where he found that all his Rodomontadoes signified nothing, but that he must comply with the Athemadoulet. CHAP. IX. Of the Severity of the Holland Commanders in the Indieses. GEneral Speck, before he came to his Employment, had a Daughter by a Woman which he kept only as his Mistress, not as his Wife. After his time was out he returned into Holland, and not being willing to carry his Daughter along with him, knowing that she would go of better at Batavia than in Holland, left her to the care of General Com, who succeeded him in his charge. The Girl was fair and left rich, so that her Father was not sooner gone, but she had many Suitors that courted her, without any consideration of her Birth, among all which there was none that she fancied, like one that was a Superior Merchant of the Fort, for whom she had a particular esteem. Neither did she believe but that General Com would have given his consent upon the first request, knowing the young man to be of a good Family. Nevertheless they were both deceived; for being asked, he utterly denied to yield to any such matter. However, the young Man and the Maid continued their Fidelity to each other, and that with such a close respect, that at length the Virgin's Belly began to swell. Whereupon she made one of the Ladies of the City acquainted how the case stood, as also of her Council, believing that the General upon notice how Affairs went, would marry her to keep all things private. But so soon as the Lady had revealed the Mystery, he was so far from answering their expectation, that he threw the young Man laden with Fetters into prison, and shut up the young Woman close Prisoner in her Chamber. Next day he called a Council, declared to them the Matter of Fact, and gave his Opinion, that the young man deserved to loose his Head, and that the Maid should be whipped. The Council were of a contrary Judgement, and advised him to reconcile the Mischance by a Marriage. But notwithstanding all their persuasions the General resolved to have his own humour, the next day privately sent for the Executioner, and causing the young Man and the Maid to be brought into his Hall, commanded the Man's Head to be forthwith struck of, and the Virgin to be whipped though big with Child. The Sieur Goyre commanded the Holland Fleet that was sent to the Manilles, he landed all his Soldiers, and most of his Mariners. When they began to march, he commanded that not a man should stir out of his Rank upon pain of death. It happened that a young Soldier, who was troubled with the Bloody Flux, stepped a little aside to ease Nature, which the said Commander perceiving, caused him to be apprehended and bound, and calling a Council of War would have had him hanged; and when the Officers refused to give Sentence against one that had committed no offence, he caused seven or eight Blacks of the Low Countries to hung him up upon a Tree. But the Sieur Dirk Hogel, Lieutenant General, marching by in the nick of time, and seeing the poor Fellow in that condition, presently ordered him to be cut down, and so saved the poor Fellow's Life; who returning into Holland, and making his Complaint to the Company, the Directors wrote smartly to the General and Council at Batavia about the business; who upon Examination of the matter, in regard the Lad was sent by the Directors of the Orphan's House at Amsterdam, condemned the Sieur Goyre to pay four thousand Crowns to the Orphan's House, and three hundred Crowns yearly to the poor Soldier. CHAP. X. Touching the Women. Oft-times when Women think that their Amours are most secret, they are by some strange and unexpected accident oddly discovered. While I was at Batavia, the Secretary of the Hospital, as handsome a person as any was in the City, had a Wife that passed for a Batavian Beauty, neither indeed was she despicable. This Couple had been seven years married without any Children; so that the Woman despairing of her Husband's Abilities, and to know where the fault lay, resolved to bestow her Favours upon one of her Slaves, who was well shaped but very black; choosing rather a private Familiarity with him, than with any young Hollander, whose frequent Visits might breed suspicion. It seems the fault did not lie in her, for her Sable Gallant had so improved his Talon, that in a short time she found the effects of Change. In short, the Woman's Belly swelled, and her Husband thinking his time had been come, began to boast of his Manhood, and great Joy there was among the Friends of the Woman upon the hopes of Issue. Great Provisions were made against the Lying in, and the General himself made choice of for Godfather. But when the good hour was come, and the Woman delivered, their Joy was turned into Mourning, for the Child proved one of the sooty Offspring of the Sunburnt race, a perfect Black. The Husband and Mother of the Woman blushed as read for shame as the Child was black, and the Gossips hung down their heads like Bulrushes: nay the Husband was so transported with fury, that he could not hid his resolution to murder his Wife, for bringing such a piece of live Charcoal into the world. But he was prevented, and secured in the Fort by the General, till by the intermission of Friends, who wisely laid before him the original cause of his Wife's Transgression, they were at length made Friends, and the Slave for having showed himself a Man, was condemned to tug at the Oars in the Galleys that go to fetch Stone for the use of the City. Now as a White Woman may bring forth a Black, so sometimes a Black may be delivered of as White Child. For at Baçaim a Cafer's Wife, as black as himself, was delivered of a white Child. The Cafer seeing his Child white, would have immediately fallen upon his Wife and strangled her, had not the good women that assisted at her Labour prevented him, and one of those Gossips was so cunning as to run to the Jesuits House, who are well respected by those Blacks, to desire Father Thomas de Bare, who had a long time been Rector at Agra, to come to the Cafer's House. Presently the Father came with another of the Fraternity, and finding the Cafer stamping and staring almost out of his wits, and in open hostility without all reason, to appease his fury asked him whether he kept any Hens, and whether he had any that were black. The Cafer answered that he did keep Hens, and that he had likewise black Hens. Presently the Father ordered one to be brought him; and than holding it in both his hands before the good Women, Does this Hen (said he to the Cafer) lay thee any Eggs? Yes, replied the Cafer. Of what colour are they, said the Father? White, answered the Cafer. Well than, said the Father, thou art worse than thy silly Creature, and hast far lesle reason; for if this Hen which is black lay thee white Eggs, why may not thy Wife which is black bring thee a white Child? This Comparison so wrought upon the Cafer, who was no Disputant, that he embraced his Wife, kissed his Child, and all was well again. Though for all the Jesuits Comparison it was believed that some Portugal Soldier had quartered with his Wife, which was the reason of that more than usual Production. To conclude, there was a certain woman, the wife of one of the Counsellors of Batavia, who had both kindness and affection for a Merchant of the Fort, who was both young and handsome. And it is the Custom in that Country to be not only kind but free, she had for several years so well supplied his wants, that he was Company for the best. It happened that this Counsellor was sent abroad upon some Negotiation, and stayed longer than he thought he should have done. For this reason Money grew short with the Lady; so that her Gallant coming for a Supply, and she not having ready money to answer his Expectations, she gave him a Gold Chain worth 400 Crowns to pawn for his present Necessities till she could redeem it. But this Fatal Chain was the dissolution of all their former Love: For the young Gentleman being streighten'd for Money, and finding no person that would lend him so much Money as he wanted upon it, very fairly goes and offers it to a Goldsmith to cell. While this unfortunate Lover was driving his Bargain in the Shop, who in the name of ill luck should come by but one of his Mistress' Slaves, and spying the Chain in his hand, runs and tells her Patroness how she had seen her Gallant employed. Who surprised that her Gallant should go about to cell the Chain, when he had only promised to pawn it in private and sure hands; now (quoth she) all will out, there will be the Devil upon Dun when my Husband comes home; and I forsooth that have lived credibly thus long, must be the sport of my Neighbours and the talk of the Town. This produced a Duel between Love and Interest, wherein Interest getting the victory, away she immediately sends to all the Goldsmiths, to give them notice that she had been robbed of a Gold Chain, desiring them to apprehended the Party that brought it. She also gave the same notice to the chief of the Chinese, and desired the Advocate Fiscal to make a public Search. Well, by these means the Chain was quickly found, and the Merchant whatever he could say for himself was apprehended and put in prison; soon after he was condemned for a Thief, and sentenced to row all his life in the Stone Galley, which is the Galley that fetches Stones for the use of Batavia. But happy for him, General Vanderlin's Lady falling into a hard Labour before the time of Execution, and desiring his Pardon at such a solemn Juncture, easily obtained it, seasonably recovering him from the Misfortunes of Folly and Necessity. An Alphabetical Index to the Map of Tunquin, made on the place by B. Tavernier. The first Figures are Longitude, the second Latitude. BOdego, whence they embark the King's Body: as also the Huts for those that attend the King's Body 144-21 Bonten, an excellent Haven 151-9 Camelee, a great River, but bad Port 146-13 Chancon, an Isle where S. Xavier died February 4. 1552. 155-21 Checo, the Capital City of Tunquin, and King's Seat 144-21 Colaure 146-14 Cuaci, the Bounds between Tunquin and Cochinchina 142-16 Cuadag, a Lake 140-22 Cuadag, the Port where all the great Ships lie, not able to enter the great River of Cheche, being stopped up 142-20 Dinphoan, a good Port, but difficult entrance 149-10 Haifo, this Isle is a Forest of Orange and Pomegranate Trees 145-14 Hainanen, an Island wherein is two Rivers, one is very hot and smells of Sulphur, and the sick come from all the adjacent parts to bathe in it 148-19 Island of Fishes 146-19 Pulociampelio Isle 146-15 Sansoo, one of the greatest Cities of Cochinchina, and greatest Trade, but the Port failing, it now decays 143-15 Tacan▪ an Isle where the Fowls retire during the heat 148-12 Tortose's Islands 152-11 Tulatan Isle 147-14 An Alphabetical Index of all the Towns in the Map of Japon. A AChas 175-34 ACosaqui 177-34 Aizu 184-38 Akas 174-34 Amessima 171-34 Amusana 175-34 Anai 174-34 Anzuqui 176-35 A●ui 173-34 Aquita 182-40 Arcy 177-34 Ava 174-33 Ava 181-34 Autua 170-33 Axicanga 182-36 Aximot 181-36 B Bandel 179-34 Bigen 174-35 Bingo 173-34 Bipchu 173-34 Bugen 172-34 Bungo 171-33 C Camba 179-34 Cango 177-36 Cansula 182-35 Cataizu 175-33 Caucani 175-34 Cochite 170-33 Coreer Isles 169-34 The Sea 171-34 Coyssina 171-34 D Daura 180-34 Deva 182-38 Dongo 172-33 F Facova 180-34 Fairma 174-34 Favissida 178-34 Fintsautwa 177-34 Firanda 170-33 Firazima 172-34 Fitaqui 182-37 Flagway 177-34 Foncorai 178-34 Foqui 174-35 Forissauva 180-35 Fucha 179-36 Fumay 172-33 Fuximi 176-35 G Ganamisaqui 171-34 Ganomi 172-34 Ginkay 171-34 Gold Ours 184-38 I Jaai 178▪ 34 Jamman 171-34 Idiumo 173-35 Idzumi 175-35 Jedo or Jendo 181-35 Jesse 184-40 Jesare 179-34 Inaba 174-35 Ingo 176-34 Jobeco 170-33 Jokeits 176-34 Jofinda 177-34 Isakuts 176-34 Juani 172-35 Jussimara 179-34 K Kakinkw 179-34 Kakingaren 178-34 Karaye 178-34 Kisma 170-33 M Maicazima Isle 183-36 Marganni 174-34 Mia 177-34 Miaco or Meaco 175-34 Micava 177-35 Mimalaca 173-35 Mino 177-34 Mirico 179-34 Mulaxi 181-35 Muro 174-34 N Nanastgamma 170-33 Namba 184-39 Nangati 171-34 Nangisaqui 171-33 Nayma 178-37 Nibarasacq 178-34 Niborasaca 178-34 Nivata 181-37 Not● 178-37 O Ocambe 179-34 Ocasaqui 177-34 Okais 179-34 Omodo Key 170-33 Oquayama 174-34 Ormeda 176-34 Oseaca 175-34 Ova 176-34 Owaeri 177-35 Q Quano 176-34 Quinocuni 175-33 Quirenoxo 176-36 R Roches 171-33 S Sacca 178-34 Saccaiia 175-34 Face 176-34 Saikock 171-33 Samma 176-34 Sando 180-37 Sangani 180-35 Sanuqui 173-34 Saquio 171-34 Sapui 175-34 Sateuma 170-32 Sateque 183-37 Savoia 174-34 Scabarei 179-34 Silver Ours 179-37 Simanda 178-34 Simissima 170-33 Sinagawa 181-35 Sincubis 170-33 Sintsi 176-34 Sino Sima 171-34 Sirion 177-34 Sirack 178-34 Stintgo 175-34 Surunga 179-34 Suva 180-36 Suvo 172-34 T Tambo 175-35 Tanegaxima 172-32 Tango 175-35 Tatomis 178-35 Tauma 175-35 Tucnocuni 175-34 Tenri River 178-34 Toia 172-33 Tokoesi 173-33 Toi Isle 183-34 Tomo 173-34 Tondozima Isle 180-38 Tottori 174-35 Tsumgaer 184-40 V Vacosa 176-35 Vasumi 171-32 Ubama 176▪ 35 Vitchu 178-36 Vomi 176-35 Vouri 177-35 Voxu 183-37 W Waka 176-34 X Xendai 183-38 Xidaibama 182-37 Xikoso 173-33 Ximo 171-32 Ximosakock 170-33 Ximolu 182-36 Ximomaxoqui 171-34 Xinan 178-35 Xio 173-33 Xiva 177-36 Y Yamamguela 172-34 Yamato 176-34 Yamaxico 175-34 Yazuqui 174-35 Yechigen 177-36 Yechingo 180-36 Yhe 176-34 Yonazava 183-38 Yynoxima Isle 183-33 Z Zetta 170-33 Zima 176-34 FINIS. A MAP OF THE ISLES JAPON A RELATION OF JAPON, AND Of the Cause of the Persecution of the Christians in those ISLANDS. THE Modern Geographers have made Descriptions of Japon, by means of such conjectures as they have drawn from the Relations of certain Merchants who have traded in those Countries. But in regard there are very few Merchants who are skilful in Geography, as being such who only mind the profit and advantage of their Voyages, those Descriptions have proved very uncertain. As to the knowledge of the Ancients, in reference to this part of the World, it is not lesle imperfect; and it is but only by conjecture to this day, that we believe the Abadii of Ptolemy to be that Island which is now called Niphon. That which I could learn of most certainty, was by the Relation of several persons who have Travelled these parts, that the Empire of Japon is at present composed of several Islands, of which some perhaps may not be absolute Islands, but rather Peninsula's, and particularly those that make a part of the Land of Yesso, the Inhabitants whereof are Vassals and Tributaries to Japon. Nevertheless a Holland Pilot, who has been industrious to discover whether the whole Country itself were an Island, or a Continent adjoining to that vast Tract of Land called Corca, unknown to this day, in those parts where it extends itself behind China to the bottom of Tartary Niulhan, saith, that it is separated from Japon by a narrow Sea, which at this day is called The Streights of Sanguar. Through all the Islands of Japon, where formerly were accounted to have been 66 Kingdoms, there are three remarkable for their largeness, of which that of largest extent is called Niphon, the next Ximo, and the third Xicock. The Japonners account it a Journey of twenty seven days from the Province of Quanto, to the Country of Yesso; and they say farther, that this Country of Yesso, in those parts which are remote from the Sea, is so full of inaccessible Mountains, that those Japonners who have attempted a discovery by Land, could never accomplish their design, being discouraged by the length of the Journey, and the difficulties and badness of the ways. The Island of Niphon is four times as big as the other two; and there is also a Mountain therein that vomits up Flames of Fire, like Mount Aetna in Sicity; formerly it was distinguished into thirty five Kingdoms, but at this day it is only divided into five parts, the names whereof are Jamasoit, Jetsen, Jetsesen, Quanto, and Ochio, lying all in order as you travel from West to East. These five parts are again divided into several Provinces. The Island of Ximo, or Saycock, is situated to the South-West of Niphon, being about 160 Leagues in circuit. The Island of Xicock is seated by the South of Niphon, being about 120 Leagues in compass. The other Islands that lie round about are not so considerable, for in those Seas lie several Islands scattered up and down, as in the Archipelago, between the Morea and the Coasts of Asia the lesle. As to the rest, I refer the Reader to the Map annexed, believing it to be very true, as having been made upon the places themselves. The Emperor at present keeps his Court in the City of Yeddo, in regard the Air is there more temperate, and the Heats not so violent; but when he has a Son that is arrived to the Age of fifteen years, he sends him to Surunga, there to reside, till the death of his Father makes him way to the Throne. Since Yeddo has been made choice of for the Seat of the Empire, it has so greatly enlarged itself from day to day, that it is at present three Leagues in length, and three in breadth, very populous, and the Houses standing very close together. When the Emperor rides through the City, or that there is any public show to be seen, it is impossible to get by the crowd of the people, though the Women are not permitted to be of the number. The Emperor's Palace is covered with Plates of Gold, to which the Palaces of the Lords are every way correspondent in Magnificence; so that afar of the City affords the richest and most magnificent Prospect that was ever beheld: Though it be not so beautiful within, by reason that the ordinary Houses are built only of Wood The Great Dairy keeps his residence at Meaco, which is also a very large City, containing above a hundred thousand Houses; it was formerly the capital Seat of the Empire, at what time the Dairy's were laid aside. So soon as he is Crowned by the Bonzes, who are the Priests and Lawyers, he is than no more to expose himself to the light of the Moon, nor to shave his Head, or cut his Nails. The Natives report, that the Empire of Japon was formerly governed by a Prince called Dairy, who had acquired so high a reputation for Holiness, that his Subjects adored him as a God, and that to increase the awe and reverence of the people, he suffered his Hair and Nails to grow, affirming, that it it was a piece of Sacrilege to make use either of Razor or Scissors. The Princes that succeeded him, though they had only the name of Kings, have still preserved the same custom, believing that it becomes not their Grandeur to appear in view of the Moon, as being Sons of the Sun. If he have a Daughter that is ripe for Marriage, the Emperor is obliged to Mary her, and she it is that bears the Title of Empress, though she should hap to have no Children, which is contrary to the Maxims of all the Eastern Monarches, who give the Title of Queen and Sultaness only to her, among all the rest of their Wives, that is first brought to Bed of a Male Successor to the Crown. At the end of every seven years, the Emperor sends one of the chief Princes of his Court to the Dairy with a Basket full of Earth, and to tell him, that all the Lands which the Emperor commands, are at the Dairy's Devotion; and indeed the Empire belongs to him by right of Succession, though at present he enjoys only the Title, and very large Revenues, which tender him highly considerable in the Empire. The Japonners are Idolaters, and adore the Sun; but though they have a great number of Temples and different Idols, yet they are not over obstinate in their Devotion, only the Emperor is very severe against all other Religions. They never stir out of their Native Country to travel, unless it be to China, and the Land of Yesso; and within these few years the Emperor has prohibited his people under extreme penalties, from having any Commerce with Foreigners, the Chinese and Hollanders excepted. He had received Ambassadors at several times from several Princes, but never sent any of his own to them again. Nevertheless it is affirmed, that several Lords of these Islands newly converted to the Faith, in the year 1585., sent their Children to Rome, to tender their acknowledgements to Gregory the Thirteenth; and that being returned back in the year 1587., to Goa, they were afterwards received, and welcomed again into their own Country with great marks of joy. The little inclination which they have to Navigation and Traffic, proceeds in part from the great abundance of all things necessary for Human support, which their own Country produces; and than in the next place from the jealousies of the Emperor, who is afraid of the alterations which new Religions may make in his Government; for they are very fickle, and easily seduced after Novelties, which has been the occasion of many Revolts, and Civil Wars, till Quabacondon wrested the Empire out of the hands of the Dairy, and reunited all the Provinces. They are so fiery and revengeful, that upon the lest affront given them, if they cannot have an opportunity of a present revenge, they will rip up their own Bellies, and kill themselves. I was told a Story to confirm this. Two young Lords that served the Emperor met in the Palace, and jostled one the other by accident; and most furious of the two was immediately for drawing his Sword. The other told him, the place was not convenient, that he was going to wait; but that if he would stay for him in such a place, he would give him satisfaction. Accordingly the party that thought himself affronted went and stayed, but his impatience was such, that after he had stayed a while, not finding the other to come, he ripped up his own Bowels for very vexation. Upon which the people crowding about him, asked him the reason of his kill himself; to which they could draw no other answer but this, A cowardly Rascal has affronted me. By and by the other comes, makes way through the throng, and surprised with what he beheld; Poor Creature, said he, thou needest not have doubted my being as good as my word, this Dagger shall assure thee of it: And so saying, he killed himself upon the place, and fell by the others side. There is no Nation under Heaven that fears Death lesle than this, or that is more inclined to cruelty. If any Prince or great Lord makes a Feast for his Friends, at the end of the Feast he calls his principal Officers, and asks 'em, if there be any that has so much love for him as to kill himself before the Guests for his sake. Presently there arises a dispute among them who shall have the Honour; and who ever the Prince is pleased to name, rips up his Belly with a Cric, which is a kind of Dagger, the point whereof is Poisoned. This custom is also practised upon the Death of their Masters, or when they lay the Foundations of any Palace; for they are so superstitious as to believe, that these Victims are necessary to tender both the Owners of the Building, and the Habitation fortunate. They punish all manner of Theft with Death. 'Tis also a capital Crime among them to play for Money. Adultery is only punished in the Women: But Coinage of false Money, setting Houses on Fire, Deflowering and Ravishing of Virgins, are not only punished in the persons of the Criminals, but also of those who are next of kin to them. The Women live retired, and are very faithful to their Husbands. The Emperor having put to Death one of the Lords of his Court, out of hopes to enjoy his Wife; she fearing violence, besought the Emperor to give her time to consider, which was granted for some few days. At the end whereof she shut herself up in a Room with her Children; and after she had delivered a Paper to one of her Servants to carry to the Emperor, she set the Chamber a Fire, and burned both herself and her Children. The Emperor met with nothing else in the Paper but reproaches of his Tyranny, and attestations of joy from the Lady, that she had the opportunity to Sacrifice herself to the memory of her Husband. Several other stories I have heard, which make me believe, that this Nation is not uncapable of doing actions worthy a Roman Virtue. The Portugals were the first people of Europe that discovered the Islands of Japon. They were thrown upon the Coast by a violent Storm, in the year 1542, and understanding that there was great store of Gold and Silver in the Country, they returned with a resolution to settle themselves. The first place where they thought to fix was near Surunga, a City which stands about four Leagues from the Sea: But because there is but one Road, and that not very secure neither for Shipping, they remained there not above five years. At length they took possession of a little forsaken Island called Kisma, which they peopled afterward's; but since the last Persecution of the Christians, the Portugals were forced to abandon it, having no more Commerce with the Japonners. How the Hollanders came to erect their Factories there, I shall tell the Reader in another part of this Relation. Seven years after the first coming of the Portugals to Japon, St. Francis Xavier made a Voyage thither to Preach the Gospel. The first place where he Landed was the Island of Niphon, where he stayed two years and some Months, and travelled several parts of these Islands; but his principal design being to go to China, he took shipping accordingly. The Vessel was no sooner out at Sea, but St. Francis fell sick, so that the Captain put him ashore again in the Island of Sechen, by others called Haynan, belonging to China, where in a few days after he died, and never was in China, as some have reported and believed. After his death the Christian Religion spread itself very much in China, the people being very docible, and apprehensive of the instructions which were given them; but the behaviour of the Portugals displeasing the Principal Governors, and those who had most Power at Court, they did them ill Offices to the Emperor, and the Bonzes misliking the new Religion, and jealous of the effects thereof, were the fomenters of continual persecutions against the new Converts, pretending they favoured the designs of the Portugueses. Nevertheless the Christian Religion daily got footing, and perhaps the whole Nation would have embraced it, if the covetousness and wickedness of the Christians themselves had not been the chief impediment of their conversion. The Hollanders did all they could to lay the fault upon the Portugals, but the truth will easily appear by the Letter written to one Leonard Campen, a Hollander, wherein it is said, that when the Hollanders were asked by the Natives what Religion they were of, they made this answer, We are no Christians, we are Hollanders. I do not go about to blemish a whole Nation for the fault of a few, but only to show what a dangerous thing it is, to make an ill choice of Officers upon the settling of a new Commerce in Regions so remote. The Holland East-India Company having set out a Vessel for Batavia, put aboard about a dozen young Boys, and as many Girls, taken out of the Hospitals in the Country. Among these Boys there was one who was designed to serve in the Kitchen, but Fortune made him an Instrument of one of the greatest Misfortunes that ever befell our Age. During the Voyage, the Merchant having observed him to be a Boy of a ready wit, and for that reason believing that he might one day prove serviceable to the Holland Company, caused him to be taught to writ and read; wherein he improved so well in a short time, that being come to Batavia, he was thought capable of a higher Employment. The Vessel being arrived, the General and his Council resolved to sand the same Vessel to Japon, with some part of the Lading which was brought from Europe. Thereupon the Merchant was commanded upon this Voyage, and the under Accountant happening in the mean time to dye, this Boy was by him advanced to the place, and by the Merchant