W Faithorne sc 
Monsieur de Thevenot.    

THE TRAVELS OF Monsieur de Thevenot INTO THE LEVANT.  
In Three Parts.  
VIZ. Into 

I. TURKEY.  
II. PERSIA.  
III. The EASTINDIES.    
Newly done out of French.  
Licenced, Decemb. 2. 1686.  
RO. L'ESTRANGE.  
LONDON, Printed by H. Clark, for H. Faithorne, J. Adamson, C. Skegnes, and T. Newborough, Booksellers in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCLXXXVII.   

THE PREFACE.  
IT would be needless, without doubt, by any Preliminary Discourse, to recommend the Relations of TRAVELS to public Perusal; since the universal Approbation they meet with in the World, and the eagerness wherewith they are sought after by all People, is an Argument convincing enough, that they are Delightful at least, if not also Profitable. However, seeing the Credit of Books of this Nature depends chief on the Places and Things that are described, and the Genius and capacity of the Traveller who observes them. As the Title Page gives a general account of the first; so for the second, the Translator hath borrowed a few Paragraphs concerning the Illustrious Author, from the Gentleman who compiled and published the two last Parts of these Relations, in Execution of the last Will of him that made them, who Dying abroad in his Travels, bequeathed them in Legacy to his care; and these the Translator doth premise by way of Preface, to prepare, but not forestall the Readers acceptance, and by such a short view and glance of the worthy Traveller, who ended his Days in endeavouring to promote Knowledge and improve Learning, to show how great his Abilities were in this kind.  
Monsieur de Thevenot, the Renowned Author of these Travels, was a Gentleman of a good Family, Born the seventh of June, 1633. At Eighteen Years of Age he had accomplished his Studies in the College of Navarre, in the University of Paris, and then applied himself to those Exercises, which in the breeding of Youth, commonly succeed to their School Education; till having both a desire and liberty to Travel; On the Eighteenth of December, 1652. he parted from Paris for England. He made no long stay in this Country, but took the first occasion of Sailing over to Holland, where he remained longer. His next remove was to Colen, and from Colen to Franckfort and Ratisbone, that he might see an Imperial Diet there. He afterwards crossed the remaining part of Germany, and entering Italy by the Mountains of Tirol, went first to Verona, from thence to Venice; from Venice to Loretto; and from thence to Rome. He stayed a considerable time there, because when he was just upon parting, Pope Innocent the Tenth Died; so that he resolved to tarry a little longer that he might see the Ceremonies, and all that happens on such Occasions, during a Conclave, and at the Coronation of a Pope. He left not Rome then, till after the Creation of Alexander the Seventh. The first part of his Travels over most part of Turkey, Egypt, the Holy Land, etc. (which he himself put to the Press) is an Account of what he had seen in that time, until he came back again to Legorn; from whence he made another Journey in Italy, that he might see all the other Places which he had not visited the time before, and made some stay at the Court of Savoy, before he returned into France. Our Author hath published nothing of these Travels; not but that he made a Relation of them, which he was at the pains to write out fair: But as he was a modest Man, and distrustful of his own performances, he would not give it to be printed with the first part of his Travels, which he himself handed to the Press, thinking these were Countries sufficiently known already. It is indeed, but his first Essay, yet perhaps not inferior to the exactness of more mature time. He therein gives you a succinct Account of all that is Curious in every place, and a character of the several People. In short, he says enough to give one a reasonable information of those countries', and not too much, to cloy the Reader with the repetition of what he hath seen before. The Publisher of the two last Parts of these Travels, has that Relation by him, but has as yet taken no resolution what to do with it.  
Our Illustrious Traveller had not been long at home after his first Travels, before the same Motives of Curiosity and Learning, put him upon preparing for a second Expedition, so that privately he withdrew himself from his Friends, without taking leave, in order to travel over Persia and the Indies, which are the Subjects of the two last Parts of his Relations, and of the last part of his days; for as he was returning again through Persia into Europe, he Died at Miana, a little place about thirty Leagues from Tauris, the twenty eighth of November, 1667. his Observations ending but a few days before his Life; whose Death, not only his Relations (to whom he was very dear) but even the public hath reason to bewail, as having lost in him an Example of Piety, a Model of Virtue, and a Treasury of Knowledge. Nay, Reader, you also have cause to Lament this Loss, in relation to that Satisfaction you might have had from the last two Parts of his Relations; which would have been doubtless Augmented, if Providence had granted him longer Life. For Monsieur de Thevenot was not only exact in the daily Memoires he made in Travelling, of all things he observed in the Countries he passed through, but being a person very inquisitive after the Truth, and who would not rest satisfied with every slight Information, he addressed himself to as many, and as often as possibly he could, the better to find out the truth of what he desired to know, and dispersed the notices he had given him here and there confusedly among his Memoires; so that the Publisher who employed all imaginable care and pains in compiling them, is nevertheless forced to complain of the great Fatigue he underwent, in putting them together in the order they should be, and are in. However, it is not to be thought, that there is any thing supposititious or altered in these two last Parts; no, they are only not so full as they would have been, had the Author lived to decipher the Short Notes, which were clear enough to him, though not altogether so intelligible to others: And the truth is, the ingenious Publisher is so far from Alterations, that he would not so much as change that foreign Air and Dress they brought with them from Abroad, choosing rather to let them speak in the naked and plain strain of the Author, than in the more elaborate Language of the Court and Town, which would chief be believed for their words-sake. And indeed, he had reason so to do, for a genuine and simple style, such as can raise a distinct Idea in the mind of the Reader, is the proper style for particular and exact Relations of things; and that was the Character of Monsieur de Thevenot, in the first Part of his Travels; which hath been so well taken and approved of by all Men of Breeding and Sense, that it would have been an Injury both to the Author and Reader to have Altered it.  
The extraordinary Exactness of our Judicious Traveller, in observing the Minutest Particular of any thing that occurred to him abroad, may be disliked perhaps, by some who mind their pleasure more than profit, in Reading the Relations of Travels, and had rather be shamm'd with some Romantic idle Tales, than instructed in real and substantial Truths. But seeing all his Observations are made with Judgement, that seeming superfluous exactness can be no small Satisfaction to the Curiosity of all Ingenious Persons, nor no inconsiderable Advantage neither to those who Travel into the same Countries, when they shall find the least things observable on all the Roads he passed, so particularly set down and described, that a Traveller who hath the Book with him, may be able to tell as well as his Guide what kind of way and accommodation upon the Road they are like to have, even some days before they Travel it; insomuch, that it may be confidently affirmed, that no Almanac so exactly describes the Road from London to York, as our Industrious Author hath done it in that vast extent of Countries he passed through; for which all Travellers ought to have a veneration for his Memory, and if they intent to make Public any thing of this Nature, Imitate him if they can.  
I am bold to say, if they can; because, besides the singular Talents and Abilities Monsieur de Thevenot had for Observation; he undertook his Travels in a far more noble prospect, than that which carries a great many others so far from home; who making their Trade their main business, cannot bestow but the least part of their Application upon curious Observation. As for him, he was wholly devoted to it, and that with so great Assiduity, that (according to the report of many who saw him in those Countries) he hardly allowed himself time to eat. It is easy to judge of the vastness of his Labour, by the reading of these Relations, wherein it appears, that he was constantly taken up in making Remarks generally on all things. But as a farther confirmation of this, the Gentleman who Published the two last Parts of these Travels, has now by him a Work made by the Author in the Indies, that gives a far greater proof of his exactness and pains. It is a Collection of all the Plants of those Countries, which in Botanic terms is called a Hortus Siccus: it consists of five Volumes, wherein may be seen the natural Leaves of Plants, and Branches also of all sorts of Trees, of which the Leaves and Flowers of some, with their Pods, had not (when the second part of these Travels was first Published) lost their Colour. All these are neatly pasted on one Page, and on the opposite, you have the Name of the Plant in Portuguese, Persian, Indian, Malabar and Banian: Then he gives a Description of the Plant, in such a manner, as not only shows his exactness in all things, but his skill also in that Science, the smallest Filament is not omitted in it: He observes the Places where the Plant is most commonly to be found; the time when it is in Flower, bears Fruit, and its Virtues, if it have any that are known. The truth is, so curious and elaborate a Work, might deserve a better Fate, than to lie moulding in the bottom of a Trunk, and it is no small trouble to him who has it, that being unable to furnish either Time or Expenses for Publishing the same, he is forced so to let it Perish in obscurity; nor was it but only by chance neither, that he got the Figures of two of these Plants; and because Monsieur de Thevenot, who saw them before he began his Collection, had made an ample Description, and small Design of them in his Memoires.  
A Work of this nature may very well raise a high notion of its Author; but it is a surprising thing, that at the same time he could pursue his other Observations of the Country, and study the Languages, wherein he made great Progress, and hath given us the Malabar Alphabet, and some Rules of the Syntax of that Language. He had an extraordinary aptitude for Languages, for not to mention those that are most known in his own Country, he fully understood Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, which enabled him to Know and Writ, as he hath done, of those People. And as his Observations, which are in a manner on all sorts of Subjects, require a notion of the most part of Arts and Sciences, so hath he evidently demonstrated, that so many different Employments enough to have busied several Persons, have not at all diverted him from the Study of the most serious and difficult matters. The truth is, he had Parts that could reach and command any thing, was ingenious in unravelling Difficulties, laborious in Study, and constant in pursuing what he set about, so that he attained to great knowledge in Natural Philosophy, Geometry, Astronomy, and all the Mathematics; and had especially studied the Philosophy of Descartes, rather that he might with pleasure examine Natural Effects in their Principles, than Magisterially dictate and decide, as those who now a days make a show of that Philosophy, commonly do.  
However, it is none of the least Encomiums of Monsieur de Thevenot, that so great Parts and so much Learning, no way lessened his Zeal for Religion, wherein he has the universal Approbation of all who returned from those Countries, or have Written of him to their Friends, who all extol his Piety and Conduct, which was Civil and Regular, free from any of those Extravagancies, that commonly decry his Countrymen among other Nations. He had a Patience that no cross Accident could shake, an useful Quality to Travellers, but more particularly to all that Travel into the Levant; and which is much to his Praise; he had acquired that Patience by Reflections no less Christian than Solid, to wit, That nothing befalls us, but by the Orders of Divine Providence, that always takes care of us; and this was often in his mouth as occasion offered. He had an easy unaffected Conversation; and his natural and acquired Endowments enabling him to speak pertinently on all Subjects, his company was very agreeable; nevertheless, he shown always great Reservedness in discoursing of his Travels, and was so far from being importune upon that head, that nothing but Civility and Complaisance could engage him to enlarge thereon; but then he did it in so natural and sincere a manner, that he hath had the Art to leave all Men persuaded of his Probity and Veracity; and whether that good Opinion has been spread by those who knew him, or that his Writings bear a certain Air and Character of Truth; it is commonly the first Encomium that those who knew him not, give him, (when they have read his Travels) that they are assured he speaks the Truth. And so much of the Illustrious Author.  
But now as to the Englishing of this Work, since the Translator has no body to Vouch for him, he must even leave it to take its chance with the candid and good-natured Reader; whom he would nevertheless have acquainted, that there were two or three words in the Original either not genuine French or Obsolete, which no Dictionary Explained, nor any body that he could meet with, understood, and that these he hath made English as near as he could to the sense of the Context. If the more Critical Reader will needs Cavil at the Purity of the Style; besides that the Style of the Original is Plain and Natural; the Translator has this to say for himself, that he was somewhat hastened and straitened in time, it being thought fit that this Book should overtake the Travels of Sir John Chardin, of which the first Part was lately Published, that for its Reputation sake it might Travel over the English World in so good Company, and give and receive those Mutual Assistances, which Travellers are willing to impart to one another. The Reader then, is not to expect that the Language should be so Accurate, nor the Style so well turned, as if it had come abroad after many Reviews and Corrections: However the Translator dares venture to affirm for himself, that in the main he hath not Swerved from the Authors Meaning; and that if he has not magnified his Sense, so neither has he depressed it.  
It is hoped the Reader will be satisfied, that the Translator had reason to English the following Letter, written upon occasion of some words of Oriental Learning, that are variously Accepted, in the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, and in the Second Part of our Author's Travels; for since the Publisher of that Part thought fit to Consult a Learned Critic in the Eastern Languages, for the Justification of Monsieur de Thevenot, who differed from Sir John Chardin in some Points of that sort of Learning, and that the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, is now Published in English; the Translator could do no less than Verbatim to English the aforesaid Letter from the Original, that so if any thing be altered in the new Edition or Translation of it, the state of the Controversy may appear as it was at first, and the Author be Vindicated, according to the intent of his Friend, who cannot be suspected to have misquoted any passage of the Book, no more than the Translator to have done what he hath done, out of any prejudice to it, or its Author, who is a Gentleman altogether unknown to him.  
What Errata may be found in the Book, the Reader is desired to Correct, and not impute them to the Translators Oversight, who had not the Correcting of the Sheets.  
A. lovel.   

A LETTER FROM Monsieur de la Croix, SECRETARY and INTERPRETER TO THE FRENCH KING, Touching some Points of Oriental Learning, Contained in the SECOND PART of these TRAVELS.  
I Shall Answer, Sir, in as few words as I can, the Note you did me the Honour to write to me, touching the apprehensions you had, that some words of Oriental Learning to be found in the Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot, may be found fault with, because you meet with them in another signification, in the Treatise called, the Coronation of Solyman; but let me tell you, Sir, that Apprehension seems to me to be inconsistent with the Justice you own to that illustrious Traveller; and that since you are not ignorant of the talents he possessed, it is your part to believe, that what he hath written, must be right, and whatever clashes therewith censurable. His First Travels into the Levant, gained him the Knowledge of the Turkish rnd Arabic Languages; and his second, of the Persian: These three Languages, which he was so much Master of, and which are indispensably necessary for the understanding of Oriental Books, together with his skill in History, Mathematics, Astronomy, Botanics, and other Natural Sciences, wherein he excelled, rendered him so accomplished in all Oriental Learning, as you must needs have found by his private Memoires, that there are but few in the Western Parts who come near him in that, and none but may reap Profit from his Instructions.  
Nor do I in the least doubt, but that he who hath written the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, is of the same opinion; and for instance, I cannot think he'll maintain that the word Mehter, which he attributes to the High Chamberlain of the King of Persia, and makes a Superlative by the signification he gives it, is Arabic, when he finds that our Author affirms it to be a Persian word, and Comparative, seeing its Superlative is Mehterin, which signifies the Greatest.  
I am very confident also, he will be ready to confess, that Toboat is an Arabic, and not a Persian word, and that he'll acknowledge, if he understand Arabic or Persian, that that word which signifies Coffins, hath not the Character of Persian Plurals, which commonly end in Ha', or in An; but of Arabic.  
As to the word Divan beghi, which he says is corrupted from Divanum Begh, no sense can be made of that Proposition, Divanum Begh having never been used, neither in Turkish nor in Persian, and is indeed Nonsense. On the contrary, Divan beghi, which signifies (as our Author says) Lord of the Divan, is very good Turkish, and exactly agreeable to the Syntax of that Language.  
Nor have you any greater cause of fear, for the two words of Turban and Munedgim, you take notice of to me, as made use of by our Author. The Author of the Coronation of Solyman may say what he will; but he would have done very ill to have written Dhulbant; that would be a word as monstrous in a French or English Book, as in the Mouth of him that should pronounce it. Turban is now a vulgar European word, established by Custom, and Dhulbandt a Persian word, provided it were written according to its true Orthography, (for it ought to be written Dulband.) And when a European speaks his own Language, and would be understood, he ought not to use Exotic words, when his own Country Language can do the thing; so as a Man speaking French or English would render himself ridiculous, should he say Chimichir instead of Scimitar, though the one come from the other. But there is more to be said as to this; for the word Dulband signifies not in Persian, what in French or English is meant by Turban (as the Author of the Coronation of Solyman thinks,) and instead of blaming Writers who understood not the language, and of saying that the King's Cap was tied round in manner of a Dhulbandt with a fine Cloth, he ought to have said (since he pretends that Persian words are to be used) that the King's Cap was tied in manner of a Destar, which is the Turban, by a Dulband, or fine Cloth, seeing the Dulband is but a part of the Turban, which in Persian is called Dester, as in Turkish Sarick, and only signifies the Cloth that is wreated about the Kaouk or Cap of the Turban; and by a Turban, is understood the whole Head-attire, after the Eastern way.  
Now for the word Munedgim, which signifies ginger, and is used by our Author, there is no dispute to be made about it: The word Munehizym, made use of in the Book of the Coronation, is not a word of the Language, and is indeed, insignificant; but the word in question, is altogether a term of Learning, and is purely Arabic, the root of it being Nedgem, whereof the radical letters are Nun, Dgm, Mim, among which as you see, there is neither H nor Z, and therefore it must be Munedgim.  
It is not the same with the word Khanum, interpreted in the Book of the Coronation, by that of Duchess; it is more a word of Court than of Art, but for all that it is nothing the worse employed by our Author, and those who are well acquainted with the Court of the King of Persia, say as he does, that Begum is the Title of the Queens and Princesses, and Khanum that of the chief Ladies of his Seraglio. And I wonder, as well as you, at the meaning which is given to that word in the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, seeing it hath no Character that comes near the Natural signification of Khanum, and far less the Artificial, which at most makes it only to signify a Beloved Lady. This word hath its Original from Gallantry; the Etymology of it is Khan, used in Persia chief to signify the Commander or Governor of a Province or Town, and the two other letters, or rather the Consonant M, with the Vowel or Motion that accompanies it, is an adjunct Particle, which both in Turkish and Persian stands in place of a Pronoun possessive of the first Person: And so the word Khanum signifies my Khan, my Commander, my Governor in the Masculine gender, which hath been given by the Kings of Persia to the Women they passionately loved, in the same manner as some Amorous Man might in English call a Lady who commanded all his affections, his Conqueror; and this is very far from the serious signification of Duchess, as it is found in the Book of the Coronation of Solyman.  
And now, Sir, as to what remains of your Note, to wit, the two words of Saracens and Sofi; certainly there is no fault to be found with the learning of Monsieur de Thevenot in neither of the two; and when he affirms that Saracens comes from Sarak to Rob, no exceptions can be taken thereat. There is much more to be said against the Etymology of that word mentioned in the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, notwithstanding the long dissertation inserted in it, and the insulting over those who therein are called Relation-makers, nay and the ancient Historians themselves. How! in God's name, would he who hath written that Book, have Sarazin to come from Sara Netchim, and where does he find this Etymology? If he have any Knowledge of the Oriental Languages, which I cannot be positive in, as not having the honour of being acquainted with him, Ought he not to know when there is any question about Etymology, at least, in these Languages, that the Radical letters decide the point? How then can Saracens in French or English, Saraceni in Latin, from which we have borrowed it, or in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Arabic Sarakioun be derived from Sara Netchim, or (to gratify his thought more) from Sara Nechin, seeing according to the very letters which he assigns to Sara Nechin, the chief character of Nechin, which is the first of Nun, is not at all in Sarazin, as the Chin which he eludes, and makes the English his Vouchers for it, cannot be. But from the Etymology, let us proceed to the Signification; Where hath that Author found that Sara Netchin signifies those that seat themselves in the Fields? This word hath several significations, which have no affinity to that. The word which signifies a Desert, or barren Plain, is Sahhra, with a hh, which can in no manner of way, no more than the Sad, wherewith that word gins, enter into the Etymology of Saracens, seeing Oriental Authors have never used a Hha nor Sad, in writing the Plural Sarakioun or Sarakin, Saracens, whereof the Arabic root is Sarak to Rob (the chief business of that People) that hath for Radical letters a Sin, a Re, and a Kof, which Kof the Greeks mark by a Kappa, and we as well as the Latins, by a C, the pronunciation whereof we have softened by a Z, or an S, saying Saracens or Saracens, instead of Saracins: Whereupon it is further to be observed, that the Saracens are not the Turcomans, as is mentioned in the Book of the Coronation: These last came from the farthest North, and the Saracens from the South. When first the word Saracens or Saracins came into use, it was not known what the Turcomans were. The name of Saracens was given to the Ishmaelitish Arabians, or the Agareneans, to wit, the Arabs of the Desert, who live not in Towns, and who practice at present (as they did many Ages since) the trade of Robbing, which got them the name of Saracens, without doubt, long before the English, who pronounce the Shin as easily as the French do, could have changed that letter of the Persian Verb Netchinem, into a Zin, as it is very ill supposed in the Book of the Coronation of Solyman.  
The Author of the same Book takes it ill also, that one should say the Great Sofi, speaking of the King of Persia: Indeed that term were to be blamed, if used in speaking or writing to a King of Persia, or even to a Persian. Texeira and others have long ago written, that it is a term not to be used; but they have not said, that no King of Persia ever carried that name, as the Book of the Coronation does. These Persons were too well acquainted with the Oriental History, to do so. And when Monsieur de Thevenot writes Ishmael Sofi, he makes it apparent enough, that he hath read the Eastern Authors, and knew that the name of Sofi hath been one of the chief means which raised the Family that at present Reigns in Persia, to the Throne. The first King of it joined the Name or Surname of Sofi, to that of Ishmael, and took it in imitation of his Father and Grandfather, who had already made several Attempts to raise themselves by Power, above the rest of their Countrymen: And both these Persons affected to be called Sofies, that they might preserve in their Family the Reputation and number of Friends, which their Ancestors, whom they averred to be descended of Aly, by one of the Imams, had acquired to them, when they were Chief of that Order and Sect of Sofies, in later times grown formidable. That Sect, which in the time of its Piety, applied itself particularly to Mystical Theology and Contemplation, was in Mahometanism the most Puritanical of all the Sects of the East; and in the French Kings Library, there are entire Manuscripts of the Rules that it observed.  
The great esteem that Ismal knew his Forefathers had acquired under that Name, made him think it would be much for his advantage to take it; and he was not mistaken, for he was first followed by all the Sofies, and those who were addicted unto them, by whose means he Established the Belief, which his Father and Grandfather had but in a manner proposed, to wit, that Aly being the only true Heir of Mahomet, he was to be followed in all things, by those who would be saved. And the truth is, they conceived so high an opinion of that Sofis, that the Friends of his Family, with the Malcontents and Innovators, easily joined with him, and he as easily employed them to destroy Farochk King or Sultan of Schirvan, who had put to Death his Father Aidar.  
This having succeeded so well with Ishmael Sofi, he found means afterwards to attack and overcome the other Sultan's of Persia, who were of the Family of Akkoionlu, and to mount the Throne of the Empire himself. So that it is not true, that none of the Kings of Persia ever bore the Name of Sofi, though since Ismael's time, these Kings have forborn to take it, having depressed that Order of the Sofies, for reasons that I could allege elsewhere; and besides, they stood no more in need of Artifice to maintain their grandeur. This is that Shakstone Ishmael Sofi who gave occasion to the Europeans to call the Kings of Persia Sofies, as from Caesar, they called the succeeding Emperors Caesars; and from Osman or Othman, those of Turkey, Ottomans.  
I must also tell you, that one ought not to take exceptions, if he meet with some diversity in the pronunciation of Oriental words in this Book, especially when the question is about Vowels, or the Consonants Kha, Hha, Kef, and some others: In different Countries they are variously pronounced; in some places they pronounce Nameh, Bender, and Bazerghian; and in others Namah, Bendar, Bazerghion: Some say Kher, and others Hher; some Gomron, others Komoron, and so in many others; but the figurative letters always occur in both the one and the other.  
Thus you see, Sir, that Monsieur de Thevenot is sufficiently Justified, as to the points you suspected might be cavelled at, if considered with relation to the Book of the Coronation of Solyman, upon which I pretend not to play the Critic, nor indeed, have I fully examined it: And this Answer, though somewhat long in respect of your Note, is only to satisfy your desires, and that duty of Friendship wherewith our Illustrious Traveller honoured me, as well as the strict Obligation that lies upon me, to have an eternal veneration for his Memory.  
I am, SIR, etc.   

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS Contained in the FIRST PART.  

BOOK I.  
CHapter I. The Author's Design, and beginning of his Travels Page 1  
Chap. II. Of Messina, Scylla, and Charybdis' Page 3  
Chap. III. Sicily, Aetna Page 4  
Chap. iv From Messina to Malta Page 5  
Chap. V Of Malta ibid.  
Chap. VI Of the Castles of St. Angelo and St. Erme Page 7  
Chap. VII. The City Valetta Page 8  
Chap. VIII. Of the Grove, our Lady of Melecca, and Isle of Gozo Page 11  
Chap. IX. Of the Public Solemnity on our Lady-day in September ib.  
Chap. X. From Malta to Constantinople Page 12  
Chap. XI. The Cape of Metapan, and Isle of Cerigo Page 13  
Chap. XII. The Isle of Zia Page 14  
Chap. XIII. The Isle of Andra Page 15  
Chap. XIV. Of the Dardanelles, Gallipoly, and Author's Arrival at Constantinople Page 17  
Chap. XV. The Situation and Description of Constantinople Page 19  
Chap. XVI. Of Santa Sophia, Solymania, and other Mosques Page 20  
Chap. XVII. The Hypodrome, Pillars and Obelisks at Constantinople Page 22  
Chap. XVIII. Of the Grand Signior's Seraglio Page 23  
Chap. XIX. Of the other Serraglios, Hans and Buildings at Constantinople Page 25  
Chap. XX. Of Cassumpasha, Galata, Pera, and Tophana Page 27  
Chap. XXI. Leander's Tower, Scudaret, the Prince's Isle, and the Black-Sea Page 28  
Chap. XXII. Of the Shape, Strength, Apparel, and Behaviour of the Turks Page 29  
Chap. XXIII. Of their Baths or Bagnios Page 31  
Chap. XXIV. Their way of Eating, Drinking, and Lying. Of Coffee and Coffeehouses, etc. Page 32  
Chap. XXV. Their Exercises, Games and Sports Page 34  
Chap. XXVI. Their Language, Sciences and Divination Page 36  
Chap. XXVII. Their Diseases and Cures Page 37  
Chap. XXVIII. Of Mahomet and the Koran Page 38  
Chap. XXIX. Their Belief and Opinions ib.  
Chap. XXX. Concerning Angels Page 40  
Chap. XXXI. Concerning such Beasts as shall enter Paradise. Page 41  
Chap. XXXII. Of Circumcision Page 42  
Chap. XXXIII. Of the Commands to be observed in their Religion Page 43  
Chap. XXXIV. Of the Ramadan, Hegyra, and Turkish Year Page 44  
Chap. XXXV. Of the Bairam, the Turks Easter Page 45  
Chap. XXXVI. What renders them unclean, and of their Ablutions' Page 47  
Chap. XXXVII. The form of their Mosques, and hours of Prayers Page 48  
Chap. XXXVIII. Their Charity, and Pilgrimage to Mecha Page 50  
Chap. XXXIX. Things Prohibited in their Religion Page 51  
Chap. XL. The Ministers of their Law Page 53  
Chap. XLI. Their Marriages and Divorces Page 55  
Chap. XLII. The Beauty, Manners and Apparel of their Women Page 56  
Chap. XLIII. Their Mournings for the Dead, manner of Burial, and Burial places Page 57  
Chap. XLIV. A Summary of the humours of the Turks Page 58  
Chap. XLV. Of the Grand Signior Page 60  
Chap. XLVI. of the Grand Visier, and other chief Officers of the Turkish Empire Page 63  
Chap. XLVII. Of the Divan Page 65  
Chap. XLVIII. Of the Oeconomy among the Turks, and of the Moneys, Weights and Measures at Constantinople Page 66  
Chap. XLIX. Of the sorts of Punishments, and the several ways of Executing Malefactors in Turkey Page 68  
Chap. L. Of the Grand Siguior's Militia Page 69  
Chap. LI. Of the Grand Signior's easy way in raising and maintaining great Armies Page 71  
Chap. LII. Of his Weakness at Sea Page 73  
Chap. LIII. An exact account of the Sea fight between the Venetians and Turks at the Dardanelles, in the Year 1656 Page 74  
Chap. LIV. Of the great Sedition at Constantinople, in the Year 1655 Page 77  
Chap. LV. Of the Christian and Jewish Subjects of the Grand Signior; their Customs, and way of Living Page 81  
Chap. LVI. The Arrival and Audience of the Mogul's Ambassador Page 84  
Chap. LVII. Of the Grand Signior's going abroad in State Page 86  
Chap. LVIII. The City Bursa described. The Hot Bagnios and Sepulchers there Page 87  
Chap. LIX. Journey from Bursa to Smyrna Page 90  
Chap. LX. The City of Smyrna described Page 91  
Chap. LXI. Chio Town described Page 93  
Chap. LXII. Of the Mastic Trees, and other observables there Page 95  
Chap. LXIII. Of some Villages in the Isle of Chio, and Apparitions, etc. there Page 97  
Chap. LXIV. Of the Inhabitants of Chio, and their Manners, and of the Partridges there Page 100  
Chap. LXV. Of the Isle Patino, or Pathmos Page 103  
Chap. LXVI. The Isle Nixia ibid.  
Chap. LXVII. Of the Isles Paro, Delos, Mycone, Tine, and Nio Page 105  
Chap. LXVIII. The Isle Santorini. A strange Eruption of Fire there Page 107  
Chap. LXIX. Of the Isles Policandre, Milo, Sifanto, Thermia, Ajora, and Scyra Page 108  
Chap. LXX. The Isles Samos, and Nicaria Page 110  
Chap. LXXI. Of Stanchi and Bodrou Page 112  
Chap. LXXII. Departure from Bodrou, and Voyage to Rhodes Page 114  
Chap. LXXIII. The Isle and City of Rhodes. The Description and History thereof Page 115  
Chap. LXIV. The Voyage from Rhodes to Alexandria Page 118   

