A DISQUISITION Touching the SIBYL'S And the Sibylline Write. IN WHICH Their Number, Antiquity, and by what Spirit they were Inspired, are succinctly discussed. The Objections made by Opsopaeus, Isaac Casaubon, David Blondel, and others, are examined; as also the Authority of those Writings asserted. Which may serve as an Appendix to the foregoing Learned Discourse touching the Truth and Certainty of Christian Religion. Quoniam difficilis est inventu veritas, undique nobis est vestiganda. S. Basil. in Prooemio Lib. de Sp. S LONDON, Printed in the Year, 1662. The PREFACE: Together with the occasion of Writing. SIR, I Have, to my no little satisfaction and delight, perused your accurate Tractate concerning the Certainty and Reasonableness of Christian Religion; As well against the Atheists of this Age, who believe no God at all; As the Sceptics and Considerers of our time, who before they think themselves bound to believe any thing, will first contemplate, and by the model of their own fallacious, and erring reason judge of, and accordingly embrace all Christian Truths that are propounded, and recommended either to their Faith or Practice. Not that I would be thought to blame the use of Reason in the examination of Divine Truths, so as it be still as a Director, and Tutor, not an absolute King, and Governor, in what is either above or any way past its reach to comprehend. Against both these you have directed this short Treatise, and in it insisted on the only right way whereby Gainsayers may be convinced, Atheists and unbelievers converted; That is by Arrows fetched out of their own Quiver; Arguments drawn from the mouths of their own Writers, which they dare not, nay cannot with any show of Reason deny. This you have happily done in this short Book, and drawn together into one Scheme not only what hath been forced out of the mouths of the Heathens, but what the ancient Christians, Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, Origen, Arnobius, Lactantius, and St Augustine, as the later, Ludovicus Vives, Morney du Plessis, with the most Learned Hugo Grotius, have gathered together upon this Subject. And though I must acknowledge, that I think it improper for a Layman to busy himself too much in the abstruse and knotty points of Divinity, fit only for Casuists and Schoolmen to wade through: Yet surely the study of the Historical and Practical parts thereof is not only commendable in, but the duty of every Christian, so far to look into as his time, and abilities will permit: For certainly, every person whatsoever is bound to be able in some measure to give an account of his Faith, and Practice: Nay I hearty wish more of our Learned Nobility, and Gentry would employ some part of their time, and excellent parts upon Subjects of the like nature, by which Learning would be advanced, the Country they live in receive benefit, and their own Memory, for ever honoured. But I shall let this pass: Yet because you have had just occasion to insist upon the Authority of the Sibylline Books, whose Writings I find questioned by the Learned Pens of Opsopaeus, Isaac Casaubon, David Blundel, and others, I have thought fit to offer to your consideration my thoughts upon that Subject, and shall endeavour to vindicate them, at least so much as concerns Christians, from the unjust exceptions urged against them; leaving it then to your farther judgement to make use of all, or any part of what shall be written, as yourself shall see occasion. CHAP. I. That there were Sibylls; whence their Name; their Number, and the Time of their Living examined. THat there were certain Foeminae Fatidicae, Women that foretold future Events, I shall not go about to prove: the Records of all History making it manifest. Pausanias tells you, speaking of Delphos. That one Daphne was appointed by the Earth herself the Precedent of the Oracles in that place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pausanias' in Phocicis, pag. 320. lin. 29. Edit. Francos. an. 1583. And a little after intimates, That the gift of Oracles belonged only to women according to the sense of those that recorded events. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 321. l. 6. in Phocicis. Neither shall I spend much pains to examine from whence they had their Name; whether, as Lactantius, Lactant. li. 1. de fals. Relig. p. 31. Edit. Hackii 1660. Montac. excer 4. p. 126. in analect Baronius,. and others, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Aeolic Dialect, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies Counsel, as if they were Counsellors of God: Which I should not so well like, whilst it remains questionable by what Spirit they were inspired; and that Phrase, so far as I remember, not used to any other except to him whose name was Wonderful Counsellor, the Mighty God. Our Industrious and Learned Countryman Mr William Howell in his Institution Historical (a piece well worth the perusal of every man) seems to derive them from the genitive case of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Howell, p. 171. calling them such to whom the Counsel of Jupiter was imparted: Or whether the word Sibylla were not the proper name of the first, Hom. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 351 Edit. Rom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or Princess of them, as Eustathius (the learned Bishop, and Christian) in his Notes upon Homer would have it; or lastly, as Suidas, who saith it is a mere Latin word, signifying a Prophetess; any of which the Reader may make choice of, as it shall most agree with his own judgement. But how many in number they were, in what ages of the world they lived, and how inspired, will admit of a larger debate. Cornelius Tacitus speaking of them, Tac. an. lib. 6. pag. 149. Edit. Antw. 1627. and their Verses, hath these words, una seu pluves fuere, leaving it doubtful whether there were one or more. Martianus Capella reckons only two, Erophile the Trojan daughter of Marmesus, Mart. Capel. in nuptiis Philolog. lib. 2. Sibylla, vel Erithrea quaeque Cumana est, vel Phrygia: Quas non decem, ut asserunt, sed duas fuisse non nescis, id est, Erophilam Trojanam Marmesi filiam, & Symmachiam Hippotensis filiam; qua Erithrea progenita Cumis quoque est vaticinata. which he thinks to be the same with Phrygia, and Cumaea; and Symmachia born at Erithre, who likewise gave out Oracles at Cumes; and saith particularly, they were not ten, as was affirmed, but only two, Erophila and Symmachia. Pliny speaks of the statues of three seen at Rome near the pleading Pulpits, Equidem & Sibyllae statues juxta rostra esse non miror, tres fint licèt: Una quam Sextus Pacuvius Taurus aedilis plebis restituit; duae quas Marcus Messala. Plin. nat. hist. lib. 34. cap. 5. one of which Sextus Pacuvius Taurus restored, being Aedile of the common people; the other two Marcus Messala. These Solinus tells you, cap. 7. Polyhistor. were Delphica, Erithrea, and Cumana. With him agrees the Scholiast of Aristophanes, in his Comedy of Birds. There were three Sibylls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholar Aristoph. in avibus. of which one, as her Verses tell you, was the Sister of Apollo, the second Erithrea, the third Sardiana. Aelianus tells you of four, Erithrea, Samia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aegyptia, and Sardiana; to whom (saith he) others have added six, so that in all they are ten, amongst which Cumaea, and Judaea are reckoned. Lactantius out of Varro, with whom agree Isidore, Lact. pag. 33. Isid. l 8. cap. 8. Suidas in verbo Antim. in Praefat. ad Sibyl. Orac. p. 144. Sixt. Sen Bibliot. pag. 108. Edit. Lugd. Suidas, Antimachus, and most others count ten in this order. 1. The Persian. 2. The Lybian. 3. The Delphic. 4. The Cumaean. 5. The Erithrean. 6. The Samian. 7. Cumana. 8. The Hellespontick. 9 The Prygian. 10. The Tiburtine. Onuphrius adds more, as you may see in his Book de Sibyllis, put out before the Oracles, in the Paris. Edit. 1599 In his account of them I observe this difference; he accounts the Sibylla Delphica in the first place, and Persica in the eighth, I think erroneously; for certainly she was much ancienter than Cumana, if her name was Amalthea, as I shall show anon. The age of the world in which they lived severally, is uncertain, but undoubtedly the first of them very ancient, and sundry of them before the Trojan War. Onup. de Sibyl. pag. 7. Onuphrius tells you that Sibylla Delphica lived long before those times, and quotes Bocchus, or Boethus for it, that she was born at Delphos, that Homer took some of his Verses from her, which our Learned Doctor Simpson in his Chron. Simp. Chro. Cat. A.M. 28 29. Cathol. takes to be those, among others, by him remembered upon the year of the world 2829. But Pausanias goes much higher, and tells you, speaking of Delphos, that it was the place where Oracles were delivered from the beginning of the earth. They say, from the beginning of the earth there was a place of Oracles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Pausan. in Phocicis, p. 320. 29 Ed. Frank. 1583. and that Daphne was by the earth herself appointed Precedent there— That prophesying was in common between Neptune and the Earth; that the Earth gave Oracles with her own mouth: That Neptune had for his Minister for that office one Dircon. And not many lines after hath these words. I have heard that some Shepherds happened upon the place where the Oracle was, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 320. 38. Pho. and became inspired by the vapour of the earth itself, and prophesied by the power of Apollo. Which thing might very well occasion the building of a Temple to Apollo in that place wherein Oracles had formerly been given. Nay I find farther that the same Pausanias tells you of one Herophile that used to give Oracles where you find this. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Pausa. Phoc. p. 327. 18. There is a stone rising up above the rest: Upon this the Delphians say that one Erophile used to stand and deliver Oracles; and that she first obtained the name of a Sibyl: But I find her rather in the like manner more ancient, whom the Grecians call the daughter of Jupiter and Lamia, who was the daughter of Neptune, and that she first chanted out Oracles of any women, and by those of Libya was called a Sibyl. Herophile was not so ancient as she was, yet was she also before the Trojan Wars.— When I consider and compare with these testimonies what the most Learned Bochartus saith in his Geographia Sacra, That Noah was Saturn, Cham Jupiter Hammon, Japhet Neptune, Boch p. 1. Noam esse Saturnum tom multa docent, ut vixsit dubitandi locus. See How. Inst. Hist. p. 4. and Sem Pluto; in whom you may farther see the concinness of the Story, and his reasons at large; as likewise that Tubal Cain was Vulcan. Boch. pag. 432. by a small change in the pronunciation, their sounds being almost the same. It might well stand together, that in that time, when there was a promiscuous use of all beds, that Cham might marry his brother Japhets' daughter; that is, according to Pausanias, Jupiter married the daughter of Neptune, who, as you heatd before, was a Diviner, and all this before the flood; so that the story of one skilled in that Art being shut up in the Ark with Noah, is not only probable but true; for we are certain, Noah's three Sons with their wives were shut up there. Josep. li. 1. cap. 5. Lil. Giral. de Poet. Hist. pa. 79. Josephus, a Jewish Writer, and certainly no friend to Prophecies not owned by those of his Nation, tells you of one that spoke of the building the Tower of Babel, and the confusion of tongues also, but without any mark of distrust put upon it, which probably he would have done, had he found any cause not to believe the truth of their Writings. Lilius Giraldus tells you, That Sibylla Persica, called Sambethe, the same with Chaldaica and Hebraea, lived before the flood, and was shut up in the Ark with Noah. I find her also called * Lil. Giral. de Poet. Hist. pa. 79 Dial. 2. Suidas in verb. Collius l. 3. p. 2. p. 192. De animabus Paganctuin. Sambethe No, which might as well be the daughter of Noah, as to derive her name from No, a Town near the Red Sea, as Beirlin. in Verb. and our industrious Countryman Mr. Howel in his Instit. Historical, incline, pag. 171. Georg. Cedrenus tells you of one in Solomon's time, it may be the same Pausan pag. 327. calls Saba, and to have succeeded Demo, said to be the daughter of Berosus and Erimanthe. The Queen of Sheba, who was also by the Grecians called a Sibyl, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Glycas. Annal. p. 256. etc. Onuphrius in his Book de Sibyllis, will tell you of others, that lived in other ages of the world, Pausan. in Phocic. p. 337. Onup. de Sibyl. and assuredly long before that Amalthea, who is said to have offered to sale nine books of Oracles to Tarqvinius Priscus, others to Superbus; which story, because I shall make some use of it, I shall deliver at large, as I have literally rendered it out of Dionysius Harliearnassaeus, who lived about twenty six years before the birth of our Saviour, as Helvicus hath it. Helu. Chron. in annot. in cat. viror. illustrium. The story in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus is thus, Another very admirable accident in the time of the Reign of Tarqvinius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Lib. 4. fol 259. whether given by the good will of the Gods or Daemons, is related to have fallen out in the City of Rome, which not only for a small time, but in all ages, and often hath saved it from great evils. A certain woman, not of that Country, came to the King, desirous to sell nine books filled with Sibylline Oracles; but the King not thinking fit to buy them at the price she asked, shewent from his presence and burnt three of them, and soon after returning, asked the same price for those that remained; but he thinking her some dotard, and to be derided, who asked for a fewer in number that price she could not obtain for them all, she again went away, and burned half of them that were left; and bringing again the three that remained, demanded still the same quantity of gold: The King then wondering at this deliberate counsel in the woman, sent to the Augurs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and discoursing the matter with them, inquired what was fit to be done; they by certain signs having learned that he had refused a blessing sent from God, and deeming it a great misfortune that he had not bought all the books, commanded the gold to be told out to her, and to receive the books that remained; but she giving the books, with a charge to keep them carefully, vanished out of their sight. Tarquin made choice of two of the Citizens of good rank; and joining to them two other public Ministers, gave unto them the custody of them; one of which was called Marcus Atylius, who because it seemed he had done something injuriously as to his trust, and being accused as a Parricide by one of the public Ministers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. was sewen into a sack of leather, and thrown into the Sea. But after the expulsion of the Kings, the City taking upon themselves the oversight of the Oracles, constituted for their keepers the most considerable men of their City, discharging them from all other employments both military, and civil, and appointed others of the people, without whom they permitted not these men to take a view of the Oracles. In short, let me tell you, The Romans kept no holy or sacred possession whatsoever, with that care they did the Sibylline Oracles: They made use of them according to the Vote of the Senate, when any sedition fell out in the City, or great misfortune in war, or that wonders, or great and portentous Apparitsons were seen amongst them, which things often fell out. These books of Oracles remained until the time of the so called Marsike War, being laid under ground in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and kept in a Coffer, or Box of stone, by the Decemvirs. But after the 173. olympiad, the Temple being burnt, whether on set purpose, as some think, or by chance, they were, together with other things consecrated to the Gods, destroyed by the fire. Those which now are; were fetched from sundry places; some out of the Cities of Italy, some out of Erithre in Asia, Messengers being sent by the Decree of the Senate to transcribe them; some were fetched from other Cities, transcribed by private hands, in which there are some things supposititious, or inserted among the Sibylline Writings; but they are discovered by those verses which are called Acrostics. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus far he. Others call this strange woman's name Amalthea of Cumes. But from this story thus told, with which Varro Lactantius and others agree, give me leave to make these Observations. CHAP. II. Observations, and by what Spirit they spoke is discussed. FIrst, That in the judgement of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus 'twas uncertain by what Spirit they were inspired; for he relates as doubtful whether those books were given by God or the Devil. St Ambrose speaking of the spirit of Python, Amb. Com. in Epist. 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. hath these words; Hic est qui per Sibyllam locutus est, etc. St Augustine Cont. Manich. hath these words; Moreover, touching Sibyl or Sibylls, Orpheus, Sibylla porro vel Sibyllae, & Orpheus & nescio quis, Homerus, & si qui alii Vates, vel Theologi, vel Sapientes, vel Philosophi Gentium, de Filio Dei, aut de Patre Deo vera praedixisse, seu dixisso perhibentur, valet quidem aliquid ad illorum vanitatem revincendam, non tamen ad istorum authoritatem amp●cotendam, cum illum Deum colere ostendimus quem nec illi tacere potuerunt, qui suos congentiles populos Idola & Dae●●na colenda partim docere ausi sunt, partim prohibere ausi non sunt. and I know not who, Homer, and whatsoever other Presages, Divines, Wise men, or Philosophers of the Gentiles, who are reported to have told or foretold true things of the Son of God, or God the Father, 'tis indeed of some use to overthrow the vanity of the Gentiles, not to make us embrace their Authority; since we make it appear that we worship that God of whom they could not hold their peace, who partly taught their Countrymen that Idols, and Daemons were to be worshipped, partly durst not hinder them in it. Perhaps he may mean this rather of the other Soothsayers and Diviners that were common in those times; not of the Sibylls, at least all of them; for if our Learned Prelate Richard Montacute, sometimes L. Bishop of Norwich, Mount. Analect p. 159. quote him right, he speaks more favourably of Sibylla Erithrea, saying, She had nothing among all her Verses which either belonged to the worshipping of false or feigned gods. Nihil habuit in toto carmine quod ad Deorum falsorum seu fictorum cultum pertineat. Isaac Casaubon, a man of great learning, and various reading, speaking of the use made of them by the Romans, hath these words; There was never any thing produced (he means by the Romans) out of those Books, Nihil enim unquam ex illis libris prolatum quo gentium error, & ille insanus Daemonum cultus non confirmarctur, aut etiam nova accessione impietatis non augeretur. Cas. p. 81. ed Gen. exc. in Bar. by which the error of the Gentiles, and that mad worship of Daemons was not confirmed or augmented by some new accession of impiety. I believe what he saith to be true; for he that is conversant in any measure with the Roman story, will find with what superstition and impious facrifices they consulted those books, and commonly in such cases wherein the good only of their own Country, and the worship of their feigned Gods might be promoted; insomuch that whatever else was in these books that concerned the worship of the true God, being by them not understood, was wholly neglected; and therefore, in my judgement, Gasaubon deserves not the censure which I find he hath received in this particular, as if he had contradicted what St Augustine before him had delivered. Blundelius, in his Book De les Sibylles, calls them frequently Rhapsodists, stolen meat, like Nostredamus, etc. And truly, it is justly to be doubted, whether those persons were endued with the Spirit of God, in whose writings, among many truths, much that countenanced impiety was mixed. We know God sometimes forced the truth out of the mouths of false Prophets, Balaam, Caiaphas, and others; neither is it very material, to examine by what spirit they were inspired, whether, as Arnobius, Lactantius, Baronius, See Sixt. Sen. bib p. 108. Edit. Lugd. Mont. excer. 4. p. 186. in Anal. & alii. and others, that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, filled with God's Spirit, or spoke only by his permission, as the Oracles did; so as the truth of what they foretold is for the generality made good; neither can I think it unreasonable to believe, with Cardinal Baronius, That the Counsel of God was such, Confilium Dei fuisse ut longe ante Christi adventum tantae rei sacramentum Judais atque Gentibus innotesceret, illis quidem per Prophetas, hisce vero per suos Vates, Hisdaspem praecipue, & Sibyllas'. Mount. jam Anal. p. 127. that long before the coming of Christ some sign of so great a blessing should be made known to the Jews and Gentiles; to them by the Prophets, to these by their Vates, chief Hidaspes, and the Sibylls. Secondly, Observe. 2 That this person that came to Tarqvinius could not be of Cumes in Italy; for she is said to be a stranger, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not of that Nation; and that any of any other Nation should at that time inhabit in Cumes in Italy, and there deliver Oracles, and the Roman State not know of it, seems very improbable. Thirdly, Observe. 3 It is manifest there were more genuine Books of that nature at that time; for we see she burned six of nine filled with the same matter, or two of three, as others say, but all agree the greatest number was burnt, and so probably enough those afterward sought out in the time of the Consulate of Scribonius and Octavius in the 176 Olymp. Onup. de Sibyl. pag. 47. out of Fenest. Helu. Chron. pag. 81. Ed. Oxon. about 15 years after the Capitol was burnt, which happened in the time of the War between the Marsi and their Confederates, called the Marsick, or Sociale War, might contain much of what was in the Books burnt by Amalthea, and which never were before in the Roman hands, and so perished not with the Capitol; and consequently that they were not necessarily supposititious, or spurious, because Dionysius Halicarnassaeus saith so, who being a Heathen, judged of the truth, or falsehood of them, by their agreement with what he had learned was in the former Books; by which, according to the best examination the State could make, what they received from Erithre, and other Towns of Asia and Italy, were corrected. Fourthly, Observe. 4 It is evident, the original Writings of what the Romans received were still kept in those places from whence they had them; for it is expressly said, they caused them to be transcribed, which might be partly the reason of the multitude of Copies that were after extant of Books of that nature: Nor can I believe, that in 15 years no man should have the curiosity to seek out such rarities, till Scribonius, and Octavius motioned it in the Senate, though between that time and the Reign of Augustus, when the Prophetic Books were burnt, many more years, near 100, had elapsed. Fifthly, Observe. 5 That it doth no way appear, that those Books sold by this strange woman were the product of her own brain, but might very well be the Writings of some other; nay, if there be any truth in that part of her story, that she vanished away, she must needs be an Angel or Devil, and so that opinion no way impugned which shall affirm, that what she sold to Tarqvinius was the work of some other much ancienter than herself, perhaps hers that went by the name of Erithrea, and lived at Cumes in Asia, and Italy also, because the Romans first sent to Erithre, undoubtedly from that reason, that they believed those books they had lost were likeliest to be found there; and beside, Montac. in analect. pag. 150. Oaup. de Sibyl. Lactan. p. 33. I find this Amalthea counted the Sibylla Cumana, not Cumaea, as Onuphrius, Suidas, Lactantius, and others, have before taken notice of, though the similitude of their names made their persons sometimes confounded. Sixthly, Observe. 6 That the Acrostics in the Sibylline Books were a means by which the true Writings were distinguished or discovered. CHAP. III. What Writings of the Sibylls were kept in the Capitol: The reading of others promiscuously not forbidden. Justin Martyr so to be understood. YOu have heard before what care the Romans took to repair their loss, by getting in again what they could of the Sibylline Books: Amongst those they obtained, Lactantius will tell you, they strictly laid up only those of Cumaea. His words are these. Harum omnium Sibyllarum carmina & feruntur & habentur praeterquam Cumaeae; cujus libri à Romanis occuluntur, nec eos ab ullo nifi à quindecem viris inspici fas est. Lact. de fals. Relig. lib. 1. pag. 35, 36. The Verses of all the Sibylls are abroad, and possessed, except those of Cumaea, whose Books are secretly laid up by the Romans; nor is it lawful for any, except the Quindecem viri, to look into them. The curiosity of men continually increasing from the time of the burning of the Capitol unto the review made by Augustus, which was 60 years, or upward, there were got into private hands above 2000 Copies of Books of that nature, which produced that Decree made by Caesar, for the bringing them in to the Praetor's hands; as Suetonius tells you. Quicquid fatidicorum librorum Graci Latinique generis, nullis, vel parum idoneis auctoribus vulgò ferebantur, supra duo millia contracta, undique cremavit, ac solos retinuit Sybillinos, hos quoque delectu habito, condiditque duobus forulis auratis sub Palatini Apollinis basi. Suet. in vita Aug. pag. 152. Edit. Hackii. 1651. Whatsoever presaging or fate-telling Books either in Greek, or Latin, were commonly vented abroad, either under none, or Author's names of little account, having gathered together of them above two thousand, he caused to be burnt, retaining only the Sibylline Books; of these also he took what he liked to make choice of, and hide them in two gilded hutches under the foot of a pillar in the Temple of Apollo Palatinus. In which relation 'tis observable, that the Sibylline Books were exempted from this Martyrdom; nay indeed none suffered but such as had no warrantable Author to secure them: What he liked in the Sibylline Books he laid up in the Temple; so we find here a new accession to those Books gathered together before by the Roman Ambassadors sent abroad to that purpose: And I find farther, that after this, when Caninius Gallus, a Quindecemvir, would have done the like, he was reproved by Tiberius Caesar, for deviating from the custom observed by the Romans, and put in mind what Augustus Caesar had before done. Tacit. Ann. lib. 6. p. 149. Edit. Antw. But I confess, upon the best search I have been able to make, I cannot find any Law or public Inhibition against the reading of such Books as were either not burnt, or not retained in the Capitol; neither indeed could there be; for what the Romans had being now but Transcripts, why might not any man have recourse to the Originals, as well as the Senate? and indeed how could Tully and Virgil make use of things out of their Books (which were never looked into but upon weighty and great occasions) except they had received them from some other Copies; See the Treatise p. the curiosity of the Romans extending only unto those in the custody of the Quindecemviri, to which they only gave credit, and punished the divulging, not by any new Law, but by that of parricide, which they inflicted upon Atilius before mentioned. This is made more evident, Harum omnium Sibyllarum carmina & feruntur & habentur, praeterquam Cumeae. Lactan. lib. 1. p. 35. & 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xiph p. 230. 25. in Tiber. as well by the Testimony of Lactantius, who tells you many of their Books were frequently had in his time, as by another, to wit, by Dio Nicaeus, as I find it in Xiphilinus. In the time of Tiberius there went abroad a Prophecy said to be in the Sibylline Books, in these words; That after 900 years a civil dissension should embroil the Romans, and a Sibaritick madness. This Tiberius endeavoured to make appear to be false, though he were much troubled at it; and Nero after his time finding the people's troubles not allayed, he told them those Verses were not to be found, but instead of them they used to recite this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The last that should reign of the Family of Aeneas should be the killer of his Mother: But in all this trouble, and endeavours to satisfy the people, I find no man questioned for reading, or divulging this matter, which undoubtedly would have been done had there been any general inhibition, or that the Quindecemvirs had been found faulty in their trust: See the Treatise, pag. Neither durst Origen have avowed the reading and owning them against Celsus, whence the Christians were called Sibyllists: Nor yet Justin Martyr himself, had there been a general Law upon pain of death not to read them: We cannot, must not believe Christians so prodigal of their lives, or the Heathens so merciful, not to have made use of it against them. The words of Justin Martyr are these, after he had upbraided them with their prohibition to read the Books of Hidaspes, the Sibylls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Apologet. and Prophets, he adds: We do not only possess them without fear, but as you see, offer them to your view. Which words must necessarily be referred to what is before said; for it is notoriously known, that till Stilico burned the Capitol the second time, about the Reign of Honorius, which was about 395 years after Christ, the Sibylline Books were kept with the same care; and undoubtedly all breach of the Law would have been severely punished, of which in truth there was none but that upon which Atilius was punished, which was that of a parricide in betraying his Country, and therefore could not extend to others, in whom no trust was reposed. But because I find in this particular variety of opinions, Baronius contending the inhibition concerned only the Christians, with whom agrees Bishop Montacute in analect. p. 154, 155. Isaac Casaubon, and the Author of the foregoing Treatise think the prohibition concerned all promiscuously; I shall forbear any determination in this thing. CHAP. IU. The Objections made by Isaac Casaubon against their Writings are considered, and answered. HAving gone thus far, and laid down these things as preliminary to what I shall farther say, I come now to consider the most material Objections that have been hitherto offered against their Writings; and in this Chapter insist chief upon those urged by Isaac Casaubon (as learned certainly as any adversary they have had) and not declined by others. But I desire first to inform the Reader, that I hold it no way incumbent on me to justify all things in those Books, as they are now extant with us, to be free from all corruption; (what perhaps will be hard to maintain of any Book very ancient) but will believe it fully sufficient for the matter I have in hand, if I shall show that those places insisted on by the Fathers in their Disputations against the Heathens have no marks of calumny that can be justly laid upon them, and therefore very adequate to that end for which they were produced by the Author of the foregoing Treatise. Yet shall I farther show ex abundanti, that the most improbable things are so far from being demonstratively false, that they may be true, notwithstanding those many Objections that D. Blundel, and others, have heaped together to weaken them, and through their sides wound those holy men, who for nigh 500 years made use of their Testimony against the Enemies of Christianity. I wish I could not guests at the reason of it, and why D. Blundel hath been so curious to rake into the ashes of those holy departed Saints that now rest in glory, and enumerate their mistakes, in which I dare boldly affirm he is oftener deceived than they: Nor can I believe any judicious Reader will be led away with that Paralogism in which he spends his whole second Chapter, See Blundel de les Sibylles, cap. 2. and much of his Book: The Fathers were deceived in other things, therefore in this. Some things are false in the Sibylline Writings, therefore nothing is true. Whereas he could not but see that the Argument lies as fair on the other side: The Fathers in many other things were not deceived, therefore not in this; especially in a particular wherein for the space of above 150 years (for it is so much, or near it, from Justin Martyr to Constantine) they made it their business to examine the truth, whereas peradventure in some few other things through the fluency of their tongue, and exuberancy of Rhetoric, they might let fall that which makes us see they still retained the frailties of men, and had not the memories of Angels. Nay D. Blundel himself, when it can any way be drawn to serve his turn, is not so hard hearted toward the ancient Writers, that he will not allow the most suspected of them, Hermas, Papias, and others, a more candid and benign suffrage, as 'tis well observed by the Learned D. Hammond in his defence of Ignatius. If the Reader will be pleased to pardon this short, digression, I shall now come to answer the Objections. The first insisted upon by Casaubon, is the clearness of them: His words are, (having before made use of those Texts that call the Doctrine of Christianity a Mystery) These and the like Testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and the like, Haec sacrae Scripturae testimonia, & bis similia, quî stare possunt, si verum est, pleraque, & ea quidem praecipua doctrinae Christianae mysteria, etiam ante Mosem gentibus fuisse proposita. Casaub. Excer. 