carefully instructed in the knowledge of the East-India Trade. The Vessel being arrived at Firando, the new under Accountant believing no place more proper for him than that to raise his fortune, resolved to leave his Benefactor, and therefore when the Ship was to return, he hide himself out of the way, till he knew the Ship to be far enough onward on her Voyage, and by that means becoming a Member of the Factory, he grew so perfect in the Language of the Natives, and so useful to the Company, that at length he came to be Precedent of the Factory; the Authority of which Employment so puffed him up, that he was not only for continuing and upholding the Commerce of his own, but excluding all other Nations. Now, as I have already observed, the Portugals were the first Traders, and the first that propagated the Christian Religion in those parts; therefore it was that the Christian Japonners would not Trade with any but the Portugals, as having known them longer, and finding them more true to their words. This the Precedent observed, and made it his business to tender them obnoxious at Court, and by virtue of his Presents, engaged the Governors of Provinces, and other great Lords, to favour his design. However, the Portugals wanted neither friends nor confederates. And though they were not in a condition to be so liberal as the Precedent, yet they made ashift to defend themselves, and tender his underhand Deal ineffectual. Thereupon finding that those Tricks would not take, he had recourse to the foulest of Calumnies; for he counterfeited a Letter written in the Portuguese Language, containing a discovery of a design of the Christian Japonners to have made a general Insurrection, and a particular Conspiracy against the person of the Emperor. This Letter he carried to a Lord of the Country, into whose favour and confidence he had wrought himself, who presently thought it to be his duty to give intelligence of so important a design to the Court. The Precedent informed him by what accident the Letter came to his hands, and gave an account of such circumstances, as made his Imposture look with a probable countenance, relating, how that the Hollanders had taken a Portugal Vessel returning from Japon to Goa, and that the Holland Captain having taken this Letter among other Papers, opened it, and perceiving of what consequence it was, had sent an Express to the Precedent to proceed as his prudence, and the affection of the Dutch Company toward the Emperor should guide him. That the Portugals, who were but Subjects to the Spaniards, had a pernicious Maxim, not to suffer any Religion but their own in any place where they had to do, and that for their own ends they never spared either the Life or Liberty of Man; that they thought it an acceptable Sacrifice to God, to cut the Throats of those whom they could not convert. And lastly, that the Hollanders were a people that accorded with all Nations and Religions, and minded nothing but their Trade. The Lord believed all these fraudulent Calumnies, and sent a Copy of the Letter to the Emperor, the substance whereof was, That the Spaniards in the Philippine Islands, and the Portugals in Japon, being in confederacy with the Christians of the Country, had sent to the Governor of Goa to sand by a time prefixed eight or ten Vessels, with Men and Arms, but especially a good number of Officers to command the Revolters, for that than there would be a numerous Army ready, and that they should easily make themselves Masters of Japon. The Portugals were than under the Dominion of the Spaniard, and though they would suffer no Spaniard in their Indian Acquisitions but the Viceroy, yet several of the Religious Orders did slip into Japon, carried thither by a true and real zeal; yet this zeal, when once indiscreet, does as much mischief as covetousness itself. The Father Paulists, for so they call the Jesuits in the Indieses, by reason that their Church in Goa is dedicated to St. Paul; these Jesuits I say, had made a fair progress, and gained great credit among the people, notwithstanding their continual persecutions, according as the Lords of the Country were well or ill affected towards them. Their number therefore increased, and the new Converts had this advantage, that they enriched themselves by Trading with the Portugals, who had made a positive Agreement not to Trade with the Bonzes. This provoked the Bonzes against them, and the multitude of the Christians so far augmented the Emperor's jealousies and fears, that in a short time they produced the effects of open rage and cruelty. The jesuits had converted to the Faith a great Lord of the Kingdom, who lived most commonly at Bugen, in the Island of Ximo, a person of great Interest and Power in the Island. He had four Sons, two of which lived with him, and following his Example, had embraced the Catholic Faith. The Father was Baptised by the name of Ignatius; the eldest of the two was called Francis, and the youngest Charles: the two eldest Sons were at Court in great favour with the Emperor. The younger of the two that had embraced the Christian Religion, addicted himself wholly to the study of the Scripture, and retired with the Jesuits to their Seminary. His Example had wrought with a great number of young Lords, and as he was eloquent besides, he was of great use to the Jesuits in preaching the Gospel, and reclaiming the people from the grossness of their Errors. The Japonners are naturally endowed with a noble mind, and great inclination to Learning; so that there is nothing wanting in that Nation but able Teachers. Not but that they have Doctors of their own: the Dairy's Court is full of them; where they preserve the Annals of their Country, and pretend that Printing and Artillery were in use among them before they were known in Europe. From this Court come all their Books, in regard the persons that attend upon this Prince apply themselves only to their Studies. It is reported, that they learned all these things by their frequent Commerce with the Chinese, and that they are also originally descended from them. And in truth, the greatest Province of the Island of Niphon is called Quanto, according to the name of the Sea-Coast part of China, where lies the greatest Traffic between the Japonners and Chineses. Moreover, if there be any credit to be given to the Chinese Histories, they say it was but a small part of their vast Empire, which extended itself from North to South 56 Degrees of Latitude, from the Frozen Sea to the Equinoctial Line, being bounded to the West by the Caspian Sea, and extending Eastward over all the Southern America to New Spain. Father Thomas Barr, a Portugese, has often told me when I was at Agra, a capital City of the Great Mogul, where the Jesuits have a very fair House, that this and several other young Lords improved themselves so far in six or seven years, that they were as Learned as their Masters themselves, and that they were more zealous in converting those of their Nation. Now the Jesuits at that time had no House for the Instruction of Youth and Proselytes, and therefore they desired this young Lord to lend them one of his. Thereupon he having four very fair ones, with great Revenues belonging to them, gave that which was nearest to the City to his Converters. A while after, the youngest of his Sons fell sick, and was carried to this House for the Air's sake, where he recovered by the care of the Fathers, and the Prayers of the Christians; but his Father did not long enjoy the pleasure of so great a Cure, which seemed almost miraculous; for he died at what time both his Sons and the Christians stood most in need of his protection. The two eldest, who were with the Emperor, understanding the the Death of their Father, came to take possession of their Inheritance, and demanded of the Jesuits the House which their Father had given them, for in Japon no Parent can alienate the Estate of his Children; nay, when they come to such an Age, he is obliged to put them in possession of their Estates, reserving only such a proportion to himself. The Jesuits, loath to part with so fair a convenience, would not quit their hold, though it were for their own quiet, and to engage the whole Family to stand by them in their time of trouble. This refusal provoked the two Brethrens, and this quarrel between them and the Jesuits happened at the same time that the Dutch Precedent was labouring to bring about his designs. He had notice of this dispute, and as he was a great Impostor, he made it his business to inflame the two Brothers, not only against the Jesuits, but against the Portugals in general, giving them a Copy of the Letter which he had framed, as is beforementioned. These two Lords, who were Favourites of the Emperor, joining Interest of State to their particular Interest, made their complaints at Court, with extraordinary aggravations; urging that there was no security for the Estates of particular Men, for the quiet of the Empire, nor the Life of the Prince, unless not only all the Portugals, but also all the Natives of Japon, who had sucked their Errors, were exterminated out of the Island. To make good the reasons of their Exasperation they showed the Emperor a Copy of the Letter, and put him into such a fright, as well for his Person, as the Empire, that he would admit of no justification on the other side. Some of his Lords, who were Friends to the Portugals, besought him to examine the truth of what was alleged, before he proceeded to utmost extremities against a whole Nation, and against his own Subjects. But he was inexorable, and presently gave private Orders to certain Commissioners, to go through all the Provinces of the Empire, and to banish not only the Portugals, but also all the Christian Natives. Now in regard they had their private confederates, as well in the Court, as in other places, they had intelligence, in all parts, of the cruel resolution taken against them, though none were more zealous and faithful to them than the two Lords of Ximo, Francis and Charles. Thereupon the Christians met together to consult for their own safety, and their common preservation, and seeing all attempts to justify themselves prove ineffectual, they resolved to stand upon their guards, and to dye in the defence of their Innocency and Religion. The two Lords put themselves at the head of the Christians Army, the elder of which had been a Soldier, and understood the Art of War; the younger kept up their Spirits and Courages by his continual Exhortations. The Emperor's Commissioners understanding that the Christians were thus embodied, gave him speedy notice thereof, but said nothing either of the number of their Forces, or of their designs. The Jesuits and Austin Friars at Goa, told me, that the Army of the Christians consisted of above 40000 Men, besides those recruits that came up to them before and after the Battle was fought. The Emperor not believing that the Army was so numerous, sent against them at first not above 25 or 30000 Men, under the Command of the youngest of the two Lords of Ximo, that lived at Court. But those Troops were no sooner upon their March, but he raised new Forces, and sent another Army after them, consisting of 40000 Men, commanded by the young Lord, to whom the Dutch Precedent had showed the Letter first of all. The Christians having intelligence of the approach of these two Armies, prepared to receive them, choosing an advantageous place to entrench themselves. The first Army soon appeared in sight of the Christians, who lay so encamped, that the Imperialists could discover no more than one part of them. However, before the Engagement, the youngest of the Christian Brothers advised his other Brother to sand to the General of the Emperor's Army, who was their Brother likewise, to desire Peace, and to beseech him to intercede for them to the Emperor, and to assure him, that they were ready to lay down their Arms, and throw themselves at his Feet, and to justify their Innocency. To this purpose a Letter was framed and sent to the General, but the Messenger that carried it was nailed to a Cross in sight of the whole Army of the Christians, and at the same time the Enemy came on with great fury to assail them. The Fight lasted almost three hours with equal advantage; the Captain of the Imperialists seeking every where for his Brothers, while they strove to avoid him. The Christians, who knew that all their safety consisted in their Victory, and that there was otherwise no hope of pardon, fought with so much valour, that the Imperialists were forced to give ground. Their General was slain upon the place, and at length the whole Army of the Idolaters was cut in pieces. This Victory wrought the Conversion of several of the Idolaters; and the Christians, after they had given thanks to God three days together, prepared themselves for a second Combat, not doubting but the other Army would set upon them while they were weary, and weakened by the last Battle. But that General more prudent than the former, only posted himself where the Christians could not come at him, and writ to the Court the particulars of the Defeat of the first Army, upon which he expected the Emperor's Orders. In the mean while, the Army of the Christians daily increased, so that in a few days they were above fifty thousand strong. The Emperor, resolved to stifle this Revolt in the beginning, sent Orders through all his Empire to make new Levies; and all the while the Dutch President's Confederates ceased not to aggravate him against the Christians, not suffering the other Courtiers to open his Eyes, and prevent so unjust a prosecution. The defeat of his Army had put him into such a rage besides, that though the Captains of the Christians Army did all they could to clear themselves from the false accusations laid upon them, and to obtain their pardons, there was no possibility of being heard. The Emperor called his Council, where the wisest were of opinion, that it would prove the best way to receive the submissions of the Christians, who offered to lay down their Arms upon a general pardon, and the free exercise of their Religion. But the President's Cabal carried it beyond this sober advice, and the Emperor, exasperated by his Impostures, took the wrong course. Thereupon the Council resolved with all speed to rai●e a vast Army, which was to join with the other, and so to rum the Christians all at a blow. The Dairy also, who is consulted upon all important affairs, approved this Council. Thereupon the Lords who are obliged to furnish the Emperor with Men, strove who should bring their Troops and Companies first to the Rendezvous appointed, which was near the place where the second Army lay; so that when both Armies were joined together, there was in the Field a Body of 150000 Men. The Brother of the General, who was slain in the first Battle, commanded under the Emperor, who resolved to go in person. But first of all he caused a Proclamation to be made in his Camp, whereby he forbade any Quarter to be given to any Christian, unless it were the two Brothers, whom he intended to punish openly; and that they who left the Field before the Christians were banished, should be put, they and their Kindred, to the most cruel Deaths that could be imagined; but that they should be rewarded that brought the Head of a Christian to the Emperor. The Copies of this Proclamation were scattered in the Army of the Christians, though they did no harm but only encouraged them against the Idolaters, seeing there was no hope of pardon. Nevertheless the youngest of the two Brothers offered to go and throw himself at the Emperor's Feet, to implore his clemency in the name of the whole Army; saying withal, That he should account himself happy to suffer Martyrdom to show his Innocency; but they would not suffer him to stir. All he could obtain from them, was to writ a Letter full of respect, submission, and repentanoe for what had been already done, declaring that they were ready to lay down their Arms, if the Emperor would grant them pardon, and the free Exercise of their Religion▪ offering with the hazard of their Lives to make out the falsity of all those things wherewith they had been accused. This was by an Idolater carried to a certain Lord who secretly favoured the Christians; but the Emperor toar it without reading it, vowing at the same time, that he would never return to his Court till the Idolaters were all extirpated. The Christian Army understanding the Emperor's resolution, minded nothing more than their own defence. 'Tis true, the Ground where they lay was advantageous enough for the smallness of their Number, but the Idolaters were three to one; besides that the Idolaters of the Country, who favoured the Christians before, now declared all against them so soon as they saw the Imperial Army. So that now both Armies lying so near together, several hot Skirmishes passed between 'em▪ and at length it came to a general Battle. At first the Christians overthrew the Idolaters, not able to stand before them: with so much vigour did the youngest of their Chieftains assail them. He was remarkable for his Habit that day, but more remarkable for his courage; so that the Field was covered with the Bodies of the slain, fear and dread possessing the yielding Enemy. But while the Victor forgot his Brother's advice, and pursued too far from the Body of the Army, he was encompassed on every side, wounded, and being carried away by the press of his Enemies, was at length taken, and lead before the Emperor. His eldest Brother, more experienced in War, rallied and recalled those that had followed his Brother, and till Night maintained the advantages, which he had got over the Imperialists, who were still supplied with fresh Succours, as necessity required. The next day the Fight was renewed again by break of day, and with a success as honourable, but more bloody to the Christians. The third day the Emperor enraged at such a resistance, caused them to be set upon in several places at one time. The General of the Christians Army road from Rank to Rank, encouraging the Soldiers both by his Exhortations, and his Example: but at length having received several wounds, he was overlaid by the multitude of his Enemies that crowded to his destruction. And now the General being lost, and the Christians having no person to command them, it ceased to be a Combat, and became a Massacre. However, resolving to dye with their Swords in their hands, they fling themselves into the thickest of their Enemies, and Sacrificed themselves to their own Innocency. Their Camp was soon forced, and all the old Men, Women, and Children put to the Sword, except some few that escaped and hid themselves in the Mountains, who afterwards made a relation of this bloody Story to them who rehearsed it to me. This was the deplorable end of the Christians, and indeed of the Christianisme of Japon, which the Precedent procur▪ d by his impostures and fallacies. And it has been made appear by three exact accounts, that there has perished, either in Battles or by Tortures, above 60000 Christians. The eldest of their Captains suffered a most cruel Martyrdom for seven days, neither could any offer, that the Emperor could make him for his Brothers and his own Valour's sake, induce him to renounce the Christian Faith. After that, there was a kind of Inquisition set up through the whole Empire, which lasted for several years, whereby those that persevered in the Faith, were condemned to most intolerable Torments, in so much that the Relation which Van Varen, a Hollander, whose credit it would be a vanity to question in this particular, cannot be read over without Horror. In sixteen years, that is, from 1613 to 1629, the Christians were so multiplied, that there were above 400000; but in the year 1649, the same Hollander relates, that those Japonners who were brought from thence by the Company's Ships to Amsterdam, affirmed, that Christianity was utterly extirpated out of the Island. Being at Ogli, a large Town upon the fairest Arm of the Ganges, I met a Holland Merchant, who had served the Company in Japon a long time, and had made several Voyages. He came thither with two Ships laden with Bars of Silver and Copper, which he had exchanged for Silks, which the Hollanders buy at Bengale. This Merchant knowing I was there, came to visit me; and I finding him to be a sincere honest Man, and well versed in the affairs of Japan, especially in reference to the last persecution of the Christians, grew covetous of his converse, and invited him often to my House. In our familiar discourses concerning the settlement of the Hollanders in the East-indieses, and of the extraordinary gain which they make by their Trade there, and passing thus from one thing to another, at length I asked him who was the Author and Contriver of a Massacre so horrid, as that was reported to be. Whereupon he related to me all the particulars of which I have here made a recital, and▪ many more which I have forgot or omitted, as being either not pertinent to my subject, or else already related by others. He had his information from such of the Natives that had escaped out of the Battle, and several of the Idolater Merchants, in whose memories the fact was than fresh: and indeed he was so ingenious in his Story, that I could not found any motive to incite me to misdoubt the truth of it. For many times he could not forbear shedding tears, and to interrupt his discourse with his sighs, often imprecating heavens Vengeance upon the Precedent, and protesting he wondered the Company employed him so long. But God reserved his punishment to himself. For the deserts of his crimes always attending him, and provoking judgements and misfortunes upon whatever Enterprise he took in hand, he miserably perished in sight of Lisbon in fair weather. All the men in the Ship were saved; only he returning to recover a certain Cabinet of Jewels which he had there, the Ship split, and the Portugals had the satisfaction to see him swallowed up in the Sea, who had been the occasion of the Ruin of so many of their Countrymen in Japon; and immediately they rang their Bells in the City for joy of his Death. In my last Voyage to the Indieses I was at Bandar-Abassi, where the Hollanders have a Factory. Thither arrived two Vessels from Japon to take in Silks, which the Hollanders buy of the Persians' to exchange in Japon. The Captain of one of the Ships told me, that during several trading Voyages which he had made to that Island, the Emperor had caused two Inquisitions to be made after the Christians; in the first of which the Inquisitors met with 247, who were all most tightly tormented to Death; in the latter they only found 63, among whom were seventeen Children, twelve Girls and five Boys, of which the eldest were not above thirteen years of Age. Among all the persecutions which the Christians suffered, there was none comparable to this for extremity of Torments: For the Japonners are the most ingenious in cruelty of any people in the World, and the most constant in suffering. For there have been Children from ten to a dozen years old, who for 60 days together have endured to have their Bodies fastened to the Cross, half burnt, half torn in pieces, while their Executioners forced them to eat, on purpose to prolong their Lives in misery; and yet they would not renounce the Faith which they had embraced. Neither did this barbarous Inquisition extend only to the Christians, but to their Kindred and Relations, nay, to their very Neighbours. For if a Priest were taken in any House, all the people in that House, and the Houses adjoining, were hall'd to Execution, for not having made the discovery. At the beginning of every year there is a new Inquisition, at which time all that can writ are required to subscribe, or else the chief of the Family subscribes for all the rest, that they neither are Christians, nor are acquainted with any Christians, and that they abominate Christianity as a Religion dangerous to the State. Don John of Braganza, being advanced to the Crown, that sudden change which in one day, and without the lest Tumult in Lisbon, wrested the Crown of Portugal from the King of Spain, wrought the same effect at Goa. All the Portugals at Goa at the same time acknowledged their new Sovereign; the Viceroy who was a Spaniard, was sent away to Spain by the first Vessels that were homeward bound; and Don Philip de Mascarennas, a Portugal, Governor of Ceylan, came to Goa, and took upon him the command of Viceroy. So soon as he came to the Government, his first thoughts were how to Establish the Trade of the Portugals in Japon, which when they were expelled, amounted to three Millions of Pardo's yearly, one Pardo being worth twenty seven Sous of French Money. The hopes therefore of regaining so great a loss, made him toward the end of the year 1642, take a resolution to sand a solemn Embassy to the Emperor of Japon, furnished with magnificent Presents: For which reason he made choice of what was most rare, and most likely to be acceptable to the Emperor, and the Grandees of his Court. The most costly of these Presents was a piece of Lignum Aloes, otherwise called Wood of Calambour, four Foot in length, and two Foot in Diameter; a larger piece than which the Indieses had never seen, having cost 40000 Pardo's. To this he added a great quantity of fair Coral Beads of an extraordinary bigness. This is the most acceptable Present that can be sent to the Lords of Japon, which they fasten to the Strings wherewith they draw their Pouches together. With these he sent a great number of Carpets and Hang of Cloth of Gold, Silver, and Silk, and several pieces of Tissue of Gold and Silver. 