BOOK II.  
CHap. I. Of Alexandria Page 121  
Chap. II. The Walls there, the Pillar of Pompey, the Subterranean Town, Cleopatra's Palace, Porphyry Pillars, Talismans', and other Antiquities in Alexandria Page 123  
Chap. III. of Rossetto Page 126  
Chap. iv Of the Grand Cairo Page 127  
Chap. V The Pyramids Page 130  
Chap. VI The Mummies Page 135  
Chap VII. Old Cairo Page 138  
Chap. VIII. Of the Matharee, or Place where our Saviour lived, when in Egypt Page 139  
Chap. IX. The Castle of Cairo, and Observables there Page 140  
Chap. X. The Palaces, Streets and Bazars of Cairo Page 143  
Chap. XI. The Ovens for Hatching of Chickens Page 144  
Chap. XII. Of the Buryingplace by Cairo, and the Bones that rise there on Holy-Friday Page 145  
Chap. XIII. Of the Cavalcade at the going of the Hazna, or Grand Signior's Revenue, from Cairo Page 146  
Chap. XIV. The Turks Carnaval ibid.  
Chap. XV. Of the going out of Bassa Mansoul Page 147  
Chap. XVI. Of the Preparations for the Journey to Mecha and Medina, and the Presents sent thither Page 149  
Chap. XVII. Of the Departure of the Caravan, and its Journey to Mecha Page 150  
Chap. XVIII. Of Mecha, and its Description Page 152  
Chap. XIX. The Ceremonies to be performed by the Pilgrims to Mecha, in their Journey Page 153  
Chap. XX. Of the manner of meeting the Caravan at its return Page 154  
Chap. XXI. Mecha and Medina, their Descriptions Page 155  
Chap. XXII. Of the Letting in the Nile into the Street called Khalis, & infra, 223 Page 158  
Chap. XXIII. The Reception of the new Bassa at Cairo Page 160  
Chap. XXIV. Journey from Cairo to Suez Page 161  
Chap. XXV. From Suez to Tor, and of the Camels, Dromedaries, Antelopes' and Ostriches in those Parts Page 163  
Chap. XXVI. Of Tor, and Mount Sinai Page 166  
Chap. XXVII. The Mountain of St. Catherine Page 168  
Chap. XXVIII. The Mountain of Moses ibid.  
Chap. XXIX. The Monastery of St. Catherine Page 170  
Chap. XXX. Mount Horeb Page 171  
Chap. XXXI. The Return to Suez ibid.  
Chap. XXXII. Of the Arabs, their Government, Horses, and way of Living Page 173  
Chap. XXXIII. Of Suez, and the Red-Sea Page 175  
Chap. XXXIV. Return from Suez to Cairo Page 176  
Chap. XXXV. Journey from Cairo to Gaza Page 177  
Chap. XXXVI. Of Gaza and Rama, and how the Pilgrims are received at Jerusalem Page 180  
Chap. XXXVII. A particular Description of the Holy Places at Jerusalem Page 182  
Chap. XXXVIII. The Author's first entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre Page 185  
Chap. XXXIX. An exact Description of all the Observables in that Church Page 187  
Chap. XL. The Burial-places of the Kings of Jerusalem, and Grott of Jeremiah Page 192  
Chap. XLI. The River Jordan, the Red-Sea, and Mount of the Forty Days Fast Page 194  
Chap. XLII. The second entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre Page 195  
Chap. XLIII. Of the Holy Fire pretended to be brought out of the Sepulchre by the Greeks, Armenians, etc. Page 196  
Chap. XLIV. The Remarkable Places between Jerusalem and Bethlehem Page 198  
Chap. XLV. Of Bethlehem, the Church and Remarkable Places there Page 199  
Chap. XLVI. Of the Bethlehem Marks, and way of making them Page 201  
Chap. XLVII. Of the Remarkable Places about Bethlehem Page 202  
Chap. XLVIII. Of the Mountains of Judea; the Convent of the Holy Cross Page 203  
Chap. XLIX. Bethany, Bethphage, Mount Zion, the House of Magdalen, the Houses of Annas and Caiaphas, etc. Page 204  
Chap. L. The Author's third entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. He is made a Knight of the Sepulchre, the Privilege of such. A farther Description of the City of Jerusalem Page 206  
Chap. LI. Of Emaus, and Jaffa or Joppa Page 207  
Chap. LII. Voyage from Jaffa to Acre; the misfortunes the Author met with from a French Corsair of Malta Page 208  
Chap. LIII. A Description of Acre or Ptolemais Page 211  
Chap. LIV. Of Nazareth, and the Holy Places about it Page 212  
Chap. LV. Of the House of the Cananean, the Mount of the Beatitudes, the Mount of the Two Fishes and Five Loaves, the Sea of Tiberias or Lake of Genezareth, Town of Capernaum, Mount Tabor, and other Places thereabouts Page 213  
Chap. LVI. The Way by Land from Jerusalem to Nazareth Page 215  
Chap. LVII. The Road from Nazareth to Damascus Page 216  
Chap. LVIII. Of the City Damascus, and Places of Note that are about it Page 217  
Chap. LIX. Return to Acre. A Description of Mount Carmel, and the Convent there Page 219  
Chap. LX. The Way from Acre to Sour, Said, Baruth, Tripoli, and Mount Libanus, with the Remarks of those Places Page 220  
Chap. LXI. The Road from Tripoli to Aleppo, by Damascus' Page 222  
Chap. LXII. Voyage from Acre to Damiette. Rencounter with Italian Corsairs Page 224  
Chap. LXIII. What happened on board the Corsairs, till his arrival at Damiette Page 226  
Chap. LXIV. The Author's departure from Damiette, and arrival at Cairo Page 231  
Chap. LXV. The manner how they observe and publish the increase of the Nile ibid.  
Chap. LXVI The Ceremonies and public rejoicings at the opening of the Khalis Page 233  
Chap. LXVII. The arrival of the Bey of Girge at Cairo Page 235  
Chap LXVIII. The arrival of an Ambassador of Aethiopia at Cairo, with the Presents he brought for the Grand Signior Page 237  
Chap. LXIX. A Description of Aethiopia Page 233  
Chap. LXX. Of the Esine, or public Rejoicing at Cairo in the Author's time Page 241  
Chap. LXXI. Of the Deserts of St. Macharius, and remarkable Places there Page 242  
Chap. LXXII. Of Egypt, the Nile, the Crocodiles and Sea-Horses in it, and the way of taking Crocodiles Page 245  
Chap. LXXIII. The Manners of the Egyptians, the Worm-Woman at Cairo, and of the Arabic Language Page 248  
Chap. LXXIV. Females Circumcised among the Moors. Their strange Dancing in their Religious Worship at Cairo, and of their Santos Page 249  
Chap. LXXV. Of the Cophtes, their Religion, and strange Belief Page 252  
Chap. LXXVI. Of the Franks that live in Egypt, and of the Avanies, or continual Exactions of Money which are put upon them ibid.  
Chap. LXXVII. The manner of celebrating the Greek Mass by the Patriarch at Alexandria, and of his Vestments Page 256  
Chap. LXXVIII. Of the Jews and Turks in Egypt Page 257  
Chap. LXXIX. The Punishments used in Egypt Page 259  
Chap. LXXX. The Inconveniences and Distempers which are frequent at Cairo Page 260  
Chap. LXXXI. The Remedies used by the Moors in their Sicknesses Page 262  
Chap. LXXXII. The Moneys and Weights of Egypt ibid.  
Chap. LXXXIII. The Remarkable History of Don Philippo, Prince of Tunis Page 263  
Chap. LXXXIV. The Voyage from Cairo to Alexandria. Of the Hhovames' Page 265  
Chap. LXXXV. Arrival at Bouquer, with a Description of the Place. A dangerous Storm in the Port of Alexandria Page 266  
Chap. LXXXVI. The Author's Departure from Bouquer in an English Ship. Commendation of the English Seamen Page 270  
Chap. LXXXVII. The Voyage from Bouquer Page 271  
Chap. LXXXVIII. The Isles of Lampedosa and Pantalaria. Of the Corsairs met with at Sea. The Arrival at Goletta ibid.  
Chap. LXXXIX. A Description of Goletta, and the Author's Arrival at Tunis Page 274  
Chap. XC. Of the Country-houses, and other Remarks about Tunis Page 275  
Chap. XCI. A Description of Tunis, and of the Christian Slaves there Page 276  
Chap. XCII. Of the Dey, and other Officers at Tunis, and of the Government there Page 277  
Chap. XCIII. Of the several Punishments used at Tunis Page 279  
Chap. XCIV. The Author's Departure from Goletta. The Ruins of Carthage. A continuance of his Voyage Page 279  
Chap. XCV. A Relation of a remarkable Engagement at Sea between an English Merchantman and three Spanish Corsairs, and the taking of one of the Corsairs Page 282  
A Relation of the taking of Babylon, otherwise called Bagdat, from the King of Persia, by Sultan Amurath, in the Year 1638 Page 287    

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS Contained in the SECOND PART.  

BOOK I.  
CHapter I. The Author's Departure from Paris. His Journal from Marseilles to Alexandria Page 1  
Chap. II. Curiosities observed during the Voyage, and at Alexandria Page 6  
Chap. III. Remarks in the way from Alexandria to Said, and from Said to Damascus. The manner of making Sorbet at Rossetto Page 8  
Chap. iv Description of the City of Damascus Page 13  
Chap. V More of the Remarks at Damascus Page 19  
Chap. VI Journey from Damascus to Aleppo Page 25  
Chap. VII. Observations at Aleppo, an exact Description of that City Page 30  
Chap. VIII. A Sequel of the Observations at Aleppo. The Zineh, or manner of the Public Rejoicing there Page 35  
Chap. IX. The Road to Mosul by by'r and Orfa. Of the River Euphrates. The History of Agabarus, King of Orfa Page 39  
Chap. X. The continuation of the Journey to Mosul by Codgiasar. The Country of Merdin and Nisibin Page 44  
Chap. XI. Of Mosul, and the Observables there Page 50  
Chap. XII. Of the fiery Wind called Samiel. Their Kelecks, and the Author's Embarking in that kind of Vessel Page 53  
Chap. XIII. The Author's Voyage on the Tigris to Bagdat. Of the Lions, and other remarkable Beasts of those Parts Page 56  
Chap. XIV. A Description of Bagdat, and of the Road from Bagdat to Mendeli Page 61   

BOOK II.  
CHap. I. Of the Entry into Persia, and Road to Hamadan Page 65  
Chap. TWO The Road from Hamadan to Ispahan Page 72  
Chap III. Of Persia in general, the Soil and Air Page 77  
Chap. IV. A Description of Ispahan Page 78  
Chap. V A continuation of the Observations at Ispahan, particularly of their Buildings Page 84  
Chap. VI Of their Art's Page 87  
Chap. VII. Of their Moneys, Weights and Measures Page 89  
Chap. VIII. The Nature of the Persians Page 90  
Chap. IX. Their Habits Page 91  
Chap. X. Their Diet and Drink Page 94  
Chap. XI. Of the Court of Persia, the present King Schah Abbas, the Great Officers, Militia and Government there. Of two Moscovite Ambassadors at Ispahan Page 97  
Chap. XII. Of their Astrologers. A Comet and Eclipse there. And of the Superstition of the Persians Page 105  
Chap. XIII. Of the Religion of the Persians Page 106  
Chap. XIV. Of the Jews, Guebres, Banians and Armenians at Ispahan Page 111  
Chap. XV. Of the Horses, Mules, Camels, and some Infects there Page 113  
Chap. XVI. Of the several sorts of Fruits and Plants there Page 115   

BOOK. III. Of the Country of Schiras, and other Places under the Dominion of the King of Persia.  
CHap. I. The Road from Ispahan to Schiras Page 120  
Chap. II. A Description of Schiras. The excellent Wine there Page 124  
Chap. III. the Road from Schiras to Bender, with the Remarks on that Road Page 127  
Chap. IV. A continuation of the Journey to Bender. Of the Town of Lar Page 131  
Chap. V Of Benderabassi, and Ormus. The Author's Return to Schiras. Of the Poisonous Plant called Kherzehreh; and of the Banian-Trees. Of the Dutch Factory at Bender Page 135  
Chap. VI Of the Antiquities to be seen betwixt Schiras and Tschehel-minar Page 139  
Chap. VII. Of Tschehel-minar and Naksci Rustan, supposed to be some Remains of the Ancient Persepolis Page 142  
Chap. VIII. The Road to Bender-Rik Page 147  
Chap. IX. The Voyage from Bender-Rik to Bassora Page 151  
Chap. X. A Description of Bassora Page 156  
Chap. XI. More of Bassora. Of Elcatif and Lehhsa. Of the Pearl Fishing. And of the Sabeans, and their Religion Page 160   

BOOK. iv  
CHap. I. The Voyage from Bassora to the Indies. More of Pearl Fishing. A cruel Action of a Portuguese Page 167  
Chap. II. A continuation of the Voyage from Bassora to the Indies. A Description of Congo. Of the Robbers called Zinganes Page 175  
Chap III. Of Spouts at Sea, a large Description of them; their Danger and Effects; and means to be used against them Page 184  
Chap. IV. More of the Voyage to the Indies. The manner of heaving the Log. Of the Dorado or Dolphin. Of the Weathergall or Ox's Eye; and other Remarks in the East-Indy Seas Page 190    

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS Contained in the THIRD PART.  

BOOK I.  
CHapter I. Voyage from Bassora to Surrat, and the strict search by the Customers at Surrat Page 1  
Chap. II. The Limits of the Indies Page 3  
Chap. III. Of the Great Mogul, and the present Emperor Auranzeb Page 4  
Chap. IV. The Province of Guzerat Page 6  
Chap. V Of Amedabad, the Capital City of the Province Page 8  
Chap. VI Journey from Amedabad to Cambaye Page 12  
Chap. VII. A Description of Surrat Page 15  
Chap. VIII. Of the Wine or Liquor called Tarry Page 17  
Chap. IX. The Weights and moneys of Surrat Page 18  
Chap. X. The Officers and Government at Surrat Page 19  
Chap. XI. Bad Offices done to the French Company at Surrat Page 20  
Chap. XII. The Marriage of the Governors' Daughter there Page 22  
Chap. XIII. Their Burial-places, and way of burning Dead Bodies Page 23  
Chap. XIV. Curiosities at Surrat Page 24  
Chap XV. The Port of Surrat Page 26  
Chap. XVI. The History of Sivagy and his Wars Page 27  
Chap. XXVII. Of Father Ambrose the Capucin Page 30  
Chap. XVIII. Of other Towns of Guzerat, and the Siege of Diu Page 31  
Chap. XIX. The Province and Town of Agra Page 33  
Chap. XX. The Habits worn at Agra Page 36  
Chap. XXI. Curiosities at Agra Page 38  
XXII. The Province and Town of Dehly, the present Residence of Auranzeb 's Court Page 40  
Chap. XXIII. The Arms used in the Moguls Country Page 43  
Chap. XXIV. The several sorts of Beasts at Dehly, and more particularly of the Elephant's Page 44  
Chap. XXV. Curiosities at Dehly Page 46  
Chap. XXVI. The Festival on Auranzeb 's Birthday Page 47  
Chap. XXVII. The Province and Town of Azmer Page 48  
Chap. XXVIII. Their Feast of Neurous or New years-day, and Fair than Page 49  
Chap. XXIX. The strange Beasts of that Country, and of their Salt-petre Page 51  
Chap. XXX. The Province of Sinde or Sindy, and their sort of Chariot's Page 52  
Chap. XXXI. Of their Palanquins' Page 54  
Chap. XXXII. Of the Province of Multan, and the Banians or Merchant's Page 55  
Chap. XXXIII. The Province of Candahar Page 56  
Chap. XXXIV. The Province of Caboul or Caboulistan Page 57  
Chap. XXXV. The Province of Cachmir or Kichmir Page 58  
Chap. XXXVI. The Province of Lahors, and of a sort of Religious Men there called Vartias Page 60  
Chap. XXXVII. Of the Provinces of Ayoud and Varad Page 62  
Chap. XXXVIII. The Province of Becar. Of the Castles. The several Tribes or Professions of the Indians, and their Religion's Page 63  
Chap. XXXIX. The Province of Halabas. Of the Faquirs, a kind of Gypsies Page 66  
Chap. XL. The Province of Oulesser or Bengala. Of the River Ganges Page 67  
Chap. XLI. The Province of Malva. A strange sort of Bat there Page 70  
Chap. XLII. The Province of Candich, and great Town of Bampour Page 71  
Chap. XLIII. The Province of Balagate. Of the Pyons of the Country, Aurangeabad Page 72  
Chap. XLIV. Of the famous Pagods (or Idol Temples) of Elora Page 74  
Chap. XLV. The Province of Doltabad. Of the wonderful feats of Agility of Body there shown Page 76  
Chap. XLVI. Of the Pagod (or Idol Temple) called Chitanagar Page 79  
Chap. XLVII. The Province of Telenga, more of their Religion Page 80  
Chap. XLVIII. The Province of Baglana, Town of Bombain, etc. and of the Marriage Rites among the Indians Page 82  
Chap. XLIX. Of the Indian Widows, their Custom of Burning themselves with their dead Husband's Page 85   

BOOK II.  
CHap. I. Of Decan, Malabar, Calcut, etc. and strange Customs in those countries'; and of the Malabar Alphabet Page 87  
Chap. II. Of the Revolutions in Decan Page 90  
Chap. III. Goa, its Description, and present Condition under the Portugals Page 92  
Chap. IV. The Kingdom of Golconda, and the great City of Bagnagar described Page 93  
Chap. V Of the Inhabitants of Bagnagar, and Diamond Trade there Page 97  
Chap. VI The Castle or Royal Palace of Golconda described Page 98  
Chap. VII. Of the King of Golconda now Reigning Page 100  
Chap. VIII. Of the Omras or Great Lords of Golconda, and of the Winter at Golconda Page 102  
Chap. IX. The Author's Departure from Bagnagar for Masulipatan. The Road described Page 104  
Chap. X. His Departure frrm Bagnagar for Surrat. The Road described. Remedies for the Colic and Flux of that Country Page 107  
Chap. XI. Curious Memoirs of some Miscellany things. Of Ceilan, Japan, and Pegu, and the Trade there Page 109  
Chap. XII. The Author's Departure from Surrat for Persia. His Death at Miana in Persia Page 112    

ERRATA.  

PART I.  
PAge 3. Line 4. Deal score, p. 4. I. 16. r. Liliboeus, p. 5. l. 3. r. tenth, p. 12. l. 35. r. way a day, p. 14. l. 15. r. him, p. 20. l. 11. r. casemates, ibid. l. 19 r. battlements. p. 21. l. 23. r. carries, p. 22. l. 46. add not, p. 23. l. 23. r. Towers, p. 24. l. 27. r. and, p. 40. l. 10. add who, p. 56. l. 12. r. dirt, p. 63. l. 25. add of, p. 85. l. 51. r. he was, p. 87. l. 20. r. tucked, p. 90. l. 11. r. all, p. 93. l. 25. deal then, p. 95. l. 38. add to, p. 101. l. 5. r. profound, p. 102. l. 39 r. Naveus, p. 106. l. 41. add that, p. 141. l. 32. r. ruinous, p. 178, l. 51. deal the first (indeed,) p. 193. l. 38. r. Tiberias, p. 194. l. 38. r. On, p. 203. l. 19 r. Candace, p. 206. l. 57 r. fleas, p. 210. l. 5. r. have been, Chap. LX. r. Sour, Said, p. 227. l. 4. deal had, p. 246. l. 36. r. keep them fast, p. 284. l. 41. r. who having been taken on board, some with.   

PART II.  
Page 3. Line 8. Read weels, p. 5. l. ult. for by the South, Read to the South, p. 9 l. 7. r. the manner, p. 19 l. 48. r. where that of tne forty Martyrs is, p. 32. l. 44. r. sit, ibid. l. 50. deal hundred, p. 37. l. 59 r. chasuble, p. 44. l. 15. r. Curds, p. 46. l. 19 r. deserted, p. 48. l. 20. r. Samiel, p. 50. l. 11. r. drew, p. 69. l. 52. r. Brannew, p. 126. l. 19 r. Martimass, p. 129. l. 6. r. it having at least seven or eight fathom in Diameter, p. 135. & alibi. r. Dgins, p. 146. l. 26. r. Niches, p. 152. l. 55. r. Maps.   

PART III.  
Page 2. Line 48. Read timely, p. 3. l. 37. r. on, p. 4. l. 36. r. where, ibid. l. 43. r. Decan, p. 7. l. 44. r. saw, p. 8. l. 16. r. the, p. 20. l. 6. r. imaginable, p. 25. l. 38. r. Acacia, p. 58. l. 38. r. by means of, p. 66. l. 23. r. shave, p. 73. l. 15. r. Merous, p. 99 l. 24. r. powder, p. 109. l. 16. r. Ormus, p. 112. l. 28. r. Rubies.    

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT.  
The First Part.  
WHEREIN The States and Dominions subject to the Grand Signior, the Manners, Religions, Forces, Governments, Politics, Languages, and Customs of the Inhabitants of that Great Empire, are curiously Handled.  
TOGETHER With many Particulars of the Archipelago, Constantinople, the Holy Land, Egypt, the Pyramids, Mummies, Deserts of Arabia, Mecha, and several other Places of Asia and Africa, lately Observed, and not hitherto Described.  
BESIDES, The Memorable things that happened at the last Siege of Babylon, otherwise called Bagdat: The Ceremonies at the Reception of the Ambassadors of the Mogul: And the Author's Conversation with the Ambassador of Prester John, who among many other Things, gave him an Account of the Sources of the NILE.  
By Monsieur DE THEVENOT.  
Now made English.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year, 1687.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT. PART I.  

CHAP. I. The Traveller's Design.  
THE desire of Travelling (which is as old as Human Nature) seems to be at present, a more prevailing passion than ever: 
The desire of Travelling more ardent now a days than ever.  In all parts of the World we meet with Travellers, which confirm the truth of what I say; and the many Printed Relations of their Observations which have been made Public within these twenty years, put it out of all doubt. All who are curious, delight in the Rarities they see; and there are but few, who if they were not otherwise engaged, would not willingly be themselves the witnesses and spectators of them: These pleasing Relations raised in my mind the first thoughts of Travelling; and seeing in the Year one thousand six hundred fifty two, I had no considerable Affairs that might obstruct my inclination, I easily resolved to follow it. I began with England, 
The beginning of the Author's Travels.  proceeded by Holland and Germany, and then visited Italy; but till I have past Naples, I shall make no particular Observation of these Countries, since those things that recommend them to strangers, are sufficiently known to all my Countrymen: having satisfied my curiosity with all that Rome could afford, I resolved not to stop there, but to advance and inform myself of what was worthy of knowledge in other Countries, whereof I had but imperfect Conceptions: But than it behoved me to consider which way I should direct my Travels, and, that I might not Travel in vain, provide myself of means and necessary instructions to render them useful. God Almighty offered me an occasion; for at Rome I found a French Gentleman, 
A very learned Man.  who seriously applied himself to the knowledge of the Affairs of the Levant; he was in so high reputation among the Learned, that he was courted by all who loved solid Learning, because in him alone they found abundantly, what was but very rarely to be met with amongst all others. Though the greatest part of his time was taken up in conversation with the most learned Cardinals, and the other most considerable Prelates of Rome; 
The Author's Friendship with Mounsieur d' Herbelot.  yet I made so good use of his acquaintance, that he was pleased to admit me into his Friendship, and I admired to find by experience, the truth of what I had been told by others: At first I found him to be a man so accomplished in Liberal Sciences, and in the Greek and Latin Tongues, that he might be ranked among the ablest Professors of the same; and so much Master of the Hebrew, that he not only understood Hebrew Books, but all the Rabins to the depth; and he Disputed against the Jewish Doctors or Hakans, to whom he explained the Prophets and Old Testament with so much advantage to our Faith, so subtly, and with so good success, that I dare be bold to say, he startled and shook most of them: They were so taken with his Learning, that they importuned him with their visits, and (after a conversation of three or four hours' continuance, with their Books in their hands) I have seen them take their leaves of him with regret, for that it seemed, that the time which he was obliged to bestow upon his other friends, was rob from them. He was no less skilful in the chaldaic and Syriack Tongues; at that time he excelled in the Arabic, Turkish and Persian Languages, whereof he hath so well improved the Books since, that I may confidently say, he is in all these Languages the most knowing man in Europe. I place not only his Skill in the speaking of these Tongues, and understanding their Books, but chief in their Learning and Knowledge of most things of the East; whereof he never speaks but so intelligently, that almost all that hear him are ravished and surprised with his Erudition. This knowledge of so many Oriental Languages, hath so accomplished him in all kind of History, both Ancient and Modern, from which he hath collected so many particularities, that our Geographers and Historians do but seem to be in the dark as to those things which he could make out with certainty: He is no less knowing in other Sciences than in Languages, and being of a humour far from vanity, and the temper of those Learned men, who disdain to converse with such as know less than themselves; but on the contrary, making a mystery of nothing, and frankly discoursing with any man upon what Subject he proposes, informing him of that he knows; I failed not to embrace the occasion, and make the best of a friendship that was so useful unto me. He imparted to me all that he had learned from the Levantines, with whom he had conversed, not only as to their manners and method of conduct, but also as to what circumspections I was to use on many occasions; and in short, he made me determine to Travel into the Levant. I was overjoyed when he told me that he himself intended to make the voyage, I hugged myself a long while, in hopes of so good company; and made no doubt but that with so great assistances, I might be able upon my return, to give the World an account of all the Rarities that the East produces in Learning, Art and Nature: But when we were upon the point of embarking, there happened to Monsieur Herbelot (that was the Gentleman's name) a domestic Affair, of so great consequence, that it interrupted his design, and obliged him to defer his departure: I patiently bore with that misfortune, because he promised to meet me at Malta, and seeing I had put myself in a readiness to embark in one of the Pope's Galleys, that was to touch at Naples, into which the French at that time had no admission; he advised me not to let slip so fair an opportunity, and accordingly I did not. I parted from Rome on Monday, May 31. 1655, and June 2. embarked at Civita Vecchia, in the Galley commanded by the Count Gaddi, from whom I received all the testimonies of a noble Generosity. The fourth of June the Galleys stopped eight miles from Naples: And the fifth being spent in the Passengers viewing of that City, we parted on Sunday the sixth of June, towards the evening, and made sail for Sicily: We saw in our passage the fire of the Mountain of the Isle of Stromboli, and I was told that they who were near it heard great howl, which proceed not from Hell (of which the silly people of the Country think the top of this hill to be the mouth) but from the violence of the Winds; which breaking impetuously into the vast concavities that have been hollowed by the Sea, and there kindling in the sulphur-mines, whereof that Country is full, the flame that has made and preserved to itself a passage through the Mountain, makes a noise like to the howl of the damned. Tuesday the eight of June, about night, we passed the Phare of Messina, and next day, Wednesday, the ninth of June we came in the nighttime, before Messina, and dropped Anchor without the Port. Thursday, the tenth of June, we went ashore, and walked about the Town with more freedom than we had done at Naples: I shall speak of it in short.   