1. ad appar. ann. Bar. fo. 67. Edit. Genev. 1655. how can they stand together, if it be true that these, and the chief Mysteries of Christian Doctrine, were before Moses propounded to the Gentiles. Though in answer to this I might tell you, that if some of the Sibylline Writings have that antiquity I have already touched, and shall have farther occasion to speak of; and that those of them that are so, have those clear revelations of the Mysteries of Christianity, it was before it had pleased God to separate the Jewish Nation as a peculiar people to himself, but that then all the world made but one Church, governed and instructed by the Precepts they had received from Noah; and so the same reason to propound those Mysteries to them before Moses, as there was after to the Jewish Nation alone: Yet I shall choose to give you my answer in the words of Castalio in an Epistle of his to Maurus Musaeus, Anno 1546. as I find it related by Simson, in Disquisit. de Sibyllis. There are some (saith he) to whom these (Sibylline) Writings seem too open, Sunt nonnulli, inquit, quibus haec Oracula (Sibyllina) nimis aperta videantur, ideoque ficta putent ab aliquo Christiano ad pelliciendos Gentiles, & ad Christianis gratificandum.— Qui autem nimis aperta putant faciunt arroganter, sanè qui Deo vaticinandi modum praescribant, quasi non ei liberum sit apertè, obscurè, apud Gentiles, apud Judaeos suo arbitratu praedicaere, aut quasi non extent in sacris quoque literis praedictiones quaedam clarissimae.— Sed fateamur sanè Sibyllina Oracula esse clariora: Nun quae Gentilibus de Christo praedicta sunt clariora esse oportuit, quòd Mose, & caetera disciplina carebant, quae ●is ad Christi lumen praeluceret, ut quod hîc decrat id Oraculorum claritate compensaretur?— Quanquam non debemu● hae● Oracula ex eâ quae nunc est luce existimare: Nam quae nobis post res g●stas notissima sunt, ea cùm futura praedicerentur crant obscurissima. Si quis ea finixisset, profectò obscuriora de industria fecisset, ut ante rem gestam scripta, & his similia viderentur quae sunt in sacrit literis. and therefore think them feigned by some Christian to allure the Gentiles, and gratify the Christians.— But they which think them so deal too arrogantly, who prescribe unto God in what manner he must prophesy, as if it were not free to him according to his good pleasure to foretell things to come clearly, obscurely, to the Gentiles, to the Jews; or as if some most clear predictions were not extant in the Scriptures.— Yet should we grant that the Sibylline Oracles are more clear, ought not the revelations to the Gentiles of Christ to be so, who were destitute both of Moses and the rest of the Jewish Discipline, which might to them have been as a light to lighten them to Christ, that so what was otherwise wanting might be recompensed to them by the perspicuity of the Oracles themselves?— Neither ought we to take estimate of them from that light that now shines amongst us: For what is to us most notable who live after the things fulfilled, might to them to whom they were foretold as future be most obscure. If any man had feigned them, certainly he would on purpose have made them more dark, that they might have seemed to have been written before the thing accomplished, and have more resembled those of the Holy Scriptures. Thus far he. But I ask, Were they indeed so clear? What means Lactantius then, that tells you, They are confused and mingled so together, that though they were many, Et sunt singularum singuli libri, qui quia Sibyllae nomine inscribuntur, unius esse creduntur, suntque confusi; nec discerni ac suum cuique assignari potest. Lact. lib. 1. fol. 36, 37. Ed. Hack. 1660. yet they seem the works of one body, and are so that every one's proper work cannot be assigned. And Procopius in his first book of the Gothick Wars saith, That they tell not all from the beginning, nor observe any harmony or order in their discourse; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Proc. bell. Got. lib. 1. — and that for that reason 'tis impossible for any man whatsoever to understand them before the thing foretold is accomplished: To which may be added, that we are in all likelihood beholding to those that gathered together and set in order what we now have, for their plainness, who have joined to the same time and place things that seemed to them of like nature, which might at several times, and perhaps by several persons distant enough in time, be delivered. Furthermore, things as clear have not been understood. That of Balaam, quoted by the Author of the foregoing Treatise. That of Isaiah, A Virgin shall conceive a son, and his name shall be called Immanuel; extremely clear in the literal sense, and yet not understood by the Jews when foretold, nor believed, when fulfilled. If the Sibyl names her Name, the Prophet names his, and leaves out hers, and both name the Town Bethlehem, though the Scripture indeed do it in another place. Mr. Howel tells you of an Oracle that said, Howel Instit. Hist. p. 787. A Temple dedicated to Bacchus should stand donec Virgo peperit, till a Virgin should have brought forth; upon which the Heathen called that Temple eternal, because they deemed it impossible for a Virgin to conceive; and the thing not understood, though true in the literal sense, and fulfilled at the preaching of our Saviour. A second Objection insisted on by Isaac Casaubon, Object. 2 is drawn from the practice of the Primitive times, who, as he tells us, were wont to esteem it as a great achievement among themselves, if they could, by their own figments and officious lies help out the truth, Postremo illud me vehementur movet; quòd videam primis Ecclesiae temporibus quam plurimos extitisse, qui facinus palmarium judicabant caelestem veritatem figmentis suis ire adjutum: quo facilius nova illa doctrina a gentium sapientibus admitteretur: Officiosa haec mendacia vocabant bono finc excogitata. Casaub. excer. 1. ad app. ann. Bar. p. 67. Ed. Gen. and make the new Doctrine with more ease to be received by the Gentiles; from which fountain he supposes have proceeded a great number of books under the Apostles, and other specious names, etc. I deny not but some spurious things have been anciently vented in the Church, as you may see in Eusebius, and others, to what end done I will not now dispute, which might by obscurely, and appear some years, perhaps ages after, when the cheat could not so easily be discerned: but that the Fathers should in their disputations against the heathens insist upon what they knew was false money, and make themselves guilty by pious frauds and officious lies, of putting so great an abuse upon the world, is a thing so far from the piety and simplicity of that age, that I wish I could as easily wipe out with a sponge this injury to their persons, as I can honour the Memory of that Learned Divine from whose pen they have unadvisedly dropped. Nay, Mont. Analect. Excer. 4. p. 130. I think I may, with my Lord Bishop of Norwich, challenge any man to produce one example of Apostle or Apostolic man guilty of such a falsehood: It became not Christian Piety to go about to deceive the world; and we find them upon all occasions ready to expose their persons to the fire, their necks to the Axe, rather than deny a truth, and therefore ought not to believe this of them, especially being supposed to have happened in that Age woen Miracles were not ceased, (as is well observed by the Author of the preceding Treatise) and so they could not be ignorant Christianity would be supported by better means than their pious frauds or officious lies. CHAP. V The second and third Chapter of David blundel considered, and the Objections answered. IN this Chapter I shall chief examine the Objections made by David Blundel against the authority of the Sibylline Writings, in his second and third Chapter. Part of which is spent (after a short commendation of Justin Martyr) in enumerating his mistakes, that from them he might lay some colourable ground that he was likewise overseen in what he said of the Sibylls: He spares not to tell you, That 'twil be hard to find in all antiquity a more notable mistake than that of Justin, Il seroit malaise d'en trouver dans toute la suite des temps, un plus illustre que celuy du mesconte de S. Justin personage recommendable s'il en fait jam ais;— Tous ces avantages ont pu le relever par dessus le commun; mais ils ne l'ont pa empesche de se laisser abuser par de conteurs, etc. pag. 3. & 4. a person as worthy of commendation as any other hath been: and after the interposition of foam few lines touching his learning and virtue, adds, That though these advantages have raised him above the ordinary rate of men, yet have not hindered him from permitting himself to be abused by liars. I should have believed so much confidence would have produced so great Reasons, that what he laid down was true, that no indifferent Reader ought to have any just cause to doubt of it; but I find he urges nothing, or very little, for the confirmation of what he saith, more than his own conjecture. The first mistake he allegeth in the Father, is, That he takes the Statue of Semo Sangus, one of the idol Gods of the Sabines, to be that of Simon Magus, which he contends was erected at Rome; and that he doth this before the Heathens themselves, with so much confidence, that it is very clear he believed what he wrote to be very true: That it is not so, David blundel offers no reason at all, nor refers himself to any other book, wherein he might before have proved it; so that for this we have only his conjecture, for aught appears to me: and we have Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus agreeing with Justin Martyr, That he so far deceived the Romans, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyr. Catechesi sexta. Simson. Anno Christi, 67. that Claudius erected a Statue for him. That Nero was exceedingly, among all other Vices, addicted to that of Conjuration, and Magic, Dr. Simson will tell you out of Pliny; and therefore not unlikely that Simon Magus might obtain high honours at Rome, till such time as pretending to fly, and being carried up into the air by the Devil, he was brought down head long by the Prayers of St Peter, and St Paul, who were then at Rome, as you may find in the place before alleged. It is well observed by Mr. Howel, Howel Instit. Hist. fol. 91. that the Ancients had in great veneration such persons as were founders of their Kingdoms, and would give them the Names of Saturn, Jupiter, Apollo, and the like, to whom in the blindness of those times, they gave oftentimes divine honours. Lil. Giral. Synt. dear. p. 19 Lilius Giraldus will inform you, such as these, a kind of Semigods, like the tutelary Saints now adays, St George, St James, St Andrew, and the like, were called Semones, whom they held not worthy of heaven, for their want of merit, nor would allow them to be earthly, for the reverence they bore their Memory, in respect of the favours received from them: such, I take it, were the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demons, or Heroes, and as Mr. Mead thinks, Mead, Apostasy of the latter times. in his Apostasy of the latter times; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inveighed against by St Paul, was that doctrine of giving honour to Daemons, or Semigods. That the Sabines had such a one called Semo Sangus, (whom some take to be Hercules) Lactantius, among others, who calls him Sancus, others Xanthus, others Sanctus, will tell you. Lil. Giral. Synt. p. 67. Dion. Halicar. p. 113. l. 2. You may see in the same Lilius Giraldus, farther, that from him the word Sancire to enact, had its Original, from the agreement made between them and the Romans, after the rape of the Sabine women, which you may read of in Florus. That there was a Monument or Inscription of this Oath kept in the Temple of Jupiter Pistius, Dio● Halicar●● 4 p. 257. l. 7. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus will inform us. That there was likewise an ancient Inscription, Sancto Sanco Sermoni Deo Fidio Sacrum, the Annotator upon Lactantius will assure you out of Fulvius Vrsinus, Lact. fol. 82. which in all probability was superscribed, and the form of the Oath mentioned before out of Halicarnassaeus, underneath it: But that there ever was any Statue erected of him, kept at Rome, is more than I can any way discover; (as Ciril informs there was of Simon Magus) and much unlike, if any had been, that it should continue so long as from the time of the war of the Sabines, till Justin the Martyr. The next is, concerning the remains of the Cells in Pharos, near Alexandria, where the 72 Translators of the Hebrew Bible, by the appointment of Ptolomey, was performed. This Fiction, he tells us, St Jerome derides, who had been himself upon the place; and therefore Justin the Martyr (who was likewise an eye witness of what he writes) must be deceived. But why we are bound rather to believe St Jerome's eyes than Justin Martyr's, with whom Irenaeus and many others agree, as David Blundel himself confesses, I see not; especially since both may be true, there being so many years between him and St Jerome, that there might be no tracts of that in St Jeromes time, which was visible enough in Saint Justin's. You may see at large in Mr Gregory's Opuscula, Greg. Opus. dis. of the 70. inter. 19 pag. the opinion of St Jerome disproved; neither see I any reason to believe (nor doth Justin Martyr affirm it) any thing of that miraculous agreement without alteration of any word, as some have feigned in their translation: Notwithstanding it should be allowed that there were little Closets in which they made their Translations apart, which were afterward compared, and showed the King. Yet will Mr. Gregory tell you, Greg. Opus. of the 70 Inter. pag. 7. that the other miraculous way of the story may be taken upon the greatest trust of Antiquity. But these hitherto have been but light velitations, or rather handsome insinuations by D. Blundel to gain the favourable attention of his Readers; that, after he had thus weakened the authority of the Fathers in these light things, he might with more ease persuade his Readers they were to blame in preater. We shall now in the next place come to consider his more weighty Arguments, who hath brought together what I have ever found in any other Author to have been alleged against those Writings of the Sibylls, with much improvement of his own. In the examination of them I shall not strictly tie myself to his order, but consider them after my own method, that I may, as much as I can, avoid the repetition of the same things. His first and main Objection is drawn from the inconsistency and contradiction of the Oracles themselves: Object. 