'Tis said the whole Present cost the City of Goa above eight hundred thousand Pardo's, which amounts to about 86666 l. 13 s. 4 d. of English Money. Besides all this, the two great Ships which were prepared for the Ambassador, carried one of them 50 Pieces of Canon, and the other 35, both laden with all sorts of Commodities which are esteemed and prized in Japon, amounting to about 83333 l. 6 s. 8 d. Sterling. The Equipage of the Ambassador was no lesle sumptuous. And because the Viceroy would not be thought to give any occasion of offence to the Emperor, he would not suffer one Jesuit in the Train, but only four Augustins for the Admiral, and four Jacobins for the other, Men of discretion and conduct. While I was at Goa, in the year 1648, I met with some of these Fathers, who gave an exact account of the Embassy. They made a prosperous Voyage, and arrived happily at their intended Port. But you must understand, that when any Ship arrives at Japon, no persons are permitted to come ashore, till the Governor of the place have an account who they are, that they may give notice thereof to the Emperor, and know his pleasure, whether they shall be received or no. In the mean time the Ships road in a very dangerous place, at the entry of the Haven, into which there was no steering, without the assistance of the Native Pilots. The Governor of Nangasaqui surprised to understand that they were Portugueses, wrote in all haste to the Emperor. The Dutch Precedent being informed of the news, played all the pranks he could, used all the contrivances imaginable to frustrate the success of the Embassy, and to ruin the Vessels that brought the Ambassador and his Presents. To which purpose he found a way to bribe the Courier, who was sent with the Emperor's Orders; so that instead of twenty days, which were sufficient for his journey, he made it above two Months before he delivered his dispatches. During which time the two Ships had suffered very bad weather upon the Coasts, and endured many a severe Storm. At length the Orders came that none should be permitted to Land but the Ambassador, the two Captains, and the two Pilots, to give an account of the subject and cause of their coming. The Ambassador being Landed, acquainted the Governor that he came to compliment the Emperor in the behalf of the King his Master, and to assure him that they were not longer under the Power of the King of Spain. That about a year since, a lawful Heir of Portugal had recovered the Diadem of his Ancestors which the Spaniard had usurped. That this new King was so just and generous a Prince, that understanding that some of his Subjects had deserted the Island of Japon, without paying their Debts, he had now sent to make a general satisfaction; but chief out of that respect which obliges all Sovereigns newly come to the Crown, to give notice thereof to those Princes, whose friendship they desire. The Governor informed the Emperor of all these things; but the Precedent having as good intelligence by means of his Friends at Court, alleged to the Emperor that they were Rebels, who came from the utmost parts of the West, to bring the News and Example of their Revolt to Japon: That the natural restlessness of this Nation caused frequent disturbances and revolutions among them. That they were never long at rest themselves, nor would suffer others to be at quiet. That considering the experience he had had, he could not be either too cautious for the security of his person, or the tranquillity of his Empire. Lastly, that the Emperor and the Empire would be ruin'd passed recovery, if those people were ever admitted to set footing therein. This Counsel well seconded by the rest of the Cabal, easily made an impression in the Heart of the Prince naturally Barbarous, and an Enemy to the Christians. Thereupon he sent an Order to the Governor to invite all the Whites aboard, and to treat them for eight days in the best manner he could. At the end of eight days they were ordered to repair aboard again, and at the same time he made a Present to the Ambassador, and chief of his Train, consisting of six great Cabinets, and six Coffers lackered with black, with Figures in Relief, intermixed with spangles of Gold, all the Embellishments being of massy Gold. With them were six Cabinets, and six Coffers, lackered with Read, Embellished after the same manner with Silver. I saw some of them when I was at Goa, and I must confess I never beheld any so rare and beautiful in that kind, which made me admire the ingenious Industry of the Artists of Japon; Our European imitations of their workmanship being no way comparable to them. The Ambassador having received his Present, had Order to remove all the Goods in the second Vessel into the Admiral. He would have made great Presents to the Governor, who refused them; telling the Ambassador withal, that he had express command to refuse them, and to declare to the Ambassador, that if he did not make haste away, he would sink his Ship. That the Emperor his Master had made a new prohibition, forbidding all Portugals and Spaniards to venture near his Dominions upon any pretence whatsoever; nay, though it were upon pretence of an Embassy, upon pain of being crucified upon the place, without liberty to speak for themselves. As for the Debts of the Portugals, he had undertaken to discharge them himself; only he had sent that Present to the King his Master to thank him for that Embassy. The Ambassador had no sooner removed the Goods out of the second Vessel into the Admiral, but they sank her before his face. And not contented with that affront, the Governor sent for all the Blacks that were in the Admiral, and cut of their Heads, pretending they were Indians, and that, as such, they could not be ignorant of the Rigorous prohibitions which the Emperor had put forth, forbidding all Strangers, except the Hollanders, to set footing in Japon. After the Portugal Ambassador was thus barbarously frustrated and dismissed, he sent News thereof to the General at Batavia, urging him to execute the design which the Hollanders had upon Macao; telling him also, That though there were a probability of a League between the Hollander and the Portugal against the Spaniard, yet that it could be no harm to seize Macao beforehand, as they had made themselves Masters of several places, while the Portugals were under the King of Spain. The General taking the President's advice, was ready to set Sail upon this enterprise, when a Messenger from Portugal brought him the News of the Treaty concluded between Portugal and Holland; as also of the Navy which the Hollanders had sent to Lisbon to aid the Portugals. At first he made as if it had been a false Rumour, and put the Messenger in Prison; nevertheless while he delayed the departure of the Fleet, he received express Orders from his Superiors to Treat the Portugals as Friends and Allies. So that he was constrained to turn all his Forces against the Molucca Islands, than in the possession of the Spaniards. The Precedent was very sorry for the last News, by reason that the General and he had great designs upon the Conquest of that place, and had promised the Company by that means to make them absolute Masters of the Trade of China, and of all the East. True it is, that Macao is very advantageously seated for those that design to be Masters of those Seas, especially upon the Coasts of Quantung and Fockien, which are the Provinces, whither are brought down all the Merchandizes of this Empire. It lies at the Mouth of the Gulf of Canton, in a small Peninsula adjoining to a larger Island, and built upon a kind of a Promontory, on three sides environed with the Sea, which no Ship can come near by reason of the Flats, unless it be on that side next the Port, which is defended by a strong Fortress. This City drew from the only Fair of Quanchiu 1300 Chests of Silks of all sorts, every Chest containing 150 pieces, and 2500 Lingots of Gold, not reckoning the raw Silks, the Gold Wire, and other Merchandizes: whence it may be easily judged what advantage the Portugueses made of it; and wherefore the Precedent desired so much to expel them from thence. But his Designs were disappointed, not only by the revolution in Portugal, but also by the loss which the Hollanders sustained of the Island of Formosa, which the Chineses took from them, following the advice of a French Soldier, whom the Governor of Tayovan had refused to dismiss after his time was out. For the better understanding this accident, you must know that the Hollanders being settled in Japon, and having excluded all other Nations from thence, except the Chinese, whom the Emperor permitted to return, after that the Massacre committed by the Japonners in a City of China, of which they had a desire to make themselves Masters, had caused a Cessation of the Commerce between the two Kingdoms, and constrained the Emperor of China to set a price upon the Heads of the Japonners. Nevertheless the Hollanders did all they could to make a new Rupture between the people, or else themselves to seize upon some place that lay proper to ruin the Trade of the Chinese to Japon. To this purpose, not daring to attempt upon the Portugueses, they overran the Seas which environed the neighbouring Islands, and took the Vessels of the Chinese which were bound for Macao, exercising strange Cruelties upon the people that had escaped into those Islands, after the irruption of the Tartars into China. Coxinga, the Son of Chinchilunge, that famous Pirate, who saved the remainders of that ruin'd Empire, than commanded those people, and was become formidable to the Tartars themselves. Who to revenge himself upon the Dutch Pirates, undertook the Siege of Tayovan, where they usually retired, and by gaining that place drove them wholly out of Formosa. This is a large Island placed at the point of the Phillippines, stretching out in length from North to South, and to the West lying opposite to the Provinces of Fockien, and Quantung. The Chineses call it Talieukieu. Since which time, 'tis very probable that the Spaniards gave it the name of Formosa, from its beauty and fertility. They being the first people of Europe that discovered it, and inhabited it; and upon one of its Promontories to the North built the Fort of Killing. The natural Inhabitants live almost all in the Woods and Mountains, where they maintain themselves by hunting the Hart, and wild Boar, whose dried Flesh, Skins, and Horns they cell to the Sangleys, who in exchange bring them other necessaries. The little Island of Tayovan lent its Name to the little Fort which the English built, over against the great Island; it was very convenient for the Hollanders, who made great advantage of the cattle, Hides, and Horns, both of Hearts and Bufalo's, which they carried from thence, and sold to the Chinese and Japonners, who make great use thereof in several of their Trades and Manufactures. But the chiefest advantage which the Hollanders made of this Island consisted in this, that it lay in the middle way between Batavia and Japon, and served as a place of security for their Ships in bad Seasons, and to take in refreshments. There also they laded of several of the Goods of the Chinese, which they took by way of Piracy from the Chineses, or which were brought them by the Sangleys, who are the Original Merchants of the Chinese, settled at the Philippines, but who drive the greatest Trade of that Country, independent from the Spaniards. Coxinga, though an Idolater and a Pirate, banished out of his Country, and provoked by the Hollanders, had so much humanity as to sand to the General at Batavia to sand away Vessels to fetch away his Men, and delivered them all without suffering them to receive the lest injury. He had his Friends and Favourers in the Emperor of Japon's Court, as being a declared Enemy to the Tartars, whose near Neighbourhood the Japonners cannot endure. For so quick a Conquest of so many Lands and Provinces in seven years, as it were only upon sight of the Enemy, had very much alarmed them. He by his Friends acquainted the Emperor of the acts of Hostility, committed by the Hollanders against the Chinese Merchants: Adding moreover, that they had made private propositions to league themselves with the common Enemy; and that it was one of the Nations of the North, born for the desolation of other Countries, and to invade the Peace of Empires. That they had settled themselves in the Islands of the East only by treachery and violence. That for some years since, they had made it their business to cruise the Seas between China and Japon, on purpose to make themselves absolute Masters of the Trade, and that if he did not take a speedy course, they would do the same mischief in his Dominions which the Tartars had done in China. The Precedent had much ado to divert the Storm, for the most potent Lords at Court, although his Pensioners and Friends, began to open their Eyes, and in some measure took Coxingas part, saying, That the Chinese's were unfortunate enough, in being laid waist by the Tartars, without being persecuted and afflicted by the Hollanders. That seeing that after they had been expelled their Country, they had nothing left but their Boats, and some few Rocks for their places of refuge, it was a piece of inhumanity to disturb them in their last Sanctuaries▪ and to deprive them of their liberty of the Sea, and their Commerce with Japon, from whence those miserable Exiles had their chiefest support. The Bonzes, the Merchants, the vulgar People, all took the Chineses part. Thereupon the Emperor sent for the Dutch Precedent, and told him, I understand, said he, that thy Company abuses my Protection, and that their Vessels, instead of being contented with the Trade which I have permitted them, presume to play the Pirates upon the Chinese, and to trouble the Seas adjoining to my Empire. If I hear any more of these complaints, I will 'cause thee and all thy Nation to be Crucifi'd. I know not how the Precedent appeased the Emperor's fury; this I know in general, that the Hollanders made a secret alliance with the Tartars against Coxinga. Him the Inhabitants of Fockien called to their assistance, having raised an Army of 200000 Men; whereupon he went to aid them with a very powerful Navy. After several Skirmishes, the Tartars and Chinese came to a pitched Field, where the Captain of the Tartars having placed the best part of his Cavalry in Ambush, ordered his Men to retreat by degrees, till they had drawn the Chinese into the Ambuscade; at what time the Tartars encompassing them on every side, killed 80000 upon the place; Coxinga with his Navy not being able to relieve them. During this War, the Hollanders took their opportunity, and made themselves Masters of the Island of Fishers, between Formosa and the Coast of Fockien. In a short while after Coxinga died, and Savia his Uncle, the richest Merchant of China, who out of his own revenue had disbursed the expenses of the last War, grew weary of the charge, and was desirous to make Peace with the Tartars. Of which one of the Sons of Coxinga being advertized, seized upon his Uncle's person, and shut him up in a close Prison, where he killed himself for madness. The Hollanders overjoyed at the Death of Savia, who had always hindered them from the Trade of the Province of Fockien, sent a Navy against his Nephew in favour of the Tartars, who made War against him all along the Sea-Coast. Several Combats happened between the Juncks of the Islanders and the Holland Vessels in view of the Tartars, who satisfied themselves with being only Spectators. But all the benefit which the Hollanders reaped from the advantages which they obtained over the Islanders, was only to put into the Hands of the Tartars the Cities of Bemos and Quesmoy, and all the places thereabouts, which Coxingas Party possessed before. For notwithstanding all their kindness, the Tartars would not assist them to retake Tayovan; so that they only were content to build certain small Forts in the small Islands adjoining to Formosa: and since my return from the Indieses, I never could inform myself of the truth of the issue of that Enterprise. But the Hollanders were not content with their settlement at Firmando, which was an Island both desert and barren, seated upon a Straight, which separates the Point of the Land of Corea from Japon, a place no way commodious for their Designs of Engrossing the Trade of China, as being too remote from Nangisaqui: Besides, that the North and South Winds are so violent at their Seasons in this Straight, between the two Coasts, that it is impossible to come near the shore when they blow. The Precedent therefore having such good luck in the Expulsion of the Portugals out of Japon, doubted not but that he might obtain the small Island of Kisma, an Island that had been wholly deserted ever since the Habitations of the people had been destroyed. At first he only desired leave to build a small Tenement for the conveniency of the Factors. Now between this Island and Nangisaqui, there is only a narrow Frith, not above a Musket Shot over. Here the Precedent desired the Governor that he might make a Bridge of Boats for a more easy intercourse between the City and the Port. The Governor gained by Presents, gave him leave to build the Bridge; but seeing that the Hollanders made an ill use of it, and that they came too frequently and numerously into the City, he built two Forts at both ends of the Bridge, and furnished them with Soldiers, who were to take notice who passed to and from. He also published an Order, That such Hollanders as came by day into the Town, should return to their Lodgings before night, upon pain of Death. This Order, and the little conveniency which they had for Lodging in their own Quarters, very much troubled them; so that the Precedent made new Applications at Court, and obtained leave to build a Factory, and Warehouses for their Goods. The Governor thereupon sent a Surveyor to the Hollanders, to mark out the Ground which the Emperor had given them to build upon. This person being largely rewarded, made them good measure, and yet they were not contented; so that in the Nighttime they had enlarged their Quarters, by removing the first marks. The Governor, being advertized thereof, began to be very angry; but they found means to appease him with their Presents: so that he easily condescended to the slight reasons which they gave him for what they had done. Thus in a short time they finished their work, which was without encompassed with a Wall, much like a Garden Wall, but within contained a real Fort, flanked and lined according to all the Rules of Art; and which, the outward Wall being beaten down, not only defended their Bridge, but commanded the entry into the Haven of Nangisaqui. They took great care not to admit any but Hollanders, for fear their Design should be discovered. So that when the whole was finished, the Precedent gave advice to the General at Batavia what he had done, desiring him to sand him eight Brass Guns, so broken, as to be easily put together in the places where they were broken. He advised him also to put them up in Hogsheads, packed up like other Goods; and instead of Mariners, to sand a good number of Soldiers, habited like Mariners, for the security of the Factory. But this Stratagem had not that success which he expected; for about that time the Emperor had sent a new Governor to Nangisaqui: So that when the Ships arrived at Batavia, the new changed Officers, being more vigilant than the former, coming to weigh the Bales as they were put ashore, and finding certain Hogsheads at the bottom of the hold, which they could not remove by reason of their weight, they presently broke them up, and perceiving there the broken pieces of Canons, carried some of them to the Governor, who immediately sent intelligence thereof to Yeddo, of which the Precedent had as sudden notice by his Pensioners. He having his invention at command, repairs forthwith to the Emperor's Court, and there tells the Emperor, That he had received Orders from his Superiors to present him with certain Pieces of Canon, made according to the newest Invention of his Country, the use whereof was so convenient, that they were with little difficulty and trouble to be drawn up, and made use of, where others could not possibly be brought to play: and that he thought no Present could be more acceptable or serviceable to him, to tender him Victorious over his Enemies. Upon this the Emperor was very well satisfied, and sent to the Governor of Nangisaqui to sand him those Guns, and withal, not to molest the Hollanders, either in their Factory, or in vending their Wares. Having so fortunately disengaged himself out of these Briers, he lays another design, and sends to the General at Batavia, a person of a turbulent and unquiet Spirit like himself, to set out two Vessels, to make a discovery of all the Coasts of Japon, and particularly of those Coasts which were next the Gold Ours, and to see if they could found any safe Harbour for Ships to ride in, in those tempestuous Seas, or any places proper to fortify, that they might not longer depend upon the uncertain humour of the Court of Japon, which was as inconstant as their Seas. The General provided two Ships, and furnished them with excellent Pilots, good Soldiers, expert Mariners, and Provisions for two years, with all other Necessaries and Instruments, as well for delving as building. One of the seven of the General's Council was chosen Supervisor of the Enterprise. 'Tis said, that those two Vessels skirted all along the Coast of Japon, from the East to the South, and from the South to the North, fetching a compass about the Islands to the 47 deg. of Northern Latitude, and that they discovered one Islands which they called The State's Island, and afterwards touched upon another Land which they named The Company's Land, inhabited by White people, with long Hair, habited after the Japon fashion, which they found to be a Continent adjoining to Niulhan, and Corea; and that after they had wandered a long time upon the Sea, without any other design than to make new Discoveries, they passed through the Streights of Sanguar, which separates the Land of Yesso from Japon, and kept along those Coasts of Japon to the East, to observe the Bays of Aizu, and Xendai, where are the Gold Ours. In that part a furious Tempest took them, in sight of the Mountains, where the Gold Ours lie, which lasted four days together. The second of these Vessels run full against a Rock, and split herself, with the total loss of every Mother's Son in the Vessel. The Admiral held out a longer time, but coasting the Land where the Mountains of Sataque appear, the Tempest grew so violent, that she also broke against the Rocks. In this second Shipwreck only the Admiral, and thirteen persons more escaped, partly by the help of the Planks, and partly by Swimming. The Japonners upon the Coast presently ran to view them, and wondered to see people in those parts, whose Language they did not understand. Nevertheless, they entertained them civilly enough; but in regard they were Strangers, and that there was a strict prohibition not to receive any Strangers among them upon any pretence whatsoever, they were at a great loss what to do with 'em▪ One, wiser than the rest, advised his Brethrens to carry them to the Emperor, whose counsel was followed; and so they took their journey toward Yeddo, which was above a hundred Leagues of. The Emperor, being informed of their arrival, ordered that they should be civilly used; and at the end of eight days sent for them, and caused them to be asked, of what Country they were, and what Design brought them into his Seas? The Admiral, who was a person of a ready ingenuity, answered, That he was a Hollander, who all his life time had served his Country as a Soldier, where he had the command of a thousand Horse, and two thousand Foot, at what time Fortune, or rather the care of preserving his Honour, forced him from his Native Soyl. I was, said he, one of the chief Commanders in the Army, and though I say it, my Service had gained me a fair reputation. The Prince, who commanded us, had a great confidence in me, which made one of his near Relations jealous of me; so that he was not only content to do me all ill Offices with the General, but sought all occasions to pick a quarrel with me. I dare be bold to say, that had he not been so nearly related to the Prince, I should not have taken his affronts so long patiently. But at length he provoked that patience to such a degree, and so deeply and openly affronted me, that I was constrained to meet him with my Sword in my hand. His misfortune and mine so ordered it, that I killed him at the first push. My Friends assisted me to make my escape, and kept me hid for some days, thinking to have appeased the Prince's anger; but it continued so violent, that they advised me to absent myself for some years. Therefore to tender my Exile lesle tedious, and that I might be still doing something for the Service of my Country, I desired my Friends to furnish me with two Ships, with a resolution to seek out and destroy all those Pirates that infested the Indian Seas. I have been in chase of them for a whole year together; and sometimes we met with Tempests so violent, that drove us we know not whither ourselves, my Pilots not being experienced in the Eastern Seas. Soon after meeting with another Tempest not lesle rude and boisterous, we were forced to let our Ships drive as the Winds themselves were pleased to force them, which at length drove us upon the Coasts of this Empire, where we have suffered Shipwreck, not having saved above fourteen of four hundred, which I brought along with me. Happy in such a misfortune, to be cast upon the Territories of a Prince so potent and generous, that, no question, will have compassion upon our miseries. When the Interpreter had repeated this Relation to the Emperor, the Prince, and all the Lords of the Court were very much concerned, and admired both the Courage and Aspect of the Stranger. The Emperor sent him very rich Presents, and to all those of his Company; and gave Order, that he should be conducted to Kisma, to the Holland Factory, and that he should be well treated upon the way, during the whole journey, which was five and twenty or thirty days Travel. There this famous Champion stayed four Months, in expectation of the Ships that come every year from Batavia to Japon; so that he had time enough to make a full Relation of the Lands which he had observed, and of all the particulars of the Shipwreck. One day as he was telling how he had cajoled the Emperor, and that the Precedent was applauding the quickness of his wit for inventing such an imaginary piece of Knight-Errantry, a Japonese Boy that served the Precedent, heard all the discourse, without being observed by his Master. Some Months after, the Precedent had beaten this Boy, which he, as all the Japonese are of a fiery and vindicative Nature, resolving to revenge, went to the Governor of Nangisaqui, and repeated to him the whole Discourse between his Master and the Admiral. The Governor, finding it to be a business of importance, sends advice thereof to the Court. The Emperor was so enraged at the injury and affront put upon him, that he commanded the Governor to stop the Admiral and his Train, and to sand him with a good Guard to Yeddo, and not to let any Ship enter the Harbour, till he had had a full Examination of the matter. This Order was not so secret, but that the Precedents Friends had notice thereof, who presently gave him intelligence of it so seasonably, that the Admiral was sent a way before the Order came to the Governor. Eight days after, three Holland Vessels arrived at Kisma, to whom the Governor sent express command to keep out at Sea, and not to come ashore. The Precedent feigning to be surprised at this Prohibition, went to the Governor to know the reason, who gave him this Answer, The Emperor, said he, is acquainted with your tricks, you shall have no more kindness from me; I have sent to Court to give notice of the arrival of your three Ships, and I shall follow my Orders when they come. Upon this the Precedent made no doubt but the Admiral's story was discovered; and recollecting with himself that he had beaten his Japonese Boy, and that he was run away from him, he soon conjectured at the Author of all the mischief. In short, the Governor receives his Orders, the Tenor whereof was, That he should sand away the three Vessels, without permitting them to landlord either Men or Goods; and that he should tell the Precedent. That the Emperor was satisfied that the Admiral was a Cheat and a Spy, whom he intended to punish severely; and therefore, if he did not sand for him to Japon by the first opportunity of the Winds, he would put to Death all those of his Nation, and fling their Goods into the Sea. Upon the return of three Ships to Batavia, there was no small hurly burly in the Island; for by them they understood the danger that their Countrymen were in, if they did not sand back the Admiral. Thereupon an extraordinary Council was called, to deliberate upon an affair of so great importance, who were all of one mind, that the Admiral was to be sent back, and that it was better for one to suffer, than a whole Nation. The Admiral being advertized of this their resolution, publicly protested against the violence and injustice they were about to do him; telling them, that he was born a Subject of the Republic of Holland, who had only the Power of his life and death; that in their Service, he would expose his life to a thousand hazards, but that he was not obliged to sacrifice himself for the particular Interests of a private Trade. The Ministers took his part, and made it a case in Religion. The common people mutinyed against the General, and