CHAP. II. Of Messina.  
THE Town of Messina lies on that side of Sicily which looks to Rhegio, 
Messina.  in Italy, from which it is but Threescore Miles distant. It is situated in the place where the Town of Zande stood, and had the Name of Messina, 
Zande.  from the Messinians of Peloponesus, who built and inhabited it; it hath a safe Harbour, made so by Nature, which would seem to have been measured with the Compass, so round and proportioned it is. On the Shoar, round this Port, there are several fair Palaces of uniform Building, which offer a pleasant Prospect to those that enter the Port, but they have not been continued. At the end of the Mole, which shuts in this Port, there is a Tower to secure the Entry; much about the middle of the said Mole stands another Tower, on the top of which there is a great Light kindled every night, to let Ships out at Sea know where they are. This is but a kind of a melancholy Town, though the Streets be fair and large; in viewing of it, I saw written over the Door of the Cathedral Church, in pretty large ancient Characters, Gran-Mercy a Messine; when the French became Masters of Sicily, Messina was the first place that surrendered unto them, and that the memory of it might be preserved, they caused that Inscription to be made. Before this stately and large Church, there is a great Square or Piazza, with a Theatre in the middle of it, where the Victory of Lepanto is represented on Brass, and a Brazen Statue of Don John of Austria stands. The Novitiate of the Jesuits stands upon a Hill higher than any place of the Town; and seeing the whole Town and Harbour may be seen from the Gardens of it, I readily embraced the offer that a Jesuit made me of carrying me to them: Having passed through some spacious walks, he led me to a very high Garden, 
Scylla. Charybdis.  from whence he shown me Scylla and Charybdis, which heretofore rendered that Straight so dangerous, that all that passed it thought themselves certainly lost. Scylla is a Rock, pretty near a Castle, on the Italian Shoar, over against the Phare of Messina; this Castle is called Scyllio, from whence that Rock hath had the Name of Scylla. As for Charybdis, it is near and opposite to the Port of Messina, but is not dangerous but when two contrary Eddies meet, which making Vessels turn round for some time, suck them down to the bottom without remedy: To avoid them, one must keep as near, or as far off of the Port as possibly can be, for the danger is in the middle, betwixt the Port and the Land of Italy, on the other side. Though the greatest danger be in that place, yet the Port is not free from it, for the Jesuit told me, that it hath sometimes happened, that a Ship being got into the Harbour, and having saluted the Town, hath been carried out again by the currents, and cast away in sight of the place. The old Proverb, Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charibdim, was not said without reason; for when Men have avoided the danger of one of these Rocks, they may very easily fall upon the other, if they have not a care: The Fable which said, that Charybdis and Scylla were two Sea Monsters, surrounded with Dogs that barked, has its original from the great noise these Waters make, by beating and clashing one against another; so that, especially when they beat against Scylla, one would think it were the barking of great Dogs. Now to prevent the casting away of Ships in those Passages, the Messineses have always a great many Pilots purposely in readiness, 
Pilots hired by the Messinese.  and paid by the City, of whom there is always one standing Sentinel upon a high Tower; and when Ships, or other Vessels, finding themselves in imminent danger, fire a Gun, these Pilots fail not to put off in their Boats and assist them. The Jesuit led me into another Garden higher than the rest, hard by which there is a Bastion that Commands the Town, and all that House of the Jesuits; he told me that there were eighteen strong Castles in Messina, 
Eighteen Castles in Messina. The Messinese jealous of the Spaniards.  of which the Spaniards held but four, the rest being in the hands of the Messinese, who are so jealous of the Spaniards, that these having built a Fort at the end of the Port, they made another on the opposite side of the Water, a Musket shot only distant from that of the Spaniards. This is a very rich Town, by reason of the great Trade in Silk that is driven there: They have no Inns for Strangers, which is a great inconvenience to them, being obliged to lodge in a wretched Tavern upon the Harbour, which they call the Barraque, where the Entertainment is very bad: All things are cheap there; the Wine is strong, but very bad; and this City is an Archi-episcopal See.   

CHAP. III. Of Sicily.  

Island of Sicily. Capo Difaro. Capo Passaro. Capo Boco. Pelorus. Pachinis. Lilibaerus.  SICILY is an Island of a Triangular Figure, the point of each Angle making a Cape; one of these Capes is called Capo Difaro, the other Capo Passaro, and the third Capo Boco, which in ancient times were called Pelorus, Pachinis and Lilibaerus: Many think that heretofore it was joined to Italy, from which it is but three miles distant, but that it was separated from it by the force of the Sea, which made to itself a passage betwixt them; and others say it was done by an Earthquake.  

The phare of Messina dangerous.  This Straight which is now betwixt the Island and Calabria, is called the Phare of Messina, and is most dangerous to be passed, not only because of Charybdis and Scylla, but also because the two points of Land of the Continent and Island are in a manner locked one within another. This is the most considerable Island of the Mediterranean Sea, as well for bigness, which is near seven hundred miles in circuit, as for its fruitfulness; for it produces all things in abundance, and because of its plenty of Corn, excellent Wines, Olives, and many other such things, it was heretofore called one of the Granaries of Rome. It contains a great many very fair and rich Towns, 
Mount Gibello. Aetna.  but it is much infested by Mount Gibello, anciently called Aetna, which continually casts forth abundance of flames; it is also much subject to Earthquakes, which make strange havoc in it: It hath been under the Dominion of many Nations, and hath belonged to the Greeks, Carthaginians, Saracens, French, and last of all to the King of Spain, who has a Viceroy there, 
The Viceroy of Sicily, and where he resides. The Manners of the Sicilians.  that holds his Residence six Months of the Year at Palermo, and the other six at Messina. This mixture of so many different Nations (of whom all Sicily hath retained some vice) has made the Sicilians so ill natured, as they are at present: they are very haughty and jealous, and there is no vice that comes amiss to them; Revenge continues in Families there for hundreds of Years, and as their temper is extremely vindicative, they are so mistrustful of the French, because of the cruelty of the Sicilian Vespers, that judging the nature of the French by their own, they think that the other can never forget an affront that cost so much blood, and was never heretofore paralleled. They wear always by their side a Dagger two hands long, and three fingers broad, and you shall not find a Tradesman in his shop without his Dagger by his side, even when they are at work: They are of a subtle and malicious Wit.   

CHAP. IU. From Messina to Malta.  
WE parted from before Messina, Thursday, the Twenty fourth of June, 
From Messina to Malta.  with a contrary Wind, so that do what we could with our Oars, we were obliged to come to an Anchor again near the Port of Messina, three hours after we had weighed from it; however we weighed an hour after, though the Wether was still the same, and the Sea a little rough. Friday, towards the Evening, we came to an Anchor before Agousta, but we went not a Shoar; 
Agousta.  I was told for my comfort, that it was no more but a very ordinary Street, as indeed it seemed to me to be. The Country about it produces excellent Wine, which has a strong flavour of Violets; we weighed Anchor from before that Town, next morning being Saturday, the Eleventh of June, and coasted along before Syracuse, called at present, by corruption, Saragoussa, 
Syracuse. Saragoussa.  the Country of Archimedes, which was formerly the Metropolis of Sicily: The Country about Saragoussa produces excellent Muscadine Wine; we stopped not before that Town, but continued our course with the diversion of Dolphins and Tunnies, which leaping out of the water in great numbers, followed the Galleys. Sunday, the Twelfth of June, about Six a clock in the Morning, we had an East North East Wind, which drove us so fast, that about Eleven a clock the same Morning we made the Isle of Malta, and about Four in the Afternoon entered into the Port of the Town: All the Guns were fired from the several Castles of Malta in honour of the Pope, who was newly Elected, and to salute his Galleys, which returned the Salute, by several discharges of all their Canons.   

CHAP. V Of the Isle of Malta.  
THE Isle of Malta lies in the African Sea, betwixt Sicily and Tripoli, 
The Situation of the Isle of Malta.  of Barbary; it is Threescore Miles distant from Sicily, and an Hundred from Africa; in the Latitude of eight and thirty degrees, and the Longitude of four and thirty; it reaches from East to West twenty miles in length, and is about twelve over, so that it is threescore miles in compass. The ancient Name of this Island was Melita, from the Greek word Meli, which signifies Honey, because it affords good Honey; at present it is named Malta, from the word Melita, though those of Barbary draw the Etymology of it from a Story of theirs: They say, That heretofore the Moors of Tripoli being divided into two Factions, under two Scheiks, or Captains, and being in continual Wars one with the other, those of the weakest side resolved to forsake the Country, and go live some where else; and that for that end they sent men out to Sea to find some proper place for their Habitation: These Men finding the Isle of Malta, judged it to be very convenient for them, and upon their return, their Scheik having asked them if they had found any place, they answered in their Language, Lakeinadgeire eledia fiel ma ou tah, which is to say, We have found an Isle where there is Water and Plains, and of that ma ou tah, they say, that by corruption it is called Malta. 
Battus, King of Malta.  There was an ancient King of this Isle, called Battus, a Rich and Powerful Prince, who was a great Friend to Dido, Queen of Carthage. It was afterwards subjected to the Carthaginians, and having been in process of time saccaged and ruined by a Roman Army, under the Command of M. Artilius, 
Roger, a Norman Prince, took Malta from the Saracens. Charles the Fifth gives Malta to the Knights of Jerusalem, with the Isle of Gozo.  was since annexed with Sicily to that Empire, till being upon its fall, it was possessed by the Saracens, from whom Roger, a Norman Prince, Count of Sicily, took it in the Year 1090. Since that time, it hath always been in the hands of Christians; and in the Year 1530, Charles the Fifth gave it and the Isle of Gozo to the Knights of Jerusalem, who were wand'ring up and down for the space of eight years, after they had lost Rhodes, and have been ever after called Knights of Malta. This Island is low, being only a white soft Rock, very proper for Building and making of Lime, but does not long resist the Sea Winds, especially the South East Wind, that eats it away: There is but very little Earth upon the Rock, and that stony too, so that one would think it could bear nothing at all; nevertheless it produces very good Fruit, but chief Figs, which are as good as in Provence; and such excellent Melons, for the most part white, that it is hard to find a bad one amongst them; they are at no pains in raising of them, they only throw the Seed into the Ground like Corn, and take no care to preserve them. The Grapes that grow there are excellent to eat, but not to make Wine of; they have a thick skin, and are fleshy, like Plumbs within. They plant Cotton, which thrives very well; but sow very little Corn, for Sicily furnishes the Maltese with as much as they need. 
The temper of the Air of Malta.  The Air there is so hot, that there is no walking abroad in the Sun; and the nights are insupportable in the Summer time, not only because of the great heats, but also of the Musketoes, that are so troublesome there, that they put the face in a gore of blood, especially of new Comers, whom they easily distinguish, so that when a Man rises in the morning, he looks like one just come out of the Smallpox. There is no Winter in this Island, nor no need of warming one's self by the fire; on the contrary, they always drink their Wine with Ice. The Air is very thin and wholesome for Old Men, who can hardly die; but headaches are dangerous there, and sore Eyes, 
Green Spectacles.  because of the whiteness of the Earth, which makes many Commanders and Kaights to wear green Spectacles, though I cannot tell but that the Glass by contracting the beams of the Sun, may burn their Eyes. There is no venomous Creature upon that Island, and none can live there, which is a Miracle the Inhabitants ascribe to St. Paul, 
St. Paul much reverenced in Malta.  to whom they are much devoted, and believe that it is an effect of the Benediction which that Saint gave, after his Shipwreck, when he was attacked by the Viper mentioned in the xxviii. of the Acts of the Apostles; from which having received no hurt, they were so amazed, 
The Earth of St. Paul's Grott.  that they Believed in God. They give the Earth of the Grott where he was, for a Remedy against the stinging of Serpents, and other poisons; nay, against all putrid and malignant Fevers also, with better success than the Terra Sigillata, as many have found by experience, having thereby recovered their health; they attribute this Virtue also to the Benediction of St. Paul, and several Barks are yearly loaded with it, to be transported into other places of Christendom. Amongst the Rocks of this Island, they find those Stones that look like a Serpent's Eye, 
The Stone of the Serpent's Eye.  which some carry upon their fingers, set in Rings, because of the virtue that they are thought to have against poison. This Island is very populous, and when, in the Year 1590., a Calculation was made of the number of the Inhabitants, by Command of the Count of Alvadelista, Viceroy of Naples, that he might know what quantity of Corn was necessary for them; they found in the Bourg, the Old Town, the Town of Valetta, the Isle of St. Michael, and in seven Parishes, which contain above thirty six Villages, seven and twenty Thousand Men, not reckoning the Knights of the Order, and their Servants. The Maltese are of a brown complexion, and are much of the nature of the Sicilians, at least, in point of Revenge. The Women are beautiful and pretty familiar; in the streets they cover their heads with a Mantle that reaches down to the ground, but though they hid their own face, yet they see every body without being known. The Native Language of the Isle of Malta, is Arabic, but the Italian is very common there, especially in the Town:  
The Isle of Malta hath several Ports and Creeks, well defended by Forts built upon them; 
Marsamouchet, a great Seaport in Malta.  but, amongst others, there are two great Havens open to the East North East, one of which is called Marsamouchet, and the other is the great Port; these two Ports are separated by a tongue of pretty high Land, on the point whereof the Castle of St. Erme was built, and since adjoining to it, the City Valetta: The Port of Marsamouchet is for Ships to perform their quarantine in, before they have access to the Town, and for such as by reason of foul weather cannot get into the great Port; as also for Casairs, who coming only for a short stay, put not in into the great Port, because it is not easy to get out again. There is a little Island in this Port, and in it the Lazaretto, where they who are to perform their quarantine, lodge: The great Port contains several Havens within it, and is secured by two Rocks, 
Many Ports in Malta.  one on each side of the Entry; on that which is on the right-hand, the Castle of St. Erme is built; in foul weather it is very dangerous to come near it, and special care must be had both in coming and going out of it; having passed these Rocks, you see to the lefthand a Haven, where the Vessels that come from the Levant, and are not to stay at Malta, put into, that they may be separated from the rest; advancing a little further, you pass betwixt the Town of Valetta, which is to the right-hand, and the Castle of St. Angelo, to the left, 
Castle of St. Angelo in Malta.  standing upon the point of a tongue of Land, along which lies the Bourg, at the back of the said Castle; after that you find another Haven to the lefthand, which is very good and safe, and is betwixt the Bourg and the Isle of Sangle, 
Isle of Sangle.  which is a tongue of Land, inhabited, almost like to that of the Bourg, to which it is parallel; these two tongues, reaching from East to West, like two fingers of a hand. The Galleys of the Order are laid up in this Haven, and all the Vessels that are to make any stay at Malta, either to load, careen, or refit, put in there, it being shut with an Iron Chain. There is a little Haven at the bottom of this Port staked in, where, in the Evening, all the small Barks are shut up, lest Slaves might make their Escape in the Nighttime: Beyond the Island, there is Water, further up, but it is of no depth; from the entry of the great Port to the extremity, or rather bottom of it, it is, at least, two miles.   

CHAP. VI Of the Castles St. Angelo and St. Erme.  
AS soon as the King of Spain had given the Island of Malta to the Knights of St. John, Philip de Villiers, l' Isle-Adam, 
Castles. St. Angelo. St. Erme. The Great Master Villiers.  who at that time was Great Master of the Order, came and took possession of it, and lodged in the Castle of St. Angelo, as the rest of the Order did in the Bourg: But Sultan Soliman not satisfied with the Isle of Rhodes, out of which he had driven that illustrious Order, having a design utterly to extirpate those men, who though but few in number, had put him to so much trouble, and from whom he was still apprehensive of more mischief, sent in the year 1565, a powerful Army to take the Isle of Malta: 

Soliman sent and Besieged Malta.  
La Vallet, Great Master.  
Mount Pelegrino.  
The Siege of Malta.   It arrived there in the month of July, Friar John of Valetta being then great Master, and landed towards Mount Pelegrino. The Turks presently attacked the Castle St. Erme, which wholly defends the Entries into the great Port and Marsamouchet; they raised their Batteries in the place where the Town of Valetta stands, which was not then begun to be built, and battered that Castle so furiously, that having killed all that defended it, they made themselves Masters of the same: Then they turned against the Bourg and the Isle De la Sangle. The Country is defended by the Castle St. Angelo, which stands at the end of it on the side of the Port, upon a very high Rock, and difficult to climb up; so that it is almost inaccessible: The Isle De la Sangle is defended by a Bastion on the point of it: They gave several Assaults to both these places, where they landed many thousand Men, but all in vain; for they were still repulsed with great loss. In the mean time, though the Castle St. Angelo did so continually annoy them, that they durst not show themselves, yet they battered the Isle so furiously, that they ruined the Works, and resolved to make a general assault, because, being Master of that Isle, they could break the Chain that secured the Port, 
The Port of Malta secured by a Chain.  which was stretched from the Castle St. Angelo to the Spur of the said Isle. The Great Master having notice of their resolution, caused Portholes to be made in the Castle St. Angelo levelly with the water, without opening them on the outside, yet so contrived and made, that a knock of a Hammer might give them an opening wide enough for his design: He there caused Guns to be planted with all expedition: When it was day, the Turks sent off a great many Boats manned with Soldiers, to give the assault to the Spur of the Isle, and at the same time the Canon of the Castle St. Angelo appearing level with the water, fired with so good success, that the Boats being sunk, all the Men were drowned: They made afterwards many vain attempts, but finding succours come from Christendom, and despairing of the Enterprise, they drew off. They parted from the Island about the end of September, 1565. having for the space of three Months, in vain, employed a vast Army against a handful of men, 
The Knights of Malta terrible to the Turks.  but very valiant, as those at present are, who so molest the Turks with seven Galleys only, that they look upon no Enemy to be so formidable; and commonly, how many soever these Infidels be, when they perceive any of the Galleys of Malta, they fail not to run for it, and, as much as they can, avoid any Engagement: Since that time the breaches of the Castle St. Angelo have never been repaired, Nature of itself making it strong enough.   

CHAP. VII. Of the City Valetta.  

Valetta.  AFter the Turks were gone, the Religion resolved to build a new Town, where the Great Master with all the Religion might commodiously dwell, and for that end they pitched upon the tongue of Land, on the end whereof the Castle St. Erme stands, from whence the Turks had so furiously driven them. The great Master La Valette laid the first Stone of it, on the Twenty eighth of March, 1566. and, from his own Name, called it the City Valetta, whereupon this Punn was made Plus valet valor Valettae quam fortitudo Valettae, 
The valour of the Great Master Valetta.  playing upon the Names of the Great Master and Town. It hath been ever since so fortified, that I am very apt to believe few Fortifications in the world can match it. The Entry into the Port of it, is defended by the Castle St. Erme, which, at present, is impregnable, there being no way to batter it but from the New Town, which encompasses it by Land; and, on the other, side towards the Sea, it is inaccessible, as being built upon a very high Rock. 
Baraque.  Next to this Castle is the Baraque, where nine Pieces of Cannon are Planted under cover, which hinder any approaching to the Port: The entry of the Port is besides defended by the Baston of Italy; 

The Bastion of Italy in Malta.  
A fair Canon-Royal of the Turks at Malta.   which is very high, and Planted with six Pieces of Cannon that lie open. Upon this Bastion there is a fair Basilick, or Canon-Royal, which, with another of the same size the Turks left on Malta, when they raised the Siege; for being in haste to be gone, and unable to put on board these pieces, because of their prodigious weight, they threw one of them into the Sea, near the Land, where still it is, and cannot be weighed, and the other remained on shore. On the other side of the Port; is the Castle St. Angelo, which still defends it; and on the same side, without the Port, but near the entry of it, upon a point of Land, there is a Tower with two or three Pieces of Canon, which serves, also for security of the Port. The Governor of the Bourg takes care to send Men thither to guard it. This Town is no less strong by Land than towards the Sea, being begirt with good Walls, built upon very high Rocks, with several Bastions, and other Pieces of Fortification: It is besides always well stored with Provisions from Sicily, which supplies it with all it needs; so that considering the excellent Fortifications that cover it, and the danger of the Channel, that makes that the best appointed Fleet cannot lie above two months before Malta, I may be bold to say it is impregnable. 
Malta impregnable.  The Fortifications of it are no less goodly than good, and yield a most pleasant Prospect. Those that arrive at Malta, take great delight to see the Baraque, covered with lovely Trees, planted in rows: There is a very pretty and high Garden, which looks into the Port, below the Bastion of Italy; it is full of Orange an Lemon-Trees, planted in rows; and a great many Fountains, where the Water-works, playing very high, render the place altogether delightful; and this Garden was made by the Great Master Lascaris. 

The Great Master Lascaris.  
A lovely and commodious Fountain in Malta.   There is a Fountain upon the Port, which is very ornamental; it is just by the Seaside, and there a Dolphin, under the feet of a Neptune, throws water up to a great height: This Fountain is so commodiously placed, that Vessels may Water there, without carrying their Casks a shore. Near to this, there is a very thick Rock, through which the Great Master Lascaris caused a Passage to be cut, so that one can very easily walk from one end of the Port to the other; which before could not be done, because that Rock reaches to the Sea. You must mount up hill from the Port to the Town, which is small, for one may go round it in half an hours time, but it is very pretty; it hath two Gates, one that leads to the Port, and the other to the Country. There are several Churches in it, of which that of St. John is the chief; it hath no Piazza, indeed, 
The Church of St. John, in Malta.  before the Porch, but a very lovely one before one of the Gates, at the side of it; and at each angle there is a Fountain, on the outside: This is a great and wide Church, pretty high and well built; it is all paved with lovely Marble, and adorned on high with a great many Colours taken from the Infidels. There are eight Chapels for the Inns, and the several Knights place themselves in the distinct Chapels of their Inns. Near to the great Portal, there is another Chapel, where all the Great Masters are buried: In that Church, many fine Relics are kept; amongst others, the Right-hand of St. John Baptist, 

The Right-hand of St. John Baptist. Zizim, the Brother of Bajazet, at Rhodes.  
The Great Master D' Aubusson.   which only wants the two last and least Fingers: This Hand was given to the Knights, by Bajazet, Second Emperor of the Turks; who fearing that his Brother Zizim, who fled to Rhodes, in the Year 1482, to avoid the cruelty of his Brother (who would have put him to death) might rise against him, stipulated the same year with the Great Master D' Aubusson, to pay him yearly 40000. Ducats, to the end he should not suffer him to make his Escape; to wit, 30000. for the Entertainment of Zizim, and 10000 for the repairing the Damages that Mahomet his Father had done at the Siege of Rhodes; that sum was punctually paid so long as Zizim lived. The same Bajazet, knowing that the Knights of Rhodes had a great veneration for the Relics of St. John, their Patron, made them a present of this Hand; which he found in the Treasury of Mahomet, his Father, having been brought from Antioch to Constantinople, as it is marked in Gothick Characters upon the foot of the Reliquary of Massive Gold, where that Relic is kept. There is there also, a Hand of St. Anna, which only wants the Finger they presented to the Queen-Mother of Lovis XIV. the present King of France, when she was brought to bed of that Monarch: They have besides, many other Relics, and store of very rich Ornaments. There are several lovely Buildings in that Town, and, amongst others, the stately Palace of the Great Master; 
A fair Magazine of Arms.  In it there is a considerable Magazine of Arms, not only for the quantity, which is so great, that I was assured it was enough to arm thirty five or forty Thousand Men, but also for the good order the Arms are kept in; all the several Pieces being by themselves, in distinct places, and kept clean by Slaves, who are continually at work there: The Arms of the Great Masters, who have been wounded in Action, are to be seen there, with marks upon them. Near to the Gate, there is a Canon made of bars of Iron, fastened together by Wire, with a very thin case of Wood over it, and the whole covered with thick and hard Leather, 
A Canon covered with Leather.  well sewed: That sort of Canon was invented for the convenience of Transportation, because they may easily be carried over Mountains, and other rough and difficult places; but after they have been twice or thrice fired, they are no more fit for service. This Palace of the Great Master, looks into a large Square that is before it: in the middle whereof there is a lovely Fountain, that throws up water in great quantity, and to a great height: The Great Master Lascaris, was at the charge of above fourscore thousand Crowns in making of it, the Water being brought to it above six Leagues off, upon high Arches made in the Rock; and, indeed, it is of great use, for it supplies all the Town with running Water, which before had no other but Rain-water to use. The Water runs into all the streets, by little Conduits, made purposely to convey it into Cisterns; so that when any one has a mind to fill his Cistern with Water, he speaks to the Fountain-keeper, who sends him as much as he pleases, by stopping the Conduits which cross that which leads to his House, and that also which is under the Gate, to the end the Water may stop there, and, by a hole or pipe, run into his Cistern. At one end of that Square, 

A Pillar, erected by the Great Master Verdela.  
Palaces of the Conservatory and Treasury. Inns of Malta. Hospital of Malta.  
Poor Travellers lodged and entertained at Malta.   there is a Pillar, about fifteen foot high, erected by the Great Master Verdela, with his Arms upon it. The Palaces of the Conservatory and Treasury are fair Buildings also, and so are the Inns. The Hospital is very well built; and the Hall, for the sick Knights, hung with rich Tapestry, where they are attended by Knights, and served in Plate. All the Sick are received, and very well treated in this Hospital: Nor are poor Travellers refused, for there they have bed and board, till they find a Passage for the place whither they are bound; and then they are furnished with Provision, put on board, and all their Charges born, during their Voyage. The Jesuits have also a very well built House, and keep College there: All the Houses, even to the meanest, make a very good show, being built of square Stones, cut out of the Rock, which does not cost them much, for the Rock is very soft; and, when a Man is about to build, the first thing he does, is to make his Cistern, because, out of it he gets Stones that serve in the Building; and the rest he has about the Town, for they have them for their labour: This is a kind of Stone that long retains its whiteness, so that the Town seems still to be new: All the Houses of it are built with a terrace, or flat Roof, and one may go from one street to another upon the terraces of the houses. There are in it many lovely Piazza's, or Places, as that which is before the Palace of his Eminence; another betwixt the Houses of the Conservatory and Treasury, and the Marketplace, which is pretty and square. 
A lovely Fountain, artfully made in Malta, 1655.  In this last, is the Fountain made by the Great Master Lascaris, in form of a large Basket of Stone, very well cut, and pierced through all round; it stands upon a Pedestal, about three foot from the ground: In this Basket there is a Spire, or Obelisk, about four foot high, with Festons of Flowers hanging from the top to the bottom of the four angles of it; and on the top of that Obelisk, there is another little pretty Basket: The Water rises so, just at the four angles of the Obelisk, in the first Basket, that it all falls into the little one, which being pierced through, sends the Water back to the Basket underneath; from whence, it falls down into a great Stone Trough, where the Horse's water; and from that Trough, into another little one a foot high, where Dogs and other little Beasts drink. The Streets of this Town are incommodious, in that one is always going either up hill or down hill; but they are wide and straight, and, for the most part, begin and end at the Town Walls; the fairest of all, is, the Street that reaches from the Castle St. Erme, to the Royal Gate; it is almost a mile in length; and here it is, that they make Horses and Asses run the Pallio, on days of Public Rejoicing. Coming along that Street, from the Castle St. Erme, you mount a little, and pass betwixt the Palace of his Eminence, on the lefthand, and the Square before it, which is on the right; than you go betwixt the Palace of the Treasury, which is on the right-hand, and a Piazza, less than the former, at the end whereof, is the Palace of the Conservatory: A little more forward, on the right-hand, is the Inn of Auvergne, which is very pleasant, by reason of a great many Orange-Trees at the entry: Next is the Inn of Provence, that has a very lovely Frontispiece; and betwixt these two Inns, but to the left, there is a pretty handsome Piazza, at the end whereof, there is a Gate to enter into the Church of St. John, as I said before; so that in this Street one sees the beauty of the Town.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Grove, and other Walks in the Countrey-Fields and of the Isle of Gozo.  
THE Country is full of Gardens, and very agreeable Places of Pleasure: 
Walks of Malta.  The Grove, which is but twelve miles from the New Town, is a delightful place, whither the Great Masters commonly go to divert themselves: This place was embellished by the Great Master Verdala, who was made a Cardinal; there he built a Palace, in form of a Castle, with so much uniformity and contrivance, that there is not so much as a foot of ground lost; all the Halls are adorned with excellent Painting, which represents the Life of the Great Master Verdala: This House hath a very neat Garden, full of Orange, Citron and Olive-Trees, with several lovely Fountains: At some distance from the House, there is a little Wood, stocked with Game, for the Pleasure of the Great Masters. In going to this place of diversion, you pass near to the Old Town, which is not far from it: It is situated in the middle of the Island, upon an indifferent high Hill, of a pleasant Prospect; it is environed with Precipices and Bottoms, and adorned with lovely Fabrics within: Pretty near to this Town, is the Grot where St. Paul lodged all the while he was in Malta; 
Our Lady of Melecca.  where there is an Image of our Lady, called Our Lady of Melecca, and, as they say, many Miracles are wrought at it: One may also go and walk in the Isle of Gozo, which is but five miles from Malta: This little Isle is thirty miles in circuit, twelve in length, and six in breadth. Though it be begirt with Rocks and Precipices, yet it hath some Creeks; it hath a very wholesome Air, is fruitful, and almost all cultivated, though it be mountainous. It hath many Springs of fresh Water, and places fit for Gardening and Pasture; but the Inhabitants delight more in labouring the Land for Corn, than in any other kind of Husbandry: There were formerly seven or eight thousand Souls in this Island; but since the Year 1551. that the Turks took the Castle of it, and carried away all they found there, the number of Inhabitants is much decreased: This Castle is, at present, very well fortified.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Public Rejoicing and Solemnity on Our Lady-day, in September.  
BEing at Malta on Our Lady-day, the Eighth of September, 
The Ceremony and Rejoicing on Our Lady-day, of September, in Malta.  I saw the Rejoicing and Ceremony, that the Religion make yearly on that Day, in memory of the Turks raising the Siege from before the Bourg. Early in the morning, all the Militia are in Arms before the Church of St. John, and drawn up in Battalia: The Church being extraordinarily decked, the Great Master goes to High Mass, where, after the reading of the Epistle, the Marshal of the Religion comes forth of the Inn of Auvergne, being followed by one of the ancientest Commanders of the Inn, with a Helmet on his head, who carries the Colours of the said Inn: He takes a turn round the Church; and, when he passes through the Piazza, all the Soldiers discharge their Volleys of small Shot. After this Commander, comes a Page of the Great Master's, carrying in one hand a Sword; and in the other a Dagger, which the King of Spain sent as a Present to the Religion, after that the Turks drew off, both which are set with Precious-stones of very great value. Being come to the great Porch of St. John's, they enter the Church, and advance near to the Altar; then the Commander who carries the Colours, salutes the Holy Sacrament with them three times; and after that, turning towards the Great Master, he salutes him in the same manner, and then takes his place, below his Eminence, on one hand of him, with the Page near to him, who presents the Sword and Dagger to the Great Master; and he holds them naked, with the points upward, all the while the Gospel is a singing; which being ended, he gives them back to the Page. Mass being over, they wait upon his Eminence to his Palace, where the Commander salutes him thrice again with the Colours; and then they return to the Inn, where the Commander who carried the Colours makes a great Feast to the whole Inn, and to his Friends. After Dinner, they have Races of the Pallio, and other Public rejoicings, which conclude the Festival.   