1 Blondel, p. 5. etc. Opsopae. in praefat. For one of them vaunts herself to be the daughter in Law of Noah, to have been shut up in the Ark, to have been of his blood, guilty of fornication, adultery, nay, if Opsopaeus conjecture rightly, of incest with her Father, when as these Oracles, not extant but in Greek, which was not spoken till after the flood, manifestly discover the imposture: Nay she that pretends to have lived before the flood, by her own confession lived 1500 years after. The places referred to are these that follow. Speaking before of the flood, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ora. lib. 1. p. 183. she expresses the great joy she had to have escaped so eminent danger of death. The next place referred to is in the third Book, where after she had told you she had come out of Babylon in Assyria, lib. 3. p. 283. lib. 7. p. 360. in fine. that she ws to prophesy against Greece, and that they should account her of another Country, to wit of Erithre, others the daughter of Circe and Gnostus, etc. She after the interposition of a few lines saith she was of the blood, and daughter in Law of Noah; and in the seventh Book, where the words are faulty, and very obscure, gives colour to Opsopaeus his conjecture of incest with her Father. lib. 3. p. 260. The third, and last place is in the third Book, where she tells you 'twas 1500 years since the beginning of the Grecian Monarchy; therefore that Author must live after that time. Before I come to give a particular answer to each member of this Objection, Answ. I desire it may be first remembered, what I have touched before in the fourth Chapter, that it is no way reasonable to believe that we have every thing in that book now extant set down in that order, and time in which they were delivered by the true Authors, but many times confounded, and intermixed one with another; so that if it can be evidenced that some one of these Sibylls might have lived before the flood, it no way invalidates their authority, that some things may be put together by the composer, or gatherer of these Oracles as the works of one and the same person, which indeed were the predictions of persons very different one from another both in age and time. That there were predictions of the flood by many others beside Noab, Berosus will tell you, if we believe his authority, as in that I think we safely may; That many preached, prophesied, Beros. de tempor. ante diluv. lib. 1. p. 48. Edit. Antw. 1552. Tum multi praedicabant & vaticinabantur, & lapidibus excidebant de eâ quae ventura erat orbis perditione, etc. nay graved in stone the destruction that was to come upon the earth, though they were derided, and not believed. Neither seems it to me improbable, that many pious, and holy men lived about that time, though they were by God brought unto their rest before this general deluge of water happened, to which Noab and his Family only survived. The same Berosus tells you, that the Chaldeans kept Records of many things before the flood; tells you of Enos a Town of Giants; with him agrees Martinius the Jesuit in his History of China printed at Amsterdam, 1659. where he relates many things out of the Records of that Kingdom before the flood; and truly, that our predecessors were never Masters of some pieces of Antiquity, of which we have now no footsteps left, is to believe them less careful to inquire after knowledge than we are, or less curious to transmit it to posterity; for how is it possible that Noah himself, and those of his generation that succeeded him, should either not tell, or their children not inquire what was done in the old world, and also leave some memorial of it to succeeding times, till the Grecians (whose Language quickly grew almost universal) having robbed the Phoenicians, and Chaldeans of their Learning, robbed us also of a great part of that knowledge we might otherwise have been partakers of, by clouding it under Muthological tales and fictions of their own, by which means they eclipsed Learning, which they made show to promote, out of their pride to make the world beholding to them as the first Inventors of all knowledge in it, and not letting us know out of what fountain they drew it. From this and another artifice frequent in very ancient times, of calling by the names of Saturn, Apollo, Jupiter, and the like, persons whom for some desert they had a mind to honour with those appellations, came so great confusion in story: Where we shall find sometime that attributed to a later person which was true of some Predecessor of his of the same name. Something to this purpose you may see in Xenophon, and Bochartus; Zenop. de aequivocis in princi pio. Bochart. in praef●a. ad ●●b de S●rm. Phaentcum Sar Walt. Raw: lib. Sect. 6. cap. 4. Bochar. cap. 12. pag. 432. Lil Gir. Synt. Deor. p. 39●. 32. pag. 214 39 Onup. de Sibyl. neither were it hard to give many examples of it, were it proper in this place to do it. The use I shall make of it is, that from hence I may induce you to believe it very possible, that a Sibyl might be before the flood, and shut up with Noah; for if it be true, as Bochartus thinks, that Vulcan, and Tubal Cain were the same. Lilius Giraldus among others will tell you, that Apollo (who, as Onuphrius saith, taught Sibylla Delphica the art of Divination; and that she lived long before the Wars of Troy) was the Son of Vucan or Tubal Cain; and so it might very well be that the Son of Tubal Cain might converse with a Daughter in Law of Noah, which might also live a good while after the Confusion of Tongues, especially since Sem is by some thought (I am sure might) to have lived in Abraham's time, Simp. Chron. p. 19 Anno M. 1988. who was born 18 years before the death of Noah, as Dr. Simpson saith. But we need not go so high; for if Noah were Saturn, his three sons, Sem, Cham, and Japhet, were Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto, as is proved in the second Chapter; as also out of Pausanias, that the ancientest Sibyl was the daughter of Jupiter and Lamiah, who was the daughter of Neptune, that is to say of Cham, by his Niece who was Japhets' daughter; I see no reason why that art of Divination, which Pausanias tells you was in the daughter, might not be known both to her mother as well as father, who we are sure were shut up in the Ark with Noah, especially since the same Pausanias tells you, that Oracles were delivered long before, as anciently as the earth itself, as you may see in the second Chapter of this Discourse. I shall farther out of the same Author show, that Divination was common between Neptune (that is Japhet) and the earth; that before any Temple was made, the earth herself used to pronounce them: Nay the same Pausanias yet farther tells you of certain Verses mentioned by those of Delos, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Pausan. in Phocicis, pag. 327. in which one of them names herself sometime Herophile, sometime the wife, sometime sister, sometime daughter of Apollo. Possibly these Hymns were the same with those called Eumolpia, written by one Musaeus, as you have it, pag. 320. of the same Author. Sometime you will find Daphne called the precedent of the Oracles, sometime Phemonoe, sometime of a tradition of a Temple built by Vulcan, and all this confessedly before the Trojan Wars, but no time when; which certainly was because by reason of its antiquity they could not: And I confess in the relation of Pausanias there is a little uncertainty, and obscurity; but I think I may with as much probability (upon what you have heard) affirm some of his sort of Diviners were before the flood, as D. Blundel can demonstrate the contrary; especially since the foisting in this particular could not serve for any other end then to make the whole book be rejected, which not conducing to the interest of any party, either Christian or Heathen (who both allowed them) cannot well be supposed. Nay if Sir Walter Raleigh be not mistaken, who saith, that very learned men were of that opinion, the names of Saturn, Jupiter, and the like, were in use from the very Creation; Adam being the first Saturn, Cain the first Jupiter, etc. Rawl. l. 1. c. 6. Sect. 4. And since grandchildren are oft called by the names of sons and daughters, no man can assuredly affirm that one of cain's posterity was not daughter in Law to Noah; so that although I allow that D. Blundel might have reason to suspect this place as spurious, yet all he saith amounts not to a demonstration that it is so; and therefore all the Books not to be rejected upon the only account of this place. The confession that she was guilty of the knowledge of strange beds, rather makes for, then against the truth of them; for it is like enough she was polluted with the sins of the old world, having lived in it; the confession that she was so, argues rather her repentance then another's falsifying that place. That they are extant only in Greek, which at the flood was not spoken, may receive a double answer, either that they were made so by the Grecians after they came into their hands; or that the Author, as she well might, lived both before, and after the Confusion of Tongues. The last part of this Objection is, that she, whoever she be, mentions 1500 years to have passed of the Grecian Monarchy, which could not be true, had she lived at the time of the flood. In the answer to this Objection, I must needs remember what I find runs through his whole Book, and I shall repeat no more; that whatever he finds in these Oracles that cannot agree with her that calls herself the daughter in Law of Noah, are therefore untrue; as if there never had been but one Sibyl, the contrary to which is proved in the second Chapter; so that it might be true that there was one in the time of Neah, and yet this the prediction of another. But let us a little more narrowly look into his reason, and we shall find it no way consequent, that because the word there used is in a Tense that signifies the time past, therefore the thing itself must be also past at the time of the delivery thereof; whereas nothing is more frequent in Prophecies, and Visions, then to use the time present, or past, for what is to come. Now the truth of the thing is no more than this. The Author of those Verses, whoever she was, after a sharp reproof of the Grecians for their Idolatry, hath these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Grecians had reigned fifteen hundred years, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. lib. 3. p. 260. who first led men unto wickedness: And after tells them of the wrath of God, and that then upon the feeling of it they should begin to seek him: And lastly, speaks of the growth and flourishing of Christianity; in all which it will be evident many things are foretold which were not at that time past; and indeed they import no more than that 1500 years after the beginning of the Grecian Monarchy Christianity should flourish: Now whether this happened true in the event is impossible to judge, since Historians cannot agree when to begin the Grecian Monarchy; nor is it to be known what period in Christianity is pointed at by these Verses. Another Objection he insists upon not much unlike the former; Object. 2 to wit, that this (still the same Sibylla) that calls herself daughter in Law of Noah, is by Justin the Martyr called the daughter of Berosus, who wrote the Chaldean History. The words are these. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In Parenesi ad Gent. p. 30. Edit. Rob. Step. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. You may easily learn in part the right way of worshipping God from the ancient Sibylla. This Sibyl they say came out of Babylon, being the daughter of Berosus that wrote the Chaldean History, etc. And soon after hath these words in the same page. Of this Sibyl Plato (among many other Writers of his time that mention her) speaks of in Phaedro; nay whom himself afterward calls the most ancient Sibyl. I reply to this Testimony: Though the words are indeed so in the Father, yet it carries so great a wound in its own breast, that we may easily suspect some foul play hath been used toward him, and this place corrupted; for how could Plato remember her that was daughter to Berosus that writ the Chaldean History, who dedicated his books to Antiochus Soter (as D. Blundel himself confesseth out of Tatian) when as Plato died in the year of the world 3656, Armagh. ann. fol 198. and 344 of the English Edit. and Antiochus Seter, who succeeded Seleucus his Father, and was the third King of Syria after the death of Alexander, began not his Reign till the year of the world 3724, in which year Seleucus died; so that there are 68 years between the death of Plato, and the first year of the Reign of Antiochus; therefore in the most modest account Berosus must be above 100 years old when Antiochus came to the Crown, or else Plato could not mention his daughter as a Sibyl; for we cannot reasonably believe she was inspired before twenty, or him married before the like age; so that at the death of Plato he must be 40 years old, and have lived to 108, and then have spirit, and quickness enough to write History; except we will suppose he kept it by him during the whole time of Alexander, (who we know was always an encourager of Learning) and those that succeeded him to dedicate it to Anticchus, a man not at all in repute to be compared with Alexander, which is very improbable. This mistake than must either be attributed to some inadvertency in the Father, or, which I rather think, some later Writer intending to explain the words, corrupted the sense by foisting in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Writer of the Chaldaean History; the words running very clear without that addition. The cause of this mistake I think proceeded from their not considering that there might be more than one Berosus. Pausan. p. 328. in Phocicis. Now Pausanias tells you that she that succeeded Demo was by the Jews called Sabba; that Sabba was the daughter of Berosus and Erimanthe according to some; others that this Sabba was called Sibylla Babylonica; others Aegyptiaca: Much incertainty there is in what age to place her; probably it hath come from that mistake in Justin Martyr, which I believe misled Onuphrius, who makes the same person mentioned by Justin Martyr (whom he calls Sambethe No) to be the eighth in number, but by Lactantius and others is reckoned the first; in my opinion with more reason; for she mentioned by Justin is called the first and very ancient Sibyl, and must certainly point at one more ancient than the age of Alexander. But whoever she was, and when ever she lived, whether in Solomon's time, as you have it in the end of the second Chapter out of Cedrenus, but denied by Collius, Collius' de animabus Pagan. pars 2. lib. 3. pa. 190, 191. or much ancienter, certainly she could not be daughter to that Berosus who writ the Chaldaean History, for the reasons before alleged: And of the same opinion I since find was Montacute Lord Bishop of Norwich in his Excercitations upon Baronius. Montac. in analect. p. 153. A third Objection, Object. 3 is, That the name of Adam is, by the Author of the first book of the Sibylline works, D. Blund. p. 7. Il est pense que l'imposteur qui a voulu se signaler par. lafoy faint d'une si grang antiquity s' est monstre fort newt 1. en derivant Adam de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comme si c'estoit un mot d'extraction Grecque. derived from the greek work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were a word of Greek extraction, and also denoted from the Hebrew the four Quarters of the World, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, East, Orac. Sibyl. lib. 2. pag. 216. West, North, and South, whereas his Name in the Hebrew and Chaldean Language consists only of three letters. He that considers who it was (even God himself) that imposed the Name upon our first Father, Answ. and farther that the Name of Jew and Greek should divide the whole world, the Greek being a common name, comprehending all the Gentiles, S. Paul. Romans cap. 1. v. 16. cap. 10. v. 12. as appears by the first and tenth of the Romans, with many other places. He (I say) that considers this, will not, I persuade myself, believe it strange that the same appellation might be significant in more Languages than one, though not then in being; that he that was not created a man only, but a King over all the Earth and the creatures thereon, should have a Name that reached over all the Quarters thereof, shows rather the providence of God, who by it would let us see, that not only Monarchical Government was the first, and therefore best, but by himself instated upon Adam, stamped and imprinted in his very name, in which the point under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supplieth the third letter, which he pretends is wanting. But what can be answered to David Blundels inadvertency, if after all this the book, as to that part of the objection which concerns the derivation of the name of Adam from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, warrant no such thing, but quite contrary; the words are these; Having first told you of the increasing of mankind after that of their wars and wickedness, she tells you, that God took them away by death; That Hades received them; That indeed they called it H●des from Adam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. because he having tasted of death went thither first; for which reason all men that are born of the earth are said to go down to the houses of Hades. What can be imagined more contrary than this to the affirmation of David Blundel; he tells you, Adam took his name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the book warrants, that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had its derivation from Adam, not Adam from it. Of this opinion likewise is Mr. Sanford, in his book De descensu Christi ad inferos, published and perfected after his death by Robert Parker; he tells you, pag. 8.