the Tumult grew to that heat, that the Seamen were sent for from aboard their Ships to disperse the multitude. At length, by the interposition of a Minister, the business was brought to a conclusion; who persuaded the Admiral by his smooth Language, to appease the disorder of the people, by submitting to the Result of the Council. Thereupon he promised to return to Japon, propvided they would allow him what he demanded, not only for his reward, but also that which should bear him out in that same new part which he had in his head to act. First he demanded two Ships magnificently trimmed, a Train of fifty chosen Men, every one of which was to have three changes of Habit, of the richest Stuffs that could be had: Moreover 50000 Crowns for his Voyage, a Cupboard of Gold and Silver Plate, with all Equipage proportionable, and that those that accompanied him should respect him, as a person of great Quality. All this was allowed him, and the Admiral departed from Batavia, and arrived well at Nangisaqui. The Governor surprised at the beauty of the Vessels, could not believe them to be Merchants, and therefore sent to know who they were; but he was more surprised when he knew that it was the Admiral. Forthwith he dispatched a Courier to the Emperor, to give him notice, and to inform him with what magnificence the Admiral was returned. The Precedent also sent, that he might have a favourable reception, and to desire his Friends to let the Emperor know, that this was a Person of great Quality, whom an Honourable Action had driven from his Country, and that he not sooner understood the accusation that lay against him, but that he was returned with that Equipage that became him, to justify himself. Till the Order came, the Governor, according to custom, caused all the Sails and Rudders of the Ships to be brought to him, not permitting any person to come ashore. At length the Order came, that the Admiral and his Attendants should be received into the City, together with all things necessary for their persons, and that they should be convoyed to Yeddo, and that in all places where they came, they should be nobly treated. The Precedent accompanied the Admiral to assist him, as well with his Councils, as with the favour of his Friends. Their Entry was very magnificent, and the richness of their Habits brought the people from all parts, as being mainly greedy after Novelty, so that the noise thereof was spread all over the Court: Yet the Emperor would not admit them to their Audience upon the day which they desired. Two Months were elapsed, during which time the Admiral kept open Table, and displayed his dasling Richeses to the Eyes of the Japonese, and being of a quick and apprehensive wit, he caused himself to be instructed in the Language of the Island, and in a short time he began to understand many Words. When the Emperor sent for him, he clad himself and his Train in a richer Habit than that which they had on when he made his Entry. At first the Emperor seemed to be angry; I understand, said he, that thou art an Impostor and a Traitor, that thy Birth is obscure, and that thou art come as a spy into my Kingdom, and therefore I am resolved to punish thee according to thy merits. When the Interpreter had explained the Emperor's words, the Admiral with an undaunted countenance, Sir, said he, a Prince so great as you are, should rather be a comfort and support to the unfortunate, than add to their affliction. Fortune, that persecutes me, has in nothing been more cruel to me, than in raising those Calumnies, with which she has endeavoured to blemish my reputation with your Majesty. She might expel me my Country, and cast me upon unknown Coasts at the other end of the World▪ but she can never inspire into me thoughts unworthy of my Birth. This is the second time I have been within your Dominions, the first by occasion of Shipwreck, the second to obey your Majesty's commands. The first accuses none but the Winds. And had I been guilty of what I am accused, I should never have ventured myself into your hands so far of from your Power. But, Sir, my Accusers have one advantage which I have not; they speak your Language, I understand it not, nor how to make you apprehended the truth of my justification. Allow me eight Months to learn the Speech of your Country, and than, if you will be so gracious as to hear me, I make no doubt but to confounded my Accusers, and to satisfy your Majesty in all things. The Emperor was surprised, and moved with his Answer, but more especially at his request of eight Months to learn the Japonick Language. I grant it thee, said the Emperor, for it is but just that a person accused should have both the Liberty and means to do it. And in the mean time I will take care that thou be honourably entertained in all places where thou hast a desire to reside. The Admiral us▪ d this Liberty with so much prudence, and got so much the love of the Courtiers by his carriage and his liberality, that by their converse, he not only learned the Language, but by virtue of their good Character, the Emperor would often sand for him, and ask him several Questions concerning our Europe, in reference to the Qualities of the Countries, the Manners of the People, the several Forms of Government, the Extent of the several Kingdoms, their Richeses, Strength, and Warlike Discipline; of all which, the Admiral gave him so handsome an Account, that the Prince took great delight in his Discourse. And at length he had gained so much the favour and confidence of the Emperor, that he utterly laid aside all the ill thoughts which he had of him, and condemned to Death, as a false Witness, and a Traducer, the Japonese that had accused him. After so fortunate an escape, the Admiral thought it but common prudence to make a fair retreat in the Grandeur of his Reputation, and thereupon he took leave of the Emperor, who loaded him with Honours and Presents. The Courtiers were also sorry for his departure, so that some of them accompanied him back, and took order for his entertainment, which was very magnificent all the way to Nangisaqui, where he took Shipping a few days after, and returned to Batavia. All the People thronged to the Port to see him when he Landed. He told them in few words the success of his Voyage. Some applauded his ingenuity and courage; others extolled the Service which he had done the Company and Nation. The Council received him also with thanks and praises, and gave him all the Gold and Plate which he had brought back. A while after he departed for Amsterdam, where he was not sooner arrived, but he presented a Petition to the State's General against the East-India Company, for sending him back to Japon, and for reparation of the violence and injury done him. The business was long in debate, but at last the Company was condemned to pay him great damages, and Interest for the same. But to return to the Precedent: He began now to be weary of being confined to one Factory, though he made up his Pack well enough where he was. But his Ambition carried him farther, and he thought he had done Service enough to be advanced to a higher Dignity. Neither was his presence so necessary at Japon, where he had settled the Dutch Trade in as good a condition as it could well be. And in truth, the Hollanders had than almost the whole Trade of the East-indieses. They had taken from the English, Formosa, Amboyna, and Pooleron, and by that means engrossed all the Trade of Cloves, Mace, and Nutmegs. They had taken Baton by surprise. The Inhabitants of the Celebes, Ternate, and Tidor, were become their Vassals; and the King of Macassar having made an Alliance with them, had expelled the Portugueses out of his Dominions. By means of their Factories in Sumatra, they had got all the Pepper Trade of the Western-Coast of that Island into their hands, besides several other advantages which they had in several other places, where they had encroached upon the Portugals, Spaniards, and the English themselves. The East-India Company at that time entertained 140 Ships, part Men of War, and part Merchantmen, provided with great Guns, Ammunition, and Provision of all sorts, and in these Ships above 6000 Men, part Soldiers, part Mariners. Batavia was the Soul of their Conquests, made upon the Ruins of the Portugueses, which had they lain all together, would have made a large Empire, and by which they might have grown infinitely rich, had not the expenses of their Navies and Soldiers eaten out the gains of their vast Trade. One of their wisest Generals told me frequently, We have, said he, but too many Fortresses, we need no more than the Cape of Good Hope, and Batavia, Factories well settled, good Ships, and honest Men to serve us. For in short, their Officer's pillage unmercifully, and 'cause the Commerce and Dominion of their Countrymen to be detested by the Indians, through their Covetousness and Cruelty. I know myself, that in the year 1664, the Expenses of the Hollanders in the East-indieses amounted, communibus annis, to twelve Millions a year, not to reckon Shipwrecks, decay of Ships, and waste of Goods, and yet their Cargoes for Asia and Europe have not amounted to above ten Millions; and sometimes the Cargoes are so mean, that the Receipts do not answer the Expenses. Nevertheless their perseverance and courage were worthy of admiration. For what could be more to be admired, than to see that a small number of Merchants, assembled at first upon the single score of Trade, should afterwards presume to make War in Regions so far distant, assail so many Princes and Nations, plant so many Colonies, besiege so many Cities and Forts, and lastly, set forth so many Navies at such prodigious Expenses, that it would put many potent Sovereigns to a plunge to do as they did? This was the Estate of the Holland East-India Company, at what time the Precedent, the principal Subject of this Relation, was recalled from Japon to Batavia, there to take upon him the Office of Chief Director. He carried thither great store of Wealth, and built several magnificent Houses in the City. His Authority also was very large; but he exercised it according to his usual custom, and was hated by all the Officers of the Company, and the Citizens themselves. He thought himself secure of the Employment of General, but he was deceived in his hopes; upon which he took pet, and returned for Amsterdam, where he lived quietly for some years. At length his turbulent and ambitious Spirit put him upon new Designs, to revenge the injury which he thought he had received. To which purpose he returned to the Indieses. His undertaking was not so prosperous for those that employed him, and who merited to have been better served. He pillaged, cozened, and caused several disorders in their affairs, and at length returning home again, perished in the River of Lisbon with his Money and Jewels, as hath been already related. The End of the First Part. A RELATION OF What passed in the Negotiation of the DEPUTIES Which were sent to PERSIA and the INDIESES, As well on the behalf of the KING, as of the FRENCH COMPANY, for the settling of Trade. IN the Relation which I have undertaken, I shall make a faithful Report of things in such manner as I saw them transacted by the Deputies sent to Persia, and the Indieses, as well on the behalf of the King, as of the French Company, for the settlement of Trade. The Thirteenth of July, 1665. the Sieur Lalin, Gentleman in Extraordinary to the King, and the Sieur de la Boulaye, a Centleman of Anjou, with the Sieurs Beber, Marriage, and du Pont, Deputies of the new French Company, for the settling of Trade in Persia and the Indieses, arrived at Ispahan, and took up their Lodgings at Zulpha, being the Suburbs of the same City, where also at that time lived the Sieur L' Estoile, a French Merchant. Lalin and Boulaye, without saying any thing to the Deputies, delivered to L' Estoile the Letters which Monsieur de Lyonne had written to him; the Inscription whereof was thus. To Mr. L' Estoile, first Valet du Chambre to the King of Persia, or in his absence, to Mr. Logis, his Son in Law. Which was not a little to be admired at by the Franks, who had sojourned any time in that Country, to found that monsieur Boulaye, who had been before in Persia, and should have better understood the Custom of the Court, should be not better able to instruct a Secretary of State, than to let him give L' Estoile the Title of Valet du Chambre to the King of Persia, who has none to serve him in his Chamber but Eunuches, and never suffers a Christian to touch his Habits, for fear of being defiled. The purport of the Letters, was to admonish L' Estoile to support, assist, and protect the Deputies in the Business upon which the Company had sent them; and in case of losses by the way, to furnish them with such necessaries as they should want. The King of Persia was than three days journey from Ispahan; for which reason a Messenger was dispatched with a Letter to the Nazar, or Grand Master of the House, and another to the Mirzateker, or his Lieutenant, to know whether his Majesty would command them to wait on him there, or whether they should expect his return to Ispahan. In the mean while the Deputies could not agreed amongst themselves: For the three Merchants Beber, Marriage, and du Pont affirmed, that the two Gentlemen were only interested by the by in this Negotiation; and that having no right to take cognizance of the Affairs of the Company, they aught not to trouble themselves any farther, than the King's Letters directed them, in the affairs of the Company. That the Effect of the King's Letters was not more, than that two Gentlemen, desirous to see the Court of Persia, were joined with the Deputies of the Company; and therefore it belonged to them only to treat with the Ministers of the King of Persia. That the Gentlemen had no more to do than to deliver the King of France's Letter to the Persian King, and to desire a nomination of Commissioners to treat with the Deputies. This contest, which all the Franks in vain endeavoured to compose, came at length to the Nazar's Ears; who was strangely surprised at it, having than a design to procure an Order from the King to remove out of Ispahan and the Suburbs, all the Christians of what opinion soever, and place them over against Zulpha. However, the Deputies raised new objections and difficulties every day; which Father Raphael of Man's, Superior of the Order of Capuchins in Persia, employed all his credit and industry to accommodate. He wrote them out several forms of a Letter, which they were to sand to the Nazar; but those that pleased the one Party, did not like the other. At length Father Raphael, weary of scribbling and altering, amending and correcting, and all to no purpose; told them seriously, they did ill to act in such a manner, and to insist upon idle formalities; that the Persian Style, wherein they aught to writ to the Nazar, aught to be concise and plain, without superfluities, or impertinencies; and lastly, that all their contentions did but redound to the disadvantage of the Company, whose Interests they pretended to manage. After several contests, Father Raphael, at last, finished the Letter to the content of both Parties, which was transcribed into the Persian Language; with another to the Mirzateker, and both were dispatched away. The Nazar having read it, presently informed the King of the French Companies design, and of the arrival of the Deputies. His Majesty commanded him to let them know that they were welcome, and that in a short time, he would return to Ispahan, and give them Audience. Some few days after, the Court returned to Ispahan, and while the King stopped at one of his Houses near the Gates of the City, the Nazar sent for Father Raphael, to know of him who the French Deputies were, and who had sent them into Persia, to which the Father gave him the best satisfaction he could. For the Nazar wondered that they were come into the Kingdom, and sent, as they said, from such a potent Prince, and yet that the Governors of Erivan and Tauris should know nothing of their passage through those Cities. The Athemadoulet also was in the same Astonishment; and it gave them reason to suspect both the Quality of their Persons, and the Reality of their Commission. For either they were ignorant of the custom of the Country, or else they did ill to travel incognito, like ordinary Tradesmen, and Persons of mean condition. But Father Raphael having assured them, that they were sent by the King of France to settle a Company of Trade, and that he had Letters of Advice thereof out of Europe, the Nazar bid Father Raphael tell the Deputies they should be in a readiness, for that the King would give them Audience in a few days. But the former misunderstanding, still continuing between the Gentlemen and Deputies, Father Raphael fearing some mischievous consequence of it in the presence of the King, or that they should make some dispute for priority, the Father represented to the Nazar, that whereas the Deptuys were of two Orders, the one of Gentlemen, and the other of Merchants; therefore to take away all suspicion of jealousy, it would do well, that His Majesty would be pleased when he admitted them to their Audience, to permit the Gentlemen their seats on the one side, and the Merchants on the other. Which the Nazar approved, and the King allowed of the same day. The 27th of September, the King being at his Palace of Scader-Abbas, upon the bank of the River, between the Bridge of Zulpha, and the Bridge of Schiras, caused a preparation of Artificial Fireworks to be made, which came to above 2000 l. and early in the Morning caused notice to be given, that he intended that day to give audience to the King of France's Deputies. Father Raphael also had Order to be ready with the Deputies, to the end, the Mehemender, or Master of the Ceremonies, might not be obliged to wait. Accordingly that very day the Mehemender came to L'Estoile's House, and from thence conducted the Deputies, with all their Train, and the rest of the Franks than resident in those parts all mounted on Horseback, with a march so slow and grave, and for the advantage of the sight so far about, that it was almost Night before they arrived at Scader-Abbas; at what time the Mehemender entered the Palace alone, leaving the Merchants at the Door. In the mean while, the Merchants believing that Father Raphael did not favour them so much as the Gentlemen, cried out aloud, that they would have an Interpreter also for themselves, or else would go not farther. Father Raphael, who acted only by the Nazar's Order, and for the advantage of the French Nation, told them, that whither they went any farther or not it was all one to him: that for his part he was not there as an Interpreter, either for the one or the other, but only in obedience to the King's commands. In the midst of this debate the Mehemender returned to carry the Deputies to their Audience; five hundred Musketeers being ranked in order upon the bank of the River, to give them a Volley as they passed along. The Mehemender's march at first was slow and grave, but approaching the place where the King was, and from whence he had a view of the Deputies, he caused them to double their pace to the foot of the Steps, where the Lackeys took of their Shoes; and from thence they proceeded into the Hall of Audience, where the Khans, and other great Lords were sitting. Upon each side stood the Youth of Quality, sumptously clad in Tissue of Gold and Silver, their Cloaks and Mantles being lined with Martin's, Sables, and other rich Furs. The Deputies being come into the King's presence, the Mehemender caused them to kneel, and bow their Heads to the Ground three times: That done, he caused them to rise, and lead up Lalin by the hand alone, as being the person who had in charge the presenting of the Letter to the King. After him followed Boulaye, and the rest of the Deputies, and thus they mounted up to the place where fate the Athemadoulet, and the Nazar. The King was seated upon a Scaffold some what higher than the rest, encompassed with 150 young Gentlemen magnificently clad, to whom the Sieur Lalin, at the head of the Deputies, made his compliments in French, and than humbly presented the King's Letter, sealed with a flat Seal upon a flying Label, enclosed in an Embroidered Box, with the Arms of France and Navarre, in relief, upon the Lid. Father Raphael explained to the King the effect of Lalin's Speech. After which the King gave a little bow with his Head, and at the same time gave a sign to the Master of the Ceremonies to carry them back to their places. Being come to the bottom of the Hall, where the Officers had Order to separate the Gentlemen from the Merchants, the Officers by mistake put Boulaye with two of the Merchants, and Marriage one of the Merchants with Lalin, which made Boulaye cry out aloud in the Turkish Language Menbeg-Zaddè, I am a Gentleman; but the thing being done, and the King being present, there was no help. Than the Persian Music began to play for a quarter of an Hour; which having given over, the Master of the Ceremonies came again, and carried up Father Raphael, and the two Gentlemen, as he supposed, of which Marriage by the forementioned mistake happened to be one, again to the King: at what time Lalin with a comely grace made his Harangue, and set forth the occasion of his Deputation of His Majesty, of which His Majesty testified his good liking by a nod of his Head. For Lalin had a handsome presence, and spoke with an acceptable Tone, and his magnificent Habit very much added to the comely Air of his Person. The Speech was expounded by Father Raphael; which when he had done, the King asked the Deputies several Questions, and than with his hand made them a sign to retire to their places, beckoning at the same time to Father Raphael to stay; and causing him to come near him, more particularly informed himself of the Power of the King of France, the Extent of his Dominions, his Military Discipline, and his Councils: of all which the Father gave him the best account he could, and than with the King's leave, retired to his place. This Scene being over, a Flagon of Gold, and a Glass were sent to the Deputies, attended with a short Banquet of Fruits, and other sorts of Food; the Instrumental and Vocal Music playing all the while. Which being over, the King again sent for Lalin, Marriage, and Father Raphael, and after a short Discourse, having dismissed all but father Raphael, he fell into a dispute with him touching the Unity of the Divine Nature, the necessity of one Prophet, and how Mahomet was the Seal and Crown of all Prophets. He seemed to admire that the Franks, who had the Reputation of being People of Wit and Discretion, could think Jesus Christ to be a God: to all which particulars, the Father endeavoured to give the King the best satisfaction he could. But than, Father Raphael being desirous that the three Deputies should partake of the King's favour as the other two had done. Whereupon the King sent for the other three Deputies, and having discoursed a while with Boulaye, while Father Raphael interpreted between them, in a short while he dismissed them all again, but Father Raphael, with whom he entered into a more jocular Discourse than the former, of the Colours, Black and White, and of the Beauty of the French Women, the King confessing that naturally he did not love Brown Women, the White complexion being more agreeable to him, as being that complexion which alone composed the Beauty of Women. The Father modestly made his answer, that Beauty consisted only in fancy; for that the Persians' loved thick and full Kickshaws, which were not at all esteemed in France. Than the King casting his Eyes upon the Box wherein the King of France's Letter lay, he took out the Letter, and observing it to be a small piece of Parchment, and not such a one as he had received from several Princes and Potentates of Europe, nor indeed like those which the Jesuits had brought him formerly from the King of France himself, in a fair piece of Parchment, with a large Seal deep cut, he gave evident Demonstrations of his contempt of it, and was about to have thrown it away. Father Raphael perceived him to be out of humour, to whom the King in pursuance of his dislike, said, Raphael, I never receive open Letters without a Seal, take it, and let me see it not more, for I do not believe it comes from so great a King as the King of France, and at the same time made him a sign to retire. He durst do no otherwise than take the Letter, and so returning to his place, he told both Lalin and Marriage what had passed in his Discourse between him and the King. Two hours, after that, were spent in beholding the Mummeries of their common Dancers, a pastime very usual in Persia. Which being over, the King sent again for Lalin, Marriage, and the Father; and after some few Questions, to which they gave the best Answers they could, he again dismissed both the Deputies, retaining only Father Raphael with him. The Father, than taking his opportunity, told the King, that he had always observed it to be the custom of the Athemadoulet to 'cause the Letters, which the European Princes sent His Majesty, to be interpreted in his presence. And therefore, added the Father, I beseech Your Majesty to permit me to give the King of France's Letter to the Athemadoulet, to the end, it may be truly interpreted to him according to usual custom. Thereupon the King made a sign to the Father to give it him, and glad he was to be so rid of it. The Father observing the King in a good humour, spoke to him in behalf of the other three Deputies, that he would be pleased to admit them to be sent for a second time, in regard the others had been sent for three times. But the King told him, it was enough for him to speak to the Gentlemen, let his Ministers talk with the Merchants. The Father being than dismissed, he sent for Lalin alone, for whom he showed himself to have a very great kindness and affection; and at the same time commanded the Nazar to bring him the next day, together with Father Raphael, and Lagis the Genevese, who was retained in his Service, to Court, for that he intended to be merry with them. Than he went on, and told Lalin, that so soon as the French Ships were arrived, he would sand an Ambassador to the King of France, and make a strict Alliance with him. Lalin replied, that His Majesty of France desired nothing more. Why than, replied the King, is not my Alliance sufficient, but that you must go seek the Alliance of the Blacks, from whom you will not draw those advantages, with which you flatter yourselves? For you must know, that the Deputies kept their affairs so secret, that no body knew of them but all the World, the Servants as well as the Masters. Not considering, that the Persians' are good Politicians, and that that Court is never without Spies. Therefore the King knew, that as soon as the Deputies had dispatched at his Court, they were to departed for the Indieses, with which Nation he keeps no good Correspondence. And for that reason, he was not a little offended with them, though they endeavoured to persuade him, that their Errand to the Indieses was only for Linen and Spices. The Deputies presented to the King a very fair Fuzee, together with the King's Picture, in little, drawn to the Life, which was so much the more esteemed, because at the same time several large Cuts had been brought to Ispahan, and presented to the King, which perfectly agreed with the Picture in Oil, by which the whole Court was convinced that it was the real Portraiture of the King. When these Presents were laid before the King, he asked the Deputies, for which of the Eastern Nations the French had most affection; to whom M. Lalin made