CHAP. X. Departure from Malta for Constantinople.  
I Waited five months at Malta for Monsieur d' Herbelot, but his Affairs taking him quite off of the Voyage which we had proposed, he gave me notice of it; wherefore I resolved to be gone; and having found a Passage for Constantinople, I left Malta on Thursday, the Fourth of November, 1655. at Nine a clock in the morning, 
St. Margaret.  being on board the St. Margaret, commanded by Captain Philip Martin de Ciudad, which came from Legorn: This Ship, that was about eight and thirty years old, was a good sailer, and very lucky at Sea; she was manned with two and thirty Seamen, and carried six Iron great Guns, and eight Brass Petreras, besides a great many smaller fire Arms. We went in consort with Captain Anthony Martin, our Captain's Brother, whose Ship was called the Holy Ghost, manned with thirty six Seamen, and carrying five Iron Guns, and eight Petreras: There was a Polaque of Ciudad, called the St. Margaret, in company with us also; and she had on board four and twenty Men, two Guns, and six Iron Petreras, the Captain's name being James Feautrier: This Polaque sailed very well, but the Vessel of Captain Anthony Martin lagged always a stern; which made us lose above ten miles a way day; because we lay by for him, when he was at any considerable distance a stern. We had a good West and by North Wind; which, on Friday morning, the Fifth of November, shifted about to South-west, and the night following, after a great storm of Rain, turned North, but so easy, that we made but very little way. Saturday, the Sixth of November, it freshened towards the Evening, and brought us on a pace; but the more we advanced, the more we were in fear of meeting Ships of Tripoli about the Isle of Sapienza; 
The Isle of Sapienza.  which we made account to pass next day; and nevertheless, we safely passed it before we were ware; for, Sunday morning the Seventh of November, when we thought ourselves to be a great many miles short of the Isle of Sapienza, according to the reckoning we had kept, we perceived that we had already weathered the Cape of Matapan, 
Cape of Matapan.  which is above seventy miles beyond the Isle of Sapienza: The cause of this mistake was, that we did not think our Ship made above eight miles an hour, 
A mistake in reckoning. Another mistake in the course.  when she made above ten; because, besides that the Wind was fair, the Currents of the Gulf of Venice made us run a head a pace. We committed also another error, of no less consequence than the former; for we intended to have held our course above ninety miles off of the Isle of Sapienza and Cape Matapan, betwixt Cerigo and Cerigotto; and nevertheless, on Sunday, by break of day, we found ourselves, as I said, above Cape Matapan; but so near Land, that it was but two miles off; which obliged us to pass betwixt the main Land and Cerigo, the nearer cut, indeed, by above forty miles, than if we had passed betwixt Cerigo and Cerigotto; but likewise, by reason of the narrowness of the Passage, 
Cerigo and Cerigotto.  the more dangerous. This last mistake was also occasioned by the Currents of the Gulf of Venice, which drove us insensibly upon the shore: We were very glad that we were so fortunately mistaken, for we were got above an hundred and fifty miles more forward in our course, than we thought ourselves to be; and free from the fear of Corsairs, who dare not come so near to Cerigo, where, there are for the most part, some Venetian Galleasses ready to fall upon them. However, it is very dangerous to commit such mistakes, for if it had been in the nighttime, our Ship had run the risk of splitting upon the shore, whilst we thought ourselves a great way off at Sea.   

CHAP. XI. Of Cape Matapan, and the Isle of Cerigo.  
Scape Matapan, is a Promontory of the Morea, formerly called Tanarus; 
Cape Matapan.  and it is said, that Arion, carried by a Dolphin, put a shore at this Promontory. The Country is inhabited by the Mainots, a People who live in the Mountains without Law or Government; and are subject to those who have most Power in the Country; sometimes the Venetians, and sometimes the Turks, all their Profession being to Rob Travellers: These People have their Name from the Coast which is called Maina. About Nine a clock in the morning, the Wind began to slacken, so that we were becalmed near the Cape St. Angiolella, and could not double it all day long; till about three a clock in the morning, November the Eighth, that with a gale from the North-east, we doubled it: Afterward, finding that the same Wind, which was contrary to us, still continued, and that we fell a stern, more than we went a head, we resolved to put into the Bay of St. Nicholas, in the Isle of Cerigo, where we came to an anchor. There we stayed all that day, and half the following, but without seeing the Country. This Island, as all the rest of the Archipelago, being full of Game, we went a shore to shoot. Cerigo was anciently called Porphyris, 
The Isle of Cerigo. Porphyris. Cythera.  because of the great quantity of Porphyrian Marble that was got there. It was also called Cythera, from whence comes, perhaps, the word Scotera, which is found in the Isolario del Bordony: This was the first Island that Venus inhabited, after she was born of the Froth of the Sea, as the Fables say, and therefore there was a Temple built to her in this place, near the Seaside, the Ruins whereof, as they say, are still to be seen. Cerigo, is the first Island of the Archipelago, or Aegean-Sea; it is threescore miles in compass, and but five miles from the main Land of the Morea, having a Town called by the Name of the Island. The Venetians are the Masters of it, and keep a good Garrison there, it being a Pass of great Importance.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Isle of Zia.  

Zia.  TVesday, November the Ninth, the weather promising fair, after we had paid the Consul a Piastre or piece of Eight, for Anchorage, we weighed about noon; but being abroad, we found that the wind was not good as we had imagined it was; for it shifted to and again from East to North, and was so easy, that we made no way. Wednesday, the Tenth of November, we were becalmed till the evening, when, to our great joy, we had a Gale from South-west, but in the nighttime it changed about to West, with which we still kept on our course: It lasted till Thursday morning, the Eleventh of November, when, about eight a clock, we were becalmed until the evening, that the wind turned easterly, than north easterly, and at length in the nighttime, it turned about to the north, which tossed us a little; so that fearing worse weather, we resolved to come to an anchor at Zia, being very near to it. Friday morning the Twelfth, we made a sail, which coming nearer, we knew to be the Rear-admiral of Venice, that was a Flemish bottom: When he had put out the Colours of St. Mark, we shown ours, and then he saluted us with two Guns: We having returned the salute, by firing five Petreras, he gave us a shot without a Bullet, to let us know he had a mind to speak with us, and so went to stay for us at the Port of Zia, whither we followed him; we there found another Dutch Ship of the Venetian Fleet, both which were going with succours for Candie. It is a hundred and threescore miles from Cerigo to Zia, which has a Harbour secure from all Winds, the entry into it being at the West Northwest side. Saturday the Thirteenth of November, we went to the Town, which is about five miles from the Port, with a design to buy fresh provisions there; we armed ourselves for fear of some ambush, which is a common thing in that Country; and we were told that a few days before, a Turkish Galliot came in the nighttime to the Harbour, and having seen ships in it, went and skulked behind a Rock; the Turks in the mean time having landed, put themselves in ambush, and surprised those of the other Vessels, who were come on shore to walk and fish; amongst whom was a Captain of a ship, being unarmed as the rest were, and carried them all off in view of the ships, which could give them no aid. Having then prepared ourselves against the worst, we took a way that we thought to be the shortest, to the Town, but which was indeed the worst way and furthest about: We were forced, to clamber up and down three or four Hills that were so high and rugged, being nothing but Rocks full of Rushes, that our hands were as well employed as our feet: At length, after a great deal of trouble, we came to the place, but when we thought of nothing, but of making merry there a little, we saw three ships out at Sea, which having advanced to the mouth of the Port, and finding that there were Vessels in it, stood away, as if they intended to put into Port, at Spina Longa, an Island towards Negropont: This put our Captain into a great perplexity, who not knowing what to think of them, told us, that if any mischance happened to his Vessel, he would be present there himself: That, made us presently return back again by the good way, which the Inhabitants showed us; and, because we saw no more of these Ships, we concluded they must belong to Malta, and that they would not put into the Port, because they had seen Venetian Ships there, which made them believe, there could be no great store of fresh Provisions left for them. Monday the Fifteenth, the Consul having given us a visit on Board our Ship, took us with them to the Town, and entertained us in his house at Dinner: It is a great Town, containing at least seven hundred houses; but they told us there was not above four hundred of them inhabited, and that the other three hundred, had been abandoned since the War of Candia: These houses are only built of stones of the Rock and Earth, and are ranked like the Benches of an Amphitheatre, being all built one at the back of the roof of another, upon the side of the hill, and in that manner making ten or twelve ranks, so that there are no other streets but the roofs of houses, which are flat and join to one another, insomuch that at one view one may see all the houses of the Town. There is a Castle there, of a great height, which though now it be ruinous, was nevertheless so strong, that as I was told, some years ago, Threescore Turks held it out a whole month, with two Muskets only, against the Venetian Army, under the Command of General Thomas Morosini, and yielded not till they came to want water. This Island which in ancient times was called Ceos and Cea, 
Ceos. Cea.  and is said to have been heretofore part of the Isle of Negropont; is shaped like a Horse-shoe, and is fifty mile in circumferece; the soil of it is pretty good, producing Corn, Wine, Grass and a great many other good things; its harbour is full of Fish, which we often made trial of with our Nets: The Inhabitants pay yearly in Caradge or Tribute three thousand four hundred Piastres to the Turks, and two thousand six hundred to the Venetians, besides the extortions and robberies they meet with; so that the Inhabitants being thereby ruined and oppressed, many of them are forced to forsake their houses and country. The Women are Apparelled in a fashion that seems to be rude and clownish, but which becomes tall women very well: They have coats that reach down to their knees, and of them six or seven one over another, which make them look very big, their smock appearing half a foot lower; they wear white cloth stockings, and on their head, a kind of veil that also covers their Breasts, which they turn as they please: After all, the Inhabitants of this Island are good people, and deserve to be pitied, because of the miseries they suffer both from Christians and Turks.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Isle of Andra, and of our Ships running a ground.  
TVesday, the Sixtenth of November, the wind being a little abated, we put out about eight of the clock at night, hoping to find the wind fair at Sea; but Wednesday morning the seventeenth of November, it blew so strong a North Wind, that we were obliged to bear away to Isle of Andra, 
Isle of Andra.  where we came to an Anchor, at two in the afternoon. We found five Venetian ships there; who so soon as they understood from us, that there was some suspicion of a Plague in Malta; they discharged us from having any communication with them or those of the Island: Though this prohibition hindered me from getting any knowledge of this Isle by my own means, yet I shall here relate what I learned of it from those who have been upon it, as also from a manuscript Relation that hath come into my hands since. The Isle of Andra, in ancient time Andros, is threescore miles from Zia, it is fourscore miles in circuit, and is reckoned the most fertile Island of all the Archipelago, as indeed, it is so in all things, especially in Silk, wherein the Inhabitants, who are about six thousand souls, Trade at Chio, and other Places; with Backs, that are made in Andra, and make forty thousand Piastres profit of it a year. It hath a Town near the Sea, which contains not above two hundred Houses; the Port of it is pretty good, and the South Wind blows a thwart it; there is an uninhabited Castle still to be seen, upon a little Rock in the Sea, hard by it. There are besides sixty Villages, scattered here and there in several places of the Island, of which the most considerable are Arni and Amolacoes, 
Arni. Amolacoes.  that are inhabited by the Arnantes or Albanians, to the number of twelve hundred souls, all of the Greek Church, and differing in Language and Customs; a rude sort of People, any without discipline. Near to these Villages, there is a Monastery of an hundred Monks, called Tagia, built in form of a Fort; with a Church, very well adorned, though small, and served by these Monks, who live in extreme ignorance. They entertain Travellers all the while they stay there; and, when they depart, they give them Provisions to carry them home to their own Country; for they have great Revenues. There are besides, six other little Monasteries, with a few Religious in them. There is a great number of Greek Churches in the Island, which are all under the government and discipline of a Greek Bishop. The Latins have also a Bishop there, who, on Corpus Christi-day, carries the Holy Sacrament in Procession all over the Town; at which there is a great concourse of People, both Greeks and Latins; and, when the Bishop passes along the streets, all the people prostrate themselves, spread Carpets, Flowers, Herbs, and other odoriferous things; and lie so thick upon the ground, that the Bishop cannot pass without treading upon them: The Cathedral of the Bishop of the Latin Church, is dedicated to the Apostle St. Andrew; it is pretty neat, but hath no great Revenue. There are six Churches besides in the Town, of which there is one dedicated to St. Bernard, and held by the Capucines; who ease the Bishop very much, by their Preaching, hearing Confessions, and by their School, to which all the Greek Children come; nay, some are sent thither from Athens to learn. The Turks have the disposal of the Temporal Affairs, and there are several Families of them upon the Island, who are very uneasy Neighbours to the Greeks and Latins. There is a very pleasant Valley in this Island, called by the Inhabitants Menites, with plenty of fresh Springs and Fruit-trees in it; besides about forty Mills, that grind Corn for the People of the Town and circumjacent Villages, which is very commodious: The Water which drives these Mills, comes from a Spring in a Church, called Madonna del cumulo; and this Water runs in Brooks, through the Valley; and under Trees, fallen of themselves, so that they seem to have been bend so artificially; and, indeed, a Painter cannot represent a more lovely and pleasant Valley in Landscape. In the Plain, at the end of this Valley, the Jesuits have a Garden, full of Fruit-trees of all sorts, which render them a considerable Revenue yearly: There they have their House, and their Church, called St. Veneranda. This Island might be called very lovely, if the Houses of it were better built, and the Air good, but it is very bad, and so is the Water of the Town. The Inhabitants of the Isle of Andra are civil, and their Language is more literal than the Language of the other Greeks; their Women are chaste, and speak well, but their Apparel is very unbecoming. The Inhabitants of the Town are not very laborious, love good cheer and diversions, but the Peasants are more industrious; they make very white wicker Baskets, which are used all over the Archipelago: As to their Food, they eat sometimes Goat's flesh, though in the Woods and Hills they have good Venison and wild Fowl, as Hares, Coneys, Partridges, and the like; but they have neither Huntsmen nor Fowling-pieces: Their Sea affords no Fish, and is, as to that, worse than the Sea of Genoa. They have neither Physician nor Chirurgeon, but, when they fall sick, betake themselves to the Mercy of God. This Isle belonged heretofore to the Family of the Sanuti, 
Family of Sanuti.  who had it in Dowry from the Family of Zenocia, of which were the Dukes of Naxia in those times. It was into this Island that Themistocles was sent from Athens, to raise money; who, having entered into conference with those of the Island, told them, Gentlemen of Andra's, I bring you two Gods, the One of Persuasion, and the Other of Force; choose you which of the two you please: To which they answered, And we will present you with two Goddesses, the One Poverty, and the Other Impossibility; take which of the two you please: Which was the cause that the Athenians besieged and took it. We lay at an anchor before Andra, from Wednesday the Seventh, till Friday the Nineteenth of November, when the last Quarter of the Moon began, which made us hope that the Wind would change: It being then a Calm, about Moon-rising we weighed, betwixt, Ten and Eleven a clock at night, and found a good South-west Wind. When we were got out to Sea, we bore away to the starboard, and passed betwixt Andra and Negropont, with a Wind in Poop. 
Sciro. Ispicera. Chio.  Saturday, the Twentieth, before noon, we made Sciro, shortly after Ispicera, and then Chio: About evening, the Wind turned East Southeast, but we still continued our course with good enough success, until next morning, November the One and Twentieth, when about Three or four a clock, we made Land, but knew not whether or not it was Tenedo; and about break of day we tacked, and then found that we were passed it; for we were before Troy, 
The Ships running a ground.  and very near Land. Our Ship stuck a ground, with the noise of which, our Captain awoke; and thinking the Ship to be lost, he presently sent to view the Pump, to see if she had made much water; but they found none at all: At the same time, he launched the Boat, and going into it, viewed the Snip all round, and found that she had received no damage, her head having only struck upon the sand: He thereupon ordered all the Sails to be furled, and the Ship beginning to float again, he caused an Anchor to be heaved out a stern, by means whereof, in a short time, we weighed off of the sand. We had certainly the particular assistance of God Almighty at that time, for it blowing so fresh, and we having all our Sails abroad, the Ship in all probability should have stranded; and nevertheless, in an hours time, we were got off, without springing the least leak: But if the ground had been very Rocky, as it was but a kind of Oaze, the Ship had certainly been lost. Whilst the Seamen were busy in clearing the Ship, seeing myself out of danger of shipwreck, I considered the Ruins of that ancient and famous City of Troy, which are still very remarkable, and of great extent. Being at length got clear, we stood a little more off to the larboard, and betwixt Nine and Ten of the clock, 
The Channel of the Hellespont.  we passed the Mouths, and entered the Channel of the Hellespont. It was at this place, where the Turks first passed from Asia into Europe. At One a clock, the Wind calming, we came to an Anchor. Monday, the two and twentieth of November, a South Wind blowing, much about the same hour in the Afternoon, we weighed Anchor, and soon after passed betwixt the Castles of the Dardanels (which we saluted with three Petreras) and about Three in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Dardanelles, Gallipoly, and our arrival at Constantinople.  
THE two Castles of the Dardanelles are upon the side of the Channel of the Hellespont, which the Turks call by excellence only Boghas; 
Dardanelles.  that is to say, Gorge or Channel; the one is in Europe, and the other in Asia; they are two miles distant from one another, which is the whole breadth of the Channel at this place. That which is in Romania, on the side of Europe, is in the same place where, in ancient Times, Sestos stood: It is built in a triangular form, 
Sestos.  at the foot of a Hill, which commands and covers it; and upon which there is a little Town: This Castle hath three Towers covered with Lead; whereof two are towards the Land, and the third, which is the bigest, upon the Harbour; it hath, as I could privately discern with a Perspective-glass, about twenty Portholes level with the water, in which there are Guns of such a prodigious bore, that besides what I could observe by my Glass, I was assured, that a Man might easily creep into them. The other Castle, which is in Anatolia, in Asia, in the place where heretofore Abydos stood, is in a Plain, 
Abydos.  and seemed to me to be almost square; it hath three Towers on each side, and a Dungeon or Platform in the middle; 

Mahomet the Second built these two Castles.  
The distance of the Dardanelles from Constantinople.   but it hath not so many Gun-holes as the other. Mahomet the second, Son of Amurath the Second, built these two Forts, which are properly the Keys of Constantinople, that is at two hundred mile's distance; for they hinder any Ship, Friend or Foe, to pass them without leave, else they would run a danger of being sunk. All Vessels that come from Constantinople, stop three days before the Castle in Anatolia, that they may be searched whether they have any Counterband Goods or Fugitive Slaves on board. 

Sestos and Abydos.  
The Amours of Leander. The Place where Xerxes caused a Bridge to be built upon the Sea.   These two places of Sestos and Abydos are famous for the Love of Leander and Hero. Much about this place Xerxes, King of Persia, made a Bridge of Boats, to pass his Army over from Asia into Europe: From Andra to these Castles, it is about two hundred and fourscore miles. Tuesday, November the Twenty Third, having a gale of Wind about Noon, we weighed Anchor, but were obliged to drop it again in the Evening, because of a calm. Wednesday, November the Twenty Fourth, we weighed again after Midnight, and putting out three Oars on each side of the Ship, our Men tugged so hard, that we arrived at Gallipoly about One a clock: 
Gallipoly.  From the Castles to Gallipoly, it is reckoned about five and thirty miles. There we stopped eight days, during which time, we had leisure to walk, but found no great matter worth the observation. This Town was built by Callias, Prince of the Athenians, from whom it was named Calliopolis, and by corruption Gallipoly: It seems not to be well peopled, and there is hardly any body to be seen but in the Market-places: 
Raki.  Several Greeks live there, who, for the most part, sell Raki, or Brandy; the Doors of their Houses are but about two foot high, and they make them so, that the Turks may not come in on Horseback, 
The reason why the doors of the Greeks houses are very low.  as they do elsewhere, when they are drunk, and turn all things topsy-turvy. In this Town there is a square Castle, with a Tower, joined to it by a Pommel of a Wall; but for what I can judge of its Antiquity, I believe it hath been built by the Christians. On the Seaside, there is an Arsenal, where seven very old Galleys are to be seen, which the Turks say were taken from the Venetians, when they took the Island of Cyprus; 
Turkish Galleys remaining since the Battle of Lepanto.  but the truth is, they are the remains of their Fleet which escaped from the Battle of Lepanto; and they were carried by main strength over the Isthmus of Corinth, and put into the Archipelago, not being able to bring them about by Sea, because the Christians, who had taken or sunk the rest, possessed all the Passes. Wednesday, the First of December, a little gale of Wind blowing, we weighed at Four of the clock in the Afternoon; for we were all weary enough of staying there: But we were hardly out of the Harbour, when it behoved us to come to an Anchor again: The Moon shining a little, about Nine a clock at night we weighed, and with a good West South-west Wind, which made us run a pace, 
The Isle of Marmora.  we passed the Isle of Marmora in the Nighttime: At this place the Sea is very wide, and this Sea is called Mare de Marmora, which was anciently named Propontis. 
Propontis.  Thursday, the Second of September, the Wind chopped about to the South, which made us run a great deal faster; but the Currents, which are very strong in that place, being against us, hindered us from making so much way as otherwise we could have done; at length, with the day, we discovered Constantinople, which is about an hundred and twenty five miles from Gallipoly; being entered the Straight of it, and sailing along the Seraglio and Constantinople, 
Arrival at Constantinople.  we came to an Anchor at Galata, betwixt One and Two in the Afternoon. There we learned, that there had been a Fire in that great City the Night before, which was not as yet fully quenched; we had seen it in the Propontis, but could not imagine where it should be. Assoon as I was got a shore, I went to wait upon Monsieur de la hay, Ambassador for the French King, who received me very civility: I than went to lodge in Galata, at a Flemand's House, named Monsieur de la Roze, who kept a Pension; and some days after, I hired a very pretty House at Pera, which had a Garden, and a Prospect into the mouths of the two Seas, and all at a very cheap rate.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Situation of Constantinople.  
ALL who have seen Constantinople, agree in this, That it is the best situated City in the World; so that it would seem to be designed by Nature, for bearing Rule and Command over the whole Earth: It lies in Europe, upon a point of the main Land, jutting out towards the Bosphorus of Thrace, 
The Bosphoros of Thrace.  from which it is but half an hours passage over to Asia. On the right-hand, it hath the White Sea or Propontis, by which there is easy passage into Asia, 
The White Sea.  Egypt and Africa; and whereby it is supplied with all the Commodities of those Places. On the lefthand, it hath the Black or Euxin Sea, 
Black Sea. Euxin Sea. Palus Meotis.  and the Palus Maeotis, which recieving a vast number of Rivers, and having many bordering People, furnish this City with all the Commodities of the North; insomuch, that there is nothing that can be useful, necessary or pleasant, which is not brought in plenty from all hands to Constantinople by Sea; 
The advantage of the opposition of the Channels of the White & Black Seas. The beauty of the Port of Constantinople.  and these two Channels, of the White and Black Seas, are so opposite one to another, that when the Wind hinders Vessels from coming to Constantinople by the one, it is good for Importation by the other. Betwixt those two Seas, is the Entry of the Port, which Nature, without the help of Art, hath made the loveliest of the World: It is at least six miles in compass, a mile over, and deep in all places; so that on both sides one may step out of a Ship on shore, without the help of any Boat, because the biggest Ships may lay their head ashore without any danger. The Response of the Oracle then, that was given to the Founders of it, is not to be wondered at, who (having consulted it to know where they should build their Town, received no other Answer but this, Over against the blind Men; intimating unto them, that they should build over against the Chalcedonians; whom it reckoned to be very Blind, in having neglected a Situation so advantageous by Nature, and built Chalcedon in Asia, over against that place. This Town, heretofore called Byzantium, was built by Pausanias, King of Sparta; some say he only rebuilt it, or enlarged it at most: It was destroyed by the Emperor Severus, to punish the Inhabitants for their Revolting; and afterwards restored by Constantine the Great, who (making it much bigger) called it New Rome; and afterwards (from his own Name) Constantinople. It was also called Parthenopolis, 
Parthenopolis  because it was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin by the same Constantine, perhaps in Imitation of Antioch, which was called Theopolis: After the Division of the Empire, 
Theopolis.  it continued to be the Seat of the Eastern Empire. The French and Venetians took it from the Greeks, 

The French, Masters of Constantinople. Constantinople taken by Mahomet the Second.  
Istambol.  
The Climate of Constantinople.   in the Year 1203. but it was retaken by the Paleologi, in the Year 1254. and at length retaken from the Greeks by Mahomet the Second, Emperor of the Turks, upon Tuesday the Seven and Twentieth of May, being Whitsunday of the Year 1453. The Turks have ever since kept it, calling it Istambol, which is a word corrupted from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It lies almost in the same Climate as Lions does, and nevertheless the heat in Summer would be very incommodious there, if the Air were not cooled by a Breeze that commonly blows in the Afternoon, during the Months of July and August; the French call that Wind the Breeze from without, because it comes from the mouth of the Port. This Town is so subject to Earthquakes, that I have felt two in one night: As to its figure, it is triangular, two sides of it are beat by the Sea, 
The Plain of Constantinople.  the one by the Propontis or White Sea, and the other by the Port; the third is towards the land; and the biggest of the three, is that which lies on the Propontis, and reaches from the Seraglio to the seven Towers; that towards the Port, is the middlemost. The Seraglio is built upon the point of the Triangle, 
The Situation of the Seraglio.  which runs out betwixt the Propontis and the Port, and in a lower place under this Palace upon the shore, are the Gardens of the Seraglio, much about the place where the ancient Town of Byzantium stood, which afford a very lovely Prospect to those who come to Constantinople either by the White Sea, or the Black. On the other Angle, 
The seven Towers.  which is upon the Channel of the White Sea, are the seven Towers covered with Lead; they were built by the Christians, and served a long time for keeping the Grand Seignior's Treasure; at present they are made a Prison for Persons of Quality. At the third Angle, which is at the bottom of the Port, on the Land side, are the Ruins of Constantine's Palace. This Town is encompassed with good Walls, 
The Walls of Constantinople.  which to the Land side are double; in some places built of Freestone, and in others of rough Stones and Brick. Each of these Walls has a broad flat-bottomed Ditch, wharfed and faced on both sides. The first Outwall is but a Falsebray, about ten foot high, with many little Battlements and Casements in its Parapet; and Gun-holes below, aswel in the Courtine as in the Towers, which are but at a little distance from one another, and about two hundred and fifty in number. The second Wall is of the same fashion, but higher, for it is at least three fathom from the ground up to the Cordon, or edging; it has the same number of Towers as the former, but higher; so that one Tower commands the other, which is as a Cavalier to it: In short, this might be made a very strong Town; but as yet the Turks have had no need of it, for they have not been pursued so far. The Walls on the Seaside are not so high, but they are still good, and fortified but with the Ments and Turrets; they run along the sides of the water upon the Straight of the Propontis, unless it be at the Creeks and Stairs, which are little Harbours where Boats put a shore; for there they turn inwards, about fifty paces, to make place for them, according to the turn of the shore.  

The bigness of Constantinople.  Many have imagined that Constantinople was bigger than either Cairo or Paris, but they are mistaken; for certainly it is less than either of those two Cities. Some allow it thirteen miles in circuit, others sixteen, and others again eighteen; but I went round it once with another Frenchman; we had each of us a Watch, and having taken a Caique or Boat at Tophano, we went over to Constantinople, and landed as near as we durst to the Kionsk of the Seraglio, which is upon the Port; having then sent the Boat to stay for us at the seven Towers, we set our Watches to Seven of the clock, and walked afoot along the Port, without the Walls; and also along the Landside, till we came to the seven Towers; where looking on our Watches, we found them both at three quarers after Eight; so that we spent an hour and three quarters in performing that Journey; and it requires no more than an hour to come by Water from the seven Towers to the Seraglio in a Boat with three Oars; for that Way cannot be gone on foot, because the Water washes the Walls; but if there were a footway, I make no doubt but one may walk it in an hour or little more, and in an hour and a quarter at most, with ease; and indeed, that quarter is to be allowed, because in the beginning we left behind us a little of the side that is on the Port, seeing no body dares to walk there. Thus I found, that in the space of three hours, at most, one might make the circuit of Constantinople on foot, walking a pace, as we did. It may be said, 
The circuit of the Walls.  that without the Walls it is twelve miles in compass. This Town hath two and twenty Gates, six towards the Land, eleven along the Port, and five on the Straight of the Propontis, having all their landing Places and Stairs.   