— luce clarius est, Adamah primum in Hadam deinde in Haden abiisse; and pag. 39, & 40. disputes it, that whoever go about to derive it from a Greek fountain are mistaken. Obj. 4. & 5. A fourth and fifth Objection he raiseth from the numbers of the names resulting from the name of GOD and of JESUS, 1 10 n 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 200 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 400 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 200 888 the one consisting of 1697. the other of 888. the number of 1697. not agreeing to any name of God, and the other only to the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sibyl. Orac. pag. 184. in fine, & pag. 171. Though for answer to that part of this Objection which concerns the ineffable name of God, Answ. I might refer you to the conjectures of several men; (Leo Suavius who contends it agrees to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Morellus who saith it agrees to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Johannes Auratus who tells you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood; of Brentius who expounds it by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: All which you may see gathered together by Opsopaeus in his Notes upon the place; Opsop. p. 11, 12. and lastly to D. Blundels own conceit, which you may see pag. 7.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yet I rather choose to acknowledge my own ignorance in not knowing whence to draw it, then to condemn the Book because I do not: Only let me observe, that he suspects the Book because the first Aenigme is obscure, and passeth the same censure upon it, because 'tis intelligible in the second. I confess, I think the second Aenigme agreeing to the name of Jesus, consisting of the number 888. may have much in it of mystery, since it is composed of the first number which constitutes the first cubical or solid figure that doth complere locum, fill a place, as the Mathematicians will tell you, disposed per monadas, decadas, and hecatontadas, to show that the foundation of our Salvation by Jesus is solid, that the Author and Finisher thereof is in all things perfect and complete; whereas the name 666 given in Scripture to Antichrist is not at all so. Much more to this purpose might be added, but this touch shall suffice. Sixthly, He accuses them of falsehood, Object. 6 because they tell you that Rome should continue but 948 years, which were deduced from the number contained in the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I find by this Objection, Answ. that though David Blundel was a very good Grecian, as appears by all his Books, yet he here rather chose to make use of the Latin Translation which served his turn, whereas the Greek warrants no such thing. The words are, That Rome should fill up the number of 948 years, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 8. p. 375. at which time she having filled up the number of her name, a sad portion or violent fate should approach her: For that is the sense of the words, which warrant no such thing as a final end of the City; and in truth in my judgement are not unlike those before quoted out of Xiphilinus the Epitomiser of Dion, that after 900 years a strange dissension and madness should divide and embroil them, which caused so much trouble in Tiberius his time, as you may see in the fourth Chapter foregoing: Insomuch that both he and Nero endeavoured to appease the fears of the people, who were much perplexed with the apprehension of it: So that you may see they harped much upon 900 years, as if some fatal accident should then happen: Upon which Opsopaeus thinks that these Verses were by some later Writer inserted in imitation of those former, because no sinister accident happened then to the City: Which time fell out about the second or third year of Severus, as D. Blundel, and Opsopaeus both agree, and is easily proved. That no solid Argument can be raised always out of the Numeral Letters of a word, to determine by it the fate or downfall of any City or Kingdom, I easily grant; but that nothing at all can at any time be gathered from thence, is to condemn all the Cabalistical Learning of the Jews, and bring them upon our ears, who, as we all know, lay oftentimes much weight upon such kind of argumentations: But let us see if nothing notable happened about that time. By that sad portion which should then happen to the City might well be understood the growth of Christianity, which at last should bring a final ruin to Heathenism, as indeed it did. Now we find at this very time Clemens Alexandrinus and Tertullian, two Heathen Philosophers, and converted Christians, great Champions for the Faith as ever it had, flourished, and writ in the Defence of Christians, and Christianity. About four years before, Apollonius a most Learned Philosopher, and Christian, gave an account of his Faith before the Senate, and was beheaded for it, as Eusebius in his Chronology, and Helvicus both have it. These things then happening might well be as so many warning pieces presaging the downfall of Heathenism, and undoubtedly must of necessity produce much civil dissension, and partaking on all hands, and could not but be looked upon as a sad and unfortunate accident to the City, which might well be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beside, between the years 900 and 948 lived Justin Martyr, and suffered Martyrdom; Polycarp appeared at Rome about the difference of Easter; Eleutherius and Victor Popes of Rome then flourished; Athenagoras writ an Apology for the Christians, as you may see in Helvicus his Chronology: All which had, if in nothing else, yet in their very sufferings, a kind of Victory over Paganism, and a shaking of Rome, which afterward fell in that sense, when the Emperor became Christian, about 300 years after the Birth of our Saviour. A seventh Objection is, Object. 7 That the Author of that part of the Sibylline Oracles makes Ararat, where the Ark rested, to be in Phrygia: The words are in the first Book, p. 180. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And after the interposition of two Verses, follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sib. Orac. p. 180. There is, saith she, upon the Continent of black Phrygia a long and arduous Mountain called Ararat, within which the Springs of the River Marsyas arise, upon whose high top, when the waters abated, the Ark rested. By these words nothing more can be necessarily collected, Answ. then that Ararat is upon the same Continent with Phrygia; for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Continent as it is distinguished from an Island. Phrygia is indeed in the lesser Asia bounded with Cappadocia on the East part of the Mountain, Taurus on the South, Troas on the West, and Galatia on the North; and if Ararat be in Armenia, the West part of Armenia borders upon Cappadocia; so that, for aught appears to the contrary, if the Ark rested in Arm●nia, as some hold, the Springs of the River Marsvas that runs through Phrygia might well enough arise there, the Mountain Ararat extending very far in length. Sir Walter Raleigh places Armenia the less in Anatolia, or the lesser Asia, makes the Mountain Ararat, Raleigh, cap. 7. Sect. 10 pag. 108. now called Taurus, extend very far, as you may see in the Map annexed to the seventh Chapter, Sect. 10. But let us take it with David Blundel in the most rigid sense that the words of the Sibylls do indeed import, that the Ark did rest in Phrygia near the Springs of the River Marsyas, is he so assured of the place of its rest, that he dares from this falsity conclude all the Oracles spurious. Bocbart. Geog. Sac. lib. 1. p. 15. & Seq. The Learned Bochartus in his Geograp. Sac. p. 18. tells you the common opinion is, that Ararat is Armenia, but leaves the place of its resting very doubtful, inclines to the Gordiaean Hills, which indeed lie in Armenia the great, but no part of the Mountain Ararat, but a good way distant. Beros. p. 55. Edi. Antwerp. 1552. Annius the Friar in his Notes upon Berosus labours much to prove it rested upon the Caspian Mountains, which separate Armenia from the upper Media, and do equally belong to both. Raleigh, lib. 1. cap. 7. Sect. 10. p. 108. Sir Walter Raleigh makes that long ridge of Mountains which extend from Phrygia to the Confines of Scythia intra Imaum, to be by Moses called Ararat, endeavours by many, and weighty reasons to prove that the Ark rested upon that part of Ararat near Caucasus that borders upon Scythia intra Imaum, as you may see in the Map by him annexed of those parts, agreeing in that his opinion with Goropius Becanus, and our Dr. Heylin with them both. Heylin, Geog. p. 8, 9 etc. Whilst then we remain under so great an uncertainty touching this matter, what can be reasonably concluded to the overthrow of the Sibylline Books from this medium? Some light we might have, did we certainly know that part of the world where it was built, whose fabric and bulk, with the great burden of all the creatures, and provision for their nourishment for a years time at least kept within it, would not suffer to float very far, but only as the current of the waters and wind might drive it. But where ever it rested, the Scripture tells you they journeyed from the East to the plains of Shinaar, Genes. 11. v. 1. where they built the Tower of Babel, and the confusion of Tongues happened. This reason, among others, induced Sir Walter Raleigh, as diligent and judicious a Writer as any other, to place the resting of the Ark in that part he doth, and makes Nimrod to have a very long journey from thence, being the East part to the place where Babylon stood: Whereas otherwise if you place it upon the Gordaean Hills, as Bochartus, or in Phrygia as Sibylla, Babylon lying South or Southeast to both these places, they could not be said to journey from, but toward the East, that traveled from those parts to Babylon. To solve this difficulty, Bochart. Geog. Sac p. 35. ca 7. Bochartus tells you his own conjecture, and seems to dislike others; that the Assyrians called all that part of their Empire which lay on the other side of the River Tigris, the Eastern part, all on this side the West; and so would make the Mountains of Ararat belong to the East, because they were in that Tract that lay on the other side of Tigris: Whereas if this division of the Assyrian Empire were not as well his conjecture as the other part of it, and that in truth there was no such division in use among the Assyrians in the time of Moses; yet is it no more than if one should say, that the Inhabitants of England travelling into Virginia could be said to come out of the West, because they were heretofore part of the Western Empire. Jacobus Capillus makes the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kedem to signify a Region, and saith; Noae posteritas ab Armenia montibus progressa fuerat in cam regionem quae postea dicta est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kedem à Kedma novissimo Ismaelis filio. Bochart. pag. 35. the posterity of Noah came from the Mountains of Ararat to that Region which was afterward called K●dem from Kedma the youngest Son of Ishmael. Others will tell you, that Kedem signifies as well the beginning as the East, and that the same word is so used Habak. chap. 1. Habak. chap. 1. vers. 12. Gen. 2. v. 8. Art not thou 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from everlasting, or from the beginning? So Gen. 2. the Chaldee Paraphrase renders the same word in that sense; so doth Theodosion, St. Jerome, and some others. And the Lord planted a garden of Paradise from the beginning. Psal. 68 we render the words so. Psal. 68.33. To him that rideth upon the Heaven of Heavens which were of old, or from the beginning. With this Translation agree Montanus his Interlineary, and the Chaldee Paraphrase, as you may see in Bib. Polyglot. Bib. Polyglot. If this version may be allowed, as undoubtedly the words will bear it, then is that difficulty wholly taken away, and the words import no more, then that after the Ark had rested, and the Inhabitants of the earth began to enlarge their bounds, the beginning of their peregrination was toward the Land of Shinaar; and thus is the word rendered in this very place by the Chaldee Paraphrast, Bib. Poly. Gen. 11. v. 1. as you may see in Bib. Poly. But let us see if we may discover any farther light out of the Sibylline Writing itself. Admitting the words before quoted do necessarily imply, that Ararat, where the Ark rested, doth indeed, according to those Oracles, lie in Phrygia, then must it be in a place not far from the Springs of the River Marsyas: Now the River Marsyas rises about Celaene near the River Maeander, as appears by Xenophon, lib. 1. Anabas. The Court of the great King is in Celaene, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xenoph. lib. 1. Anab. fortified near, or about the Springs of the River Marsyas, beneath the Castle, which runs likewise through the City, and empties itself into Maeander. With whom agree Livy, Strabo, and others. Then probably there may be a mistake in the Transcriber, Liv. lib. 38. and the verse ought to run, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. the Letters χ and μ not being so very unlike, but that the same mistake hath been before made in that word, as Bochartus, and before him, Casaubon have observed. Now the same Bochartus will tell you, that Apamia, Bochart. Geog Sac. p. 16, 17. long after built by Antiochus Soter, and whither the Inhabitants of Celaene transplanted themselves, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies an Ark, perhaps from the tradition that the Ark of Noah rested there, as likely as from any other reason, in which let the Reader be judge: Sure I am what I have said is enough in answer to D. Blundel, whose only exception is, that Ararat is made to lie in Phrygia, when himself, were he alive, could not determine neither what that Mountain is now called, nor where it lies. But I must not dissemble what the learned Bochartus farther adds out of Plutarch, Bochart. p. 17. lib. 1. that the River Marsyas had its name from Marsyas the Son of Midas, which was many ages after the flood; and so that she that was with Noah could not remember it. To which I shall say, this seems to be only a conjecture of Plutarch, and the Son of Midas might as well receive his name from the River, as that from him; except you like better to believe this verse foisted in by some late Writer, who remembering that Celaene was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the tradition of the Arks resting there, thought by this means to explain the Oracle, but indeed corrupted it: A misfortune like to it I have before shown you happened to the text of Justin Martyr: For if that verse be left out, the sense of the Oracle is no more, then that in the Continent of black Phrygia there is a long and arduous Mountain called Ararat, upon whose high top the Ark rested. But D. Blond. cap. 3. p. 9 Blundel will not thus give us over, but tells us, that this very person discovers herself to be a Christian, and that she compiled this her rhapsody between the years after Christ 138 and 151. that is between the time of the death of Adrian, and that part of the Reign of Antoninus, when Justin Martyr presented his Apology. The words referred to are these. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.— Lib. 8. p. 403. We therefore that are sprung from the holy, and heavenly generation of Christ, etc. By which words, saith he, she evidently manifests herself to have lived after Christ. Though I might accommodate many answers to this place, and tell you, that all persons whatsoever that have been saved were regenerated by Christ, whether exhibited or to be exhibited, and that future things are often declared as past: Yet since it is not my task to justify all things in those eight Books to be as ancient as the flood, but only to show 'tis possible some things therein might, I shall not contend with him about it; so as on his part it might be as equally conceded, that there were more Sibylls then one, which I find him very hard to be induced to, as you may see in his seventeenth Chapter at the end, Blond cap. 17. p. 78. where he saith, all the eight Books which we have were written by one and the same hand; I confess very pertinently to his purpose, had he proved it, but contrary to the sense of all the world before him; except by writing he understand composing, and setting in order the works of many persons, which probably might be the labour of one and the same person, according to the custom of the Eastern Countries at this day (as I am informed by a Learned Divine that hath traveled in those parts) where their manner is to gather together the wise say of their Progenitors, who ever they were, without any order, or consideration of time, or other circumstance, and so transmit them to posterity, indeed as a Rhapsody, or disjointed things that have no necessary connexion or dependence one upon another, and yet all, or much of them very true. That these Writings of the Sibylls may have had their share in this fate, as to some particulars therein, I think probable enough, but that will not serve to impugn the authority of them all. Object. 