answer, that certainly for the Persian; thereupon the King returned, that certainly they had reason; for that the Persians' were white, like the French, and that it was impossible for them to have any affection for the Indians who were black. At length the King, to show the Deputies his highest favour, would have them drink the HEZARD PICHE, in a golden Cup, which holds about a Pint of Paris. He ordered the Wine to be the same which he drank himself, which was in a Bottle of Crystal Glass, studded with Diamonds. Lalin drank courageously, and so did Marriage; but Father Raphael made a fair excuse, and got of. After midnight the Zerhaftes, or Tableclothes of Cloth of Gold were spread upon the Floor, and several roasted Viands very hot of the Spice, and Dishes of Salt Fish, purchased from the Caspian Sea, were brought and set upon the clothes; together with several Pastry Meats, dried Raisins, Comfits, Almonds, and Pistaches, and other provocatives to drink. The repast being ended, several Buffoons were brought in, who Sung and Danced after the Turkish fashion, and made a hundred wry Mouths and ugly Faces. Among the rest of the Divertisements, there were two Men introuduced, that played one against another with each a Battoon in his hand, with a piece of Linen dipped in Naphta, tied to the end of the Stick, which cast forth a very clear brightness in the dark; at the same time four artificial Whirlwinds were made to rise one after another, which were all hover in the Air at once, and in a continual Agitation. Three Hours after Midnight the Masters of the Ceremonies came to raise the Deputies to take leave of the King; and so leading them to the lower end of the Hall, after a profound reverence, they retired, not one person beside stirring out of his place, to the end they might have time to take their Shoes without confusion. When they were gone, the King dismissed the Court, and than it is that the crowd is so great, that not one in twenty but loses their own, and gets whoseever Shoes he can lay his hands on. The Deputies and Father Raphael being upon their return home, by that time they got half way, met an Officer belonging to the Athemadoulet, who told Father Raphael that his Master expected the French Begzades at his House by Ten a Clock next Morning, to treat them, by his Majesty's Order. Father Raphael, Lalin, and Boulaye, were punctual to their time, and no sooner did the Athemadoulet know of their arrival, but he came down into his Hall of Audience, to receive them, where he had also ordered a very fair Banquet to be ready for their entertainment. There Father Raphael left them, while he went with the Athemadoulet's Secretary, to Translate the King of France's Letter into the Persian Language; which being finished, and he come again into the Hall, after several Civilities passed on both sides, the Father and the Deputies returned to Zulpha. The Merchant Deputies offended at the Honour which the Gentlemen had received, would have gone in their Turn; but Father Raphael told them, that it was not the Custom in Persia to visit the Prime Minister, without being sent for. In the Evening, Father Raphael, and the Begzades received new Orders to attend the King, but the King stirred not out that Evening, so that their Journey was in vain. The Merchants still perceiving the Honours which were done the Gentlemen, and believing Father Raphael to be the cause of all, they began to rail at him, and give him soul Language, and threatened to writ into France to give an account of his behaviour. Father Raphael nettled at the Language of the Deputies, told them, that he had done what in him lay to procure them the same Honours, which the others had received, though they were so little sensible of it. That he would continued his endeavours for the Advancement of their Affairs, though not for their own sakes, yet for the sake of the Company, that had sent them. Which answer, though it were sharp enough, and showed that the Father was angry, yet he did not forget, that they were his Countrymen; so that he ventured to carry them twice to the Prime Minister of his own accord, contrary to the Custom. The first time he was not to be spoken with. The second time, he made an Errand to him with the three Deputies, to present him a Copy of the Letter from the Directors of the Company, in the Persian Language; at which time he showed them the Deputies, acquainting him withal that those were the Persons with whom he was to treat in point of Trade. To which the Athemadoulet replied, that he had no Commission from the King to meddle with those Deputies, but only, to entertain the Bagzade that brought the King's Letter, which he had already done. Thereupon the Father desired him he would be pleased to speak to the King to nominate Commissioners to treat with them, which the Athemadoulet promised to do. That day in the evening, a Messenger was sent to Father Raphael, to acquaint him, that the King had appointed the Nazar to treat with the Deputies the next day, and to know their demands. Of which the Father gave the Deputies quick intelligence. The next day, being the First of September, Father Raphael failed not to be with the Deputies very early in the Morning, to bring them to the Nazar; but he was very much surprised to see, that they would not go altogether, but still loo'k with an evil Eye one upon another, and continued their former differences. To the end therefore that he might set things to rights, he went to the Nazar, and told him, that he thought it would be the best way for the Merchant's Deputies to come because that they were the Persons with whom he was chief to Treat. The Nazar answered, that the King understood that they were all five in the same Commission jointly. To which, when the Father answered the second time, that it would be the best way to do as he had proposed; The Nazar with a Surly Countenance, why, What's the matter now? said he to the Father; Are not you Frenchmen ashamed to be thus at odds one with another, and to give all the World, nay the very Footboys occasion to discourse of your Divisions? What would they have us think of them and their Commission? Are they so little afraid of offending the King? Or, is their King more indulgent than the King of Persia, who would never pardon such faults in his Subjects? To this rebuke the Father made no reply. Only he desired the Nazar, that he might have two Horsemen to attend the Deputies at Zulpha, telling the Nazar not a word of his design to bring the Merchants an Hour sooner than the Gentlemen. This fell out to the Father's desire; For the Father sent one of the Horsemen to Zulpha, to the Gentlemen, with order to drink with them, and not to be over hasty, but to bring them fair and softly along with him; with the other he made haste to the Merchant Deputies, and causing them to double their pace, they got betimes to the Nazar's House, where they were civilly received. Du-pont presented the Nazar with the Deputies Commission, translated into the Persian Language; after which they fell into a discourse, which lasted above three quartes of an Hour, concerning the Customs, Tolls, and Quality of the Merchants, and the justness of the French in their Dealing. They had just finished their Discourse of Trade, when the Nazar was advertized, that the three Gentlemen were arrived; who thereupon desired Father Raphael to go and receive them. The Father went and waited upon them in, neatly chiding them for having stayed so long, and making the Nazar wait. Well said he, now you are together, go into that Cabinet, and writ down you demands, and the Articles of your Commission. The Merchant Deputies, which had now discoursed with the Nazar what they had to say, were well enough content to enter into a General Conference with the Gentlemen. Than calling for Pen, Ink and Paper, they made a draught of their Demands, the chief of which were, three Years Immunity from Customs and Tolls, to begin from the time of the arrival of our Ships; and that after that, they should enjoy all the Privileges and Favours granted to other Nations. They also desired precedence above all other Nations, when they should be called to Court, as they suggested, that they had at the Court of the Grand Signior. And lastly, they required a House for those that belonged to the Company, to live in the City. These demands were dictated word for word by Father Raphael, to the Nazars' Secretary, in the Name of all the five Gentlemen; and because the Nazar's Secretary knew not how to pronounce them, the Father undertook to writ them in the Persian Character; which being done, and the writing read in the hearing of the Deputies, the Nazar took the Paper to present to the King. Thus after a fair Banquet, accompanied with Music, both Vocal and Instrumental, the Deputies were dismissed by the Nazar, who bid them rely upon his care; for that he would do them all the Favour that lay in his power, and give them his Majesty's Answer in a short time. The Deputies very well satisfied with the Nazar's reception, sent him afterwards a Present, which was a Shame both to the Nation and the Company, that pretended to such great and high things, and endeavoured to fix an opinion of their Wealth and Grandeur among Strangers. For they sent him only a Tin Cup Enamelled, and eight little Cases of Perspectives, or Looking-Glasses, the whole not amounting to above 40 Crowns. They also made much such another Present, but meaner, to the Mirzateker, consisting of about a Dozen Pair of Gilt Scissors for Women. We must speak the Truth: For they were not a little laughed at for their ridiculous Presents, which were the Scorn and Contempt of those that received them, when the Deputies were gone. To Father Raphael they presented a Purse, with 40 Tomans, or Six Hundred Crowns in it, believing that he would never accept of it; and indeed he refused it with scorn; not a little angry with them, that they should have such mean thoughts of him, as to believe him Mercenary. Two days after, the Nazar gave notice to the Father, that the King had granted the French their Demands; and had ordered every one of them a Calaat, or a Vest-Royal, and in respect of Superiority, a Horse for Monsieur Lalin. That the Kings Answer and the Grant were both ready for the Directors of the Company, according to their desire. The King was than onward upon a journey to Mazandran, three days Travel from Ispahan, at one of his Palaces, called Tajabat. A Pleasant Situation, in the midst of a great Valley, shaded with Trees, and full of Villages. The Ninth of October, came a Letter from the Nazar, to Father Raphael, signifyiug the King's Pleasure, that both he and the Deputies should repair to Tajabat with all speed. Thereupon the Father and they made such haste, that in lesle than three days they got to Tajabat, where the Nazar ordered them to lie in the House of an Armenian Renegado. The King sent them immediately eight or ten bottles of Wine, with four Gold Dishes, full of lovely Fruits, and Tapestries for their Dining Room. But these Presents occasioned new Quarrels; For there being two Factions, and both living apart, there was a great dispute who should have this present. Father Raphael, having done all that possible he could to reconcile the business, and not being able to persuade them, in a just Passion, bid them take their Swords and Pistols, and go and decide the Quarrel in the Field. Till now, said he, I have done all I could to conceal your detestable divisions from the Court, which nevertheless, is but too well acquainted therewith: Is it your design to publish your own Ignominy, and to make not only yourselves, but the whole Nation of the French ridiculous to the Persians'? At length they were so far reconciled, that one Room served them to Feed, and consequently the same Furniture. For the Father's reproofs had put them a little out of Countenance. The Seventeenth of October, the Mehemander came to the Deputies Lodgings, and brought five Royal Vests; The Richest, which was of Tissue of Gold, was for Monsieur Lalin; the next, not altogether so rich, for Monsieur Boulaye; and the other three of a lower price, for the Merchants; The value of the whole might amount to 600 Crowns, for which the French Deputies most generously gave the Officers that brought them 25 or 30 Crowns, as a Gratuity. The Officers of the Stable also brought two Horses for the Gentlemen, for which they received six Crowns in Gold, as a reward. I confess, I should have been ashamed of such a poorness of Spirit, at such a time as that. At length also the Ragan or Patent for the Company was delivered into the Hands of the Deputies, faithfully Translated by Father Raphael to this Effect. That whereas the Merchants of the Kingdom of France, who are favoured by the Favour extremely Royal, and the Justice excessively Royal, being made constant in the hope and participation in the time, have presented their Petition, which is arrived at the Ear of the Ministers Commissioners for the Court of Grandeur and high Fortune; Their Intentions and Demands have found the Visage of Acceptation, and we have strictly commanded, that the Conservators of Rights, Tolls and Privileges, acknowledge them for exempt and privileged, during the space of Three Years; and that there be nothing demanded upon their Goods and Factories, conformable to the request of the Deputies, etc. The next day, the Mehemander Bachi, came early in the Morning to attend the Deputies, and bring them with all speed to the Court: Where being admitted into the Garden, they met the King a Horseback, and all the Court a Foot. The Athemadoulet held the King's Answer to the King of France, in a Bag of Cloth of Gold, Sealed with the King's Seal upon read Spanish Wax. The Sieur Lalin than, and the rest of the Deputies were ordered to go near and Kiss the King's Boot, who kept his Grandeur, without speaking a word. When they had so done, the Athemadoulet calling them to him, there, said he, there is the Answer for the Grand Cha, that is, for the King of the Kings of France. The Deputies having made their Obeisances to the King, the whole Court took Horse; and the King took the Road of Cachan; and within an Hour, that Campaign, which looked like a thick peopled City, became as Desert as the most part of Persia. The Deputies, having read over the Patent, began to found many defects, and Marriage would feign have followed the Court for amendments, and would have persuaded Lalin and Father Raphael to have gone along with him. But Father Raphael overpersuaded them to return first to their Lodgings at Zulpha, and there to hear the Patent distinctly read over, and to consider better of it. When they came to Zulpha, and that they had debated upon the mere Letter of the Patent, than they were worse mad than they were before. Than there were so many Cavils, so many Disputes, so many Exceptions, and so many Expositions put upon the Words Conformably and Reasonably, that they must get a Horse back immediately. Boulaye stopped this fury for a while; So that after many Disputes and Consultations, it was agreed, that Marriage, as chief of the Negotiation, and Lalin, should follow the Court; and that Boulaye, Breber, and Du-pont, should proceed forward to the Indieses. The Sieur L'Estoile, and all the rest of the Franks, were of opinion, that Lalin should forthwith departed for France, with the King's Letter. But their Counsel was not followed, and so the Deputies divided themselves: Lalin and Marriage to follow the Court, which was than removed as far as Mazandran: And the other three to pursue their Journey to the East Indies. The two former feign would have had Father Raphael have accompanied them to the Court; but he fairly excused himself. Neither would L'Estoile permit his Son, to whom he allowed 20 Tomans a Year, to return to the Court, choosing rather to sand him to Bander with the other three. Whereupon, the Seventeenth of November, they set forward upon their Journey. Du Pont, without doubt, was the most solid and judicious of all the Merchants, but he took it so to heart, to see the dis-union among them, that he fell into a languishing Disease at Ispahan, and died not far from Schiras. As for Lalin and Marriage, they left Ispahan the Fifteenth of December, and arrived at Court soon after, where they lay a long time neglected, their Divisions still continuing, which made them contemptible to the Persians', and ruin'd the Affairs of the Company. One Evening, the Nazar sent them a Flower, advising them, that as that Flower never changed; so it became them not to vary in their Resolutions. After a long and tedious stay, Marriage obtained some few impertinent Alterations in his Patent; and permission to make Wine at Schiras, as the English, Hollanders, and Portugueses had. With these Alterations they both leave the Court; and Marriage would certainly have accompanied Lalin, who had an intention to see Ardevil, Tauris, and Kom, had he not been solicited to return to Zulpha, by a Young Dalilah, that had smitten his heart. For by the means of an old Woman, the Mother of one of his Lackeys, he had debauched a young Armenian Virgin, whom he kept privately to himself; yet not so privately, but the noise thereof was quickly spread all over Zulpha. All the Armenians were scandalised at it, and sent to seize the Bawd, to punish her, by their Laws, as she deserved. Marriage advertized thereof, flew out of his Lodging to her assistance, and to protect her from Justice. But seeing the People in an uproar, and finding the Stones to fly too thick about his Ears, he was forced to mind his own safety, and to seek for shelter in the next House where he could be admitted. But the Business was not so put up, for the Armenians, wondering to see that a Deputy of an Illustrious Company, who was come to the Court of Persia upon so serious an Affair, should do so much wrong to his Nation, by publicly appearing in so shameful an Action, and so unworthy of a Person in public Employment, that they resolved to prosecute him all manner of ways. They were resolved, to that end, to have sent into France an Express, to have Complained to the King of his ill Management and bad Behaviour. But Marriage at length restored the Armenian Girl which he had kept close locked up; after which time the Armenians never looked upon him but with scorn and contempt. Lalin being returned to Ispahan, departed thence the 22 th' of November, 1666. for Bander, with a Resolution, to Travel into the Indieses. But he fell sick at Bander, and thinking to return to Schiras, for the Air's sake, he died by the way at a Village called Bend-Ali. A Gentleman endowed with noble Qualities, and whose Gentle and Generous behaviour was an honour to his Nation. The Thirtieth of the same November, Marriage also left Ispahan, and departed for Bander, with one Father Mercier, a Jesuit, whom he took along with him as his Almoner, and Lewis L' Estoile, his Kalmachi, or Interpreter: There he stayed four Months for the arrival of the Ships, but none coming, and the heats increasing, he resolved to spend the rest of the Year at Schiras. As for the Jesuit, and young L' Estoile, because there was no Converse but with the people of the Country, they returned back to Ispahan. Boulaye and Beber arrived at Suratte the first of April, 1666. Being come to the Bar, they sent to Father Ambroise, chief of the Mission of the Capuchins, who presently attended them with a Sloop, which he had obtained of the Governor, and brought them home to the Capuchin's House, where they stayed till they departed for Agra. Sometime before was arrived there a Merchant of Aleppo, who had run himself out at heels, and of a Maronite Christian was become a Roman Catholic, in hopes to patch up his broken Fortune, being in truth a mere Counterfeit, and a Hypocrite: For these Levantine Christians seldom change their Religion, but upon some motive of Interest; and when they have got a good Sum together, they presently whip back again into their own Country, and for a small piece of Money obtain absolution of their Patriarch. Thus several of the Religious Franks that travel out of Europe into Asia are often deceived, making a great noise of their Conversion of the Levantines, when the Conversion, at the bottom, is only an outward Conversion, and a mere piece of Gullery. Among many others that I could relate, I will only mention one, of a Franciscan, called Paul Stella, who coming with 400 Crowns, or thereabouts, in his Pocket, for his subsistence, a Maronite smelled him out, and under the pretence of giving him the Honour of his Conversion to the Catholic Religion, never left him till he had sucked him dry, and turned the Channel of his Money. This Maronite Merchant before mentioned, whose Name was Chelebi, showed himself very zealous for the Capuchins, and he had reason enough; for the Capuchins of Aleppo had been very serviceable to him, and had helped him in his Affairs when they were at the lowest ebb. They were overjoyed at his arrival at Surat, and gave it out immediately that it was he that had given them Money for the building their House and Church. But when I came to look over my Accounts, I found that the Money that had paid for the Ground and a good share of the building, came out of my Purse; Father Ambroise having promised that I should be reimbursed upon my return to Paris. But I never heard more of my Money, nor indeed did I ever look after it. The reason why the Capuchins were willing that the Aleppo Merchant, who never had disbursed a Penny, should own the Expenses of their House and Church, is this; because no Frangui Christian is permitted in the Indieses to enjoy the propriety of Houses, or to make any reparations of those which they hire, without the leave of the Governor of the place. Both the English and Holland Companies are only Lessees to the Indians; the Great Mogul having suffered from the Christians in several places, where under pretence of repairing or adorning certain Houses, which they possessed by way of propriety, they have so well fortified them, that when the Governors have come to require any Duties from them, they have made them good so long, till they have forced the Governors to yield to their demands. So soon as the Deputies were landed at Surat, they presently spread abroad a report, that there were seven or eight Ships belonging to the French Company that would suddenly follow them. The Aleppo Merchant was overjoyed to hear the News, and was in great hopes, that by the favour of the Capuchins, and the advantage which he had of speaking several of the Asiatic Languages, that the greatest part of the French Merchandise would pass through his hands. Upon these hopes he made great Treats, and presented large Presents to the Deputies, and maintained their Servants at his own Charges. He found the Deputies to be sufficiently covetous, but he was still in great expectations, that his civil Entertainments, and the Presents which they received from him, would oblige them to acknowledge his kindness, and that one day he should found himself repaid by the management of their business; but he was foully mistaken. For it cost him above 1500 Rupies, part which he spent upon them himself at Surat, and partly what his Nephew furnished them withal at Agra for their present occasions. Three or four days after their arrival at Surat, the English Precedent sent to visit them by some of his Council, and would have waited on them himself, but that he lay than ill of the Gout. The Holland Commander did the same with his Council, showing all the civilities and kindnesses that lay in his power; and a few days after invited them solemnly to a great Feast, with as many as they could bring along with them. In the midst of their Jollity the King's Health was sent about, and after that, the Prosperity of the French Company; which obliged Boulaye to begin another Health to the happy Progress of the Holland Company. But when it came to Mr. Beber's turn to drink it, notwithstanding all that Boulaye, and the rest of the Company could say to him, they could not oblige him to pledge it. Nay, he did worse than this, for he threw the Glass, Wine, and all at his Feet; and when he had so done, he risen in a heat from the Table, and after a pitiful manner left the Company, and went home to his Lodging, though without any attendance. The Hollanders were so discreet as to take little notice of his folly, but remained very merry at the Table with Mr. Boulaye till Midnight. But they could not forbear telling their Friends, that they wondered, in regard there were so many discreet and ingenious Men in France, that the Company should make choice of such a Fool for the management of such an important Affair as he was sent about; and that they foresaw he would do the Company no small injury. While the Deputies stayed at Surat, the Governor of the place, at the request of Father Ambroise, entertained them, and showed them all the respect that could be showed to Strangers. One day that they were in Discourse together, he told them, that if they would follow his Counsel, he advised them not to go to Court till their Ships were arrived. But seeing that they were resolved to the contrary, he offered them Money, Horses, and Soldiers, to attend them, with Letters of Recommendation to some of the Grandees of the Court. The Cha-bander, or Provost of Merchants, made them the same offers that the Governor had done; all which they refused very obstinately. Moore than this, they behaved themselves very ill, in reference to the Presents which the Governor and the Cha-Bander sent them, for they gave their Servants that carried them not a Doit, which is looked upon as a very dirty action in the Indieses. For the Indians never give their Servants any other Wages, than what they get by carrying Presents from their Masters. And the more they have given them, the more Honour it is, both for him that receives, and him that sends the Present. The Deputies than being resolved for Agra, hired their Wanes, and their Oxen to carry their Luggage, and five and twenty Soldiers for their Convoy. They likewise made a great noise, of their being honoured from so Great a King, and so Noble a Company. Upon which score, they aught to have had five or six Wains for their Baggage, every one their Pallaquin and a Led-horse, and every one a Flag with their Arms or their Ciphers, which is the gentle way of Travelling in India, and as I was always want to travel. But they took but five and twenty Soldiers, whereas they aught to have hired an hundred and fifty at the rate they talked. But instead of so doing, three Days Journey from Surat, Beber began to quarrel with Boulaye, that they had too great a Train at their heels, for which he blamed the Advice of Father Ambroise and the Merchant of Aleppo: That for his part he would pay for no more than four Soldiers, and that if he would not sand the rest back, he should pay them himself. Upon which, they agreed to sand back the six Soldiers which the Governor had ordered to attend them as far as Brampour; upon their dismissment, not giving them so much as the Worth of a Pipe of Tobacco. When they came to Agra, the Nephew of Chelebi, the Aleppo Merchant, failed not to wait upon them, and to offer them his service. There was at that time a French Chirurgeon, whose Name was James, he spoke good Indian, and was married in the Country to the Daughter of a Portugal: The Nahab, the King's Uncle and Grand Vizier, had a great kindness for this Chirurgeon; and by his procurement it was, that the Deputies had Audience of Giafer-Kan, for so was the Nahab called. They requested of him, that by his favour they might present a Letter from their King to the Great Mogul, as also that they might be admitted to treat concerning the Settlement