CHAP. XVI. Of Santa Sophia, Solymania, the New Mosque and others.  
WHen Constantine the Emperor removed the Seat of his Empire, from Rome to Constantinople, he resolved to render that City, which he called New-Rome, so illustrious, that it should at least be equal to old Rome, and for that end he chose seven little Hills, on the top and sides whereof, in imitation of the first, which is built upon seven Hills, he built his Town, which in progress of time he enriched with many ornaments, as Statues, Pillars, etc. This Town, which stands on seven little hills, is disposed in such order, that one house takes not away the sight from another; the streets are not fair, but are for the most part narrow, though there be several goodly Buildings in them. There are many stately Mosques in it, of which the most magnificent is the Santa Sophia, heretofore a Christian Church, built by the Emperor Justin, enlarged, enriched and adorned, by Justinian the Emperor, and dedicated to the Wisdom of God, wherefore it was called Agia Sophia: The Turks becoming since masters of Constantinople, have changed it into a Mosque, leaving it the name which it retains at present. This Fabric which is admired by all that see it, is an hundred and fourteen paces in length, and fourscore in breadth; it is square on the outside, and round within: There are four Gates to enter under the Portico, which reaches along the whole front of the Church, but there is only a little door left open, which is the wicket of a great Gate of well wrought Marble; Afterwards you find seven doors to enter into a kind of Nef or body of a Church, which is not very broad; and then nine other great brazen Gates: The middlemost whereof particularly, is very great; and by it they enter into the Mosque, which is very spacious, and hath a Dome in the middle, the arch whereof is made in form of a squatted half Globe, and so almost singular in its kind and architecture. In the inside of this Church, there is a porch that ranges all round, which carries another Gallery, in like manner vaulted over, thirty paces btoad, supported by sixty Pillars, and this carried as many more lesser ones, which uphold the top of the Church, all these Pillars being ranked by ten, as well above as below. The Ascent to the higher Gallery, is by a very easy staircase, and it behoved us to give a Turk money to open the door of it. This gallery, when the Christians were masters of it, was appointed for the women, who kept there, in time of Divine Worship, that by the sight of them the Devotion of the men might not be disturbed: 
Constantine's Tomb.  There is a Tomb to be seen there, which the Turks say, is the Tomb of Constantine, and a stone also, upon which (as they believe) our Lady washed our Lord's Linen, and they bear great reverence to it. Heretofore this Church was painted all over, 
A Stone reverenced.  after the Mosaical way, and some pieces of it are still to be seen, as Crosses and Images, which the Turks did not half deface, when they endeavoured to rub them out; for they suffer no Images: On the outside of this Church, 
Minarets.  there are four Minarets or Steeples, very high and slender; yet one may go up to the top of them; they have several stories of Balconies, all round them, from whence the Muezins call to prayers. This Church, with the appurtenances of it, was heretetofore much bigger than it is at present; the Turks having cut off a great deal from it; and it has served them for a pattern to build their Mosques by: Close by the back of this Church, in a little street, not far from its entry, are two large and thick Pillars, where they say, Justice was heretofore administered; others say, that there were three of them, and that upon each Constantine caused a brazen Cross to be erected, and that upon every Cross one of these words, Jesus, Christ, Surmounts, was engraven in large Greek Characters. Near to that place, there is an old Tower, where the Grand Signior's Beasts are kept; there I saw Lions, Wolves, Foxes, Leopards, a spotted Lynx, 
Loup-cervier.  the skin of a Giraffe and other rare Animals. Santa Sophia, being the Model for all the fair Mosques of Constantinople, wherein there are seven Royal ones, that of Solymania, 
Solymania.  is very like to it; it is a great Mosque full of Lamps, at the end of which there is a little Chapel or Turbe, 
Solyman's Coffin.  and in it the Coffin that holds the body of Sultan Solyman the Founder of that Mosque; this Coffin stands upon a Carpet spread upon the ground, which was brought from Medina, and over it there is a Pall brought from Mecha, which Town is represented upon the Pall. At one end of the Coffin there is Turban, to which are fastened two Herons tops, enriched with precious stones, and about it are many Tapers and Lamps, burning, with several Alcorans chained, that they may not be stolen, and that people may read them for the salvation of the defuncts Soul, and indeed, there are men there at all times reading the Alcoran, who are hired to do it; for the Grand Signiors take care to leave a fund, for continual Prayers, to be said for them, after their death. Near to this Chapel, there is another, in the middle whereof is the body of a Sultana, whom Solyman loved extremely, and the body also of a Son of Selim, the son of Solyman the Second. This Mosque hath a most lovely Cloister with Bagnios and Fountains. 

The New Mosque.  
A fair Portico.   The new Mosque built by Sultan Achmet, is one of the fairest and most magnificent in Constantinople: The entry into it is through a large Court, that leads to a Portico, which hath a gallery covered in length by nine Domes, and in breadth by six, supported by marble Pillars and leaded; then you enter as into a square Cloister, having many necessary houses about it, 
Necessary Houses about the Mosque, And Water near them.  with each a cock, that gives water for purifying those that have done their needs there, according to the custom of the Turks; and there is also a lovely Fountain in the middle of the Cloister; the Mosque joins to this Cloister, and the door of it is in it: It is a very great Mosque, and hath a stately Dome; and it is full of Lamps, and curiosities in glass balls, of which one for instance, contains a little galley well rigged, another the model of the Mosque in wood, and the rest a great many pretty knacks of that nature; at the back of this Mosque there is a Turbe, where are the bodies of Sultan Achmet and his children; upon their Coffins there is a great Chiaoux Cap, a big wax Taper standing by each of them, and always somebody there praying for the rest of their souls: The chief entry into that Mosque is in the Atmeidan. 

Mosque of Sultan Mehemmet. Mosque of Selim.  
Mosque of Chabzadeb.  
Mosque of Bajazet.  
Poor Scholars maintained at the Charge of the Mosque.   There are besides several other fair Mosques in Constantinople, as the Mosque of Sultan Mehemmet, near the angle at the end of the Port; that of Sultan Selim a little more remote from it; that which is called Chabzadeh Mesdgidi, that's to say, the King's Sons Mosque, because a son of Solyman built it near the Oda of the Janissaries: And the Mosque built by Bajazet, near to the old Seraglio: All these Mosques have hospitals and schools, where a great many poor scholars, who have not means of their own to keep them, are maintained and educated.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Hyppodrome, the Pillars and Obelisks of Constantinople.  
IN former times, there were a great many fair Statues, Obelisks and Pillars in Constantinople, but they have been all so ruined, that there are but a few of them remaining: The ancient Hyppodrome is still to be seen, and of the same dimensions as it was formerly of; it is a very large square, longer than broad, 
Hyppodrome. Atmeidan.  which was called Hyppodrome because horses were exercised to run there, and the Turks still exercise them there daily, and call it the Atmeidan, which is as much as to say, the place or field of horses; in the middle of this place there is an Obelisk pretty entire, 
An Obelisk.  marked with hieroglyphic Letters, and some steps from thence a pretty high pillar, 
A Pillar of three Serpents.  all made of Stones, laid one upon another, without any cement: A little further, towards the end of the Square, there is a Pillar made of three brazen serpents twisted together, the heads of which at some distance from one another, make the capital of the pillar: Mahomet the second having taken Constantinople, with the blow of a Zagaye or Mace of Arms, beat off the under jaw of one of those heads, 
Talisman against Serpents.  and some say that this pillar being placed there for a Talisman against serpents, that breach is the cause that serpents have come there since, which before they did not; however they do hurt, because (say they) the pillar is still in being there. There are two other fair pillars in the Town, the one very ancient, 
Historical Pillar.  called the Historical Pillar, because all round from the bottom to the top, it is full of figures in bas relief, like those of Antoninus and Trajan at Rome, and it is said to be the History of an Expedition of Arcadius, who erected it, and put his Statue on the top; you may go up to the top by a winding staircase that is within it. 
Burnt Pillar.  The other is called the burnt pillar, because it is all black, having been scorched by a fire that broke out in some adjoining houses which spoiled it so much, that they have been forced to gird it about with great bars of Iron to keep it tied, and hinder it from falling; it is of eight pieces of Porphyrian Marble, which were so well joined together before that fire, that it appeared to be but one single Stone; and, indeed, the seams were hid and covered by Lawrel-branches cut upon them; but at present they are easily seen.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Grand Signior's Seraglio.  
THe Seraglio of the Grand Signior is the first thing that one sees in coming to Constantinople by Sea; it affords a very pleasant Prospect, 
Seraglio.  because of the Gardens on the Waterside; but the Architecture of the Fabric is nothing at all magnificent; it is, on the contrary, very plain in respect of what the Palace of so powerful a Prince ought to be. 
Serrai and Seraglio.  Serrai in Turkish signifies a Palace, and the Franks by corruption, call it Seraglio, taking it, it seems, only for the Apartment where the Women are shut up; as if they derived that word from the French Serrer, or the Italian Serrar, which signifies to close or shut; but the word is Turkish, and signifies a Palace, and the Grand Signiors is called Serrai or Seraglio by excellence. It is built in the place where, in ancient times Byzantium stood, upon the Hill of Sandimitri, 
Hill of Sandrimitri.  which is a point of the main land looking to the Chanal of the Black Sea: The Lodgings are upon the top of the Hill, and the Gardens below: This Palace is three miles about, 
The bigness of the Seraglio.  and is of a triangular Figure, of which two sides are upon the Sea, enclosed within the Town Walls; and betwixt the Walls and the Sea, there is a little rising Key, but no body dares go there, especially on the side of the Port, before he be passed the Seraglio; the third side is separated from the Town by good Walls, fortified with several Towers, as well as those to the Sea side, in which Towers there are always some Aadgemoglans in Sentinel: 
Aadgemoglans.  These Aadgemoglans are the refuse of the tribute Children, out of whom they choose the more witty and dextrous, and instruct them in order to be advanced to places, and those who have fewest parts, are employed in mean and clownish employments, as to be Gardeners, Grooms and such like. On the side of the Port, over against Galata, there is a Kionsk or Pavilion upon the Key, 
Kionsk.  not raised very high from the ground; it is supported by several Marble Pillars, and there the Grand Signior comes often to take the Air; at this place he takes water when he intends to divert himself in his Galiot upon the Sea. On the other side of the Seraglio towards the Sea, and the seven Bowers, 
Another Kiousk.  there is another kind of Pavilion pretty high, where the Prince often diverts himself also; it is built upon Arches, and below it upon the Wall there are marks of Crosses; the Greeks say that it was formerly a Church: There is also a Fountain there, where those of that Nation go on the day of the Transfiguration, 
The Ceremony of the Greeks on the day of Transfiguration.  and make the Sick drink the Water of it, burying them in the Sand about up to the Neck, and immediately after uncovering them again; and many who are very well in health do the like. The Grand Signior is that day commonly at his Window, where he diverts himself with the pranks they play, without being seen. Near to that place there is a great Window, out of which those who are strangled in the Seraglio, are thrown into the Sea in the nighttime, and as many Guns are fired, as there are Bodies thrown out; a great many pieces of Cannon lie there upon the shore unmounted. This Palace hath many Gates, to the waterside, but they are only for the Grand Signior and some of the Seraglio; 
The chief Gate of the Seraglio.  the chief Gate of it looks towards Santa Sophia which is near by: That being the Common Gate is guarded by Capidgis, it opens into a very spacious Court, where at first you see to the right Hand the Infirmerie, whither they carry the sick of the Seraglio in a little close Chariot, 
The Infirmerie of the Seraglio.  drawn by two men; when they see that Chariot, every one steps aside to make way for it, even the Grand Signior, if he happened to meet it would do so. 
Dgebehane.  A little farther to the left Hand is the Dgebehane, or Magazine of Cuirasses, covered with Lead; 
Vestry of Santa Sophia. Second Gate of the Seraglio.  that building was heretofore the Vestry of Santa Sophia, which shows how big a Church it has been in its time. From that Court you go to the second, which is not foe big as the former, and is in a square, extending two hundred paces every way; all round it there is a Gallery in form of a Cloister, supported by several Marble Pillars, and covered with Lead: At the back of that Gallery to the right Hand, there are nine Domes ranging from one end of the Court to the other, all covered with Lead, and these are the Kitchens; 
The Kitchens of the Seraglio. Stables.  to the left Hand at the back of the Gallery also, is the Stable, where none but the Horses which are for the Grand Signiors own Saddle stand; the other Stables being towards the Sea, along that side of the Seraglio which looks to the Propontis; none but the Grand Signior enters this second Court on Horseback, all others alight without at the Gate of this: The Janissaries draw up in this Court under the Gallery to the right, and the Horse to the left. 
The Fountain of the Seraglio.  In the middle of it there is a most lovely Fountain, shadowed over with several Sycamore Trees and Cypresses, and near to this Fountain the Grand Signior caused heretofore the Heads of the Bashaws and other persons of Quality to be cut off. At the end of this Court, on the left Hand, is the Hall where the Divan sits, and on the right a door which gives entry into the Seraglio, but that entry is only allowed to those who have orders to come that way; so then, since I had no call, and this place being all mystery, I shall not attempt to speak of it. 
The Fabric of the Seraglio.  The Fabric of this Seraglio, by what one can see of it on the outside, is no ways regular, all that is to be seen are but separated Apartments in form of Domes, so that there is nothing to be distinguished, and one cannot tell what to make of it. The Grand Signior lodges in this Seraglio, has his Officers, who have a great many under them; Most part of these Officers are Eunuches, 
Officers.  and generally all Blacks; heretofore it was thought enough to geld them, but a Grand Signior having one day, as he was walking, 
The reason why the Eunuches have all cut off. Whence come the black Eunuches. Abyssia.  perceived a Gelding covering a Mare, so soon as he was come home, ordered all that the Eunuches had remaining to be cut clear off, and since that time it hath been the constant custom to cut all off clear to the Belly, which is done when they are but about eight or ten years old: It is true, a great many dye of it; but the Bashaws of the Governments that border upon Abyssia or Ethiopia, and other Countries of the Negroes, cause so many to be gelt, that they have enough, both for presents of the handsomest to the Grand Signior, 
Eunuch's guard and look to the Women.  and for attending their own Women. These Eunuches have the sole government of the Seraglio; such of them as have the care of the Women, who are all lodged in a separate apartment together, are so watchful and exact in looking after them, that there is no Woman cunning enough to deceive those half men, because they know that the Grand Signior is commonly so jealous, that a single view of one of his Wives would cost him that saw her his life; and when the Sultanas' walk in the Gardens of the Seraglio; 
Bostangis. In what poscure are the Gardeners when the Grand Signior walks with his Wives in the Gardens. Great jealousy in the Grand Signior. Eunuch's keepers of the Pages. Ichnoglans. Education of the Pages.  the Bostangis or Gardeners, stand round the Walls, and holding Staves, to which large and long pieces of Cloth are fastened behind them, look towards the Sea, making in that manner a kind of a Wall betwixt them and the Garden, to hinder the Sultanas from being seen from abroad, they themselves not daring to look upon them, for fear, least being perceived by some Eunuch, he might make their heads fly off upon the spot; this jealousy goes so far, that they suffer no Boats to come nearer than four hundred paces of the Garden, whilst the Sultanas are there, though the Walls be high, and there are Sentinels on purpose to fire at them if they do not stand off; so that those who have business by Water, must sometimes fetch a great compass about. The Eunuches also have the charge of the Ichnoglans, or the Grand Signiors Pages, who are all youths, for the most part of Christian extraction, made Mahometans, and educated in the Seraglio, with great care, from eight to twenty years of age; some are taught to shoot an Arrow, dart the Zaguye, sit a Horse well, Wrestle, Read, Writ and Sing, and the rest any thing else that suits with their talents and inclination, but they are all indispensably brought up in the Law of Mahomet; if they have parts they rise to great Offices, if not, after some years, they are turned out of the Seraglio, and have pay proportionable to the employments they undertake; but so long as they live in the Seraglio, they are sure of blows with a Cudgel, as often as they commit a fault. They are divided into Chambers, and many of them being thwacked together into one Room, they are not a little straitened; when they are in Bed, Eunuch's watch over them, walking up and down the Room, lest they should slip out of one Bed into another, for the Itchoglans are not gelt. The chief charge that they can rise to whilst they are Pages in the Seraglio, is to be of the number of the forty that come nearest the person of the Grand Signior, of whom the chief fourare the Selihhtar, 
Forty Pages waiting on the Grand Signior.  who carries the Prince's Sword: The Tschoadar, who carries his Yagmourluk or Cloak for rain; the Ibrictar, who carries always water in a vessel, to pour upon his Hands, if he have a mind to wash; and the Kuptar, who carries a Pot with Sorbet, to give him to drink when he is dry: 
Four Chief Pages. The Selihhtar. Tschoadar. Ibrictar. Cuptar. The Old Seraglio The Wives of the last Prince.  These four always wait upon the Grand Signior when he goes abroad out of the Seraglio, and from these Offices they are advanced to the highest places of the Empire. Besides this great Seraglio, there is another in Constantinople, which is called the old Seraglio, where heretofore the Prince lodged, but which at present serves only for lodgings for the Wives of the Grand Signior that last died, whither they are all sent, unless it be some whom the Grand Signior now reigning, taking a liking to, retains in the Seraglio; they are guarded very strictly by Eunuches in this old Seraglio, and that till death, unless the Grand Signior think fit that they marry some great men of his Court. This Palace is well built, it is enclosed within very high Walls, which have no opening but the Gate, so that it is not unlike to a Nunnery amongst us: There is moreover a Seraglio of the Grand Signiors at Pera, near to the House of the French Ambassador, 
another Seraglio at Pera.  where several Itchoglans are kept under the guard of an Aga, who having spent some time there, the duller are sent out with pay, and the rest come to the Seraglio to be entertained in the Grand Signior's service. Besides these Serraglios the Grand Signior has others in the Country, both in Europe and Asia, which have all fine Gardens, and many Bostangis to look after them, who are under the command of the Bostangi Bassa or chief of the Gardeners. 
Bostangi Bassa.  This is one of the best places of the Empire; for the Bostangi Bassa has lodgings in the Seraglio, and nevertheless he wears a Beard, none but the Grand Signior and he doing so; for all the rest are shaved as a mark of their servitude: Besides he having the Prince's Ear, whom he often attends when he goes abroad to take the Air, either in the Gardens, or upon the Water, where he sits at the Helm of the Boat or Galiot that carries the Grand Signior, there is no doubt, but he is in great Power, and much considered, not only at the Port, but over the whole Empire: When the Grand Signior puts any person of quality to death at Constantinople, he commonly sends the Bostangi Bassa to bring him his Head.   

CHAP. XIX. Of the other Serraglios, Hans, Private Houses, and Bezestins of Constantinople.  
THere are also many Serraglios of private persons in Constantinople, but they have no beauty on the outside, on the contrary they are very ugly, and it would seem that they affect to make them have but little show without, for fear of giving jealousy to the Grand Signior: 
Ornaments within the Palaces.  These Palaces are great, and encompassed all round with high Walls like our Monasteries; they have very lovely Apartments within, adorned with Gold and Azure, and the Floor they walk upon covered with fine Carpets, which is the reason that men commonly put off their Shoes when they enter them, for fear of spoiling the Carpets: The Walls are faced with pure Tiles, like China: In all the Halls and Chambers they have a rising half a foot or a foot high from the Floor, 
Divans.  which they call Divans; and these are covered with richer Carpets, than the rest of the Room, with embroidered Cushions set against the Wall; upon these Divans they rest, receive visits, and spend the best part of the day. In all Palaces the women's apartment is separated from the rest of the Lodgings, and no Man enters it, unless the Master of the House, or some Eunuch. 
Hans.  There are also many great buildings in the City, in form of the Cloisters of Monks, which they call Hans; they consist for the most part of a large square Court, in the middle whereof there is a Fountain with a great Basin, and Arches all round the Court, under which, all along the Walls, are the Doors of the Chambers, which are all alike, and have each of them a Chimney: These Arches support a Gallery that ranges all round the Court, as that below; 
The Lodgeing of Merchants.  and this Gallery has also Chambers on the side, like to those that are underneath; these Hans are for lodging of Merchants. If you would have a lodging room there, you must speak to the Porter of the Han, who keeps all the Keys, and for opening it, as they call it, you give him a Piastre, or half Piastre; and for every day you stay there, one, two, or three Aspres, according to the rate that is set; you may hire a Warehouse for goods in the same manner. These Hans are very well built, and the chief Walls are of Freestone. The fairest in Constantinople, is that which called Valida Hhane, the Han of the Sultana Mother, because the Mother of the present Grand Signior built it: It is a very convenient place for strangers, who always find a House ready to hire, and at an easy rate, so that having a Quilt, some Cover, Carpets and Cushions, you have a furnished House to lodge in; and these Hans yield a very considerable revenue to those to whom they belong. 
The Houses of Constantinople mean.  As to the Houses of Constantinople, they are very ordinary, and almost all of Wood, which is the cause that when Fires happen, as they do very often, they make great havoc amongst them, especially if a wind blow: there were three Fires in Constantinople in the space of eight months that I so journed there; 
Constantinople much Subject to fire.  the first happened on the day of my arrival, and burnt down eight thousand Houses; the other two were not so great. In the time of Sultan Amurat, such a fire raged there for three days, and three nights, as ruined one half of the Town; it is true, the Houses being but little, and built more of Timber than any thing else, they are soon rebuilt again, and for a small matter. 
Baltadgis.  For putting a stop to these fires, there are men called Baltadgis, that's to say, Hatchetmen, who have a constant pay from the Grand Signior: When a fire breaks out in any place, they beat down the neighbouring Houses with Hatchets, beginning sometimes twenty or thirty Houses from the fire; for the fire runs so fast, that it is soon up with them; these fires most commonly are occasioned by Tobaco; for the Turks easily fall asleep with a lighted Pipe in their mouths; 
Causes of fire.  and seeing they smoke when they are in Bed, it is very easy for the Fire that falls out of their Pipes, to take on materials that are so prepared to receive it. These accidents of fire are sometimes also occasioned by the Soldiers, who raise a fire with design to rob Houses, whilst the people are labouring to quench it. The streets of Constantinople are very ugly, being for the most part narrow, crooked, up-hill and downhill. There are several Market-places in the City; but one must see the great Bezestain, 
Great Bezestain.  which is a very large round Hall, built all of Freestone, and enclosed with very thick Walls; the Shops are within round the Hall, as in Westminster-Hall; and in these Shops the most costly Goods are to be sold: There are four Gates into this Hall, which are very strong, and shut every night; no body lies there, and all the care they take is to shut their Shops well at night. 
The little Bezestain.  There is another Bezestain in the City, but less, where Goods of smaller value are to be sold.   

CHAP. XX. Of Cassumpasha, Galata, Pera, and Tophana.  
HAving said enough of Constantinople, we must now pass over to Galata, which is, as it were the Suburbs of it. Galata is separated from Constantinople by the Port that is betwixt them; there are on both sides a great many Caiques and Permes, which will carry you over for a very small matter, 
Caiques-Permes.  and land you where you have a mind to be; Caiques are small Boats, and the Permes are little slight Boats or Wherries, and so tick'lish, that by leaning more to one side than another, it is an easy matter to overset them. You may go to Galata by land, if you'll fetch a compass round the Port which is very spacious, having crossed a little River of fresh water, that discharges itself into the Harbour; you go towards Galata, and by the way you first find the Ocmeidan, or field of Arrows; it is a large place where the Turks practise Archery, 
Ocmeidan  and come in procession to make their Prayers to God for the prosperity of their Armies, and for whatsoever they stand in need of: Then you come to Cassumpasha; which seems to be a great Village; there by the water side is the Arsenal, where Galleys, Maones, and Ships are built; it contains sixscore arched Docks or Houses, where Galleys may be put under cover, or new ones built. The Capoudan Bassa, 
Capoudan Bassa.  or Admiral has his lodgings in the Arsenal, where he commands, and all who belong to the Sea, depend on him: In the same Arsenal is the Bagnio for the Grand Signiors, slaves, which is very spacious: From thence you come to Galata, separated from Cassumpasha only by the burying places that are betwixt them. Galata is a pretty large Town, over against Constantinople, from which it is separated by the Port or Harbour; it belonged hererofore to the Genoese, and then was pretty considerable; there is still a large Tower to be seen in it, which they long held out against the Turks, after they were Masters of Constantinople; the Houses are good and well built; many Greeks live there, and it is the usual residence of the Francs. In Galata there are five Monasteries of religious Francs, to wit of the Cordeliers, and their Church is called St. Marry; of the Observantines or Conventual Cordeliers, and their Church is called St. Francis; of the Jacobins, who have St. Peter's Church; of the Jesuits, who have St. Benet's Church; and of the Capucius, who have the Church of St. George. By the Seaside there is the finest Fishmarket in the World, it is a Street with Fishmongers shops on both sides, who have so great quantity of Fish upon their Stalls, that it would surprise a man to see it: There one may find all sorts of fresh Fish, and at a very cheap rate. The Greeks keep many Taverns or Public Houses in Galata, which draw thither many of the Rabble from Constantinople, who are very insolent in their drink, and very dangerous to be met with. Going up from Galata you come to Pera, which is likewise separated from Galata by Burying-places; it is a kind of a Town where Christian Ambassadors dwell; only the Ambassadors of the Emperor, King of Poland, and Republic of Ragousa having their residence in Constantinople. The French Ambassador is very commodiously lodged in Pera, having a fair large Palace, which is called the King's House, and has on all hands a good Prospect, looking one way towards the Seraglio of the Grand Signior, over against which it stands upon a higher ground than the Seraglio, Pera lying very high: The Houses of Pera are handsome, and hardly any body lives there but Greeks of Quality. From Pera to Tophana there is a great descent, and Tophana lies upon the River's side over against the Seraglio: It is called Tophana, that is to say, the House of Cannon, because it is the place where Guns, and other Pieces of Artillery are cast, and that gives the name to all that Quarter, which is a kind of little Town. The Houses of Galata, Pera, and Tophana are built in so good order, that as these places stand, some higher, and some lower, they represent a kind of Amphitheatre, from whence with ease and pleasure the Port and Sea may be seen.   