8 Another Objection urged by D. Blundel against these Books is taken from their direct contradiction of the Holy Scripture; Genes. 7.11. Genes. 8.14. for whereas Moses tells you that Noah continued in the Ark from the 17th day of the second month to the 27th day of the second month following, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sibyl. Orac. lib. 1. p. 183. the Author of this work plainly saith, that Noah went out of the Ark the eighth person, after he had fulfilled forty and one days in the waters, according to the will of God. If this learned man had as much endeavoured to have gathered Arguments for the asserting the truth of the Sibylline Predictictions, Answ. as he was curious and diligent to heap up all imaginable matter that could be found out any way to impugn their authority, he might from this place have found out as well reason to believe them true, as by it conclude their falsehood; for he could not but see that the History of the flood is told almost directly like to that related by Moses in Genesis: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Sibyl. Orac. lib. 1. pag. 179. The opening the floodgates and cataracts of Heaven, of his opening the roof of the Ark, of his great fear, of the endless extent of the waters, of the earth's being covered and drowned by them many days, and of the terrible face of the Heavens during that time. She than tells you the story of the first sending out of the Dove, her return; then the sending her out the second time, her return with an Olive branch in her mouth: After this the sending forth the Raven, who returned not: And before the first sending forth the Dove, tells you of some remission in the air after the earth had been watered with the rain many days: And after this and the first return of the Dove, his remaining in the Ark more days: And much more to that purpose, all which could not probably be performed in the space of 40 or 41 days, in which time 'tis scarce imaginable either how or from whence so great a bulk of water could come, as was sufficient to cover the whole globe of the earth so high, as to be enough above the highest mountain upon the face of it, that all the Inhabitants might be drowned, had not the immediate hand, and power of God intervened to effect it. Insomuch that no Impostor whatsoever, except he had been more foolish than false, would have transcribed a story out of Moses with circumstances comprehending some length of time in their performance, and at last contradict his own relation in a matter which lay directly before his eyes, and impossible not to be detected. We may therefore with more reason believe this relation not to have been taken out of Moses, but rather to have proceeded out of the mouth of her that was in the Ark with Noah, which being no way prophetical but historical, may admit of a greater latitude, and lead us to conclude the Writer, whoever she was, pitched upon some considerable, or notable period of 41 days, in which they were in the greatest danger. Let us therefore see if we can any way discover when this was. Moses saith, Genes. 7. Gen. 7. v. 11. That on the seventeenth day of the second month, when Noah and all his Family with the creatures were in the Ark, and that the Lord had shut up the door upon them, that the fountains of the deep were broken up, and the cataracts of Heaven opened, and that it reigned upon the earth by the space of forty days and forty nights. This certainly was the period aimed at by the Sibyl (who might well call it 41 days, reckoning the day they all, or some of them, entered into the Ark before the rain fell, for one, and Moses only reckoning the time whilst the rain was falling) during which time they might well be said to be shut up by the Lord, as well for their defence against the impetuosity of the weather and waves, which shook the ribs of their wooden habitation, as the violence might have been offered to it both by men and beasts, before the waters had force enough to raise it out of their reach, or depth enough to drown them: All which time, if we believe the Eastern Traditions, Noah and his Sons kept a solemn Fast, taking meat but once a day, as I find it in Gregory's Opuscula, p. Catena veterum praecipuè Orientalium in Pentateuchum. Arabicè M.S. in orchivis Bibliot. Bodl. 28. out of the Catena Arabica: And Noah was the first who made the 40 days holy, or instituted the Quadragesimal Fast in the Ark. The words thus explained are fully consonant with what is recorded in Scripture; the many days mentioned by the Sibyl comprehending all that time definitively set down by Moses till their going out; the 41 containing only those in which they fasted, and were in continual horror and fear of death, which they might truly say to have fulfilled in the water, being environed with it both above their head, and beneath the soles of their feet. So that this Argument is so far from standing D. Blundel in any stead, that it much serves to confirm, not weaken their authority. In the ninth place he urges, Object. 9 that they countenance the fable of the Titans, as if it were true; the opinion of the Chiliasts as to the re-building of Jerusalem. That much concerning the Titans or Giants, as their story is related by Poets, Answ. may be sabulous, I shall easily grant; but that what is urged by the Sibylls concerning them is also so, D. Blundel hath not proved. They are mentioned in several places in the Sibylline Writings: First in the first Book. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 1. p. 184. Again, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 2. p. 204. Again, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 3. p. 232. From all which places there is no more imported, then that God would at last execut judgement upon those Titans or Giants whom the flood had devoured, who were a wicked generation. Prov. 21.16. The man that wandereth out of the way of understanding shall remain in the Congregation of the dead, as we render it, in the Congregation of the Rephaim in the Original, See Mead in Diatrib. upon Prov. 21.16. which word by the Septuagint is always rendered Giants, Titans, or the like: So that I see nothing to be excepted against in their Writings, or to accuse them as fabulous for calling the Inhabitants of the old world Titans. That which he calls the Heresy of the Chiliasts he could not be ignorant had received learned Supporters both in ancient and modern times: Whether what ever hath been hitherto urged in their defence be confuted, remains yet sub judice; certainly those which believe the Jews shall yet once more be graffed into their own Olive-tree, will not think it unreasonable that Jerusalem may be again as famous in the profession of Christianity, as it hath formerly been of Judaisme. D. Object 10 Blundel. farther objects, That those Books make Adrian the Roman Emperor that succeeded Trajan, by whom he was adopted, as some say, to have strangled himself, which was in no sort true. Adrian was not indeed strangled, Answ., as the words in the Sibylline Oracles import, which are as follow. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sibyl. Orac. lib. 8. p. 367. The sense of them is, that when fifteen Kings had subjected the world to themselves from the East to the West, one should arise wearing a white helmet, having a name almost of the Sea, overlooking the world with his polluted feet, that gathered and spent much money, skilful, or making use of all the Mysteries of Magic, etc. After the interposition of two or three verses, she saith, then shall be a lamentable time, because he perished by a halter. This person, though no body is particularly named, is commonly taken to be Adrian, both because he is the fifteenth from Julius Caesar, his name seems to resemble the Adriatic Sea, and that he made use of Magic spells for the curing his disease, of which Xiphilinus tells you he was once by the help of Magic recovered, Xiphil. Epit. Dion. p. 360. lin. 29. but after fell again into the same, whereof he miserably died, after he had in vain implored death from the hands of his servants, but could find none to afford it him. The difficulty of this place is easily reconciled, by admitting an easy mistake in the Transcriber, by putting an [n] in the place of a [b]; for if we read the Verse thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 'tis then true according to the story, that a dropsy should destroy him; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a drop of water or a tear, and in poesy may, especially in aenignatical or prophetical speeches, denote a dropsy. Some other Objections D. Blundel hath gathered together touching some Geographical mistakes, some doubts concerning Gog and Magog, concerning Antichrist, and such like, to which satisfaction might be eafily given; but I rather forbear, being persuaded that no man that is in some measure satisfied with the answers given already to the most material Objections, of which I have pretermitted none, but will easily satisfy himself as to the rest in that Chapter. But having gone thus far, and seen the strength of D. Blundel as an opposer, we shall in the next Chapter consider him as an answerer, and see if in that he succeeds any better. CHAP. VI The Opposition made by D. Blundel to the Authorities and Quotations of the Ancient Writers in favour of the Sibylline books, and his answers to them weighed. THis Learned Divine, and great Reader of Authors both Christian and Heathen, having left no stone unmoved which could any way serve his turn to the overthrow of these Writings; yet at last could not but see the Authorities of so many Writers of great Antiquity, and for many hundred years together which had decurrently made use of the Testimonies of the Sibylls for the confutation of their Adversaries, would still remain like so many thorns in his feet, he thought it very necessary to say something in reply to what had been urged by them. The first he takes into consideration is Clemens Alenandrinus, a person, he knew, of variety of Learning, insomuch that some part of his Books were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the variety of the subjects they handled, and of great antiquity in the Church, having flourished (and written, as 'tis thought) within 160 years, Heloic. Chronol. pa. 91. or thereabout, after the death of our blessed Saviour; and finding that he had in sundry places mentioned the Sibylls, and their Books, particularly in his first Book Strom. Clem. Alexand. Strom. lib. 1. p. 323 B. Edit. Paris. 1629. & p. 304. in which he mentions many of them, and among others Phemonoe, whom he affirms to have lived twenty seven years before Orpheus, who was one of the Captains in the expedition of the Argonauts against Jason for the golden Fleece, about the year from the Creation, according to D. Simpson, 2743. (according to Helvicus not so much) who by the way tells you, Simpson in an. that what before was read 27, aught to be 107, as the same Author had before noted in the same Book; who had also before mentioned another ancienter than this Phemonoe, another later, namely Sibylla Erythre●, with others, whereas D. Blundel contends there was but one and the same person Author of all the Sibylline Books now extant much after Christ: Nay farther, that he was not ignorant that Pausanias' mentions the daughter of Jupiter and Lamia long before the building of Delphos, in which place Phemonoe was perhaps one of the first that gave out Oracles, though long after the first Sibyl: And had farther observed, that many verses now extant in the Books we have, and other passages therein, were mentioned in Heathen as well as Christian Authors: That Constantine who was not only a Christian, and so by his profession bound to speak truth; but an Emperor, and so in a capacity by his power to examine all Records, and other means by which the truth might be discovered, had not only asserted their authority, but made it evident that both Virgil and Tully had seen and made use of some passages now in those Books we have: He had great reason to believe, that some of his Readers would lay more weight upon the judgement of so many grave Writers, then to be led away by his bare suspicion. The passage he first lays hold on is in Clemens Alexandrinus, in his sixth Book, in these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 6. Strom. p. 636. Over and above the preaching of S. Peter, Paul the Apostle saith, Take unto yourselves the Grecian Writers; read Sibylla how she manifestly declares one God, and the things that are to come. That which he replies to this place is very fit to be set down in his own words, though they are somewhat long. They shall give me pardon (by their leave) if I say they accumulate one ill upon another; Mais i'll me pardonneront (s'il leur playst) si je dis que ils accumulent mal sur mal; car s'il ya de la faute a souscrire (come S. Justin) a une faussete que l'on n'a peu recognoistre, combien doit estre odicux le crime de ce faux tesmoign qui (pour tromper Clement Alexandrin & les autres Chrestiens) a voulu soustenir la supposition des escrits Sibyllins, par une pire imposture, & feindre que S Paul luy mesme leur avoit concilié de l'authorité par sa recommendation? Si les bonnes ames ont de la pe ne a souffrir que l'on donne en leur presence les eloges de la pudicite a de lowes de bordel, qui d'entre les urais Chrestiens pourra supporter que l'on egale aux prophetes de dieu des hypocondriaques. & a leurs oracles coelestes, des resveries embarassées, & que l'inventeur d'une si indigne fourbe, ose pour la maintenir, produtre l'Apostre comme complice de son audace sacrilege? On veut n●ant moins que de ce vaisseau d'election soient sorties les paroles rapportées par Clement, & pour ce que rien de tel ne se trouve en ses epistres on se figure qu'il les a prononcees en ses sermons populairs, come s'il avoit este possible a celuy qui a sacrific sa vie par un glorieux martyr l'an 65 de nostre Seigaeur, de donner son approbation a une piece pleine de faults, & forge de puis l'an 137, etc. Blond. des Sibylles, cap. 5. p. 15. & 16. for if it were a fault to give consent (with S. Justin) to an untruth which he could not know, how odious ought the fault to be of this false witness, who (to the end he might deceive Clemens Alexandrinus and the rest of the Christians) hath showed himself willing to maintain the supposition of the Sibylline Writings by a worse imposture, & feigns that S. Paul himself had given them authority by his recommendation? If those good souls would be unwilling that one in their presence should commend for chastity the persons hired in unclean houses, what true Christian could endure to hear equalled to the Prophets of God and their Prophecies the embroiled fancies of Hypochondriacks, and that the Inventor of this so unworthy cheat should dare for the maintenance of it to produce the Apostle as a Partner of his sacrilegious boldness? Notwithstanding all this there are that would have these words quoted by Clemens to have proceeded out of the mouth of this Vessel of Election; and because no such thing is found in his Epistles, they feign to themselves that he spoke them in his Sermons to the people, as if it were possible for him who sacrificed his life by so glorious a Martyrdom 65 years after our Saviour, could give approbation to a piece full of faults, and forged 137 years after. I ask first who was this false witness whose crime was so odious, who was the inventor of that so unworthy a cheat; and that durst make St Paul his partner in so sacrilegious a boldness; and that deceived Clemens, and the rest of the Christians? I am sure there is nothing extant in their Writings, that tells you that St Paul made use of them; and I think he did not believe any body stood at Clemens his elbow to engage him to father that upon St Paul which he would not own; so that it must necessarily follow, that Clemens Alexandrinus himself must be the person guilty of this cheat, this sacrilegious boldness, to deceive both himself and other Christians: Certainly D. Blundel had too much worth to intent any such calumny to this Writer, or to affix so ill language of him; and I observe it only to let you see how far that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the immoderate drawing of all things to the contrary part, to serve their ends, may misled wise men, after they have espoused the defence of any cause, though never so unjust. We will now examine what in this Allegation is Argumentative on David Blundels part: His design is to show these eight Books of the Sibylline Writings, to be embroiled fancies, rhapsodies proceeding from hypochondriaques full of faults, and written 137. years after Christ. To do this he tells you Clemens Alexandrinus urges, That St Paul remitts the Gentiles to the Books of one of the Sibylls to prove the unity of the Godhead, and other things to come; but there is no such thing extant in St