of a French Trade in the Country. The Nahab told them, that he would speak to the King, and take care that they should be admitted to their Audience in a little time. With that he ordered them to be conducted to the Lodgings appointed for them, which they found ready furnished with all necessary provision for the Belly; but their Lackeys and Servants were to cook it themselves; for it is not here as it is in Persia, where the Meat is sent ready dressed out of the King's Kitchen to the Ambassadors Table. The Nahab, who understood that they had brought no Presents, neither for him, nor any of the Grandees of the Court, nor for the King himself, was not over hasty to admit them to their Audience. So that it was above a Month before the Deputies could set Eyes upon the Nahab again, though the Chirurgeon, and other Franguis, used all their Interest in their behalf. Being very weary of this Delay, they gave it out, that they could stay not longer at Agra, in regard they were to be at Surat upon the Arrival of the French Vessels. Upon which false Report, the Nahab sent to them for the King their Master's Letter, that he might present it to the Great Mogul himself. Upon this Demand of their Letter, they were quite blank, not being acquainted with the manner how the Kings of India re●eive those Letters which are brought them by Ambassadors: For they never receive any with their own hands, but such as come from the Grand Signior: All other Letters, according to the Grandeur of the Kings that sand them, are put into the hands of the Grand Officers of the Court, who present them to the King: And the more potent the King is, from whom the Letter comes, through the fewer hands it passes before it is presented to the Great Mogul. For the present State of Europe and Asia is very well known in the Court of the Great Mogul, and the Difference between the Sovereigns of both, in reference to their Grandeur and Puissance. Neither is there a Stranger that enters into the Kingdom, of whom the Governor of the Frontier Province does not give advice to the Nahab; and if he appear to be a person of Ingenuity, there's no help for't, but he must go to Court, where he is caressed, on purpose to get information of the Country from whence he comes. But to return to the Deputies, they obstinately refused to sand the Letter to the Nahab: At which he was not a little troubled; fearing jest upon the Arrival of the French Vessels, it might be the occasion of a Rupture, and hinder the conclusion of the Treaty of Commerce. Moreover he was not a little jealous, jest they should seize upon the Great Mogul's Vessels in their Voyage to Mecca, as Hugh Lambert the Holland Pirate did, who took all the Baggage belonging to the Queen of Visapour, when she was going to Mecca and Medina. The Nahab having made these Reflections to himself, so wrought with the King, that he consented that the Deputies, contrary to custom, should be admitted into his presence, there to give the Letter into the Hands of the Prime Minister, to be by him presented to the King. This, as I said before, was an unusual favour; and yet the Deputies were so obstinate, as to reject this Proposition, saying, that they would rather return home, and carry back their Letters, than not present them to the King themselves. This obstinacy of theirs, to maintain their own conceited humour against the Custom of the Country, was very much blamed by all people, that admired at the patience of the Nahab, who at length sent them word, they might take their own course, since they refused the Honours which he would have done them. After that, the Deputies stayed ten or twelve days in the City, flattering themselves, that the Nahab would comply with their Folly; but they were deceived. For the Nahab offended at their idle carriage, took such order, that not one person living, either Merchant or other, went to visit them all the while. So that they resolved to return to Surat, in expectation of their Ships. When they left Agra, they went and lay two Leagues of from the City in the Field, setting up one Tent apiece, (and those pitiful ones Heaven knows) to serve for them and their Servants, whereas they might have lodged with more security in a fair Inn that stood not far of. Now it is the Custom at the Great Mogul's Court, that every Night some Prince or great Lord keeps Guard in his turn for a Week together, having under him five or six thousand Horse, that beaten the Road for three or four Leagues round the place where the King quarters. A Party of these Horsemen scouting by the Deputies Tents, and enquiring whose they were, one of the Servants replied, that they were the Tents of the French Deputies: of which the Horsemen gave immediate notice to their Captain, at that time the Grand Provost of the Empire. A Person handsome, well endowed, and a great Lover of Strangers, who had raised himself by his Valour, as being an Abyssin by Nation. So soon as he understood that they were the French Deputies, he sent one of his principal Officers, with fifty Horse, to desire them to give them leave to guard them that Night, because they were in no security, and for that if they came to any mischief the Head of their Captain must answer for it. But they very ill received the kind proffer of the Provost, proudly answering, that they were strong enough to guard themselves, and the first that came near them should know whether the French had Courage or not, adding withal, that if their Captain were afraid, they would guard him, with a deal of other scurrilous riffraff which very much surprised the Officers. The next day they set up their Tents about a quarter of a League farther, because they expected something to be brought them from Agra. The Conteval or Grand Provost admiring they made such slow journeys, and that they had now pitched in a more dangerous place than before, sent the same Horsemen with the same proffer, or else that they would be pleased to lie in an Inn where they might be safe. Boulaye was of the mind that so kind an offer should not be refused: but Beber gave them nothing but bad language; reviling their Captain, that he was afraid they should go and lie with his wives, offering if he pleased to go and guard them. He spoke half Portuguese, half Italian, which being a kind of Lingua Franca, some of the Horsemen made a shift to understand him, and having made a report to the Grand Provost of his Insolent Answer, the Lord was not a little nettled at it, and therefore resolved to be revenged. About midnight fourscore or a hundred Horse came and cut all the Cords of Bebers' Tent, thinking to have let it fall about his ears. But he found a way to quit himself by the assistance of his Servant; and endeavoured to escape to the House of a Dervich on the other side of a small Rivulet, ne'er the place where the Tents were set up. But the Moon shining as bright as day, he could not hid himself from the pursuit of the Horsemen, who shot at him, and with their Arrows wounded him in three places, once in the thigh and twice in the buttocks. Boulaye hearing the noise which the Horsemen made, peeped out of his Tent, and seeing so many Horsemen in pursuit of Beber, was not a little daunted. He was afraid of running the same risco; but not having long to consider, he took his purse of Ducats, and fled till he got about half a league of, where he lay all night under a great Tree. But by the consequence he found that the Horsemen had nothing to say to him; being satisfied when they saw Beber fall, as believing him dead. For had they not thought him so, they would never have left him, till they had quite done his business. But to colour the business, that it might not seem a point of revenge they broke open all Beber's Chests; that it might seem as if he had been robbed; but they found very little or nothing to enrich themselves. So soon as Beber's boy saw that the Horsemen were gone, he ran to the Town for a Pallanquin to carry his Master thither. Being brought to the Town they laid him in the Jesuits house, where Boulaye also arrived not long after and took up his Quarters, to the great consolation of the Jesuits, whose Revenues are but small in those parts, where there are no devout people to leave them Legacies. Their Ordinary was very sparing; but it was such as the Deputies must be glad of. Though it were a feast for Boulaye, who was not want to make better cheer. For a Sheep's head, of his own purchase, usually served him two meals. Which made him ridiculous to the Franks, who lived after a more splendid rate. At Smyrna and Aleppo, when he was not invited by the Franguis, he had recourse to his Sheep's tongues, or a cold piece of double Tripe, which he carried to the poor Cabaretts of the Greeks, taking his Chopin of Wine to wash it down: and such was his good husbandry that what was left was ordered to be set up for his supper. One day he had drank a little more than he had bled, and the Franguis found him a sleep in the street, about a hundred paces from the Cabaret. They had so much charity for him as to remove him to his lodging, jest other Nations should laugh at the choice which they had made of an Envoy to settle the Trade of such a considerable Company. As for Beber, who loved good Cheer when it cost him nothing, as being a true exemplar of covetousness, he complained of the Jesuits entertainment, though they outrun the Constable to treat him like a Deputy. His man who had more wit than he, and plainly saw what a trouble he was to his Hosts, made them a merry relation of the Noble Table which his Master kept for him, how he had made provision of a Barrel of Herrings; which when Invitations failed, he warily fed upon, rubbing his bread with the tail to give it a haut goust. For my part, said the Boy, I am but a poor Servant, yet I have made a shift to spend an hundred and fifty Crowns which I had got in the service of the Consul of Smyrna. 'Twas my misfortune to be inveigled out of his service, for I was with a Noble Master where I got Money; but in this man's service I have eaten all that I had got before. Two days after I arrived at Agra, and heard of Beber's being wounded and where he lay, and went to give him a visit. And as I never went unprovided in my travels with all things necessary, I had some Ointments and Plasters, which were very serviceable to him. It was an easy thing to observe that Boulaye was glad of the opportunity of Beber's being wounded, that he might have the sole honour of giving the Letter to the King. For he pretended to be the true Envoy from the King of France, and that Beber was only sent to bear him company. La Boulaye therefore believing that the business would take effect, persuaded the Chirurgeon already mentioned to solicit the Nahab who had a kindness for him, so close, that thereby the Nahab permitted him to bring the Letter. But Boulaye who thought he should give it himself to the King, was much surprised when he saw that the Nahab, who had got the Letter into his own power, gave it to one of the meanest Officers of his Court, who by the Prime Minister's order, gave it to another, and he to a third, who brought it back to the Nahab, who at length presented it to the King, but not in the presence of Boulaye. And thus you see the Effect of the ridiculous pride of the Deputies, Boulaye was forced to stay in an outer Court, having two more to pass through before he came into the King's Quarter. Where, while he remained big with expectation, word was brought him, that the King would return an Answer to the King his Master, so soon as the Ships should be arrived; and so he was forced to go back to his Lodging with the melancholy dissatisfaction of a frustrate hope. The wounded Gentleman being new cured, but still very lame, desired Audience of the Nahab, that he might have justice for the mischief done him by an Assassination and a Robbery. The Nahab readily admitted him, limping when he came into his presence worse than when he first left his bed. The first Compliment he made was of the Wounds he had received, and than he demanded satisfaction for the loss of his Blood, and the Goods which had been stolen from him. The Nahab promised him to inform the King of the business, assuring him that he should have no wrong done him upon the highway within the Territories where he had to do. Four or five days after, the Nahab sent to Beber to know how much the Loss which he pretended to have received amounted to Beber brought in an account of four and twenty thousand Roupies, or 12000 Crowns, and for the loss of his Blood, he left it to the King's Generosity. His Accompt●ie made out thus▪ Imprimis. A Note for the value of six thousand Roupies which he had lent ● Merchant when he departed for Marseilles, which Note was among the Papers he had lost. As to that, the Nahab asked him whether the Notaries in France did not make an Entry of such public Acts as were signed before them? Beber made answer, that he should never be paid, if he could not produce the same Paper that had been taken from him, and that he could not demand his Money without it. The Nahab replying, that that was contrary to the Custom of all Nations, and that he knew it could not be as he said, added withal, that he should take no care for his satisfaction in that particular. After that he read on. Item. Five thousand Roupies in Gold and Silver Money. Item. Four thousand Roupies in Gold Lace and Galoon to trim his Clotheses. Item. Two Diamond Rings at two thousand one hundred Roupies. Item. Two other Rings, a Topaz, and another of sea-green water, which cost three hundred Roupies. Item. His Clotheses, his Linen, and for a Chest of Medicaments, which might be worth 4000 Roupies; of which he had procured his Chirurgeon to give in a Bill. Item. A Chain of Gold valued at 500 Roupies. In all amounting to 24000 Roupies, as I said before. Two or three days after, the King caused an Order to be delivered to him for the payment of his Money at the Treasury-Chamber. Upon which Order, he agreed with a Merchant to be paid at Surat. And when he was ready to departed, the King commanded 12000 Roupies to be paid him for the loss of his Blood. But that sum he never received. For being in haste to be gone to Surat, and failing to present the Treasurer, he drilled him out so long, that his patience was quite tired, and so he was forced to go without it. I could never understand the Policy of the Great Mogul to pay Beber the sum which he said had been taken from him; when the Nahab knew to a thread what he had lost, and had given in an account thereof to the King the whole not amounting to 2000 Roupies. And as for the Franguis, so soon as they understood that he had demanded 4000 Roupies for his Surgeons Chest, they all cried out that it was a mere cheat. For a few days before Beber arrived at Agra, the Chirurgeon had received 200 Roupies by the Charity of the Franks to return to Surat, and he fell sick the next day that this Bill was presented to the Nahab. After the 〈◊〉 had read the King of France's Letter, the Nahab by order of his Master, ordered a Lodging to be provided for the Deputies, which 〈◊〉 enjoyed the Jesuits, who were by that means rid of two very troublesome Guests As for Boulaye, in regard the King had signified his pleasure, that he would not return any answer to the King's Letter till the arrival of the Ships, he never troubled himself any farther, but sta●d till the waters were fallen, that he might go to Bengale, and from thence to Golconda to settle a Trade in those parts. But Beber moiled like a horse, and did nothing but run to and from, to know the King's pleasure touching the settlement of Trade. But the Nahab either laughed at him, or took little notice of what he said. For indeed by Beber's outward appearance, and deportment, no man could make any other judgement of him, but that he was a poor spirited fellow, and one that knew not what it was to live. For all the Europeans that travel into Persia and the Indieses are always richly habited, nor would any of them keep Beber company, who by his Habit looked rather like a Footman, than a Deputy of a Royal Company of Trade. At length a whim took him to make himself a suit of painted Calicut, after the French Fashion, the like whereof had never been seen in the Country; the whole Suit no● standing him in above 13 Liures and 13 Sous. For the trimming of his new Suit he took of the Ribbons of his old clothes, which he was two days lathering, and smoothing with a Tailor's Goose. When he had got this rare Habit upon his back, he went to visit the Nahab, who was than attended by the Principal Lords of the Court. Who when they saw him enter, fell all a gazing upon him, and asked one another whether that Frangui were turned Faquir, or a Dervich of Hossen Mamout, which they usually call the ragged Saint. For you must know, that all the Faquirs or Derviches that are of this Order, never apparel themselves but with such rags as they pick up in the streets, and if they meet with any pieces better than other, they make of them a kind of Galoon to trim the rest. They also carry half Pikes, with a great company of Tatters fastened to the end of them, to make a show of their beggary. Beber's Habit very much surprised the Nahab, and all others that beheld him so ridiculously accoutered. As the passed one morning by my window, I bid him good morrow, telling him withal, that he looked more spruce and gay than he used to do. He replied, he had reason so to do, for that he had received Letters from Surat, by which he had advice, that the Country people upon the Coast of Cape St. John had decried four Vessels out at Sea, which they could not make to be either English, or Hollanders, from whence he concluded that they were the Companies ships; and that he was going to the Nahab with the News. But I prevented him at that time, telling him that I had often observed that rascally sort of people to come both to the English and Hollanders, with such kind of Intelligence, on purpose to get Money; when indeed they had never seen any such sight, and admonishing him not to believe Reports upon such slight foundations. I asked him what date his Letters bore? he told me, thirty days ago. Than, said I, if the discovery had been true, the Nahab would have had notice of it in fourteen; and than he would certainly have told you of it, or myself; for it is but two days since I took my leave of him. Thereupon he took my counsel and resolved for Surat in a few days. Three days after that the Chirurgeon had given in his Bill for the Chest of Medicaments that he had lost among Beber's Baggage, he was so touched in Conscience, that he fell sick, and died in two days. Upon his deathbed he asked pardon of God for the Cheat which he had consented to, to ask 4000 Roupies for that which was really worth but four hundred; 200 of which he had received from the Charity of the Franguis, the rest upon the sale of a Horse. For my part, finding that Beber was resolved for Surat, I made what haste I could out of Agra, to be quit of his company. But the second day after my departure, having set up my tent by a River's side, just as I was going to dinner I spied Beber coming, nor could I get rid of him afterwards till I came to Surat. So that we were forced to travel together, though he committed a thousand Impertinencies by the way. Among the rest, he put one trick upon the Chief of the Cheraffs or Bankers at Brampour, not to be passed over in silence. In regard the ways were bad, and that he had but one pitiful weak Chariot, and four weak Boys, which with the help of Oxen, were hardly strong enough to help him out when he stuck in the mire, he seldom came to his journey's end till two or three hours after me. Now upon the report that ran of the French ships being seen out at Sea, and the general belief that Beber would be one of the Principal trusties of the Company, several, as I said before, courted him, and sought to engage his Friendship. Being arrived at Brampour, the Chief of the Cheraffs, attended by a dozen of his servants came to visit us. Upon the first acquaintance Beber told him that he wanted a Pallaquin to go to Surat, whereupon the Cheraff civilly offered him his, and caused it to be trimmed up for his better accommodation. Beber thought that trimming would have been finished in one day, when indeed it required three or four. The next day I ordered my Coach to be got ready, and ordered my Pallaquin to be carried away. Beber, who verily believed that the Company▪ s ships were already in the Road of Surat, began to curse and ban the Cheraff, who presently came to him and endeavoured to appease him with good words. He told him, it could be no prejudice to him to stay a day or two; for by that time the Roads would be better, and he might travel the faster. But Beber, being transported with passion, was so far from taking the Cheraffs reasons for satisfaction, that snatching a Cudgel out of his Waggoners hands that stood next to him, he gave the Cheraff three or four good Licks cross the shoulders. The Merchants and other people that were in the Inn, were strangely surprised at such a piece of rudeness, and ran out presently, some with Stones, and others with Cudgels, making a hideous noise, and crying out, that they had never seen the like. They took it for a most enormous Crime, to strike the Chief of the Cheraffs, above fourscore years old, whose very age aught to have been protection enough from such an Affront. Good luck it was for Beber, after such a rash action committed, that I was well known at Brampour, having been there ten or twelve times, and in some of my Travels having dealt for above 200000 Roupies. There were none of the Cheraffs with whom I had not dealt by Letters of Exchange, and very few Merchants or Brokers who had not had some business or other upon my account. They cried out, speaking of me; See there the Monsieur Franqui, with whom we have dealt so often, yet never heard him give us an ill word. Another good chance he had to meet there the Coutevall's Lieutenant, and three Merchants of Surat; and thus between us, having disengaged Beber out of the Brabble wherein he had so sillily bemired himself, we made him get into my Coach, and so packed him out of the City. I followed him two hours after: for had he stayed longer in Brampour, I believe the Faquirs and Derviches would have beaten out his brains. For he was not sooner gone, but a great number of that sort of rabble came to the Inn, crying out, Where was that Dog of a Cafer that had beaten the Cheraff. Thereupon, seeing the Multitude increase, I stole out of the Town, without saying a word, and rid on till I got three leagues from Brampour, to an old Town called Badelpoura, where I overtook Beber, who had hired a Coach made after the fashion of the Country. It was but reason, that I should have my own Coach to sleep in the night: For though in all places where you come to lie in the night, the Indians will offer you a little bed to lie on, yet in regard the rains were but just over, the bedsteads were so full of Punies, that there was no resting. These Punies are engendered by the moisture which the ●ains, that fall for four months together, cause in those Countries. Which being over, and the Sun recovering its wont heat, the women carry forth their beds every morning, and beating them well with good big sticks, never leave till the Punies fall to the ground, and there turning up their bellies presently dye. These beds consist of four feet and four round staves, as broad and as long as you please. To the staves are fastened girths about four fingers broad, which are much more commodious than the bottoms of our beds that are planked with Deal or other wood. Over the girths they only lay a single Coverlet or Sheet, which is a manner of lying easy enough, considering the heat of the Country. The fourth day after our departure from Brampour, being near a great Town called Semqueles, in a flat Country, we perceived all the Plain covered with Tents. It appeared to be the Camp of one of the chief Khans, or Lords, whom the Great Mogul had sent with 50000 men against the Rebel Raja Sevagi. This Lord, understanding who we were, very civilly sent us Melons, and Mangoes, and bid his Officers tell us withal, that we were out of all danger, and might safely pursue our journey. Whatever I could say to Beber, to persuade him that it was but an act of civility and good manners, to wait upon the Prince, I could by no means engage him. I seeing his impertinency, shifted my habit, and sent one of my servants to the Camp, to learn whether the Can drank Wine; and understanding that he did, I took a bottle of Spanish, and another of Schirus Wine, and a small pocket Pistol delicately embellished with silver; and with this small Present away I went to wait upon the General. Being come into his Presence, I excused Beber, as not being well, and immediately presented him the little Pistol, which he took, and bid me charge, being desirous to try it. After he had shot it of, said he to his Lords that stood by, Now must we confess these Franquis to be ingenious. This man sees that I am going to the Wars, and presents me wherewithal to defend my life. Than casting his eyes upon the little Hamper, where the Bottles were, he asked what it was? They told him in his Ear. O, said he, looking at the same time upon two or three Mim Bachi's, or Colonels that were present, This Franqui Gentleman has given me a bottle of Wine, well we must drink it, for I found I shall please him in so doing. When the Mollahs heard him talk of Wine, they slunk away; which made the Can laugh hearty. These are Agi's, quoth he; they have been Pilgrims to Mecca, and never drink Wine after they come home again. Having taken my leave, he sent me a Pomere, which is a kind of Scarf that may also serve for a Girdle. It was made of white Satin with flowers of Gold, and might be worth about a hundred Roupies. He that brought it, told me, I should do the Can a great kindness, to sand him another bottle of Wine: thereupon I sent him two or three, which was all my store. He sent me six Horsemen to conduct us three days journey, till we had passed a great River that flows from the Mountains of the South, which washing the City of Baroche, from whence it takes its Name, falls into the Bay of Cambay. When we came to our last stage, which is a great Town, called Barnoli, from whence it is but 14 Leagues to Surat, Beber scent one of his Hirelings to give notice thereof to Father Ambrose. When the News came, the Father went with the Aleppo Merchant, often already mentioned, to borrow the English President's Coaches: and there were about 15 or 16 more Coaches all in a train, with several Horsemen and Merchant Banians that made haste to meet the Deputy. This happened upon the first of November, 1666. They carried with them Provision enough to make merry, and every Banian had his Present ready. For my part, I as soon as I had saluted the Father Capuchin, I went directly to my Lodging, where I had left two Servants to take care of a Sum of Money which I had received of the King of Persia, unwilling to hazard it upon the Road. For in whatever part of the Indieses I came, I had credit enough to buy without Money. I only gave my Bills for payment at Agra, Visapour, Golconda, or Surat, where I generally left my Money, as having received it there for the most part of the Lords or Kings of the Country. As for Beber, he was no Changeling, the follies that he committed are too numerous to be related: but how he began the year 1667, is not to be omitted. M. Thevenot, upon his return from Madraspatan and Golconda, lodged in the Capuchins house. Beber going to visit him, told him, that the Capuchins were the Hollanders Spies, and that he had often advised Father Ambrose to break