CHAP. XXI. Of Leander's Tower, Scudaret, the Prince's Isle, and the Black Sea.  
THough the Country about Constantinople be not so delightful, nor so well peopled, 
Iscodar.  as in France; yet it is not without pleasant Walks; you must take a Caique, and go to Scudaret, called in Turkish Iscodar, and it is a good mile over to it: You pass by the Tower of Leander, which stands betwixt the Seraglio and Scudaret, and you may go into it if you please. This Tower is built upon a Rock in the Sea, and is pretty strong; there are several great Guns mounted in it, which may batter the Port of Constantinople, and the two mouths of the Bosphorus of Thrace and of the Propontis, or, as they say, of the Black and White Seas; there is a Well of excellent good fresh Water in this Tower, but I cannot tell why they call it Leander's Tower. From thence you go to Scudaret, which is a Village in Asia, upon the Seaside, over against the Seraglio of Constantinople; where the Grand Signior hath a sttately Seraglio, and very lovely Gardens. A little lower, on the same side, over against the seven Towers, stands Chalcedon; a Town anciently Famous, and celebrated by the Fourth general Council that was held there; but, at present, it is no more but a pitiful Village. The Prince's Isle, which is four hours going from Constantinople, is another Walk, where the Air is excellently good; though this Isle be not great, yet it is very pleasant, and contains two little Towns of Greeks. The Channel of the Black Sea is a rare place to take the Air upon; this is the Bosphorus of Thrace, which coming from the Black Sea to Constantinople, enters into the Propontis, and mingles its Waters with the White Sea; at the broadest place it is about a mile over, and is twelve miles in length. Going from Tophana towards this Channel, you see to the lefthand, on the side of Europe, a great many lovely Houses and Gardens; when you have entered into the Channel, you have on both sides the most charming and delightful Prospect in the World; nothing offering to your view but stately Houses, and Gardens full of all sorts of excellent Fruits: Upon the side, in Asia, I saw a very pretty Castle, where Sultan Ibrahim, the Father of Sultan Mahomet, who Reigns at present, was hid for the space of twenty years, to avoid the Death which Sultan Amurath put his other Brothers to. This Castle is covered with many very high Trees, that hinder it from being seen, which is the reason (as those who live there told us) that few come to see it. Along both the shores, there are also a great many good Villages, where one may have whatsoever is needful. They take in this Channel great quantities of good Fish, of several sorts, especially Swordfish, 
Swordfish.  which are great, and so called, because on their Snout they have a long broad bone, like a Sword, or rather a Saw; there are many Dolphins to be seen there, which follow Boats, playing and leaping out of the Water. Six miles from Constantinople, there are two Forts on this Sea, the one in Europe, and the other in Asia, which serve for Prisons for Persons of quality, and were built to put a stop to the Cosacks, who (were it not for that) would often come and make Booty, even in Constantinople, seeing, notwithstanding these Forts, they sometimes give the alarm to that City: In three or four hours' time one comes to the end of the Channel or Bosphorus of Thrace, where the Black Sea gins. In the middle of this mouth, which is very narrow, there is a little Isle, or rather Rock, distant on each hand from the main Land about fifty paces, where being come, you may go up to the top of it, and there see a Pillar of white Marble, which is called the Pillar of Pompey, because (they say) it was raised by Pompey in memory of his Victory, after that he had overcome Mithridates. Close by this Rock, and round it, there are several others scattered here and there in the Water, which many take to be the Cyanean Isles, or Symplegades. On the main Land of Europe side, over against the Rock of Pompey's Pillar, there is a Village on the Waterside with a Tower, on the top whereof there is a Light, for the convenience of Vessels, that by mistake they may not run foul of the Rocks and be cast away; for that's a very dangerous Sea, and many shipwrecks are made in it every year; so that the Greeks call it Maurothalassa, that is to say, the Black Sea; 
Maurothalassa.  not because the Waters of it are black, but because Storms and Tempests rise on it so suddenly, that they cause many losses; and though the Wether be never so fair, yet Vessels are often surprised there in a moment; for besides that, this Sea is not very broad, there are several Currents in it caused by the Danube, Boristhenes, Tanais, and many other smaller Rivers that discharge their Waters into it, which occasion so many Eddies, that many times Vessels are carried upon the Rocks, and there perish. The Ancients called this Sea Pontus Euxinus, a Name that hath been changed and softened from that of Axinos, which in Latin signifies Inhospitabilis, one that uses his Guests unkindly; as in Italy, the the City which was since called Malventum, was named Beneventum. If you go ashore on the side of Europe, you'll see a very fine Country, full of Gardens, and good Pasture Ground; and in this Country there are several Villages inhabited by Greeks: A little further up in the Country, on the same side, there are very lovely Aqueducts, that carry water to Constantinople.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Shape and Strength of the Turks. Of their Apparel. Way of Saluting. And of their Manners.  
I Have given but a short account of all the places of Constantinople that I have seen, because many others have treated largely of them: I shall now say something of the Shape, Strength, Clothing, Customs and Manners of the Turks; according to what I could observe and learn. 
The Shape of the Turks.  The Turks are commonly well shaped, having a well proportioned body, and are free from many defects which are more common in other Countries of Europe; for you see neither Crooked nor Cripples amongst them, and it is not without reason, that it is said, As strong as a Turk; they being for the most part robust and strong. Their Habit is fit to make them seem proper, 
The Turks Habit advantageous.  and it covers defects far more easily than the Canons or Pantaloons of France; next their skin, they wear a pair of Drawers, which shut alike behind and before; their Shirt (which hath sleeves like our women's Smocks, and is slit in the same manner) comes over their Drawers; they have a Doliman above their Shirt, 
Doliman.  which is like a close-bodied Cassock, that reaches down to the heels, and hath straight sleeves, ending in a little round flap that covers the back of their hands; these Dolimans' are made of Stuff, Taffata, Satin, or other neat striped Stuffs; and in Winter they have them quilted with Cotton; over the Doliman, they gird themselves about the small of the waste with a Sash, that may serve them for a Turban, when it is wreathed about the head; or with a leathern Belt two or three fingers broad, adorned with Gold or Silver Buckles. 
Cangiar.  At their girdle they commonly wear two Daggers, which they call Cangiars, and are properly knives in a sheath; but the handles and Sheaths are garnished with Gold or Silver, and sometimes with Precious-stones; or else the handles are only of the Tooth of a Fish, which they esteem incomparably more than Ivory, and sell a pound of it very dear. They carry two Handkerchiefs at their girdle, one on each side, and their Tobacco-pouch hangs also at it; their Purse being in their bosom, as many things else are, to wit, their Papers and foul Handkerchiefs, for they use their bosoms as we do our pockets. 
Feredge.  Over the Doliman they wear a Feredge, which is like our Nightgown, having very wide sleeves, and about as long as the arm, though they hang not always so far down; this serves them for a Cloak, and in the Wintertime they line it with rich Furs, and such as are able, 
Samour.  willingly lay out four or five hundred Piastres for a Lining of Sables, which they call Samour. Their Stockings are of Cloth the length of the leg, the feet whereof are socks of yellow or red Leather, according to their quality, sewed to the Stockings; 
Mestes.  they call these Socks Mestes. Their Shoes are of the same colour, and made almost like Slippers, the heel is equal to the rest of the sole, only it is shod with a piece of Iron made purposely halfround, and these Shoes they call Paboutches. 
Paboutches.  Their head is covered with a crimson Velvet Cap, without brims, gilded in the inside, and round that, they wreathe a white or red Turban: 
Turban.  This Turban is a scarf of Linen or Silk stuff, many els long, and the whole breadth of the stuff, which they turn several times about their head, and they wreathe it in many fashions; so that the condition or quality of the Man may be known by the way he wears the Turban, and other head-attire, whereof we shall speak hereafter: Some fashions of them are very difficult to be made, and there are people whose trade and profession is to make them up, as Dressers are with us. As for the Kindred of Mahomet, whom they call Scherifs, they wear a green Turban, (the word Scherif signifies Noble) and none but those of that Race dare take to themselves this Title, or wear green on the head, there being no other way to distinguish them but by their colour. These Blades (who have only an imaginary Nobility) are very numerous, and for the most part Beggars, if you except some Princes which they have still in some States of Arabia and Africa, of whom we shall treat in another place. These Scherifs give it out, that they have this particular virtue in themselves, That throw them into a fiery Furnace, they'll come out without any hurt. The Women of this Race, are also to be known by a piece of green stuff which they have fastened to their Veil on the forepart of their head. But to return to the Turks Apparel; I look upon it to be very commodious, and, indeed, it is the Habit most generally used in the World, if you except some Northern and Western Provinces. 
The Hair and Beards of the Turks.  The Turks shave their heads, and think it strange that the Francs suffer their Hair to grow; for they say that the Devil nestles in it; so that they are not subject to that filth and nastiness which breed among our Hair, if we be not careful to comb it well: But they let their Beard and Mustachios grow, except those who are brought up and have Offices in the Seraglio; for none there but the Grand Signior, and the Bostangi Bassa, suffer it to grow; and they have a great esteem for a Man that hath a lovely Beard; it is a great affront to one to take him by the Beard, unless it be to kiss him, as they often do; they swear by their Beard, as also by the Head of their Father, of the Grand Signior, and such like Oaths. When they salute one another, 
The Turkish way of saluting.  they uncover not the head, and to do so would be an affront; but only laying their hand upon the breast, and bowing a little, they say, Sela meon aleicom, which is as much as to say, Peace be with you; and he that is saluted, does the like, and answers, Aleicom esselam ve rahhmet ullah, which is to say, Peace be with you, and God's Mercy also; and such other Benedictions. In fine, that way of saluting is very grave, and was, indeed, the ancient way of Salutation, as appears by Holy Scripture. The left hand is the more honourable with the Turks, 
The more honourable side.  because it is the Sword-side; so that he who is on the right-hand, has the Sword under the hand of him whom he would honour. When a Turk walks with a Christian, he will not willingly give him the left hand; and it is very easy to make them agree as to that point; for seeing with us the right hand is the more honourable, both of them are in the place of honour.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of Baths or Bagnios  
THE Turks make great use of Bathing, both for keeping their bodies neat and clean, and for their health's sake: For that purpose, they have many fair Bagnios in their Towns; and the sorriest Village that is, 
Bagnios.  has at least a Bagnio; they are all made after the same fashion, and there is no difference, but that some are bigger, and more adorned with marble than others. I'll describe that which is at Tophana, near to a fair Mosque, as being one of the loveliest that I have seen. You enter into a large square Hall, 
A Description of Bagnios  about twenty paces in length, and of a very high roof; all round this Hall there are Mastabez, or benches of stone against the wall, above a fathom broad, 
Mastabez.  and half as high, which are all covered with mats; so soon as you come, they spread you out a large napkin (which they call Fouta) upon the said benches, 
Fouta.  where you sit down, and lay your clothes after you have stripped: In the middle of this Hall, there is a great Fountain, with a large Basin of marble, for washing the Linen that hath been used; and when they are washed, they are hung up to dry upon poles which are on high, all round the Hall, When you have sat down upon the napkin which they have spread for you, they bring you another to put before you, which you tie over your shirt, before you pull it off, (lest you should show what ought not to be seen, which would be a great crime) that covers you behind and before, from the girdle down to the knees: Having pulled off your shirt, you put it with your clothes in the napkin you sat upon, leaving them there without fear that any body will touch them, for the Bagnios are places of liberty and security, as though they were sacred, and there is no cheat ever committed in them; for if any were, the Master of the Bagnio would be obliged to make good what was lost or embeziled. After you are stripped, you enter by a little door into a small room, somewhat hot; and from thence, by another door, into the great Hall, which is very hot. All these Halls are made with Domes, having little glass windows to let in the light. This great hot Hall is of a Pentagone figure, each side being supported by two Pillars of white marble; on each side there is a marble edging or rising, about half a foot high; and in the middle of that, in the floor, about two foot from the wall, there is a little Basin of white marble, two foot broad, and over it a cock of warm water; and a hands breadth above this cock, another cock, for cold water, so that you mingle them as you please; than you take large copper Cups (which are always ready for that use) and with them throw upon yourself as much water as you have a mind. In this Hall also, there is a large stone-Fat full of hot water, whereinto you may go if you please; but that is not safe, because a great many Rogues, who have several diseases, go into it, though the water be often changed; but if you be sure that no body has as yet been in it, you may wash yourself there. So soon as you enter into that great Hall, you sit down upon the flat floor, which is all of marble, heated by Furnaces underneath; then comes a Servant stark naked, except those parts which modesty requires to be covered, (the Servants of the Bagnio are always so, that they may be in readiness to wait upon those that come) and making you lie out at length upon your back, he puts his knees upon your belly and breast, and embracing you very straight, makes all the bones of your body, arms and legs, crack again, to stretch and soften the sinews; then laying you upon your belly, he does the like on your back, treading upon it, so that he often makes you kiss the ground; after that, having shaved your chin, and under the armpits, he gives you a razor to shave yourself every where else; and you go into one of the little chambers, that are made in the intervals betwixt the sides, and being there, you take off your napkin and hang it upon the door, that so every one that sees it may know there is some body within, which will hinder them from coming in, and there you may shave yourself at your leisure: If you be afraid that you may hurt yourself with a Razor, they give you a bit of Paste, 
The way of using Rusma.  made of a certain mineral, called Rusma, beat into a powder, and with lime and water made up into a Paste, which they apply to the parts where they would have the hair fetched off, and in less than half a quarter of an hour, all the hair falls off with the Paste, by throwing hot water upon it: They know when it is time to throw on water, by trying if the hair comes off with the Paste; for if it be left too long sticking on the place, after it had eaten off the hair, it would corrode the flesh. Rusma is a mineral like to the rust or dross of Iron; 
What Rusma is.  it is much in use in Turkey, and sold in so great quantities, that the Custom of it yields the Grand Signior a considerable Revenue. In Malta they use instead of Rusma, Orpiment, which they mingle with lime for the same use. Having taken off the hair, and put your napkin about you again, you return into the great Hall, where you sweat as long as you please; then comes a Servant with a Purse of black Camlet, into which he puts his hand, and rubs your body so hard all over, that he clears all the filth from your skin, yet without hurting you; then he takes a lock of Silk, with a bit of Soap in it, and therewith rubs and soaps you all over; after which he throws a great deal of water upon your body, and washes your head also (if you please) with Soap: Having done so, he goes and brings you a dry napkin, which you put about you in the place of the wet one; than you return into the Hall where you left your clothes, where sitting down, he pours water upon your feet, to wash off the filth that you may have got in coming; and after that, he brings you hot and dry napkins, wherewith you rub and dry your skin; and when you clothes are on again, and you have seen yourself in a Looking-glass that another holds to you, you have no more to do, but to pay and be gone. The common price of the Bagnio, is two Aspres to the Master; and they who would be well served, give as much to the Man. These Bagnios are very commodious, and I believe the frequent use they make of them, preserves them from many diseases: The poorest person that is, Man or Woman, goes at least once a week to the Bagnio. There are Bagnios, whither the Men go one day, and the Women another; others, whither the Men go in the morning, and the Women afternoon; and others again solely for Women. When the Women are there, they are served by Women; and it is a capital crime for any Man, of whatsoever religion or quality he be, to enter into the Bagnio where the Women are. 
The modesty of the Turks.  It is also a great crime, but punishable only by shame, or some Bastonadoes at most, to show one's privy Parts, or to look upon another Person's. These Bagnios are heated underneath; and Lords of high quality have them in their houses, for their own and Wives uses.   

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Turks way of Eating, Drinking and Lying.  
THe Turks make no sumptuous Feasts, and it is never heard in Turkey, that a man hath undone himself by House-keeping; a small matter contents them, and a good Cook in that Country would have but a very bad Trade of it; 
The Turkish food. What Pilau is.  for indeed they are all Cooks there, and they have no Sauces, but what one may learn to make at first sight. Their most usual food is that which they call Pilau. This Pilau is Rice put into a Pot with a Pullet, a piece of Mutton and Beef, or only one of these; and for want of Meat, with Butter; and when the Rice has boiled a little, they take it off, putting it into a large dish, with a great deal of Pepper upon it, and sometimes Saffron, to make it look yellow: When it is eating time, 
Soffra, the Turks Table.  they spread upon the ground a Carpet of Turkey Leather, which they call Soffra, upon which they set the Pilau and Meat, and breaking the Bread into pieces, they distribute it all round; then they squat down upon their heels, like Tailors, about the Soffra, and all make use of one blue Napkin, that is long enough to go round the Soffra; then having said Bismillah, that is to say, In the name of God, 
Bismillah.  which to them is instead of Benedicite, they eat their Pilau with wooden Spoons, a foot long, making a scruple to eat in Gold or Silver; and nevertheless the Grand Signior has Dishes of Gold Plate, as we shall show hereafter: When they have no Spoons, they make an easy shift without them, putting the Pilau with one hand into the other, and so carrying it to their mouth: When they come to the Meat, one of the company with his Hands tears it to pieces, using no Knife for that, and then every one takes what they have a mind to: They are at no trouble for the Beef and Mutton; for before it be dressed, they cut it into small pieces, whether for roasting or boiling. They drink not commonly in time of meal, but when they have eaten, they rise and fill their bellies full of Water; then they give God Thanks by a Handillah, that is to say, God be praised. Having thus made an end of their meal, they wash their hands; for they wash not before they sit down to eat, but only when they rise from it. Their usual Drink is Water, many of them also drink Wine; 

The Turks Drink.  
The Turks are not forbid to drink Wine.   and though Wine seems to be Prohibited by the Alcoran, yet the good-fellows say, that it is no more but an advice or council, and not a precept: However, they drink it not publicly, unless it be the Janissaries, and other Desperadoes, that stand in awe of no Man; when they fall to drinking, they drink a great deal, and if they can have it for nothing, they'll drink till they fall a sleep again, if they be let alone; saying, that it is no greater sin to drink ten quarts, than one cup full; they never mingle Water with it, and laugh at Christians for doing so, as a thing that seems altogether ridiculous to them. In the Country, about Constantinople, and all over the Archipelago, they have plenty of good Wine. They have besides another Liquor, which they call Boza, 
Boza.  made of Barley or Millet, and tastes somewhat like our Beer, but not so pleasantly; I tasted of it once, but found it to be very bad; and none but the meaner sort of people drink it, because it is very cheap. This Drink makes them drunk; but they have another, which they use very commonly; they call it Coffee, 
Coffee.  and drink of it all hours in the day. This Liquor is made of a Berry that we shall mention hereafter. They roast or parch it in a Fireshovel, or such like iron instrument, than they peel it, and beat it into powder; and when they have a mind to drink of it, they take a copper Pot, made purposely, which they call Ibrick, 
Ibrick.  and having filled it with Water, make it boil; when it boils, they put in this Powder, to the proportion of a good spoonful for three Dishes or Cups full of Water; and having let all boil together, they snatch it quickly off of the fire, or stir it, else it would run all over, for it rises very fast. Having thus boiled ten or twelve wambles, they pour it out into China Dishes, which they set upon a Trencher of painted Wood, and so bring it to you scalding hot, and so you must drink it, but at several sips, else it is not good. This Liquor is bitter and black, and has a kind of a burnt taste: They all drink it sipping, for fear of scalding themselves; 
Coffee-bane.  so that being in a Coffee-hane (so they call the place where they sell it ready made) one hairs a pretty pleasant kind of sippling music. 
The virtues of Coffee.  This Liquor is good to hinder vapours from rising up from the stomach to the head, and by consequence to cure the Headache; and for the same reason it keeps one from sleeping. When Merchants have many Letters to write, and intent to do it in the nighttime, in the Evening they take a dish or two of Coffee: It is good also to comfort the Stomach, and helps Digestion. In short, in the Turks opinion, it is good against all Maladies; and certainly it hath, at least, as much virtue as is attributed to Tea: As to its taste, by that time a man hath drank twice, he is accustomed to it, and finds it no longer unpleasant: Some put Cloves to it, some Cardamom-seed, called in Latin Cardamomum minus, which they call Cacoule; and others Sugar; but that mixture which renders it more agreeable to the palate, makes it less wholesome and useful. There is a great deal of it drank in the Turkish Countries; for there is no Man, Rich nor Poor, who drinks not at least two or three Dishes of it a day; and it is one of the things which the Husband is obliged to provide his Wife with. There are many public Coffeehouses, where it is boiled in great Kettles. All Men are free to go to these Houses, without any distinction of Religion or Quality; and it is no shame to go thither, many resorting to them for Conversation: There is even without doors stone Seats, covered with Mats, where those who would see those that pass by, and take the Air, sit. In these Coffeehouses, there are commonly several Violins, Players upon Flutes, and Musicians, hired by the Master of the Coffee-house, to play and sing a good part of the day, to draw in Customers. When one is in a Coffee-house, and sees any of his acquaintance come in, if he be civil a la mode, he'll order the Master to take no money from them, and that with a single word; for when they present Coffee to them, he need say no more to them but Giaba, that is to say Gratis. 
Sorbet.  They have also Sorbet, which is a very good Drink, made in Egypt, of Sugar, Limon-juice, Musk, Ambergrease, and Rose-water. When they would regale any Friend that comes to see them, they cause a dish of Coffee to be brought to him, afterwards Sorbet, and then the Perfume. They give it in this manner; 
The way of giving Perfume to such as the Turks would regale.  a Slave or Servant comes with a silk Napkin, which he spreads over the Guest's head; and another brings a large sweet Box, which he puts under his chin and beard, the first keeping in the steam with the Napkin. He to whom the Regale is made, takes of it as much as he pleases. When they give all the three, they pretend to have showed a great deal of civility. I have many times seen all three given to Monsieur de la Hay, the French Ambassador, both at the Moufti's and Grand Vizier's; and sometimes one of these three only sometimes two. As for the Perfume, whenever they brought it to the Ambassador, they gave it afterwards to those of his retinue: and, indeed, it cost them not a farthing the more. If the Turks take no great pains in their Diet, they take as little about their Beds▪ 
The Turks lying.  When it is time to go to rest, they bring Quilts and spread them upon the ground, and every one lies upon his own: The Masters have them commonly upon a Divan, where one or two Quilts are spread, and at one end a Cushion, than a Sheet, and then a quilted Coverlet, to which another Sheet is sewed; that way of sewing the upper Sheet, methinks, is more commodious than our way. In the morning they pack up all this baggage, so that in a trice it would seem there had been no Bed there.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Recreations and Exercises of the Turks.  
I Have said enough of the Turks way of Eating, Drinking and Sleeping; but since they spend not their whole life-time in Eating, Drinking and Resting, 
The Turks walk not.  we must see what their Recreations and Exercises are. In the first place, the Turks never walk in a Room or Court as we do, and laugh at the Franks for so doing, calling them Fools, and ask them what business they have to do at that side they go so often to, and then back again. When they are at home, you'll find them commonly sitting on the Divans. I have already described what Divans are. If they be alone, they either sleep, smoke a Pipe of Tobacco, 
Tambour.  or play upon a kind of a Lute, which they call Tambour; and they'll play upon that a whole day without being weary, though the Melody be not very pleasant; or otherwise, if they be Scholars, they read in some Book, or write: If they have company with them, they either spend their time in Discourse, 
Turkish Games  or play at some Game; they never play at Cards or Dice, nor any Game of hazard, but only at Chess, Draughts, or such like plays; and that not for money, nor any thing of value, neither Poor nor Rich, which is the reason they have not so many quarrels among them; nevertheless, though they play for nothing, yet they take great pleasure at play, and will spend whole Afternoons, playing hand to hand, and never say a word; but so soon as one has lost, they dryly begin again, without speaking. They play also very much at Mancala, which is a Box about two foot long, 
The play of Mancala.  and about half a foot broad, wherein there are six holes on each side, to wit, six in the Box, and six on the Cover that is fastened to the Box, and opens like a pair of Tables; every one plays with six and thirty Shells, putting at the beginning six in every hole. But the most usual Recreations of Soldiers, 
Turk's skilful at their Arms  are Military Exercises, in which they are very expert; they shoot at a mark very true with a Bow and Arrow, and in the City there are several Butts, where (for a little money) they shoot. But they are very dextrous at the Zagaye, 
The way of darting the Zagaye.  and it is a great pleasure to see in a large place or open field, a great many of them on Horseback, some running away, and others at full speed following after with a Zagaye in hand: That Zagaye is commonly a square Baton, made of a Palmtree branch, about three foot long, and two or three times thicker than one's thumb. When the Pursuer is got pretty near him that he pursues, and as it were within the length of his stick, he darts his Zagaye at his back so dextrously with a turn of hand that doubles the force of it, that sometimes the end of it makes very considerable wounds, and that often enough in the head too. I saw a Man at Cairo, who having received a wound on his head by a Zagaye, was fain to have a piece of his skull taken out. Now he that is before and pursued, looks behind as he flies, both that he may stoop with his head if there be occasion, and endeavour to catch hold of the Zagaye, and avoid the blow if he can; for which end he holds his hand ready behind him, and when he catches hold of the Zagaye (which happens pretty often) he turns and pursues the other; so that they presently change their parts. They perform this Exercise often, as also that of shooting at a mark with a Harquebuse running. Thus you'll see many of them in a field, who having put an Earthen Pot or some such thing upon the ground, or a mark upon a wall, will run at full speed, and when they are at a pretty good distance from the mark, fire the Piece with one hand at arms length. I have often seen, that in ten or twelve shot, one or two have hit the mark; and if any Bassa or Person of quality be present, he'll give five or six Aspres to him that hath hit the mark. I think, that among their Diversions I may reckon Puppet-Shows; 
Puppet Shows in Turkey.  for though the Turks suffer no Images among them, yet they have Puppets, which, indeed, play not publicly, but in private Houses; though, during the Ramadan, they go from Coffee-house to Coffee-house, and if they collect money enough, they play there; if not, they give back the money and go their way. Now they are commonly Jews that show Puppet-Shows, and I never saw any but them play; they play not as in France and other Countries of Europe, but place themselves in a corner of a room, with a cloth hung before them; and in the upper part of that piece of Hang, there is a hole or square window, about two foot every way, with a piece of thin white stuff over it; behind this they light several Candles, and having with the shadow of their hands represented many Animals upon this cloth, they make use of little flat Figures, which they move so dextrously behind the cloth, that, in my opinion, it makes a prettier Show, than our way does; and in the mean time, they sing several pretty Songs in the Turkish and Persian Languages, but on most nasty subjects, being full of foul obscenities; and nevertheless the Turks take great delight in seeing of them; nay, I was one evening with a Renegado, who, after he had treated me at Supper, entertained me with a Puppet Show. The Lord to whom he belonged, was at that time in Candie, with Hussein Bassa, General of the Turkish Army: The Wife of this Lord desiring to see this Puppet-Show, caused a piece of Tapestry to be hung before the door of her Apartment, which looked into the Hall where we were, that she might not be seen by us; and she stirred not from thence till the Show was over, which was at One of the clock in the morning, having lasted above three hours; for they'll make it last as long as one pleases; and I wondered that she was not ashamed to see the obscene pranks their Caragheuz played, who amongst their Puppets, act the chief part. 
Caragbuez.  They have also a sort of Women, whom they call Tchingueniennes, 
Tchingueniennnes.  who are public Dancers, that play on Castanets and other Instruments while they dance; and for a few Aspres, will show a thousand obscene postures with their bodies.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Language of the Turks, their Sciences, and ways of Divination.  

Turkish Language.  THe Turkish Language is a primitive and original Language, that's to say, not derived from any of the Oriental or Occidental Tongues that we have any knowledge of; it is very grave, pleasant and easy to be learned, but not copious, and is wanting in many words, which it borrows from the Arabic and Persian, but with that supply and ornament, it may be said to be very ample and rich. 
Sciences of the Turks.  The Turks are not much addicted to Sciences; nevertheless they have their Doctors of the Law, appointed for that purpose, who make it their study to explain the Law in all the senses that can be given to it. There are some also who give themselves to Astrology, and many to Poetry; wherein they succeed well enough and have very ingenuous Conceits in their Poems. The greatest part of their Poems and songs are in the Persian Tongue, which they sing, not musically as we do, but with a certain tone, which though at first it be not pleasing, yet by custom becomes agreeable enough to the ear. They have several Instruments of Music, 
The Turkish Lute.  the most common is a little Lute with three strings, on which they'll play a whole day and not put it out of tune; and they have the Flute also. Among the Turks there are a great many who pretend to fortune-telling, 
Diviners amongst the Turks.  and have very good luck at it. There you see in several corners of the streets men sitting upon a Carpet on the ground, with a great many Books spread round about them. Now their Divination is performed three manner of ways, the first is commonly for the wars, though it be also performed for all sorts of things, as to know whether a man should undertake a voyage, buy such a commodity, or the like. They take four arrows and place them with their points against one another, giving them to be held by two persons: Then they lay a naked sword upon a cushion before them, and read a certain Chapter of the Alcoran; with that the arrows fight together for some time, and at length the one fall upon the other; if for instance the victorious have been named Christians, (for two of them they call Turks, and the other two by the name of their enemy) it is a sign that the Christians will overcome, 
What Doing the Book means.  if otherwise, it denotes the contrary. They never go out to war, but they make that experiment first, which they call Doing the Book, nor do they undertake a Journey or Voyage, or any thing else of Consequence, (as I have already said) but they first Do the Book, saying if such arrows be victorious I'll do it, if they be overcome, I'll not do it. Since my return to Paris, having found a Frenchman, who had been of the Turkish Religion, and afterward renouncing it, had made his escape into Christendom, who pretended to know how to Do the Book, I was curious to see it; he made his arrows, which he gave to another and me to hold, than he put a naked sword upon the Table where the arrows were, calling two of them Christians, and the other two Turks, and told me, that he would know whether or not the Emperor should have Wars with the Turks; he took an Alcoran and read over the whole Chapter, which relates to that, but though he told us that the arrows would fight together in spite of us, hold them as fast as we could, yet they did not so much as wag, he said it was because we laughed; so that we endeavoured to compose ourselves and look very seriously, and he began again three or four times, but still no engagement; at which he was exceedingly surprised; for he swore to us, that he had done it a thousand times, nay even to give responses to Christians, and that he had always succeeded in it; 
Another way of Divination The third way of Divination.  I cannot tell whether it was that we wanted faith, or that he was no more Turk, but we laughed hearty at him. Secondly, they Divine with Beans, which they put together without reckoning them, than they count them, and look in the Book what the Number signifies. Thirdly, they Divine with a piece of Timber almost Square, but somewhat longer than broad: This piece of Wood they call Elif, and on one of the sides of it there is a (b) on another (t) on the third, (d gim) and on the fourth, (h a) but nothing on the ends. He that demands the response, rolls it three times, and at each time they observe the Letter that turns up, than they look into a Book which they call Fall, that's to say a Fortune-book, what these three Letters put together signify; and that is the Response.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Diseases of the Turks, and their Remedies.  
THe Turks are long Lived, little subject to Diseases, 
The Turks Heath, and whence that proceeds.  and we have many dangerous Distempers that are not known amongst them; as the Stone, and many more. I believe this great Healthfulness proceeds partly from their frequent Bathe, and partly from their Temperance in eating and drinking; for they eat moderately, and feed not upon so many different things as Christians do: for the most part they make no Debauches in Wine, 
The Turks Sober.  and use Exercises; so that they have no Physicians; and perhaps that may be one cause of their Health and long Life too. When they are sick, 
Who are the Physicians among the Turks.  they commonly make use of Christian, or Jewish Physicians; and when there are none to be found, they have their recourse to Renegadoes, amongst whom there are always some Physicians, that learn their Skill at the cost of many. Besides that, the Turks have some Receipts that all know, which sometimes succeed, and they often enough make use of them. 
The Medicines of the Turks.  They very willingly use Honey in their Medicines. They are commonly Renegadoes that let them Blood, though there are Turks that can do it very well, but with Butcherly Launcets; nay, some with such Fleems as they use for Horses in Christendom, and others with sharppointed Canes. When they are troubled with a pain in the Head, they Scarify the place where the Pain is; and having let out a pretty quantity of Blood, 
The Turks way of Blood-leting.  they put a little Cotton to the Wound, and so stop it; or otherwise they give themselves five or six little Cuts in the Forehead. 
Fire used amongst the Turks for several Distempers.  They make also great use of Fire; as I saw a Man who having the Headache, caused a red-hot Iron to be applied above his Ear to the place of the Pain, which actually seared it: then he clapped a little Cotton upon the Place, and so was Cured. And for all Diseases in several Members, they apply to them a large Match, or piece of Stuff or clothe twisted and well Lighted, and patiently suffer the pain till the Match goes out of itself. And at Constantinople a Turk told me that he knew one who having a Rheumatism, or some such Distemper in the region of his Reins, had a mind to apply a burning Match to that part, but that fearing it would hurt him; the rest Laughed at him; so that having at length resolved, and bending himself downward, that he might the more conveniently apply the Match to his Reins, he clapped it to, and suffered the Pain so long and with so much Patience, that he burned a Nerve, and when he had a mind to raise himself upright again, he could not, but continued ever after bend down in that manner. In short, it is no Country for Physicians to get Estates in, because as I have said, they are subject to few Diseases, and besides are but very bad Paymasters to those that Cure them: and if the Physicians should prove unsuccessful, and the Patient Die, they are so far from Paying them, that they put them many times to Trouble, and sometimes to Charges, 
Physicians are in danger amongst the Turks.  accusing them of having Killed the Patient: as if the Life and Death of Men were in the hands of Physicians, and not of God. But let us proceed to their Religion.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of Mahomet and the Alcoran.  
THe Turks Religion is so full of Fopperies and Absurdities, that certainly it is to be wondered at, that it hath so many Followers; and without doubt, if they would but hearken, it would be no hard matter to undeceive and convince them of the Brutality of their Law; 
Mahomet.  but they are so resolutely deaf, that they have Ears, but will not hear; and indeed Mahomet took care of that; for being a Man of Wit, he foresaw very well that his Sect would go down if they once came to Dispute about it, and therefore he commanded that whosoever contradicted it, should be put to Death. So many have written the Life of Mahomet, that one can hardly say any thing, but what hath been already said, and therefore I'll wave it: only I shall observe that Mahomet, who was an Arabe, and an Illiterate Man, (for the Turks themselves confess that he could neither Read nor Write) having struck in with a Greek Monk, called Sergius, who had forsaken his Monastery; this Monk who had some smattering in Learning, made him lay the foundation of that great and damnable Sect, which hath hitherto infected a great part of the World. He made use of the Old and New Testament in composing of the Alcoran, 
The Alcoran sent from Heaven, in the Month Ramadan. The Alcoran in great Reverence.  (but in a very confused manner) that so he might draw in both Christians and Jews. Nevertheless that Book hath got such great Credit amongst all these People, that they say it was Written in Heaven, and sent from God to Mahomet, by the Angel Gabriel in the month of Ramadan, not all at once, but chapter by chapter: and they have so great reverence for it, that they never touch it, but presently lift it up to their head, before they read it; and if a man should sit upon an Alcoran, he would be guilty of a great crime. If a Christian touched an Alcoran, he would be sound banged, for that would be a profanation of the book. They say that they gain great indulgences by reading it all over; and in the schools when a scholar hath made an end of reading over the Alcoran, he treats the rest. They say that whosoever reads it over so many times in his life, shall after death go straight to Paradise. This word Alcoran signifies Reading, it is written in most excellent, pure and exact Arabic. The Turks believe that it cannot be translated into any other language, and look upon the Persians as Heretics, purely because they have translated it into Persian. This Book contains all their Law both canon and civil, but it is full of fables and follics, taken for the most part from the Rabbins, who are excellent at such ridiculous stuff.   