Paul's Epistles, that we have; therefore those Books are spurious, false, and I know not what else. Were he able to prove that St Paul never said or wrote any other thing than what we have in those sew Epistles of his, and that little that is related of him in the Acts, nothing more would follow than that Clemens misalledged him, nothing at all to the overthrow of the Books, which we know were in the world both in Tully's and Virgil's time, and therefore could not be unknown to St Paul, being sometime in the Court of Nero, and bred up unto much learning. We know he did upon the like occasion remember them of the Poems of Aratus and Epimenides, and why not of the Sibylls? We have reason enough to believe Clemens might have some pieces of St Paul which are unknown unto us, the rather since we see new things are daily discovered; witness the first Epistle of Clemens Romanus (the genuineness of which few doubt, yet) not brought to light till our days; and why the like may not be supposed of Saint Paul, I see not: This is clear, he had a good esteem of those Writings, and that in his judgement St Paul might have made use of their authority in that point. Oh, but here is a great deal of clearness in these Oracles more than in the Scriptures; therefore St Paul could not be the Author of this Allegation. Touching the clearness of these Writings in general, I have spoke at large in the fourth Chapter; as to their plainness for the proving the Unity of the Godhead, certainly nothing in the world can be more clear than the Scripture in many places; so that D. Blundel, as to this particular, hath not made his reply good against Clemens his Authority in any part. I wonder he did not as much find fault with his quotation of the Sermon of St Peter a little before, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Lib. 6. Stromat. p. 635. where he tells you of the Unity, Incomprehensibleness, Invisibility, of his filling all things, and standing need of nothing, of his making all things by the power of his Word, that is, his Son, and many more undoubted truths, but not delivered, at least not all of them, in those words, by St Peter in any thing of his now extant. I cannot doubt but could that have been useful, he would have heaped it up also amongst Clemens his mistakes, with which he fills up his next Chapter; and, were they all true, would be very little to his purpose. After this, from the beginning of the eleventh Chapter to the end of the fifteenth, he spends his whole time, and as much paper as I have allotted myself to this whole discourse, in showing you the more important mistakes in the Emperor Constantine, in his eleventh Chapter; then his mistakes of less importance in the fourteenth; the discovery and clearing the opinion of Cicero, in the twelfth, and of Virgil in the thirteenth Chapter; that Virgil did not disguise his opinion, is the subject of his fifteenth Chapter. Whereas after all this labour and pains, he wholly mistakes both the design and drift, not only of the Emperor, but of all other the Christians that have made use of the Sibylline Writings, whose aim was not to concern themselves what was the opinion either of Tully touching them, or what Virgil meant in his fourth Eclogue; but whether the words of one do not clearly import that there were Sibylls, and that in their Writings were Acrostiques; and that the words of the other import that which is not applicable to any but our Saviour: Now that this is made good in every particular, is so clear, that the very recitation of the words are of themselves able to confute any man. The words of Tully, in his second Book of Divination, are these. Speaking of the Sibylls. The Poem itself evidently shows, Non esse autem illud carmen furentis cum ipsum Poêma declarat (est enim magis artis, & dilig ●tiae, quam iucitationis, & motus) tum vero ea quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur cum deinc●ps exprimis versus literis aliquid connectitur ut in quibusdam Ennianis quae Ennius fecit. Cicer. de Divinat. lib 2. that the Verses are not a mad bodies, (for it savours more of Art and diligence, than of sudden motion, or incitation) especially that which is called an Acrostich, in which, from the first letters of every verse downward, something is framed or knit together, as it is in some of those which Ennius hath made. 'Tis clear enough from these words that there were Acrostics, and such as Ennius made; but of what sort those were we cannot know, since of him we have nothing left that I know of, but certain fragments gathered together out of all Authors by Robert Stephen, and put out by Henry his brother: But if we may guests at them by those in the Arguments of most, if not all the Comedies of Plautus, who was near, Helvic. Chron. act. ann. mun. 3712. if not of his time, (for between the birth of Ennius and death of Plautus are but 60. years, or thereabout, and both before Tully) we shall find them such as those quoted out of the eighth Book of the Sibylline Oracles, and repeated by Constantine; so that I look upon that in D. Blundel, pag. 55. as a fancy; who would have Acrostics so made, that the number of the letters in the first Verse should contain the number of the verses in the whole Poem, and that the second of the first should be the first letter of the second verse, and so consecutively; of which sort he gives one only verse, as an example, 705 years after Christ, and perhaps the only one ever made of that sort. Lil. Giral. de Poet. Hist. Dial. 2. p. 11. Lillius Giraldus tells you of Acrostics, and Parasticks, but of none of this sort; so that we have little reason to believe those in the Sibylline Oracles were other than what we have. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus tells you, the true Sibylline Writings were discovered by the Acrostics, enough to prove there were such. Those of Virgil are in his fourth Eclogue too long to transcribe, and such, that Constantine, in his Oration Ad Sanctorum Caetum, spends his nineteenth and twentieth Chapters to show they could not be understood of any other but our Saviour, and shows there, that those, as well Acrostics as other Writings of the Sibylls, had been seen both by Cicero and Virgil, and the Acrostics translated by Cicero, and all this made so manifest by those that had accurately computed the time, that their testimony is beyond exception. Of the same opinion is Lactantius, Lact. l. 5. de ver. sap. p. 400. who tells you, None that hath either read Cicero or Varro will believe these Writings counterfeited by the Christians; out of which these testimonies had been produced by persons dead long before the birth of our Saviour. But I had almost forgotten that he offers some reason against the Acrostic mentioned in the Oration of Constantine, because in the Sibylline Books it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisting of one letter more than the name ought to have according to the true writing thereof; whereas D. Blundel, who makes this Objection, could not be ignorant that the ancient Grecians accounted the name of Christus octosyllabum, as Irenaeus tells him: Iron. li. 1. ca 10. And Valesius in his Notes upon Eusebius, lately put out at Paris, 1659. hath these wrods; The ancient Grecians accounted the Name of Christ to consist of eight syllables (taking syllable there for Sance veteres Graeci nomen Christi octofyllabum faciebant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 cum dipth●r. 〈…〉 l. 1. c 10. a letter) writing Christ, Creist, with a diphthong. I confess I find not that particular in Irenaeus, in the place quoted, nor remember it in any other; but of this I am sure to have observed in ancient Greek Inscriptions upon Statues and Pillars, Vid. Seldini Marmora Arundeliana. what we now write with a single I, expressed by a diphthong, and the like, which is evident in the writing of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Latinus. CHAP. VII. Of Predictions of things to come; and of Divination in general, what sorts lawful, what uncertain. Of Enthusiasm, the definition of it. Of enthusiastics, and such of our Time who have pretended to Visions, and Revelations. The difference between true and falls Prophets: In what rank the Sibylls are to be accounted. DAvid Blundel having urged all the Arguments he could against the Sibylline Books, now at last employs many Chapters touching Enthusiasm, the consideration whereof I shall now take in hand, but think it not amiss in the first place to speak something of Predictions in general, and the several ways by which future events are foretold, and frequently come to pass. The first is of wise and Learned men, who from their Observations out of History, and comparing the times past and present, when they shall see the same things come again upon the stage of the world that have formerly been, and then considering all circumstances of agreement, and difference, are able to give a probable conjecture, which seldom fails, of what is like to come to pass, which sort of Predictions are not only lawful, but worthy of much commendation, and are very frequently conducible to the good of Kingdoms, by preventing evils otherwise like to come upon them. A second sort is Astrological Prediction, wherein the Artist undertakes from the position of the Heavens, and configurations of the Planets, at such a certain moment of time, to foretell future accidents: This Art I cannot say is unlawful, but I take it to be conjectural, uncertain, and by ignorant people much abused: Strange things are, I confess, often foretold, and sometime prove true, when a skilful Artist hath the handling of the matter, but many times are otherwise; sometime from the ignorance of him that undertakes the judgement, other while from the influence of some of the fixed stars, which being seldom taken notice of, may cross or hinder what would otherwise haply have come to pass; or thirdly, from the want of a sufficient treasure of Observations, by which judgement ought to be given; the same posture of the Heavens having never twice happened alike in every circumstance since the Creation; and by that means leaving the world destitute of stable means to judge upon, since what can be rationally said in that kind must proceed from the comparing of events which have happened under such and such Configurations, with what are like to be when the same fall out again; or, lastly, from the care of the party himself, who may by his own industry prevent what his destiny from the influence of the Stars would have been, which at most do not necessitate, but incline, and by the providence and overruling power of God are sometimes diverted. A third sort is a geomantical or terrestrial Divination, in which from certain voluntary points made by the hand at adventure, certain figures are raised; from the four first of them called Fathers, are produced other four called daughters; those eight bring forth four grandchildren, from them come out two Witnesses, from those a Judge, in all twelve, answerable to the twelve Houses in Astrology, and the judgement upon this sort of Divination not much unlike that of Astrology. The ground of this Art and its foundation is laid upon a false supposition, that the soul of man knoweth things to come, but is hindered by the dulness of the Organs of the body; and theresore in the practice of it a great sedateness of mind is required, a freedom from all noise that may disturb it, and such like circumstances, which he that hath a mind to know may find in Cattan, Dr. Flood, and H. de Pisis, who have all written largely upon it. This kind of Divination I take to be idle, vain, and superstitious, as not built upon any stable foundation of Reason, or supported by any thing but fancy. A fourth sort is by framing certain Figures of stone or metal, underneath such Constellations, and placing them either in some conspicuous place of a Town, or sometime under ground, by which strange things are wrought; these are called Talismans', of which, as also the language of the Stars, with an Alphabetical Table, and how from that words are framed, which shall declare the event of things to come, according to the nature of the Question; Gaffarel, a Learned Frenchman, hath largely written in his Book called Unheard of Curiosities; such they will prove to him that spends much time in the study of them. Other frivolous ways of sortiledge there are, which I shall purposely pass over. The next way of Divination I shall mention is Enthusiasm, or Illumination; and this is most to our purpose to treat of; Hesychius in his Glossary interprets it thus: An Enthusiastic is one that is mad or full of the Spirit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Enthusiasm is a stupor or horror: Or, Enthusiasm is when the whole soul is enlightened by God. By which several interpretations of the word, it may easily be gathered, that Enthusiasm may be of several kinds; some natural, or at least proceeding from some distemper of the body, which arising from a natural cause, it may be so called; others come by possession or inspiration of some spirit either good or bad, which may be well deemed supernatural. Much contest there is whether all Enthusiasm be natural, and to that purpose the authority of Aristotle is produced, who discoursing of the several passions arising from drink, love, and the like, or from some melancholy heat, tells you the story of one Maracus of Siracuse, a Poet, who never made so good verses as when he was made, and immediately before hath these words; Many because that heat is near the seat of the mind, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Arist. Probl. 30. Quest. 1. are taken with sundry frantic and Enthusiastic diseases; from whence they all become Sibylls, Bakides, or inspired, whereas they become not so by any disease, but a natural temperament. From which words we may observe two things. First, That he doth not in this place point at any Sibyl in particular, of which many had been before his time, but takes Sibylls there for persons any way inspired, as the Bakides and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joined with them, were supposed to be: And in the next place, That he must (not to contradict himself) take disease in a different sense in the same place; for in the beginning of the sentence he tells you, They are taken with many frantic or Enthusiastic diseases, and soon after saith, They become so not from any disease, but a natural crasis or temperaments; in the last place therefore he must take disease in that stricter notion, for such an affection as shakes and weakens the whole frame of the body; in the first, for such a distemper as drunkenness, love, poetical rapture, and the like, such as he calls natural Enthusiasm, which will either be its own cure, or vanish away with time, the constitution being sound, though the action be altered; but however it will from these words of Aristotle follow, that in his sense much of this kind of illumination proceeded from an exaltation of the mind by some ecstatick operation of the soul, and not from any possession or inspiration of it by either good or evil spirits: And undoubtedly great examples in all ages may be produced out of the Observations of several Physicians, to this purpose, some where of have been mere cheats, to gain credit to such as should cure or exorcise them; others true, or natural, where through some melancholy heat, or strong imagination, or lastly, through custom and use; See Montagnes Essays, Strange effects from the force of imagination, in his Chapter upon that subject. Fienus de viribus imaginationis. the persons affected have brought upon themselves such a habit of body, that their fancy prevailing over their judgement and understanding, they have really believed themselves possessed with a spirit of Prophecy, and enlightening from God, whereas in truth there was no such thing. I myself have known two examples in Persons both of this Nation, of good Rank and Quality; the one a man whom I have often seen, and sometimes heard discourse, but was then too young myself to converse with him, but am well assured he was otherwise a very sober person; but in that particular of explaining difficult prophecies, did think himself strangely endowed; insomuch that his confidence so far misled him, that he could no way be driven out of that opinion, That the eleventh Chapter of the second Apocryphal Book of Esdras denoted King James, who was the Lion of the North, who plucked at the feathers of the Eagle, which he conceived to be the Emperor: Nay, his confidence in this fancy was so great, that after the death of the King, he believed he should rise again out of his grave to make good his conjecture. The other was a Lady of Noble Rank, who pretended much to this gift of Prophecy, and having unhappily foretold the death of a great person which by chance fell out