with them, and not to go any more to their House. That while he frequented their Society, the French Company would be sure to found some obstacle in their Trade when the Ships should arrive; and that if the Hollanders had not been at Agra, they might have done what they pleased with the King. That the hundred thousand Roupies which they had presented to the King and Grandees of the Court, had hindered them from obtaining what they designed. By which it appeared, he understood not the humour of the Hollanders; for they are not so liberal: nor would all their tricks, or presents have any thing availed them, the Great Mogul being desirous that all Nations should be welcome to his Dominions, especially Merchants, as well they that import little, as they that bring in much. M. Thevenot told him, that he had never observed so much of the Hollanders in all his travels; for if it were true, that they had such a desire to hinder the Trade of other Nations, they would not afford them passage in their Ships, or to put their Goods aboard, as they often did. Moreover, they sand away many times one or two Ships according to the quantity, laden all with stranger's Goods, from Maslipatan or Surat, in which Ships, there is not ofttimes so much as one Bale belonging to the Company. And this, added he, is farther observable, That they afford their Freight cheaper than the English, or any other Nation, who have Ships in these parts. Thus Monsieur Thevenot endeavoured to convince M. Beber; who would have had Father Ambrose have fallen out with the Hollanders. But he knew better things than to disoblige persons to whom he was so much beholding as he was every day. For every week they allowed the house a certain quantity of Bread and Meat, and upon Fast-days sent them Fish, Eggs, Brandy, and Wine, which were no such unkindnessés to be quarrelled with. Monsieur Thevenot at the same time told Beber, that he should do well to repay Father Ambrose the Money which he had borrowed to pay for the Coach which he had broken to serve him, as also that which he had given the Seamen, for trying if they could discover the Companies Vessels upon the Coast. But he turned his deaf ear to that discourse, and would never be persuaded to reimburse the Money which Father Ambrose laid out for him. Monsieur Thevenot perceiving his unwillingness, and pressing him to do things handsomely, put him into such a chafe, that he fell a swearing after such a violent rate, in a Parlour, that was parted only by a thin board from the place where the Mass was said, that one of the Friars, just ready to go to the Altar, came forth to desire him to leave his blaspheming. But Beber's insolence took his admonition so ill, that he very rudely beaten the Friar in Mr. Thevenot's presence; swearing, That had it not been out of respect to him, he would have knocked him o' the head. The Capuchin being so injuriously used, came to Me, being hardly able to stir his neck, by reason of one of the blows that Beber had given him. I chafed his neck with Oil of Coco's, and wrapped it up warm: but we durst not speak a word of Beber's idle action, for fear of exposing ourselves to the laughter of the English and Hollanders, who would have made good sport with it. Besides these Enormities, he put away his Servant that had saved his Life, and kept his Wages. After that he went to lie at an Apothecary's house, whose Name was Movillon, who came from Goa, with a good quantity of Portugal Wine, and kept a Tavern at Surat. While he lay there he had a great Contest with the Merchant, who received the 24000 Roupies, which the King had given him for the loss which he alleged that he and his Chirurgeon had sustained. For the Merchant would acknowledge the receipt of no more than 23900 Roupies, the other Hundred being deducted for Fees of the Treasury. He also maintained, That the Merchant had received the 12000 Roupies which the King had allowed him for the loss of his Blood: but it was known that the Grand Treasurer would never pay that Money. Thus when he saw that his Cheats were discovered to all the World, he began to bethink himself how to get away: and we observed, that he would feign have quitted Surat without noise. But there is such good Order taken both by Land and Sea, that no person can go away without the knowledge and leave of the Governor. For as the Countrymen that come from the other side of the water cannot return unless they show a mark in their hands made with read Earth at the Custom-house; neither Horse nor Coach can stir without a Note from the Chabander, and another for the Radars, who lie sometimes two or three Leagues from the Town. Beber nevertheless had some assurance from his Vintner, that he might get into a Boat, by bidding the Boatmen carry him to Reynel, a large Town on the other side of the water. The Master of the Boat asked him for his Ticket, but Beber answered him with his Cudgel, forcing him forward, and telling him, he was not to demand Billets of such a person as he was. As he was got half way the River a great number of Soldiers hollowed after the Boatmen, to row the Strangers back ashore. But Beber laid his hand upon his Sword, and compelled the Boatmen to go forward. That evening, Beber being returned, the poor Boatmen were apprehended, and bastinadoed till they were almost maimed. The people cried out, that it was the Frangui that aught to be so served, and not the poor Watermen, who had done nothing but by constraint. Thus did this Envoy behave himself both in Persia and India, to the great hindrance of the French Nation. Now let us see what became of both Boulaye and Beber after all their Extravagancies. The Sieur de la Boulaye, according to the account given by the Hollanders that were at Agra, left the Town five or six days after my departure. Knowing I went to Surat, he had played his game so well with me, that he got a Hamper of twelve large bottles of Wine for 138 Roupies, though they cost me more, for which he gave me a Note of his hand, that I have still in my custody, to be paid at Surat, upon the arrival of the French Companies ships. From thence he travelled to Patna, where he stayed nine or ten days, partly with the English, partly with the Hollanders: from whence he departed for Daca, the Residence of the Governor of the Province. The Governor of the Province of Bengale was than the Great Mogul's Uncle, whose name was Cha-Est-Kan, a potent Prince, who has always under his Command thirty or forty thousand men. At Patna, Boulaye had a project, that from thence he might easily pass into China, and to that purpose he there embarked with some Persian Soldiers, who were going to list themselves under Cha-Est-Kan. But after that, to this hour, it never could be certainly known what became of him: but by all probable conjectures, it is verily believed, that the Persian Soldiers murdered him and his little Slave, in hopes of some good booty. Of the truth whereof, the Observation that follows was not small evidence. About a quarter of a mile from Daca lies a Town, where live several mongrel Portugal Officers, belonging to the Governor of Bengale, as Cannoneers and Carpenters, and some of the same Nation that serve in the Cavalry of Cha-Est-Kan. There they have also a small Church very well built, where an Austin Friar officiates, to whom, about three months after Boulaye's departure from Patna, a certain Persian in the Habit of a Soldier, with two more companions, brought two large Books, the one in Folio, and the other in Quarto to cell. The Friar, who was a mongrel also, understood no Latin; but finding them not to be in the Portugal Language, would have stopped the Books as stolen from the Hollanders, had not the Soldier been too strong for him. These Books were thought to have been Boulaye's; who, to my knowledge, had two Chests full, well bound; in reading whereof he spent the greatest part of his time. His Avarice was his Ruin; for had he taken a Bark by himself, as I did when I went from Patna, and had obliged the Watermen to give him good security, he could have run no hazard. For my part I took one with four and twenty men; and every one, knowing I never spared for cost, gave me excellent security. These Barks are little Galliots, which will undertake to carry you to your journey's end, and name your own day. If you will lie ashore every evening, they will set up your Tents; and stop at any Town or City to take in Provisions. I never made so pleasant a Voyage in my life, nor with lesle trouble. For in these Barks, there is a Room where the Sun cannot come in, where you may repose in the day time, and sit in the cool Air on that side from whence the Breeze comes. There is another place covered for your Kitchen; and another little Garderobe for the private deeds of Nature. By the way I killed great store of large Geese, Cranes, and Crocodiles, which I gave the Watermen, who were very glad of them; for they sold them in the Towns as they rowed along. The people in those quarters are very good natured and officious. Diet is little worth, as being the place where you may buy a hundred Pullet's for a Crown: and for three or four Pence, you may buy a Fish of a prodigious length and bigness. Beber's end was not lesle sad. For when the French Companies Ships were arrived, M. Charon, who commanded them, and M. Rambos, with an Armenian, who had the management of the chiefest part of the business, had been acquainted with what had passed at Surat, between Beber and the Capuchins. Presently Affections and Interests parted. Charon and Rambos took Beber's part; the Armenian held for the Capuchins, which was at length the ruin of Beber and Rambos. The Holland Commander going aboard to visit the Sieur Charon, upon his return would not permit the Captain to stir out of his Cabin, so that Rambos and the Armenian took upon them to wait upon the Commander. Upon this Occasion the Armenian took upon him to precede Rambos, and briskly threw himself before the Frenchman; who being provoked at the Affront, gave the Armenian a swinging cuff o' the Ear before all the company. To be short, the Sieur Charon, Rambos, and Beber holding all together, the Armenian found himself too weak to resist: and in regard he had the Management of the Cash, he was accused of Misbehaviour, and was condemned to be hanged. But because they could not execute the Sentence which they had given at Surat, they sent him away to the Council Royal of the Island of Madagascar, of which M. Mondevergue was chief; who was so far from confirming the Sentence given at Surat, that he admitted the Armenian to justify himself; and finding that he was not only innocent, but that he might be very useful to the Company, he sent him back to Surat with more power than he had before. This put Beber and Rambos into a fit of Despair, to see the person whom they thought to have ruin'd, now above them. Thereupon they found a way to get 12000 Roupies a piece for their Wages, which they pretended to be due from the Company: and with that and 24000 Roupies which Beber had of his own they Embarked both together for Goa. Where, being arrived, Beber died soon after: But as for Rambos, he returned home again through Ispahan. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE TRADE OF THE EASTINDIES. THat Nation which has a design to settle a Trade in the East-indieses, must be sure in the first place, to possess themselves of a convenient place in that Country, to carine their Ships, and shelter themselves during the tempestuous Seasons. This want of a good Haven is the reason that the English have not made those advantages which otherwise they might have done; because it is impossible that any Vessel should remain in those Seas without being careened, or else eaten by the worms. Therefore, because it is a long way from Europe to the East-indieses, it would be requisite to have a retreating place at the Cape of good Hope, to take in fresh Water and Provisions, whether going or coming; but especially in their return, in regard that the Ships being than laden, cannot take in Water for any long time. The Road of the Island of St. Helen's, where the English have built a Fort, is a very commodious place: and if the Water be not so good upon the North-side, yet the Plain is an excellent spot of Ground to sow, with convenience of all things necessary for human support. This advantage the English and Dutch have deprived all other Nations of, by their Forts upon the Cape of good Hope, and St. Helen's. And therefore some River's mouth, near the Cape of good Hope, aught to be fought for, for the same purpose, which would be far more convenient than the Dauphin Island, where there is no Trade but that of buying cattle for their Hides; which being a Trade of so little consequence, would ruin a Company to follow it. The reason why I make this Proposal is, because that in the year 1648, two Portugal Vessels being bound from Lisbon to the East-indieses, and resolving to touch at the Cape, to take in fresh Water, mistook their just Depths, so that the Sea running high, they fell into a Bay, 18 or 20 Leagues from the Cape, upon the Coast that looks to the West. In that Bay they found a River, whose Water was very good; and the Blacks of the Country brought them Refreshments of all sorts of Fowl, Fish, and Bullock's flesh. There they stayed above 15 days, and before they set sail, they took two of the Negroes, which they carried along with them to Goa, to teach them the Portugese Language; on purpose to try if they could discover by them any knowledge of the Trade of the Country. The Dutch Commander at Surat desired me, to inform myself, when I went to Goa, what the Portugals had learned from those two Negroes. But one St. Amand, a French Engineer, who was Supervisor of the Fortifications of Goa, told me, That he could not make them learn one word of the Language; and that he could only guests by their signs, that they had some knowledge of Ambergris and Elephants Teeth. The Portugals however made no question but to meet with Gold, if they could found a way to trade higher up i' the Country. The Revolutions of Portugal, and their Wars with Spain have hindered them from making any more particular discovery of the Coast. Which it were to be wished the French would undertake, provided they gave no cause of jealousy to the Hollanders, of what they were going about. There is also a necessity of possessing, or at lest having the liberty of some place near Surat, to ride safe in, and to wash and tallow in, in case they should be stayed by the Rain-Seasons. The reason is, because that during that ill season, at what time it is impossible to keep the Seas, the Mogul jealous of his Fortress of Surat suffers no Foreign Vessel in the River, where nevertheless, the Ships being unladen, may ride securely from the terrible Tempests that last for five Months. The only secure place for the Companies Vessels would be the Town of Dia, belonging to the Portugals. The advantage of the situation is considerable for several reasons. The circuit of the City contains almost 400 Houses, and might be capable to receive a greater number of people, where the Ships would found all conveniencies during their stay. It is seated upon the Coast of Guzerat, upon a point of the Gulf of Cambaye, looking toward the Southeast. The form of it is almost round; and above half the Circle environed by the Sea. It is not commanded by any Hill; and the Portugals have begun those Fortifications, which might be easily finished. It contains several Wells of very good Water, and a River which falls into the Sea near the City, whose Water is better than that of Surat, or Sovali, and the Harbour is very commodious for Shipping. The Portugals, when they had first settled themselves in the Indieses, kept there a Fleet composed of Galleys, Brigantines, and other light Vessels, whereby they made themselves Masters, for a long time, of all the Trade of the Places we have treated of. So that no Ship could trade, without the Governor of Dia's Passport, who made it in the Name of the Viceroy that lived at Goa. The Imposition, which the Ships paid, was sufficient to maintain the Fleet and Garrison, and to enrich the Governor besides. When the Rain-Seasons are over, that the wind sits at North and North-east, you may sail from Dia to Surat in three or four Tides with light Vessels; but great Ships that are laden must fetch a compass about the Bank. The City has no Land belonging to it, but what it stands upon, yet it would be no difficult thing to agreed with the Raja, or Govervour of the Province, and to obtain as much as should be sufficient for the Inhabitants. Neither is the Land about it very fertile, and besides, the people are the poorest in the whole Empire of the Mogul. Nevertheless the Country is so well stored with cattle, that an Ox or a Bufalo will not cost above two Piastres. The English and Hollanders make use of these cattle to feed their People, and to spare the Provisions of their Ships, while they stay at Sovali. But it is observable that the Bufalo's flesh in those parts causes frequent Dysenteries, which the Bullocks flesh or Beef never does. The Raja that commands the Country has only the Title of Governor for life. Which is common to most of the Raja's in the Mogul's Empire, whose Ancestors were Lords of Provinces, where now their Descendants only enjoy the Titles of Governors. Having thus got possession of a good Post; the next thing of Importance is to choose out two men considerable for their Honesty, Prudence, and Skill in Trade, who are to be allowed the full of their Expenses. These two persons are to serve the Company, the one in the nature of a Precedent, with a Council, consisting of a certain number of persons, to assist him. The other in the quality of a Broker, who must be an Idolater of the Country, and not a Mahometan, in regard all the Workmen he has to deal with are Idolaters. Civility and Faith of Promise are altogether requisite to gain Credit among strangers. And these particular qualities are required in the particular Brokers, who are under the Broaker-General in the Provinces where the Factories are settled. Good Intelligence is necessary for these two persons, to understand the alteration of Manufactures. This alteration happens either through the craft and subtlety of the Workmen and the Merchants themselves, or by the correspondence of the Brokers and Workmen. Which alteration may 'cause so much damage to the Company, that the Brokers shall gain ten and twelve i' the hundred by it. If the Precedent and Broaker-General combine with the particular Brokers and Merchants, it will be a difficult thing for the Company to avoid being deceived; but if these two persons are but faithful and honest, the fraud may be easily remedied by changing the particular Brokers. The Officers of a Company may be unfaithful to their Trust in this respect: When a Vessel arrives in Port, the Precedent for the Nation receives the Company's Letters, and the Bills of Lading; upon which he calls his Council, sends for the Broker, and gives him a Copy of the said Bills. The Broker shows them to three or four of the principal Merchants of the Country, who are want to buy by whole sale. If the Precedent and the Broker hold together for their own profit, the Broker instead of facilitating the sale as he aught to do, advises the Merchants to be shy, and to offer only such a price: Than the Precedent sends for the Broker and these two or three Merchants; and in the presence of the Council he asks the Merchants what they will give for the Goods in the Bills of Lading mentioned. If the Merchants are resolute to give no more than so much; The Precedent puts of the sale 15 days longer, more or lesle, as he pretends himself pressed to cell. In the mean time he sends for the Merchant's several times for a show, and at length, to avoid suspicion, and to discharge himself, he asks the advice of the Council, and as they approve, orders the delivery of the Goods to the Merchant. But though the Temptations be very great, to which these two Officers are subject, by reason of their power, their frequent opportunities, and their distance from their Superiors, the Company, besides their being wary in their Election, may remedy these disorders by depriving them of that pretence, which the Dutch Commanders and Brokers have, of being constrained to cell of presently to the Merchants in gross, to avoid the expenses of delay. The Error which the Hollanders commit in this respect is, That their Officers bespeak every year upon Credit all the Goods which they have occasion for in the Empire of the Mogul, according to the Orders which they receive from Batavia. The credit of this Advance costs them sometimes twelve, sometimes fifteen per Cent; so that so soon as their laden Vessels are arrived in the the Port where they are to be sold, they are obliged to cell them presently of at the Merchant's rate first offered to their Brokers, to make up a present stock to pay of their credit for the Goods bespoke for their Ships to carry back again, and to get more credit for the next year. This is that which cherishes that confederacy between the Precedent, the Broker and the Merchant, who makes advantage enough of this necessity of selling. Whereas the better way were, for them that carry the same Commodities which the Hollanders do, to carry Money also to pay the Workmen for the Goods bespoken for the next year. The Company making this advantage shall not be put to pay that great Interest of 12 and 15 per Cent.: and besides, they shall have better Goods, and better cheap. The Ships loading shall be ready before they arrive in Port; and being quick laden they may return before the bad Season. Neither shall the Company be put to cell their Goods at a low price; because their Brokers will have time to stay for the coming of Merchants from other parts; or else because they have time enough to sand them to other places, where they are sure of a quicker sale. Observe also, That it is far more profitable to carry to the Indieses Gold and Silver in Ingots, rather than ready coined; for being coined the Money is valued only according to their Alloys; and there is always a defalcation made for the charge of Coinage. The Broker also, if he be dishonest, may combine with the Master of the Mogul's Mint, which is settled in several parts of the Empire, and put a lower value upon the Gold and Silver than it deserves, by telling the Precedent and Council, that upon the touch it appears to be not more worth. But it is an easy thing to avoid this deceit, provided the Precedent be a person of credit and prudence, by sending for one of the Refiners of Gold and Silver, that live in the Country, who perfectly understand the Touch of Metals, and to let him Essay the Gold and Silver before the Broaker's face. This is that which the Sieur Walkenton did for the Holland Company in their Factory at Casambazar, where he bought every year six or seven thousand Bales of Silk. For by this Essay he found, that his Broker being in confederacy with the Master of the Mint, had cheated the Company of one and a half and two per Cent; in the value of the Gold and Silver which was brought him from Japan, as well coined as in bar, to a very considerable sum of Money. The Broker also may confederate with the Master of the Mint to cozen the Merchant in weghing his Gold or Silver, by making use of false Weights or Scales unduly poised. But that fraud is easily avoided, if the Precedent and his Council will be but so patiented as to see their Metal weighed themselves, and take care that the Weights be right, and the Scales true. One of the most important Observations in reference to the Trade of the Company, and discipline of their Factories is this: To prevent the Merchants or under-Merchants, Accomptants and under-Accomptants, who officiate under the Commanders and Brokers, from driving any particular Trade by themselves, for they having a familiarity with the men of Manufacture, and finding by the Letters of Advice what Goods are likely to be most vendible next year, buy them up upon their own accounts, and found a way to lad them of in the Company's Vessels, to the great damage of the whole, though to the great gain of particular people. And this the Precedent permits them to do, either for his own Interest, or by connivance under the pretence of their small Wages. The Captain of the Vessel also winks at what they do, because he has a spell for loading and unloading. And because these people having no great Stocks, are desirous to put of their Goods with the first opportunities, they give order to their Correspondents to under-sell the Company ten or twelve in the Hundred, which is the absolute ruin of a Trade. To remedy this disorder there aught to be a Fiscal, or King's Proctor, in every of the chief Factories belonging to the Company, to act in the King's Name, and by his Authority. He is to be independent from the Precedent and the Broker, in the Exercise of his Office; so that he may have an eye, as well upon their behaviour, as upon the demeanour of the under Officers. He aught to be a person of good Credit, resolute and vigilant; and he must have a strength of men correspondent to his Employment, and a Deputy to act under him. He is to have good Information of the departure of all Ships when they are once laden, and when they are ready to set sail for the Port whither they are bound. When he hears of the Arrival of any Ship, he aught to go himself, or sand his Deputy with a sufficient Guard, to take an Account of the Ship's Lading. If it be a place near to which there are any small Islands, or by-Nooks, it behoves him to take care that no Goods be privately conveyed ashore in those private corners, where there are receivers a now ready: and whatever he finds thus privately unladen he shall have power to confiscate. He shall also confiscate whatever he finds not Marked with the Company's Mark. He may also discharge any inferior Officers to whom any such Bales shall belong; and for the superior Officers, he shall complain of them to the Company. He shall have power to open all private Letters, to inform himself of Prohibited Goods, and Private Correspondencies. This Prohibition of Private Trading cannot be too severely imposed, and it is observed with so much exactness in Holland, that when one of the Company's Ships is ready to set sail from Amsterdam, a Burgomaster gives the Captain and all the rest of the Seamen their Oaths, that they shall be contented with their Wages, and meddle with nothing of Trade. All the Officers of the Factory should be advanced by degrees, so that a sub-Accomptant may have hopes to be a Precedent; that the hopes of Advancement may oblige them to live with more credit, and 'cause them to study to make themselves more capable of all the Intriqus and Subtleties of the Trade of the Country. It is of great importance not to show any favour in this particular of preferment, unless he have passed through all particular Degrees and Offices beforehand. And thus much concerning the Discipline of the Factories. OF THE COMMODITIES WHICH ARE Brought as well out of the Dominions of the GREAT MOGUL, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, and other neighbouring Territories; And also of the Weights and Prices of the said Commodities. Of their Silk. KAsembasar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, sends abroad every year two and twenty-thousand Bales of Silk; every Bale weighing a hundred pound. The two and twenty Bales make two millions and two-hunder'd-thousand pound, at sixteen ounces to the pound. The Hollanders usually carry away six or seven-thousand Bales, and would carry away more, did not the Merchants of Tartary, and the Mogul's Empire oppose them: for