CHAP. XXIX. Of the Belief of the Turks.  

The Belief of the Turks.  THE Turks believe in and worship one God, the Eternal and Almighty Creator of Heaven and Earth, but they believe not at all the Trinity; they believe that Jesus Christ was conceived by the Breath of God (this Breath is in Arabic expressed by the word Rovahh, which signifies aswell as in Hebrew, Breath or Spirit) They say then that he was conceived by the Breath of God, in the Womb of the Virgin Mary, a Virgin both in his Birth and after his Birth, which goes a great way, but they deny that he is the Son of God, thinking it an unworthy thing to attribute a Son to God, 
The opinion of the Turks concerning Jesus Christ.  who is One and hath no companion. They believe that Jesus Christ is a great Prophet, who wrought great Miracles among the Jews, to whom he foretold the coming of Mahomet, under the name of the Comforter, that therefore they endeavoured to kill him, but that having disappeared from among them, and ascended up into Heaven, they crucified Judas whom they took to be Jesus. In the first Chapter of the Gospel of St. John, at the twenty seventh verse, it is said, He it is who coming after me, is preferred before me, whose shoes latchet I am not worthy to unloose, where St. John means our Lord, whose shoes latchet he was unworthy to unloose; they say, that is false, and invented by the Christians, and that it was not St. John who said that of Jesus, but Jesus who said it of Mahomet: They believe that Jesus will come and Judge the World, that he shall reign forty years in Damascus, Marry, and have Children, at which time Antichrist shall arise, whom they call Dedgial, who shall lead away many, 
Dedgial.  especially of the Jews, and put a mark on the foreheads of all those whom he shall deceive; but that Jesus shall destroy Antichrist and all that have his mark. When that time is expired that he shall again ascend up into Paradise, than the Day of Judgement shall come; after which, that God shall create a sort of very little People, such as are described by the Name of Pigmies; who shall be great Drinkers, for they shall drink the Sea dry, and these they call Meijutch. In short, 
Meijutch.  they give great honour to Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary, 
The Turks honour Jesus and the Virgin.  and if they heard any Man speak ill of them, they would chastise him no less than if he spoke amiss of Mahomet. They believe that the Gospel was sent to Jesus, as the Law was to Moses, and the Psalms to David. They believe all the Prophets. They believe a Paradise that shall be filled with the Just, and a Hell that shall be filled with the Wicked; but they believe not Purgatory; 
Aaraf.  and nevertheless they will have a place called Aaraf, which is betwixt Paradise and Hell, wherein they shall be who have done neither Good nor Evil. Mahomet promises the Blessed in Paradise wonderful Gardens, where many Rivulets shall run, 
The Turks opinion concerning Paradise.  and delicious Fruits abound 〈◊〉 all Seasons. He says also, that in that Paradise there shall be Rivers of Water, Rivers of Milk, Rivers of Wine, and Rivers of Honey. He promises them also, that they shall be clothed in Green and Scarlet; and that they shall have lovely Virgins, whom they call Dgennet Kzlar, that is to say, Virgins of Paradise, 
Dgennet Kzlar  who shall be exceedingly beautiful, as white as new-layed Eggs, with great black Eyes, and the complexion of the Body extremely white; that they shall be always young, and never passing the Age of fifteen years, have every day a new Maidenhead, and never cast an eye upon any but them; that they shall never exceed thirty years of Age, and shall be served by young Boys; that God shall appear to them once a week, to wit, on Friday. They tell a thousand other Fopperies of this voluptuous Paradise, which I shall not relate, as having been mentioned by many Authors. Mahomet promised them in this Paradise, all things that he thought could work upon their senses; and he feasts them with Gardens, Fruits, Brooks and Rivers, because he was of a Country where it is excessively hot, where there is but little Fruit, and where Water is so scarce, that a good Well is a great treasure. He promises them Cloahts of Green and Scarlet, because he delighted much in these colours, as the Turks and Moors do at present, especially in Green, which is held in great veneration among them. Seeing they are very lascivious, he would have his Paradise provided with beautiful Maids, and young Boys; and because they reckon Women with big black Eyes, and red Cheeks, to be the greatest Beauties, so they fancy to themselves those Celestial Virgins, who shall look upon none but their own Husbands, which will be very grateful to them, 
The opinion of the Turks concerning Hell.  for they are jealous to extremity. Those that are in Hell shall drink scalding hot Water, and eat of the Fruit of the Tree Zacon; this Tree grows out of the bottom of Hell, and rises to a great height, the Branches of it being like the Heads of Devils. If those that are in Hell, have a little Faith, that is to say, if they be not Atheists, after that all their sins are consumed, 
Zacon, a Tree. Selzaboul.  and they washed in a water which they call Selzaboul, they shall be admitted into Paradise, where they shall receive and enjoy as much happiness, as those who entered at first: And on the contrary, they who have no Faith, that is to say, Atheists, shall burn everlastingly in Hell-fire; and their Bodies being reduced into Ashes, by continual torments, God shall create them anew, and so they shall suffer Eternally. They pray for the Dead aswel as Christians, and they likewise invocate their Saints, as being able to recommend them to God.   

CHAP. XXX. Of Tutelary Angels, and of the Examination of the Black Angels.  
THE Turks also acknowledge Guardian-Angels, but in far greater number than we do; for they say, that God hath appointed threescore and ten Angels, though they be invisible, for the guard of every Musulman; and nothing befalls any body, but what they attribute to them. They have all their several offices, one to guard one member, and another another; one to serve him in such an affair, and another in another. There are among all these Angels, 
Two chief Guardian-Angels of every Man Kerim Kiatib.  two are the Dictator's over the rest; they sit one on the right side, and the other on the left; these they call Kerim Kiatib, that is to say, the Merciful Scribes: He on the right side, writes down the good actions of the man whom he has in tuition; and the other on the left hand, the bad. They are so merciful, that they spare him if he commits a sin before he goes to sleep, hoping he'll repent; and if he does not repent, they mark it down; if he does repent, they writ down, 
Estig fourillah.  Estig fourillah, that is to say, God pardons: They wait upon him in all places, except when he does his needs, where they let him go alone, staying for him at the door till he come out, and then they take him into possession again; wherefore when the Turks go to the House-of-office, they put the left foot foremost, to the end the Angel who registers their sins may leave them first; and when they come out, they set the right foot before, that the Angel who writes down their good works, may have them first under protection. They also believe, that after a man is buried, the Soul returns to the Body, and that two very terrible Angels come into the grave, the one called Munkir, 
Munkir. Guanequir.  and the other Guanequir, who take him by the head and make him kneel; and that for that reason they leave a tuft of Hair on the crown of their head, 
The examination of the Dead so soon as they are in the grave.  that the Angels who make them kneel may take hold of it. After that, the Angels examine him in this manner; Who is thy God, thy Religion and Prophet? And he answers thus, My God is the true God, my Religion is the true Religion, and my Prophet is Mahomet. But if that Man find himself to be guilty, and being afraid of their tortures, shall say, You are my God and my Prophet, and it is in You that I believe; at such an Answer these Angels smite him with a Mace of fire, and departed, and the earth squeezes the poor wretch so hard, that his Mother's milk comes running out at his nose. 
The state of the Wicked after death.  After that, come two other Angels, bringing an ugly creature with them, that represents his sins and bad deeds, changed into that form; then opening a window, they depart into Hell, and the Man remains there with that ugly creature, being continually tormented with the sight of it, and the common miseries of the damned, until the Day of Judgement, when both go to Hell together. But if he hath lived well, and made the first answer above mentioned, 
The state of the Good after death.  they bring him a lovely creature, which represents his good actions, changed into that form; then the Angels opening a window, go away to Paradise, and the lovely creature remains, which gives him a great deal of content, and stays with him until the Day of Judgement, when both are received into Paradise. 
Another state of Souls after death.  Others say, that if he make a bad answer, one of these Angels gives him such a rap with a mace of Iron on the head, that he beats him down seven fathom deep into the ground, and the other pulls him out with an iron hook; and then the first gins to strike again, and so continue, the one striking down, and the other pulling up, till the Day of Judgement: And that if he answer well, two white Angels shall keep him company till the Day of Judgement: Whereby it appears, they believe that Souls go neither to Heaven nor Hell till the Day of Judgement.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Beasts that shall enter into Paradise.  
THE Turks, as we said before, admit of a Paradise, but they believe much more than we do; for they believe, that not only the good Musulmans shall enter into it, but also certain Beasts and Fowl, 
Beasts in Paradise.  which are these that follow: The first is the Camel of the Prophet Saleh; the second, the Ram that Abraham sacraficed, Moses' Cow, Salomon's Ant, the Queen of Sheba's Parrot, the Ass of Ezra, the Whale of Ionas, a little Dog which they call Kitmer, and the Camel of Mahomet. But we must know what it is that made these Beasts to merit Paradise, for they tell tales of them. 
The Camel of Saleb.  And first of the Camel of Saleh: This Saleh was a Prophet before the time of Mahomet, in great esteem among the Arabians, Persians and Turks; who going to convert the Infidels in Persia and other Places, they prayed him to work a Miracle, which he granted them, and made a Camel, that had been killed by one named Chudar, 
Chudar.  to come alive out of a Rock; this Camel (they say) is still alive, and the cry of it is heard at present by all who pass that way; but that when Camels go that way, they beat Timbrels, discharge their Muskets, and make a great noise, for fear the Camels should hear this cry, for if they heard it, they would not stir. Abraham's Ram, is that which the Angel Gabriel brought to that Patriarch, 
Abraham's Ram.  and which he sacraficed in place of his Son Isaac, when God commanded him to do it, for a trial of his Faith. That which they call the Cow of Moses, 
The Cow of Moses.  is the Red Cow, whose Ashes were mingled with the Water of Purification. Solomon was the Greatest King that ever was, for all Creatures obeyed him, and brought him Presents, amongst others, an Ant brought him a Locust, which it had dragged along by main force: 
Salomon's Ant.  Solomon perceiving that the Ant had brought a thing bigger than itself, accepted of the Present, and preferred it before all other Creatures. The Parrot, or Hoop, of the Queen of Sheba, as some others will have it, 
The Parrot of the Queen of Sheba.  was the Messenger that carried and brought her news of Solomon. Ezra the Prophet, being in dispute with Infidels concerning the Resurrection, he prayed to God to show them some Miracle, that might make them believe it; immediately his Ass, that was dead and rotten many years before, risen again, 
Ezra's Ass.  at which the People were converted, and believed. Jonas' Whale is also to go to Paradise, because it cast out Ionas upon dry-land. There was a King who persecuted all that served God at his Court; now there were four Men, 
Of four Sleepers.  faithful Servants of God, who having consulted together, fled and hid themselves in a Cave; and as they were upon the way, a little Dog followed them; but when they perceived it, one of them threw a stone at it, and broke one of its legs; immediately thereupon the Dog asked them, Why have you broken my leg? They answered, Because you follow us; and seeing we are going to serve God, whom we love and fear, by your means we may be apprehended and destroyed: 
The little Dog Kitmer.  The Dog replied, If you love God, I love you, and I pray you take me along with you; which they did, and went to the Cave, where they remained with the Dog, which lying under the door, cried How, that, in Arabic, signifies him, that is to say, God. There they stayed the space of three hundred threescore and twelve years, and then awaking, sent one of their number to the Town to buy Bread; this Man coming to a Baker with his old Money, was apprehended, and carried before a Magistrate; who questioning him where he had got that Money, he related the whole affair; and was then brought before the King, who wondered much at the matter, and went with his People to the Cave to see the rest. This Man (who served for a Guide) coming near to the Cave, prayed the King to let him go before, to acquaint his Companions with his coming, that they might not be frightened; which the King having condescended to, he went first to the Cave, and told his Companions what had befallen him, saying, That the King and his People were come to see them. When they heard that, they glorified God, saying, Let us pray to God that he would now take us into Paradise, for if we go out, these People will Worship us as Gods: Their Prayers being heard, they were carried up into Paradise, and the little Dog with them. 
Jub.  When Mahomet went from Mecha to Medina, to visit Jub, a Great Captain of the Turks (lying at present buried in Constantinople) being mounted on his Camel, he knew neither the Way, nor the House, but the Camel conducted him thither; 
Mahomet's Camel.  and being come to the Gate, stood there, making a noise with head and feet, until the Gate was opened: And for that piece of service, it shall enter into Paradise, as the rest of the Animals above mentioned.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of Circumcision.  
WHen Mahomet founded his Law, he took (as we have said) the Jewish and Christian Religion for the model of it; and perceiving that both of them had a Character, whereby a Man was made a Jew or a Christian, to wit, Circumcision and Baptism, 
Circumcision.  he resolved to find out one for his; and finding none proper but one of these two, he chose Circumcision, as being the most ancient way, and the most commodious; for the Mahometans think, that a Man who has the foreskin cut off, is fittest for generation; and the truth is, the Arabs have so long a foreskin, that if they did not cut it, it would trouble them much; and you may see little Children among them, who have it hanging very long; besides, if they did not cut their Prepuce, when they made water, they would still retain some drops of it, that would pollute them; and nevertheless, that they might be distinguished in that from the Jews, 
The difference betwixt the Circumcision of the Jews and the Turks.  he would not have the Circumcision of the Turks performed as that of the Jews is; for the Jews circumcise their Children when they are eight days old, and after they have cut off the foreskin, slit with their nails the skin also that covers the nut, and turn it up with their fingers, that the nut may be wholly uncovered; whereas the Turks circumcise not their Children before the age of eleven or twelve years, to the end they themselves may pronounce the words, La illah illallah Mehemet resoul allah, that is to say, there is no God but God, Mahomet is his Prophet, which is their profession of Faith: And also to the end they may understand what they say, and say it with the heart aswel as mouth, and they think it enough to cut off the foreskin: Some also add, for a difference that the Jews make the Circumcision with a Knife of Stone, and the Turks with one of Iron; but it is certain, 
A Knife of stone.  the Jews may do it with any Knife, either of Iron, Wood, or Stone.  

Rejoicing made at the Circumcision of Children.  The Turks, aswel as the Jews, make great rejoicing at the Circumcision of their Children; for when a Child is come to competent age, they fix a day for that Ceremony; which being come, the Child is set on Horseback, and led about the Town with the sound of Timbrels and Cymbals; then he returns home, where he makes the aforesaid profession of Faith, holding up one finger, and then is circumcised; that being done, the Father makes a Feast, to which he invites all his Relations and Friends; there they make merry, dance and sing; and the day following, the Guests fail not to make Presents to the Child, according to the several qualities of the Giver and Receiver. When any Christian turns Turk, they use the same Ceremonies; but when a Jew becomes Turk, he is not circumcised, 
It is false, that a Jew must become Christian before he be made a Turk.  because he hath been so already; and though his Circumcision be different, yet it is sufficient; and they only make him say the profession of the Musulman Faith, and then he is a Turk. Many are persuaded, that when a Jew turns Turk, he must first become Christian, which is very false; for I have asked it of several Turks, who always laughed at me for my pains; and, indeed, that which makes us christian's, is Baptism: Now it is certain, they are never baptised; it is very true, that when they turn Turks, as they propose to themselves to believe all that the Turks believe, so they must believe that Jesus Christ is the Word of God, Conceived by the breath of God, and Born of the Virgin Mary, a Virgin after his birth, and that he is the Messiah: If a Renegado or natural Turk happen to die without Circumcision, they break the little Finger of the left Hand, and that serves him for Circumcision. To conclude, the Turks bear so great respect to these words, La illah illallah Mahomet resoul allah, that if a Christian or Jew should pronounce them, even inconsiderately, before Witnesses, he must absolutely and without remission turn Turk, or be burnt.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Of the Commands to be observed in the Turkish Religion.  
THE Turks receive the Decalogue of Moses, 
Commands of the Turkish Law.  and cause it punctually to be observed by all; but besides these, they have other Commands that Mahomet gave them, which are properly the Foundation of their Religion. These Commands are chief Five; the First is, To Believe one only God, and to Worship him as such. The Second, To Fast the Ramadan. The Third, To Pray at the hours appointed, The Fourth, To give yearly to the Poor the fortieth part of their substance. The Fifth, Once in their lives to make a Pilgrimage to Mecha. Whereupon a Turk of Quality told me once, that his Father meeting one day with a Beggar who begged an Alms of him; he asked him what Religion he was; the Beggar told him, that he was a Musulman; and the other putting him to it, What was the duty of a Musulman? the Beggar answered, That he had Five Commands to observe who would be a Musulman, but that they ought to be reckoned no more now but One, because (said he) the Rich have abolished the Second and Third by their want of Devotion, and the Poor the Fourth and Fifth by their Inability, having nothing to give in Charity, nor to perform the Pilgrimage of Mecha, so that only the First remains. It is certain, that they observe their First Command very punctually, for they show very great reverence to God, and even to his Name, 
The Turks have great respect for the Name of God.  which they never pronounce, nor hear pronounced, but with signs of great submission and reverence. They never set about any action, let it be of never so small consequence, but they first say Bismillah, that is to say, In the Name of God; whether it be when they mount on Horseback or a light, Play or Eat, or fall to any work whatsoever, they always begin with that, and it is very commendable: And they are so careful in showing their reverence to the Name of God, that if they find the least bit of Paper in the way, 
The Turks carefully take up pieces of Paper.  they take it up, and put it into some hole of a wall; and upon no other consideration (as they say) but that the Name of God is written on it, or may be written on it; so that the holes of the walls are always to be seen stuck full of them, For the same reason, they use no Paper when they go to ease themselves, for it would be a great crime, and they would cudgel a Christian sound, if they found that he employed it that way; but for all this reverence, they swear by the Name of God at every turn, and speak not three words without an Vllah, that is to say, By God; they are so accustomed to it, that they cannot forbear, and it seems to give a gracefulness to their discourse, but they do not think that God is thereby offended; and, indeed, they seldom swear in vain, for when they say Vllah, they would be believed; and he that should swear so falsely, would be looked upon as a naughty man.   

CHAP. XXXIV. Of the Ramadan.  

Ramadan.  THE second command that the Turks are to observe, is Fasting, whereby the flesh is mortified, concupiscence subdued, and the soul purified. Now this Fasting they reduce to a Lent of one month, 
The Turkish Year.  which they call Ramadan; but before I say any more of that, we are to know that the Turkish year consists of three hundred fifty four days, divided into twelve months or moons, for they begin their several months at the beginning of the several moons, and those months have, one thirty days and the other nine and twenty, and so alternately. 
The names of the Turkish Months.  Their first month is called Muharrem ai, that is to say, the first month of the year, and hath thirty days; the second Sefer ai, it hath nine and twenty days; the third Rebiul ewel ai, has thirty days; the fourth Rebiul ahhir ai, nine and twenty days; the fifth Dgiamazil ewel, of thirty days; the sixth Dgiamazil ahhir of nine and twenty days; the seventh Redgeb ai, of thirty days; the eighth Chaaban ai, of nine and twenty days; the ninth Remezan ai, which hath thirty days; the tenth Cheuval ai, of nine and twenty days; the eleventh Zoulkaade ai, of thirty days; the twelfth Zoulhidge ai, of nine and twenty days. All know that the Epoch, from which they began to reckon their years, was the year of Mahomet's flight, which they call Hegyra, and was the twenty second of July, in the year of our Lord, six hundred twenty two, wherefore the sixteenth of July, in the year 1663., is with them the twenty ninth day of Zoulhidge, 
Hegyra.  or the last day of the year 1073, from the Hegyra; for their year being eleven days shorter than ours; whereas we make use of the Bissex-tile or leapyear, that we may not lose some minutes that are over and above our three hundred sixty five days, so the Turks that they may not leave those minutes behind which enter not into the account of their three hundred fifty four days; every thirty years add a day eleven times ro the last of their Months called Zou●hidge; that is to say, that in eleven Years of thirty it hath thirty days, to wit, the second year, the fifth, the seventh the tenth, the thirteenth, the fifteenth, the eighteenth, the twenty first, the twenty fourth, the twenty sixth, and the twenty ninth: in all the other years this Month hath but 29 days.  
But now to return to the Ramadan, this is the Month in which, (as they say) the Alcoran came down from Heaven in, and therein they fast, which they begin in this manner: 
The beginning of the Ramadan.  when the Moon of Chaaban, which immediately precedes that of Ramadan, is over, they look out at Night for the new Moon, which commonly they see not the first day of our account; however there are People that stand upon Hills and other high places to endeavour to see it. So soon as any one hath seen it, 
The time of the Ramadan.  he comes and publishes it in the City, and if he be a Man of Credit, he hath a Reward given him, and Ramadan is appointed all the Town over, by public Proclamation; and not only so, but also by firing of a Gun in the Evening; then all the Minarets are set round with Lamps, in such order, that they represent several Figures, which is done every Night of this Moon, 
In the Ramadan the Turks turn the days into nights, and the nights into days.  during which, they turn the Days into Nights, and the Nights into Days; for all day long they sleep, and in the Nighttime the Streets and Coffeehouses are full of People, and all fall to Junketing and Revelling as long as the Night lasts, but as soon as the dawning appears they leave off eating and drinking: It is said in the Alcoran that they may eat and drink all Night long, until they can distinguish a white Thread from a Black by the Morning Light; after that it is unlawful for them to eat, drink, or smoke Tobacco; in a word, to put any thing into their Mouths; nay more, to touch their Wives, till the Moon appear again at Night, 
The cry of the Muezims in the Ramadan.  which is told them by the Muezims calling to Prayers from the tops of the Minarets, when it is time to break their Fast, and then they eat and drink all in the Nighttime their Bellies full of Flesh or Fish, as they please, and spend part of the Night in the Coffeehouses, which are all open and full of Musicians, players on Instruments, and Puppet-players, who there strive to get their Live. This kind of Lent is very chargeable, 
The Lent of the Turks troublesome.  and much more troublesome than ours, especially when it happens in the Summertime; for as their Years consist of twelve Months or Moons, of which six have thirty, and the other six nine and twenty days alternatly, and therefore not agreeing with the course of the Sun, they are shorter than ours by eleven days; and so the Ramadan falls back eleven days every year, and always changes the Season. When it happens in Summer, they suffer much through Thirst, especially in Egypt and other hot Countries, it being unlawful for them to put so much as a drop of fair water into their Mouth, and indeed they endeavour to sleep all day long. I have seen some in Egypt in the heat of Summer who being almost burned up with Thirst, durst not drink, but finding the Hour draw nigh, when it is lawful for them to drink and eat, they held a Pitcher in their Hand, and looked up to the next Minaret, waiting with great impatience till the Man who was to publish the hour should come, and so soon as he began to Cry, they instantly swilled down their Bellies full. They are strictly commanded to observe this Lent; so that they who Travel are in danger, Sickness or any otherwise hindered from Fasting, aught to do it so soon as they conveniently can, that being as good as if they had performed it in the usual time, provided they continue it for thirty days; and thirty nights; but there are many who observe it even when they Travel, nay, and in the Army too, amidst all the fatigues of War. There are several also who observe it not at all, 
The punishment of those who observe not the Ramadan.  and eat and drink, but privately, for if they were accused and found guilty of that crime, they would be punished at least, with Bastonadoes. Some Turks and Renegadoes came often to visit me at Constantinople, and during the Ramadan, eat and drank with me as at other times, at any hour; amongst others there was an old Spahi a Turk, who not only broke the Ramadan, but also eat Pork as we did, when I gave it him, though that be at all times unlawful, and drank as much Wine as he could get: one day when he was got half Drunk, for he would not be downright so, because he had a Visit to make, he went to the Convent of the Dervishes, where being come up Stairs, his entered into the Hall, and there found the Dervishes drinking Brandy and Coffee togegether; so soon as he came in they offered him Brandy, but he resolving to play the Hypocrite, refused to drink, because it was the time of Ramadan; but they told him that since he had found them at it, he must do as they did, else they would Kill him, and throw him into some secret Place, lest he might accuse them of having broken the Ramadan; that made him sit down and drink with them, and next day he told me the Adventure. 
The punishment of those who drink Wine in the Ramadan.  The punishment of those that drink Wine in the Ramadan, is to have Melted Led poured into their Throat, and it hath been sometimes done; but though that be rare at present yet still they deserve Death. They cannot so much as Marry in the Ramadan.   