true, she was mightily puffed up with it, and followed by some of the giddy multitude; she undertook to denounce the end of the world, writ upon the prophecy of Daniel, very idly, and at last lived to see herself deceived in all her vain extravagancies. These two might certainly be reckoned amongst the Enthusiasts of Aristotle, who laboured under some light disorder of the brain, which disturbed their judgement as to that particular, though in other matters they were sober enough; and under the same notion must I look upon the false Prophets, Dreamers, and Quakers, whereof this Age hath been very fertile, who pretend themselves endued with an extraordinary measure of the Spirit of God; first dream dreams, then see visions, then expound them after their own imaginations, and would obtrude these upon the ignorant multitude as Revelations of God, which are indeed no other than the effects of a disturbed brain, what they foretell rarely coming in any measure to pass, and themselves never able to confirm their mission by any miracle whatsoever, to induce men to believe them Prophets: Some of them are not unlike the Derevises or Torlaces in Turkey; who by frequent using their bodies to turn round, can at their pleasure fall into ecstasies, in which they pretend to receive messages from God, and deceive those that give credit to them; though, to speak truth, the sad consequences that have followed from the doctrine of some of these pretenders to new Lights, may give us good cause to believe them to have been led away into these extravagancies by the spirit of error and delusion, and not wholly by a natural disturbance of the brain: Unless (as we have great reason to suspect) that many of them have been carried on by interest and design, by such pretences to deceive others, thereby to compass their wicked designs, of which we have seen too sad effects. From this, and much more which might be materially added to this purpose, it will be evinced, that Aristotle had much of truth and reason in what he said; but because some were either cheats, or Hypochondriaque, that therefore all were, and among them the Sibylls, as D. Blundel would infer, I can no way be induced to believe; nor doth he produce any reason that they were so, whereas the very great time between the predictions, and the fulfilling of them sufficiently evince, that they came from a higher cause than a melancholic heat: In which I have ever observed, that between the Prophecy and the time allotted for the adimpletion of it, seldom interceded more than a score of years, sometimes not so many months. Beside we find, that as well the Sibylline Predictions as all other Oracles ceased at, or soon after the preaching of our Saviour, whereas melancholic distempers continue still, which to me seems a strong argument that they were different in their causes. Neither ought the authority of Aristotle too much to sway us in this thing: I allow him to be one of the greatest Masters of reason that ever was, but withal must remember, that being contemporary with Plato, and sometime his Scholar, but resolving to set up a new Philosophy different from that of his Master, would not comply with him in that particular in which he deemed him faulty: For it is observable, that as Plato often speaks of Sibylls Prophecies and Revelations, Aristotle mentions none, or very ambiguously, resolving to go a quite contrary way, not meddling with any thing of which he was not able to give a probable reason. And all others of the Ancients who have denied the truth of all Oracles or Predictions whatsoever, except natural, were still of the Sect of Epicurus, mere Atheists, and consequently bound by their Sect to believe nothing in this kind but what they conceived to be so: For which Lucian a professed Atheist doth commend Democritus, Metrodorus, and Epicurus, for their constant adhesion to their own opinion, though never so much contrary to reason and authority: His words are these, speaking of one Alexander a cheat, as it seems, and an Impostor, he tells you he did so strange things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucian. Pseudomantis, p. 481. Edit. Par. 1615. That indeed the trick stood in need of some Democritus, nay of Epicurus himself, or Metrodorus, or some other that had an adamantine opinion toward that or things of the like nature, as not to believe them, and cast about which way it might be, which if they could no way find, they resolved to conclude it a lie, and impossible to be done, though the manner of the cheat was hid from them. Amongst them Democritus hath endeavoured to give a reason why all Divination may be natural, because, according to the opinion of the Stoic Philosophers, nothing did ever happen in the world but by an eternal concatenation of causes, which have such a dependence one upon another, that they render an aptitude in every thing to be foreseen in its causes, which being natural, Divination may be so too: And Democritus farther asserts, that out of all things that happened by natural causes, there proceed certain effluxes or emanations, not only in the things themselves when existent, but from their causes also; so that these causes being in any subject, may from the emanations proceeding from them give an aptitude to the subject to be disposed accordingly; and consequently, that the cause of Divination being in any man, the effluxes of it may render him a Diviner. This speculation I confess is subtle, and high, if there be any sense in it, fit for the mouth of an Atheist than a Christian; for admitting such emanations or species may come out of material bodies, how they can proceed out of causes that are sometimes inexistent, till they produce the effect, sometimes immaterial, I understand not. Will any man say that love, which is a passion, and immaterial now in any man, upon the sight of an Object to be beloved was in him causally either before his own existence, or the existence of the object; if there were such effluxes in that cause, why not in the cause of that cause, and so in infinitum. These subtle inventions to avoid manifest convictions of their own consciences clearly show there were among them undeniable testimonies of such predictions, of which no true reason could be given, which put them so to their shifts; because they were indeed supernatural: Such I take the Predictions of the Sibylls to be, but whether any or all of them were endued with the Holy Spirit of God (as I have before said) remains to me questionable. This difference from them I observe to be in the true Prophets, that they were never during their Prophecy deprived of their wits or senses; if at any time they have been surprised with any consternation or astonishment upon the appearance of an Angel, or the like, they have been by the power of God soon restored to a temper fit to understand, and deliver the message entrusted to them: Nay they have been farther able to confirm by Miracle, that they were truly sent by God, when it stood with his glory to have it so, and the distrust of the people required it. Whereas these Sibylls are never reputed to have done any other Miracle save that of truly foretelling things to come. 'Tis made indeed the mark of a Prophet not sent by God, Deut. 18. ult. if the things foretold come not to pass; and this undoubtedly is true; but it follows not convertibly, that where ever things foretold come to pass, that person is sent by God, except meant permissively; for we know the Oracles of the Heathen Gods gave often true answers, suffered so to do indeed by God, but inspired by the Devil. We know farther, that these Sibylls were generally supposed in the delivery of their Oracles to be in a rapture and fury, that themselves understood not what they delivered, nor were able to make perfect what was imperfectly taken by the Writer: This we have upon the authority of Virgil, Tully, Virg. Aenei. 3. Cic. de Divin. li. 2. Ovid. Met. li. 14. and others: Nay, that Sibylla commonly called Erythrea, saith she is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 surprised by a rapture or fury. The consideration of these things makes me prone enough to believe they had in their predictions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a powerful inspiration, as Justin Martyr twice calls it in his Admonitory to the Gentiles, but not true Prophetesses of God, & sanctified by his holy Spirit, at least not all, if any of them; yet do I very little doubt of their Antiquity, or suspect any great corruption to have happened to their Books, for the genuineness of which we have as much to say, as for most ancient Writings left amongst us, all or most of the things quoted out of them by any ancient Writer being now extant in those we have, and as they now are from ancient Copies transmitted to us. I know some go yet higher than I do, and conceive them true prophetesses of God, as you may see in the beginning of this Discourse, of which opinion St Jerome seems to be. Jerom. lib. 1. adversus Jovini. long post medium. Collius' de Sibyl. c. 35. p. 226. Collius' in a straight it seems what to determine, goes a middle way, and saith their Oracles are of two sorts, one that concerns Christ, his Birth, Worship, or the like, these he thinks proceeded from divine inspiration; others which concerned Kingdoms, and their Idol worship, he believes came from the Devil. Such a mixture of God and the Devil in the same person may seem hard to some to believe, yet will not this conjecture seem altogether void of probability, when the case of Balaam is fully considered, who though he were a Magician and wicked person, yet for aught appears to the contrary, was guided in his prophecy by the Spirit of God, and yet not always so in the counsel he gave to Balak, as you may read Numbers 22. and 23. Chapters. Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 9 c. 23. St Augustine in his Book of the City of God thinketh that she that goes under the name of Sibylla Erythrea (whom some think to be Sibylla Cumea) was a Citizen of the City of God, because she hath nothing in all her verses tending to Idolatry, but against the false Gods and their worship; mentions there the Acrostics containing these words JESUS CHRIST SON OF GOD THE SAVIOUR; Which the Translator of that Book having turned into our tongue, I have thought fit to transcribe, for the English Readers sake, who perhaps will not have the Book by him. In sign of doomsday the whole earth shall sweat; Ever to reign a King in heavenly seat Shall come to judge all flesh; the faithful and Unfaithful too before this God shall stand, Seeing him high with Saints in times last end: Corporeal shall he sit, and thence extend His doom on souls. The earth shall quitely waste, Ruined oregrown with thorns; and men shall cast Idols away, and treasure; searching fire Shall burn the ground, and thence it shall inquire Through Seas and Sky, and break hell's blackest gate; So shall free light salute the blessed state Of Saints; the guilty lasting flames shall burn; No act so hid but thence to light shall turn, Nor breast so close, but God shall open wide; Each Each where shall cries be heard, and noise beside Of gnashing teeth. The Sun shall from the sky Fly forth, and stars no more move orderly. Great Heaven shall be dissolved, the Moon deprived Of all her light: Places at height atived, Depressed, and Valleys raised to their seat. There shall be nought to mortals high or great: Hills shall be levied with the plains; the Sea Endure no burden; and the earth as they Shall perish; cleft with lightning; every Spring And River burn: The fatal trump shall ring, Unto the world from heaven a dismal blast, Including plague's to come for ill deeds past. Old Chaos through the cloven Mass shall be seen; Unto this Bar shall all earth's Kings convene, Rivers of fire and brimstone flowing from heaven. These Verses and many others in the Sibylline Books, carry in them a great show of plainness and sincerity; so that I could willingly subscribe to the opinion of St Augustine, That some of them were Citizens of the City of God, were I able to fix upon any person in particular, or to satisfy myself that any one of the Books, as they are now extant, were not a mixture of the Prophecies of different persons. She upon whom St Augustine pitches, to wit, the Sibylla Erythrea, if there were truly any one of that Country, which to my understanding the words do not necessarily import, after she had told you she left Babylon in Assyria, she hath these words, which I should choose thus to render; Men call me according to the Grecian manner of another Country (to wit) of Erythrea, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. S●b. Or. l. 3. p. 283. impudent, others the daughter of Circe and Gnostus. The interpunction of the words favour this construction; for if they were thus to be understood, Men call me born indeed at Erythre, an impudent person, according to the Grecian manner of another Country: Lact. l. 1. de falsa Relig. pa. 37.— Nisi Erythreae quae & nomen suum verum carmini inseruit, & Erythream se nominatam iri praelocuta est cum esset orta Babyloniae. There aught to have been a distinction at the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to show us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aught to be read in a parenthesis, that the reference might truly be made; beside the Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second verse will be impertinent, and no Country at all from whence she came is named. This I have inserted here, because I had in the preceding Discourse so rendered the words, without giving any reason; and I find some conclude out of this place, that one of the Sibylls acknowledges herself born at Erythrea; Moreover that Sibylla Erythrea or Cumea, upon whom St Augustine pitches, was certainly that person whose books were kept in, and burnt with the Capitol, and from which the Romans fetched out all their superstitious follies; besides, she seems by Virgil to be possessed in the delivery of her Prophecies with that kind of madness and fury usually observed in the delivery of Oracles by Apollo; for which reasons, of all others of them, I should think Sibylla Cumea, if the same with Erythrea, the most unlikely to be of the City of God, which is more likely to be true of her that came out of Babylon, and foretold she should be counted of Enythrea. Under so great an uncertainty therefore and variety of opinions, I think it safest to suspend my own judgement, and agree in this conclusian, That whether all or any of them were immediately guided by God, or what other spirit they spoke by, yet were they by his power so overruled, that where in his wisdom he thought fit, they could not lie; so that the truth they delivered was indeed his, though the spirit by which they spoke came not from him. However this is clear, such persons there were, such predictions they left, which in their due time were accomplished, which was all I designed to prove in this discourse. Thus Sir, have I gone through my intended disquisition of the Sibylls, and in it have I hope made it appear, That the Arguments produced against them are not of that value to take from them the authority they have been allowed by the testimonies of Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Theophilus Antiochensis, Tempor. Chron. An. must 610. Lactantius, who as Temporarius saith, was a Priest of the Capitol before his conversion, and so permitted to read these Books, and many others of the Ancients, with innumerable latter Writers, amongst whom I cannot forget two very learned Prelates of our own Church, Richard Montacute sometimes Lord Bishop of Norwich, who hath a particular Excercitation in the defence of them; and Lancelot Andrews late Lord Bishop of Winchester, who hath these words speaking of the truth of Christianity; For the credit of the History itself, we know that the Sibylls Oracles were in so great credit amongst the Heathen, that they were generally believed. Now if they be true, with we have of them, as there's no question but many of them are, (divers of which we refer to Christ, being mentioned in their own writers, Virgil, Cicero, and others) it will follow, that nothing can make more in their esteem for the credit and truth of the Nativity, Life, and Death of Christ, than their Oracles; for we may see almost every circumstance in them. Andrews Pat of Catechist. Doct. Introduct. c. 12. Sect. 3. And by reading these Verses divers of their Learned men were converted to Christianity, as Marcellinus, Secundanus, and others. If after all this there remain yet some that had rather believe D. Blundel, and some others but of yesterday, I shall only add, That the thing in controversy is not of faith; and that for the truth and certainty of our Christian Religion, we have in the undeniable Word of God a more stable and un-erring Testimony. FINIS.