they buy up as much as the Hollander; the rest the Natives keep to make their Stuffs. This Silk is also brought into the Kingdom of Guzerat, the greatest part whereof comes to Amadabat, and to Surat, where it is wrought up. In the first place they make Carpets of Silk and Gold; others of Silk and Silver, others all of Silk: for the Worsted Carpets are made at Vettapour, some twelve leagues from Agra. In the second place they make Satins with streaks of Gold and Silver; others plain: with Taffatas after the same fashion. In the third place they make Patoles, which are a sort of Silk-stuff very thin, but painted with all sorts of Flowers, the manufacture whereof is at Amadabat. They cost from eight Roupies to forty the piece. This is a Commodity wherein the Dutch will not suffer any one of the Hollanders to trade in particular: for they transport it to the Philippine-Islands, to the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other neighbouring Islands. The raw-Silk of Kasembasar is yellowish, as are all the raw-Silks that come from Persia and Sicily; but the Natives of Kasembasar have a way to whiten it, with a Lie made of the ashes of a Tree which they call Adam's Figtree; which makes it as white as the Palestine-Silk. The Hollanders sand away all their Merchandise which they fetch out of Bengala, by water, through a great Canal that runs from Kasembasar into Ganges, for fifteen leagues together; from whence it is as far by water down the Ganges to Ouguely, where they lad their Ships. Of the Calicuts: and first of the painted Calicuts, called Chites. CHites or Painted Calicuts, which they call Calmendar, that is to say, done with a Pencil, are made in the Kingdom of Golconda; and particularly about Maslipatan▪ But there is made so little, that though a man should employ all the Workmen that understand the Art of weaving Calicuts, he would hardly found enough to make three Bales. The Chites which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogul are all printed; and nothing so beautiful, neither for the figures nor the fineness of the Linen. Those which are made at Lahor, are the coarsest, and consequently the cheapest of all. They are sold by Corges, every Corge consisting of twenty pieces, which cost from 16 to 30 Roupies. The Chites which are made at Seronge, are sold from 20 to 50 Roupies the Corge, or thereabouts. These Chites serve for Coverlets for Beds, for Sofra's or Table clothes after the Country-fashion, Pillowbears, Handkerchiefs, but more especially for Waistcoats as well for the men as women in Persia. The fine Calicut- Chites are made at Brampour; and are used for Handkerchiefs by those that snuff Tobacco. The women also, over all Asia, make Veils of these Calicuts, to wear over their heads, and about their shoulders, which Veils are called Ormis. The Basta's or Calicuts painted read, blue, and black, are carried white to Agra, and Amadabat, in regard those Cities are nearest to the places where the Indigo is made that is used in colouring. They cost from two Roupies to 30 or 40 apiece, according to the fineness and the quantity of Gold at the ends, and sometimes upon the sides. The Indians have a way to dip some of these Calicuts in a certain water that makes them look like Watered-chamlets, which adds also to the price. That sort which is sold for two Roupies, and so onward till ye come to twelve, is transported to the Coast of Melinda, and it is the greatest Trade the Governor of Mosambique drives, who sells them to the Cafres', that vend them again among the Abyssins', and into the Kingdom of Saba: for those people not understanding the use of Soap, need not more but only to wash these Calicuts in water. That sort which is valued from 12 Roupies upward, is transported to the Philippine-Islands, the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other adjacent places. Where the women wear no other clotheses, than a single piece of this Calicut. One part whereof, without cutting it, serves for a Petticoat; the other they wind about their stomaches and their heads. White Calicuts. White Calicuts come partly from Agra, and about Lahor, part from Bengala: some from Brouda, Baroche, Renonsari, and other places. They are brought out of the Loom to Renonsari, and Baroche, where they are whitened by reason of the convenience of their Meadows, and the great store of Lemons that grow thereabouts. For the Calicuts are never so white as they should be, till they are dipped in Limon-water. The Calicuts that come from Agra, Lahor, and Bengala, are sold by the Courge, and they are of several prices, from seventeen Roupies to three or fourhundered, as the Merchant will have them woven. The Calicuts that come from Renonsari, and Baroche, are one and twenty cubits long, new out of the Loom; but in the whitening they shrink to twenty cubits. Those of Brouda twenty cubits from the Loom, and shrink in the whitening to nineteen and a half. All the Calicuts or Bafta's that come from these three Cities, are of two sorts: for some are broad, some are narrow. The narrow are those I have already mentioned, the prices whereof are various, from two Mamoudi's to six. The broad Baftas are a cubit, and one third part wide; the whole piece twenty cubits long. The usual price of them is from five Mamoudi's to twelve: but a Merchant being upon the place, may 'cause them to be made much more large and fine, till they are worth fivehundred Mamoudi's apiece. I saw two pieces sold for a thousand Mamoudi's. The English bought one, and the Hollanders another, each Piece containing eight and twenty cubits. Mahamed Alibeg returning into Persia out of India, where he had been Ambassador, presented Cha-Sef the second with a Cocoanut, about the bigness of an Ostrich-egg, all beset with Pearls: and when 'twas opened there was taken out of it a Turban that had sixty cubits of Calicut in length to make it, the Cloth being so fine, that you could hardly feel it in your hand: For they will spin their thread so fine, that the eye can hardly discern it, or at lest it seems to be but a Cobweb. Twisted-Cotton. COtton twisted and untwisted comes from the Provinces of Brampour and Guzerat. Untwisted Cotton is never transported into Europe, being too cumbersome, and of little value; only they sand it to Ormus, Balsara, and sometimes to the Philippine-Islands, and the Islands of Sinde. As for the twisted Cottons, the English and Hollanders transport a good quantity, not of the finest, but of that sort which is priced from fifteen to fifty Mamoudi's: It serves for week for Candles, for Packsaddles, and for the ground of Silk-stuffs. Indigo. INdigo comes from several parts of the Great Mogul's Empire; and according to the diversity of the places it differs in quality, and consequently in price. In the first place, it comes from the Territories of Biana, Indovae, and Corsa, a day or two's journey from Agra: which is esteemed the best of all. It is made also eight days journey from Surat, in a Village called Sarquess, two leagues distance from Amadabat. Here the flat Indigo is made. There is also Indigo little inferior in goodness and price, which comes from the King of Golconda's Territories. The Mein of Surat, which contains 42 Serre's, or 34 and a half of our pounds, is valued from 15 to 20 Roupies. They make as good as this at Baroche. That which is made up about Agra is made up in half Balls, and is the most sought for in all India. It is sold by the Mein, which in those places contains 60 Serres, or 51 and three quarters of our pounds. The usual price is from 36 to 40 Roupies. There grows also Indigo some 36 leagues from Brampour, about a great Village called Raout, and round about the neighbouring Towns in the road to Surat: Of which the Natives usually make above a hunder'd-thousand Roupies. There comes Indigo also from Bengala, which the Holland-Company transports for Maslipatan. But they buy this Indigo, and that of Brampour and Amadabat, cheaper by 24 in the hundred, than that of Agra. Indigo is made of an Herb which they sow every year after the rains are over: which when it is grown up, is very like our Hemp. They cut it three times a year; first when it is about two or three foot high; and they cut it within half a foot of the ground; the first cutting far exceeds the two latter. The second cutting is worse than the first by ten or twelve in the hundred. And the third worse than the second by 12 in the hundred. The difference is found by breaking a piece of the Paste, and observing the colour. The colour of that Indigo which is made of the first cutting, is a Violet-blue, but more brisk and lively than the two others: and that which is made of the second is more lively than the third. When they have cut the Herb, they throw it into Pits which they make with Lime, which becomes so hard, that you would judge it to be one entire piece of Marble. They are generally fourscore or a hundred paces in circuit; and being half full of water, they fill them quite up with the Herb. Than they bruise and jumble it in the water till the leaf, for the stalk is worth nothing, becomes like a kind of thick mud. This being done, they let it settle for some days; and when the settling is all at the bottom, and the water clear above, they let out all the water. When the water is all drained out, they fill several baskets with this slime, and in a plain Field you shall see several men at work, every one at his own basket, making up little pieces of Indîgo flat at the bottom, at the top sharp like an egg. Though at Amadabat they make their pieces quite flat like a small cake. Here you are to take particular notice, that the Merchants, because they would not pay custom for an unnecessary weight, before they transport their Indigo out of Asia into Europe, are very careful to 'cause it to be sifted, to separate the dust from it; which they cell afterwards to the Natives of the Country to dye their Calicuts. They that sift this Indigo must be careful to keep a Linen-cloth before their faces, and that their nostrils be well-stopped, leaving only two little holes for their eyes. Besides, they must every half hour be sure to drink milk, which is a great preservative against the piercing quality of the dust. Yet notwithstanding all this caution, they that have sifted Indigo for nine or ten days, shall spit nothing but blue for a good while together. Once I laid an Egg in the morning among the sisters, and when I came to break it in the evening it was all blue within. As they take the Paste out of the Baskets with their Fingers dipped in Oil, and make it into Lumps, or Cakes, they lay them in the Sun to dry. Which is the reason that when the Merchants buy Indigo, they burn some pieces of it, to try whether there be any dust among it. For the Natives who take the Paste out of the Baskets to make it into Lumps, lay it in the Sand, which mixes with the Paste, and souls it. But when the Merchants burn it, the Indigo turns to Ashes, and the Sand remains. The Governors do what they can to make the Natives leave their Knavery; but notwithstanding all their care, there will be some deceit. Salt-Peter. GReat store of Salt-Peter comes from Agra and Patna; but the refined costs three times more than that which is not. The Hollanders have set up a Warehouse fourteen Leagues above Patna, and when their Salt-Peter is refined, they transport it by water by Ogueli. A Mein of refined Salt-Peter is worth seven Mamoudi's. Spice. CArdamom, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Nutmeg-Flowers, Cloves and Cinnamon, are all the different sorts of Spices known to us. I put Cardamom and Ginger in the first place, because that Cardamom grows in the Territories of Visapour, and Ginger in the Dominions of the Great Mogul. And as for other Spices, they are brought from other Foreign parts to Surat, which is the grand Mart. Cardamom is the most excellent of all other Spices, but it is very scarce; and in regard there is no great store in the place where it grows, it is only made use of in Asia, at the Tables of great Princes. Five hundred pound of Cardamons, are priced from a hundred to a hundred and ten Rials. Ginger is brought in great quantities from Amadabat, where there grows more than in any other part of Asia; and it is hardly to be imagined how much there is transported candited into Foreign parts. Pepper is of two sorts. There is a sort which is very small, another sort much bigger; both which sorts are distinguished into small and great Pepper. The larger sort comes from the Coast of Malavare; and Tuticorin and Calicut are the Cities where it is brought up. Some of this Pepper comes from the Territories of the King of Visapour, being vended at Rejapour, a little City in that Kingdom. The Hollanders that purchase it of the Malavares, do not give Money for it, but several sorts of Commodities in Exchange; as Cotten, Opium, Vermilion, and Quicksilver; and this is the Pepper which is brought into Europe. As for the little Pepper that comes from Bantam, Afchen, and some other parts toward the East, there is none of it carried out of Asia, where it is spent in vast quantities, especially among the Mahometans. For there are double the Grains of small Pepper in one pound, to what there are of the great Pepper; besides that the great Pepper is hotter in the mouth. The little Pepper that comes to Surat, has been sold some years for thirteen or fourteen Mamoudi's the Mein; and so much I have seen the English give for it, to transport it to Ormus, Balsara, and the Read Sea. As for the great Pepper, which the Hollanders fetch from the Coast of Malavare, five hundred pound in truck brings them in not above thirty-eight Reals; but by the Commodities which they give in Barter, they gain Cent. per Cent. The Nutmeg, the Nutmeg-flower, the Clove, and Cinnamon, are the only Spices which the Hollanders have in their own hands. The three first come from the Molucca Islands; the fourth, which is Cinnamon, from the Island of Ceylan. 'Tis observable of the Nutmeg, that the Tree which bears it is never planted, which has been confirmed to me by several persons that have lived several years in the Country. They related to me, that the Nutmeg being ripe, several Birds come from the Islands toward the South, and devour it whole, but are forced to throw it up again before it be digested. The Nutmeg than besmeared with a viscous matter, falling to the ground takes root, and produces a Tree, which would never thrive were it planted. This puts me in mind of making one observation upon the Birds of Paradise. These Birds being very greedy after Nutmegs, come in flights to gorge themselves with the pleasing Spice, at the season, like Felfares in Vintage time; but the strength of the Nutmeg so intoxicate them, that they fall dead drunk to the Earth, where the Emmets in a short time eat of their Legs. Hence it comes, that the Birds of Paradise are said to have no Feet; which is not true however, for I have seen three or four that had Feet; and a French Merchant sent one from Aleppo as a Present to Lewis the Thirteenth that had Feet; of which the King made great account, as being a very lovely Fowl. But notwithstanding all the Hollanders Projects, you may buy Cloves at Macassar without purchasing them of the Hollander; in regard the Islanders buy them of the Dutch Captains and Soldiers, which the Hollanders have in those places where the Cloves grow, giving them in exchange Rice, and other necessaries for the support of life, without which they would starve, being very sadly provided for. When the Natives of Macassar are thus furnished of Cloves, they barter them in Exchange for such Commodities as are brought them; sometimes they give Tortoise-Shells in exchange, and Gold Dust; by which the Merchant gains six or seven in the hundred, being better than the Money of the Island, though it be Gold, by reason the King ofttimes enhances the value of it. The places where Cloves grow, are Amboyna, Ellias, Seram, and Bouro. The Islands of Banda also, in number six, viz. Nero, Lontour, Poulcay, Roseguin, and Grenapuis, bear Nutmegs in great abundance. The Island of Grenapuis is about six Leagues in compass, and ends in a sharp point, where there is a continual fire burning out of the earth. The Island Dam, where there grows great store of Nutmegs, and very big, was discovered in the year 1647, by Abel Tasman, a Dutch Commander. The Price of Cloves and Nutmegs, as I have known them sold to the Hollanders at Surat, was as follows. The Mein of Surat contains forty Serres, which make thirty-four of our Pounds, at sixteen Ounces to the Pound. A Mein of Cloves was sold for a hundred and three Mamoudi's and a half. A Mein of Mace was sold for a hundred and fifty-seven Mamoudi's and a half. Nutmegs for fifty-six Mamoudi's and a half. Cinnamon comes at present from the Island of Ceylan. The Tree that bears it is very much like the Willow, and has three Barks. They never take of but the first and second, which is accounted the best. They never meddle with the third, for should the Knife enter that, the Tree would dye. So that it is an art to take of the Cinnamon, which they learn from their youth. The Cinnamon Spice is much dearer to the Hollanders than people think; for the King of Ceylan, otherwise called King of Candy, from the name of his principal City, being a sworn Enemy to the Hollanders, sends his Forces with an intention to surprise them, when they gather their Cinnamon; so that they are forced to bring seven or eight hundred men together to defend as many more that are at work. Which great expense of theirs very much enhances the price of the Cinnamon. There grows upon the Cinnamon Tree a certain fruit like an Olive, though not to be eaten. This the Portugals were want to put into a Cauldron of Water, together with the tops of the Branches, and boiled it till the Water was all consumed. When it was cold, the upper part became a Paste like white Wax; of which they made Tapers to set up in their Churches, for no sooner were the Tapers lighted, but all the Church was perfumed. Formerly the Portugal's brought Cinnamon out of other Countries, belonging to the Raja's about Cochin. But the Hollanders have destroyed all those places, so that the Cinnamon is now in their hands. When the Portugals had that Coast, the English bought their Cinnamon of them, and usually paid for it by the Mein fifty Mamoudi's. Drugs that are brought to Surat, and brought from other Countries, with the price of every one by the Mein. Salt Armoniac, according to the usual price, costs by the Mein twenty Mamoudi's. Borax, comes unrefined from Amadabat, as does Salt Armoniac, and costs by the Mein thirtyfive Mamoudi's. Gum-Lack, seven Mamoudi's and a half. Gum-Lack washed, ten Mamoudi's. Gum-Lack in sticks of Wax, forty Mamoudi's. There are some of these Sticks that cost fifty or sixty Mamoudi's the Mein, and more when they mix Musk in the Gum. Saffron of Surat, which is good for nothing but for colouring, four Mamoudi's and a half. Cumin White, eight Mamoudi's. Cumin Black, three Mamoudi's. Arlet small, three Mamoudi's. Frankincense, that comes from the Coast of Arabia, three Mamoudi's. Myrrh, that which is good, called Mirra Gilet, thirty Mamoudi's. Mirth Bolti, which comes from Arabia, fifteen Mamoudi's. Cassia, too Mamoudi's. Sugar Candy, eighteen Mamoudi's. Asutinat, a sort of Grain, very hot, one Momoudi. Aniseed gross, three Mamoudi's and a half. Aniseed small and hot, one Mamoudi and a half. Oupelote, a Root, fourteen Mamoudi's. Cointre, five Mamoudi's. Auzerout, from Persia, a hundred and twenty Mamoudi's. Aloes Succotrine, from Arabia, twenty eight Mamoudi's. Licorice, four Mamoudi's. Lignum Aloes, in great pieces, two hundred Mamoudi's. Lignum Aloes, in small pieces, four hundred Mamoudi's. Vez-Cabouli, a certain Root, twelve Mamoudi's. There is a sort of Lignum Aloes very Gummy, which comes to, by the Mein, four thousand Mamoudi's. Gum-Lake for the most part comes from Pegu; yet there is some also brought from Bengala, where it is very dear, by reason the Natives fetch that lively Scarlet colour out of it, with which they paint their Calicuts. Nevertheless, the Hollanders buy it, and carry it into Persia for the fame use of painting. That which remains after the colour is drawn of, is only fit to make sealing Wax. That which comes from Pegu is not so dear, though as good for other Countries. The difference is only this, that it is not so clean in Pegu, where the Pismires foul it, as in Bengala, where it grows in a heathy place, full of Shrubs, where those Animals cannot so well come at it. The Inhabitants of Pegu never make any use of it in painting, being a dull sort of people, that are in nothing at all industrious. The Women of Surat get their live by cleansing the Lake after the Scarlet colour is drawn from it. After that they give it what colour they please, and make it up into Sticks for sealing Wax. The English and Holland Company carry away every year a hundred and fifty Chests. The price is about ten Pence the pound. Powdered Sugar is brought in great quantities out of the Kingdom of Bengala; it causes also a very great Trade at Ougeli, Patna, Daca, and other places. I have been told it for a very great certainty, by several ancient people in Bengala, that Sugar being kept thirty years becomes absolute poison, and that there is no Venom more dangerous, or that sooner works its effect. Loaf-Sugar is also made at Amadabat, where they are perfectly skill d in refining it; for which reason it is called Sugar Royal. These Sugar Loaves usually weigh from eight to ten pound. Opium is brought from Brampour, a Town of good Trade between Agra and Surat. The Hollanders buy great quantities, which they truck for their Pepper. Tobacco also grows in abundance round about Brampour; sometimes there has been so much that the Natives have let vast quantities rot upon the ground, for want of gathering. Coffee grows neither in Persia nor in India, where it is in no request; but the Hollanders drive a great Trade in it, transporting it from Ormus into Persia, as far as Great Tartary, from Balsara into Chaldea, Arabia, Mesopotomia, and the other Provinces of Turkey. It was first found out by a Hermit, whose name was Sheck-Siadeli, about twenty years ago, before which time it was never heard of in any Author either ancient of modern. Deceits in Silk Wares. PLain Silk Wares may be altered in length, breadth, and quality. The quality shows itself when they are of an even thread, when the weight is equal, and when there is no Cotton thread in the West. The Indians not having the art of gilding silver, put into their stripped Wares threads of pure Gold, so that you must count the quantity of Gold threads to see whether the Silk have its due number. And this also you must observe in your Silks woven with Silver. As for Taffatas, you are only to mind whether the pieces be all of a fineness, and to see by unfolding some of them, that there be nothing within to augment the weight, and than weighing all the pieces by themselves, to see that they all agreed. The colours of those Carpets which are made in India, do not last so long as the colour of those which are made in Persia; but for the workmanship it is very lovely. The eye of the Broker is to judge of the largeness, beauty, and fineness of those Carpets which are wrought with Gold and Silver, and whether they be fine and rich. But whether they be Carpets, or other Stuffs mixed with Gold and Silver, it behoves the Buyer to pull out some of the Gold and Silver Threads, to see whether they be of the right value or no. Deceits in the White Calicuts. THe deceits usually put upon Calicuts, are in fineness, length, and breadth. Every Bale may contain two hundred pieces; among which they will juggle in five or six or ten, lesle fine, or lesle white, shorter or narrower than according to the scantling of the Bale, which cannot be found out but by examining them piece by piece. The fineness is discerned by the eye, the length and breadth by the measure. But the Indians practise a more cunning way, which is to count the number of threads which aught to be in the breadth, according to the fineness of the scantling. When the number fails, it is either more transparent, more narrow, or more course. The difference is sometimes so difficult to be perceived, that there is no way to found it out but by counting the threads. And yet this difference in a great quantity comes to a great deal. For it is nothing to cousin a Crown or two Crowns in a piece that comes but to fifteen or twenty Crowns. Those that whiten these Calicuts, to save charges of a few Lemons, will knock the Calicuts excessively upon a Stone, which does fine Calicuts a great injury, and lours the price. As for their Calicuts died blue or black, you must take care that the Workmen do not knock them after they are folded, to make them look sleek; for many times when they come to be unfolded, you shall found holes in the creases. As for your painted and printed Calicuts, which are painted and printed as they come out of the Loom, the Merchant must take care that what he bespeaks be finished before the end of the Rains, for the thicker the Water is where they are washed, the more lively will the printed and painted colours appear. It is easy to distinguish between the printed and the painted Calicuts; and between the neatness of the work: but for the fineness and other qualities, they are not so easily discerned; and therefore the Broker must be more careful. Cheats in Cotton. THe cheat in the weight is twofold. The first, by laying them in a moist place; and thrusting in the middle of every Skein some thing to add to the weight. The second; in not giving good weight when the Broker receives it from the Workm●n, or Merchant that delivers it. There is but one cheat in the quality, that is by putting three or four Skains, of a coarser Commodity than that which is uppermost, into one Mein. Which in a great quantity mount▪ high; for there are some Cottons that are worth an hundred Crowns the Mein. These two cheats being often used by the Holland-Company, there is no way but to weigh your Commodity in the presence of the Dutch-Commander, and his Council, and to examine every Mein Skein by Skein. When this is done, they who are ordered to be at his examination, are obliged to fix to every Bale a ticket of the weight and quality: for if there be a faileur, they who fix the ticket are engaged to make good what is wanting. Deceits in Indigo. I Have told you, that when the Workmen have made up the Indigo-Paste in't ●umps, with their fingers dipped in Oil, they lay them in the Sun a drying. Now those that have a design to cheat the Merchants, dry them in the sand, to the end that the sand sticking to the Indigo, should increase the weight. Sometimes they lay up their Paste in moist places, which makes it give, and consequently renders it more heavy. But if the Governor of the place discovers the cheat, he makes them severely pay for it: and the best way of discovery is to burn some pieces of Indigo, for the sand will remain. Indian Brokers. THe Brokers are as it were the Masters of the Indian Families; for they have all Goods at their disposal. The Workmen choose the most aged and most experienced, who are to endeavour equal advantages for the whole Tribe they undertake for. Every evening that they return from their business, and that, according to the custom of the Indians, who make no Suppers, they have eaten some little piece of sweetmeat, and drank a glass of water, the eldest of the Tribe meet at the Broaker's House, who gives them an account of what he has done that day, and than they consult what he is to do next. Above all things, they caution him to look to his hits, and to cheat, rather than be cheated. FINIS.