CHAP. XXXV. Of the Bairam.  
WHen the Moon of Ramadan is ended, 
Bairam.  they wait impatiently for the next new Moon, which is the Moon of Cheuval; and so soon as it appears, they publish the Bairam, or Easter, which is soon made known over all the City, by the Firing of several Guns near the Seraglio, and by the Public Bonfires and Rejoiceing. 
The rejoiceing of the Turks at the Bairam.  The Night differs not much from the other Nights of the Ramadan; but in the Morning the Streets are full of Swings, adorned with Festoons; he that has a mind to be tossed in the Air, sits down on a good feat of Wood, that is fastened to the end of the Ropes, and two Men on each fide, holding a Rope a thwart the Ropes of the Seat, and pulling to and again with all their force, make him that is in the Seat fly to a great height: one may have that diversion for an Aspre; and if they have a mind to be tossed faster, than four Men with two Ropes makes him that fits fly to and again as long as he please. This pastime is accompanied with Music of Voices, and Instruments hired by the masters of the Swings, for the three days the Bairam lasts, who attend there from Morning, till Night. They have also very large wheels, like the wheels of our Water-mills, wherein all that please great and small sit on Board's, and a Man makes the wheel to turn, and yet no body that is within it falls. This wheel may very well be called the wheel of Fortune, for every one has his turn, sometimes up, and sometimes down. They have many other such Diversions, which they prepare some days before the Bairam; and there are of them almost in all the Streets, which are so full of People, that one can hardly pass along, for all walk through the City from Street to Street; and even a great many Women who the rest of the Year never came abroad, have liberty to walk during the three days of the Bairam. It is dangerous for Franks to walk through the City during those three days; for they being days of public Rejoices, every thing seems to be Lawful; so that many Turks get Drunk, and if they meet a Frank when they are so, they sometimes give him a Stab with a Cangiar. However since I was curious to see every thing, being at Constantinople the second day of the Bairam, I went over a good part of the City, 
Danger in going abroad the days of the Bairam.  having a Spahi who was a Renegado French Man with me, and all the hurt I had, was a great many railing and reproachful Words, but I confess I was more happy than wise. The Franks have another reason besides, not to stir abroad, unless they would pay very dear for it, and that is, because during these three days there are some Blades whom one cannot avoid, and these for the most part are Janissaries, who stand in the middle of the street, holding in one hand a Bottle of Rose-water, with which they sprinkle you a little as you pass, and stretch out the other to receive the Aspres which you please to give them, and if you think to go by and give them nothing, they'll stop you. This Bairam is the greatest Festival that the Turks have, and at it they do one thing that is very commendable, which is, that they pardon all their Enemies, and are reconciled to them; for they think they have made a bad Easter, if they keep malice in their Heart against any Body: and during these three days when they meet any of their acquaintance in the Streets, 
The Turks Easter.  they Kiss one another, wishing mutually a good Easter, and all happiness: this Bairam they call the great Bairam, or Bairam of Ramadan; but they have besides the little Bairam, or Bairam of the Adgis, or Pilgrims of Meccha, which falls out threescore and ten days after the great Bairam; to wit, on the tenth day of the Moon Zoulhidge. They have other Seasons also that contain great Mysteries. The first of their Feasts is the night between the eleventh and twelfth day of the Moon which they call Rebiul Ewel; 
Feasts of the Turks.  they believe that Mahomet was Born that Night, and therefore so soon as it is evening Lamps are Lighted round the Minarets, and in the Morning the Grand Signior goes to the new Mosque, where he causes Sweetmeats and Sorbet to be carried from the Seraglio, and after prayers all eat and drink of them. The night betwixt the six and twentieth and seven and twentieth of the Moon Rebiul Abhir, is a great Festival with them, because they believe that that was the night that Mahomet Ascended up to Heaven upon the Alboraoh, as he mentions in the Alcoran. Thursday the fourth of the Moon of Regeb, they have Prayers in their Mosques till Midnight, and then return home and Feast. This Festival is because of the Ramadan, which comes two Months after: on all these Festivals; and during the whole Ramadan, the Minarets of the Mosques are as I said, decked with Lamps; which being contrived in several Figures, when they are Lighted, make a vary pretty show.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Of what renders the Turks unclean, and of their Ablutions.  
THE third Command of the Turks concerns Prayer, 
Ablutions of the Turks.  but because they never say their Prayers till first they wash, we must say somewhat of their Ablutions. The Turks have two kinds of Ablutions, the one is called Gousl, and is a general Washing of the whole Body: The other is termed Abdest, and is the Ablution they commonly make before they begin their Prayers; 
Of the Abdest.  for they never go to Prayers till first they have used the Abdest at least, or both the Gousl and Abdest, if it be needful; 
Of the Gousl.  wherefore there are commonly near the Mosques, Baths for the Gousl, and Fountains for the Abdest. There is also an Ablution that they perform after that they have done their Needs, which is a kind of Abdest, but they only wash their Hands. They are obliged to use the Gousl, after they have lain with their Wives, or after Nocturnal Pollution, or when Urine, or any other unclean thing hath fallen upon them; and therefore when they make Water, they squat down like Women, lest any drop of it should fall upon them or their clothes; for they think that that which pollutes their Bodies or clothes, pollutes also their Souls: as also by washing the Body, they think they wash the Soul. After they have made Water, they rub the Yard against a Stone, to fetch off any thing that might remain and defile them by falling upon their clothes. When they do their Needs, they make not use of Paper (as I have said) but having eased themselves, they make all clean with their Fingers, that they dip into Water, and then wash their Hands, which they never fail to do after they have done their Needs, nay, and after they have made Water too; wherefore there is always a Pot full of Water in their Houses of Office, 
The Neatness of the Turks.  and they carry two Handkerchiefs at their girdle, to dry their Hands after they have washed. This cleanliness is in so great repute with them, and they are so fearful lest they should defile themselves with their Excrements, that they take care that even their Sucking Children in Swaddling clothes do not defile themselves, and for that end they swadle them not as we do, 
A Cradle after the Turkish fashion.  but put them into Cradles which have a Hole in the middle, much about the place where the Child's Buttocks lie, and leave always the Breech of it naked upon the Hole; to the end that when it does its Business, the Excrement may fall into a Pot just under the hole of the Cradle; and for making of Water, they have little Pipe of Box-wood crooked at one end, and shaped like Tobacco-Pipes, these Pipes are three Inches long, and as big as one's Finger; some have the Boul or Hole at the great end round, and serve for Boys, into which the Yard is put, and fastened with some strings; the others are of an Oval bore at the great end, and serve for the Girls, who have them tied to their Bellies, and the small end passing betwixt their Thighs, conveys the Urine by the hole of the Cradle into the Pot underneath without spoiling of any thing; and so they spoil not so much Linen as Children in Christendom do. Now to continue the order of their Ablutions, they are obliged to make the Abdest immediately after Prayers, as they are to wash their Hands immediately after they have done their Needs, or handled any thing that's unclean; and if they be in a place where they cannot find Water, they may make use of Sand or Earth in stead of Water, not only for the Abdest, but the Gousl also, and the washing of the Hands, and that Ablution will be good: The Abdest is performed in this manner, First, 
The way of doing the Abdest.  Turning the Face towards Mecha, they wash their Hands three times, from the Finger's end to the Wrist. Secondly, They wash the Mouth three times, and make clean their Teeth with a Brush. Thirdly, They wash the Nose three times, and suck Water up out of their Hands into their Nostrils. Fourthly, With their two Hands they throw Water three times upon the Face. Fifthly, They wash three times, their right Arm from the Wrist to the Elbow, and then the left. Sixthly, They rub the Head with the Thumb and first Finger of the right Hand, from the Brow to the Pole. Seventhly, With the same Finger and Thumb, they wash the Ears within and without. Eighthly, they wash the Feet three times, beginning at the Toes, and going no higher than the Instep, and with the right Foot first, and then the left: But if they have washed their Feet in the Morning before they put on their Stockings, they pull them not off again, but only wet the Hand, and then with the aforesaid Finger and Thumb wash over the Paboutches, from the Toes to the Instep, beginning always with the right, and then the left, and do so every time that it is necessary, from Morning to Night, that is to say, they pull not off their Stockings all day long: But if their Stockings have a hole big enough for three Fingers, they ought to pull them off. They say that God commanded them to wash the Face but once, the Hands and Arms as often, to rub the Head, as has been mentioned before, and to wash the Feet up to the Instep, God being unwilling to overcharge Man, but that Mahomet added the two other times, for fear they might neglect it. The difference which they put betwixt that time which God commanded, and the two times of Mahomet, is that they call the first Fars, and those of Mahomet, Sunnet.  
Mahomet ordained then that they should wash their Hands three times from the Wrist to the Finger's ends, that they should use a Brush to make clean their Teeth, that they should wash their Mouth three times, that they should throw Water three times upon their Face with their two Hands, that they should spend no more time in making clean one part than another, but that they should make haste; that they should wash their Ears with the same Water wherewith they washed the Head; having a firm resolution to wash themselves, and saying aloud, or to themselves, I am resolved to make myself clean: That they should begin at the right side, and with the Toes in washing of the Feet, and the Fingers in washing the Hands, and that whilst they wash, they should say these words, Bis millah el azem, ve ellem doullillah allahdin islam. 
Things unlawful when they wash.  That's to say, In the Name of the great God, and praise to God, the God of the Musulman Faith. When they wash, there are some things unlawful, which they call Meschreh; as to wipe the Nose with the right Hand; to wash any part oftener than thrice; to wash with water heated in the Sun; and to throw the water strong upon the Face. There are many things also that render the Abdest unprofitable, so that when any of these things happen, they must begin it again. 
Things that render them unclean.  And though they were not to pray, yet after one of these, they must wash their Hands, or else they are unclean; they are these. If they happen to break Wind upwards or downwards; if any blood or nastiness come out of their Body, if they happen to Vomit, fall into Passion, faint away, be Drunk, laugh in time of Prayer, embrace a Woman, and touch any naked part of her, to sleep during Prayer: And indeed, if any one fall asleep in time of Prayer, the rest who are washed and prepared to pray, will have a care not to awaken him, for by doing so, they would be unclean as well as he; to be touched by a Dog, or any other unclean Beast; all these accidents evacuate the Abdest, it must be renewed again, before they begin their Prayers.   

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the form of their Mosques, and their Prayers.  

The form of the Mosques.  HAving spoken of their Ablutions, some thing must be said of the form of their Mosques, before I treat of their Prayers. Their Mosques are called Mesdgid, from whence the word Mosque hath been corrupted; they are also called Dgemii, that is to say, place of Assembly. These Mosques on the outside are like our Churches, they have close by the side of them a Tower, or Minaret, and sometimes two, four, or six, according to the stateliness of their Fabrics; and these Minarets have a Balcony all round on the top: 
Minarets.  The use they make of these Minarets is, that at the hour of Prayer, a Muezim goes up to the top of the Minaret, and calls to Prayers. The inside of the Mosques is very plain, nothing to be seen but the four bare Walls, on which the Name of God is written, and in one of the Walls their is, as it were, a Niche, which they call Keble; that is to say, the place to which they turn when they Pray. This Niche in all the Mosques of Turkey, is on the South Wall, because when they pray, they ought to turn towards Mecha, 
Of the Keble.  which is to the South in respect of Turkey; heretofore their Keble was towards the Temple of Solomon in Jerusalem, to which they were to turn when they Prayed, but Mahomet changed it in the second year of the Hegyra, and put it on the side of Mecha, which they have ever since observed. They have also in their Mosque a piece of Stuff that has served at Mecha, and a Pulpit where an Imam sometimes Preaches. The floor of the Mosque is covered with Mats, 
The hours of the Turks Prayers.  that the People may not be incommoded at Prayers. They have Prayers five times a day, the first is at break of day, which they call Sabahnamaz; the second at Noon, which they call Oilehnamaz; the third betwixt three and four of the Clock in the Afternoon, which they call Quindinamaz; the fourth at Sun setting, which they call Akschamnamaz; the fifth an hour after Night is in, which they call Yatbinamaz. On Friday which is their Sunday, they have Prayers also at Nine a Clock in the Morning, which they call Couschloucnamazi, to which all go; and after that they may Work and open their Shops, but most part Rest and make Merry that day, which they call Dgiuma en hiun, that is to say, the day of Congregation, When the hour of any of these Prayers is come (for they whose business it is to mind that, have for that end Hour-glasses, and besides are regulated by the Sun when it shines) a Muezim, who is he that calls to Prayers, goes up to a Minaret at every Mosque, and stopping his Ears with his Fingers, he sings and cries these words with all his force; Allah ekber, 
The words which the Muezims sing on the top of the Minarets.  allah ekber, allah ekber, eschadou in la illah illallah eschadou in Mahomet resoul allah, high alle sallatt, high alle fellat, allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, la illah illallah; which is to say, God is great, God is great, God is great, God is great, show that there is but one God, show that Mahomet is his Prophet, come and present yourselves to the mercy of God, and ask forgiveness of your Sins, God is great, God is great, God is great, God is great, there is no other God but God; he cries the same words towards the four Corners of the World, beginning at the South, and ending at the West. Whilst he is crying, every one does the Abdest, and then all go to the Mosque. They who cannot go to the Mosque, say their Prayers at Home. Being come to the Mosque, 
Entering into the Mosques they leave their Shoes.  all leave their Paboutches, or Shoes, at the door, and such as are afraid that they may be changed, take them off their Feet, and carry them with them in their Hand. When they are entered, they make a bow to the Keble, then take their place, and wait till the Imam, which signifies Prelate, gins their Prayer by these words, Allah ekber, that is to say, God is great; then they that are present say softly, or aloud, if they please, I will imitate that Imam in what he doth; and they do all that he does. And first, 
The manner of the Turks Praying.  they put their hands upon their Shoulders, and say Allah ekber, then laying their Hands one over another upon the Navel, they say some Prayers softly to themselves, and at the end of every one, prostrate themselves upon the Ground, and say Allah ekber. They are no longer prostrate than they can say a short Prayer, than they rise, and so prostrate themselves again several times. If they pray in private, they say to themselves, I am going to say the Prayers appointed for the time, which they name, and pray as if they were in the Mosque. They say the same Prayers every day, only they repeat them more or less according to the Days. When they lay their Hands upon their Shoulders, the meaning of it is. That they have quitted all Worldly Things, and that they are in the presence of God. When they prostrate themselves, that signifies that they adore God. At the Sabahnamaz, when they pray, 
How many Prostrations the Turks make.  they prostrate themselves eight times, at Noon twenty times, at the Quindy sixteen times, at the Akschamnamaz ten times, and at the Yatsinamaz twenty four times: When they pray they may be all Naked, except their privy parts, and so may their Slaves, both Men and Women, but Free-women are not permitted to do so; for they are to be covered all over when they pray, unless it be one half of the Cheek and Chin. This is the difference betwixt the Ceremonies of the Men, and of the Women, when they pray; the Men lift up their Hands to their Shoulders, say Allah ekber, and then lay them on their Navel; the Women lift them up but half way to their Shoulders, and then lay them upon their Breasts, saying their Prayers as the Men do, and performing their Ablutions in the same manner. 
Great Devotion of the Turks.  When Prayers are ended, all both Men and Women bow, first to the right side, and then to the left, as saluting the two Angels Kerim Kiatib. In short, none can be more Devout than they are, for when they are in the Mosque they pray so affectionately, that they turn neither this way nor that way what ever may happen: And in my time, a Fire breaking out one Night of the Ramadan in Constantinople at the hour of Prayer, a Renegado told me next day, that those who were at that time in the same Mosque where he was, which was not far from the place where the Fire was, consulted which was best, not to break off their Prayers, or go and put out the Fire; and at length, they resolved upon the latter. 
The Reverence of the Turks in their Mosques.  They are never seen to Prattle and Talk in their Mosques, where they carry themselves always with great Reverence, and certainly they give us a Lesson for Devotion. There are but few who go not every day to Prayers, at least to those of Noon, Quindy and Ackscham; for many perform the other two at Home; nor does Travelling excuse them, for when they know that it is about the hour of Prayer, they stop in the Fields near to some Water, and having drawn Water in a tinned Copper-Pot, which they carry always purposely about with them, they do the Abdest, then spread a little Carpet upon the ground, without which they never Travel, and say their Prayers upon it. They have Chaplets also, which they often say, for most part have them always in their Hand, whether it be at Home or abroad in the Streets, talking with their Friends, Buying or Selling, or drinking Coffee, and at every Bead they turn they say Allah, which is the Name of God.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Charity of the Turks, and the pilgrimage to Mecha.  

Charity of the Turks.  THE Turks Fourth Command is Charity, by that Command they are obliged to give yearly to the Poor, the fortieth part of their Goods; if they have poor Kindred, they ought to prefer them before others; if they have none, they should give their Charity to their poor Neighbours; and if they have no poor Neighbours, they give it to the first they meet. This Command is not ill observed among the Turks, for they are very charitable, and very willingly help the wretched, without minding Religion, whether they be Turks, 
The reason why there are few Beggars among the Turks.  Christians or Jews. I will not say, that the Charity alone of the Rich hinders the beggary of the Turks, there are (in my opinion) other causes; for most part of the Turks have pay from the Grand Signior, they live at a cheap rate, and make good cheer of a small matter; so that a little Pilau, a bit of Meat, and a small portion of water, will make to them a considerable Feast: 
Charitable Donations of the Turks.  But after all, they perform great acts of charity; some in their life-time relieve the Poor with their Goods; and others at their death leave great Estates for the founding of Hospitals, building of Bridges, Kervanserrais, or Inns for the Caravans, bringing Water to the Highways, and such other public Works; nay, many of them see them done in their own life-time; others again at their death give their Slaves their liberty: They who can't be charitable with their Purses, do good with their Hands, employing themselves in mending the Highways, filling the Cisterns that are there standing by the Waters, when they are out, that they may show Travellers the Foard, and all this, for God's sake, refusing money when it is offered them; for they do it (as they say) for the sake of God, and not for the sake of Money. Their Charity extends also even to Beasts and Birds, 
The charity of the Turks toward Beasts  and all Market-days there are a great many who go and buy Birds, which they presently set at liberty, saying, that the Souls of these Birds will come at the Day of Judgement, and declare in the presence of God, the kindness that they have received from them; and, indeed, they cannot endure to see a Beast kept in pain; for when they kill their Pullet's, they cut of their head at one blow; and if they saw a man kill any after the French way, they would not forbear to cudgel him; nay, they reckon it cruelty to kill a Louse or Flea with the nail, they do no more but give them one or two turns betwixt the finger and thumb, and then throw them away dead or alive. There are others, who at their death leave considerable Means for the feeding so many Dogs or Cats so many times a week, and give the money to Bakers or Butchers for performing that charity, which is faithfully and punctually enough put in execution; and it is very pleasant to see every day Men loaded with meat, go and call the Dogs and Cats of the Foundation, and being surrounded with them, distribute it among them by commons. I could here give an hundred Instances of the charity of the Turks towards Beasts; 
An instance of the charity of the Turks toward Beasts  I have seen them often practise such as to us would seem very ridiculous: I have seen several Men in good garb, stop in a street, stand round a Bitch that had newly puppied, and all go and gather stones to make a little wall about her, lest some heedless person might tread upon her; and many such like Examples; but it is not my design to trouble the Reader with such trifles. In fine, Sultan Amurath, who in all appearance had no Religion, and who made so slight a matter of the life of a man, that if a day past wherein he had not put some body to death, he was out of humour; this cruel Prince (I say) was affected with that superstitious and bestial compassion; for seeing a man one day stop at the corner of a street in Constantinople, to dine on a piece of Bread and a bit of roast Meat, which he had bought hard by, and hold his Horse (that was loaded with Goods he had to sell) by the bridle; he ordered the Horse to be unloaded, and the load put upon the Master's back, obliging him to continue so all the while that the Horse was eating a measure of Oats, which he caused to be given him; and upbraided the Man for the cruelty towards his Horse, in that he allowed the beast no rest, when he took it to himself.  
The Fifth Command of the Turks is, To go to Mecha, and is the Command the worst obeyed of all, because many are not able to perform that Pilgrimage for want of Money, and several others are hindered by their Affairs; nevertheless, they labour still as much as they can, to put themselves in a condition of performing it some time or other; and many go thither yearly: But I shall treat more amply of this Pilgrimage, when I come to discourse of Egypt.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Of things Prohibited in the Turkish Religion.  
NExt to the five abovementioned Commandments, 
Figures prohibited among the Turks.  there are some things that are Prohibited to the Turks, which they cannot make use of without sin: And in the first place Figures, the prohibition whereof they exactly observe; for though they be great lovers of Clocks and Watches, they'll not take them, if you would give them them for nothing, if they have any Figures of Men, Women, or Beasts upon them; but they matter it not, if they be of Trees or Flowers. When they see any Figures, they are so highly offended, that they cannot forbear to express their anger. When I was in Egypt, there was a Turk who came to me daily, to teach me the Language; and as often as he saw some Figures of Wood, that had been taken out of the Mummies, which I had in my Chamber, he fell into a passion with me; and though I told him, that they had been made by the ancient Egyptians, yet he opened full mouth against the Christians, for (said he) it belongs to none but to God to make Figures, to which he gives a Soul; and all who make Figures would imitate God; but at the Day of Judgement, these Figures will come and demand their Souls from those that have made them. I did but laugh both at his passion and brutish reasoning, which is the Argument of all the Turks; but it puzzles them hard, when one tells them, that if these Figures demand a Soul, it must be by speaking; and if they speak, they have a Soul already, and stand not in need of another. Being one day on board of an English Ship, I perceived that all the Figures that were carved upon her for ornament, had the noses cut off, which I thought was great pity; and they told me, that that Ship having been one Summer in the Grand Signior's Service, the Turks who were on board had cut off the noses of all these Figures, saying, That it is not so great a sin, if the noses be cut off. The Turks are prohibited by the Alcoran to lend Money upon Usury, 
Usury prohibited to the Turks.  and with them it is a very great sin, from which they are careful to abstain: However, there are always some among them who make bargains that differ little from Usury. For Example: They sell Goods upon trust at a very high rate, and he whom they have trusted (without going out of the Warehouse) sells them back to them at a lower price; they pay him in ready money, and the other remains still Debtor for so much Goods, sold at such a price. 
Unclean Meats among the Turks.  It is likewise prohibited to them to eat of unclean Meats, which are the same that the Jews hold to be unclean; and Hog's flesh is no less abhorred by the Turks than by the Jews, who are so far from eating it, that they would not touch it for all the world; nay, their Shoemakers dare not make use of Hog's bristles as ours do, which puts them to a deal of pains in sowing their Pabouches. In the same manner, they abhor Frogs, Tortoises, Snails, and other Creatures forbidden to the Jews, all which they do so abominate, that a Turk will sooner lose his life, than eat of them; and I never saw but one Turk that would eat Hog's flesh; as for Renegadoes, they'll eat of it with all their heart, when they can have it; but they are People of no Religion at all, or such as look for an opportunity of making their escape into Christendom. They account Dogs also to be unclean, and if by chance a Dog rub upon them, they are unclean, and must needs wash, and therefore they more carefully keep out of the way of a Dog that is running, than we avoid a running Horse; and, indeed, they keep no Dogs in their houses, but leave them in the streets, where they abide in their several quarters, and are so acquainted with their station, that they never go out of the bounds of it; and if they went out of their own street into another, the Dogs of the other quarter would kill them, as Invaders; for there are a great many in all the several streets, who will not suffer strange Dogs to enter their territories. In my time, there was one at Pera, which knew the Franks wonderfully well, and so soon as he saw any, he followed him, fawning upon him as far as his precinct extended, for a little bread; and it was a common thing to throw him an asper to buy bread with, to which a Turkish Baker (that lived there) was so accustomed, that so soon as he saw a Frank coming, he made ready a loaf. The Turks are great lovers of Cats, 
The Turks hate Dogs, and love Cats.  having some always by them, because (they say) Mahomet had one, which on a time falling asleep on the sleeve of his Garments, and the hour of Prayer being come, he chose rather to cut off the sleeve of his Garment, than to awaken his Cat; in that they show ill nature, hating the Dog, which is very faithful; and loving the Cat, which is a cruel creature, being of the nature of the Tiger, and hath but few good qualities.  

Why Mahomet prohibited Wine.  As to the prohibition of Wine, or (at least) the counsel of not drinking any, they tell, how that Mahomet (passing through a Village) saw a Wedding-Feast, where all drank Wine, and were merry, which made him praise Wine; but that when he came back again in the evening, or next day, and saw all in blood, (because those that were so merry before, had quarrelled, come to blows, and broken one another's heads with the pots) he condemned Wine, and advised his Friends not to drink any; which hinders not, but that (as I have already said) many do drink, and are very often drunk, though if by mischance Wine should be shed upon their clothes, the greatest Drunkard that is, endeavours to get out the stain; and the more Scrupulous think, they cannot longer wear them without sin.   

CHAP. XL. Of the Ministers of the Turkish Law.  
AS all Religions have their Priests or Ministers, 
Turkish Ministers.  to resolve the Doubts that may arise about their Belief, and celebrate Divine Office, so have the Turks their ecclesiastics, who are knowing Men, and continually study the Alcoran. The chief of their ecclesiastics, is the Mufti, 
Mufti.  for whom they have as much respect, as the Romans have for the Pope; he is not Elected by an Assembly of their ecclesiastics, but the Grand Signior prefers whom he pleases, who is always a knowing Man in their way, and much versed in the Alcoran; for it is he who is consulted about matters of Conscience, and he gives his Decisions in little Writs, which are called Fetua. This Mufti is Married as the rest of the Turks are. They have a great veneration for the Mufti, and when he goes to see the Prince, so soon as the Grand Signior perceives him, he rises up, advances some steps, and salutes him very respectfully. They hold, that it is not lawful by their Law to put a Mufti to death, 
A Mufti ought not to be put to death.  and nevertheless Sultan Amurat (who knew no other Law, but his own Will) having a mind to put one to death, sent for him, and asked him who had made him Mufti; he answered, That his Majesty had done it: Then replied Sultan Amurat) if I made thee Mufti, I may very well unmake thee; and caused him to be strangled. Sultan Mahomet, at present, who (in my opinion) traces pretty well his Uncle's footsteps, put do death one called Hodgiaza Efendi, 
A Mufti strangled.  whilst I was at Constantinople; they seized him at his house, and having put him into a Caique or Boat, carried him to Bursa, and it was some time before they knew at Constantinople whether or not he was put to death; some said, that he was strangled about the Isles that are before Constantinople, and then thrown into the Sea; others, that he was still alive at Bursa, where I was informed he had been strangled, and buried in the Convent of the Dervishes: It is to be observed, that they strangled him rather than cut off his head, because it would have been a great sin to shed his blood; and besides, Persons of Quality who deserve death, are commonly strangled among them. He was accused, for what I could learn, of having contrived the Death of the Grand Signior, and the setting his Brother upon the Throne. He was a very riged Man, as I understood at a Visit which the French Ambassador (whom I had the honour to accompany) made to him. He was a great Enemy of all Christians, and had resolved to leave the Greeks but one Church in each Town. There is only one Mufti, whose ordinary Residence is at Constantinople; and because he cannot dispatch all the affairs of Conscience in the Empire (which is of a vast extent, and many whereof require expedition) the Cadilesquers perform the Office of Mufti out of Constantinople, every one in their several Jurisdictions, 
Cadilesquers.  for they study the Canon aswel as Civil Law. For want of Cadilesquers, they have recourse to the Moulla, who is the chief of the Cadis, 
Moulla. Cady.  and seeing there are places where there is neither Cadilesquers nor Moulla, but only a Cady, this Cady discharges the Office of all, and is Judge in all matters. As for those who do Duty in the Mosques, they are called Danischmend, who are they whom the Franks call Talismans', and their Chief is called Imam, who is as the Parson of the Parish, 
Talismans'. Imams.  and reads Prayers aloud in the Mosques, at the usual hours. They who go up to the top of the Minarets to call the people to Prayer, are named Muezins. 
Muezins.  There are also Hodgias, who are old Men of integrity, 
Hodgias.  very knowing in the Alcoran, and expert in worldly Affairs; they are Councillors and Doctors of the Law; they sometimes perform the Office, and even Preach on certain Festivals. These Hodgias are often consulted about Affairs of Importance, and they are in great reputation among the People, who have great respect for them. They have also several sorts of Religious, 
Dervishes.  among whom the Dervishes are the most familiar and polite; I shall speak of the others, when I discourse of Egypt. The Dervishes live in common, and have their Superiors, as our Religious have; they go very mean in their Apparel, and wear on their heads a Cap of white felt, 
The Dance of the Dervishes.  much like to our Nightcaps. Every Tuesday and Friday these Religious make a Dance, which is pretty pleasant to see. On the days they are to dance, they assemble in a great Hall, which is their Mosque, the middle whereof is Railed in square, leaving a space all round for those that are without; within this enclosure, which is pretty large, is the Keble, where there are two Pulpits joined together upon a footstool; into the one goes the Superior, turning his back to the South; and his Vicar into the other, which is on the Superiour's right Hand; then over against them, at the other end of the Hall, without the Rails, there is a little Scaffold, on which are several Dervishes, that play on Flutes and Drums, the other Dervishes being within the Rails. I got upon the Scaffold of the Musicians, being in company with another French man, who was acquainted with them. When they have altogether sung some Prayers, the Superior reads a little of the Alcoran, explained in Turkish; then the Vicar reads a few words of the Alcoran in Arabic, which serve as a subject to the Discourse that the Superior afterward makes to them in Turkish. Having ended his Sermon, he comes down from his Pulpit, and, with the Vicar, and the rest of the Dervishes, takes two turns about the Hall, while one of the Dervishes sings some Verses of the Alcoran in a pretty pleasant tone; after that, all their Instruments play in consort, and then the Dervishes beg in their Dance. They pass before the Superior, salute him very humbly, and then making a leap, (as those do that begin to Dance at a Ball, they fall a turning round with their naked feet, the left foot serving for a Pivot or Spindle to turn upon, for they lift it not from the ground, but they raise the other, wherewith they turn so dextrously, that one will sooner be a weary of looking on, than they of turning, though for the most part, they be old Men, and have long Garments. This turning is performed to the sound of Drums and Flutes. When they stop, the Superior, who (during the Dance) sits with his Vicar at the feet of their Pulpits, rises up, then making two steps, bows towards the South, and the Dervishes bowing also, pass before him, humbly salute him, and begin again to turn, and that for four times, the last being the longest of all. They turn as fast as Windmills with the strongest wind run, and always keeping time; and though their arms be stretched out, their eyes sometimes shut, and they follow one another at a pretty near distance, turning all round the Rails, yet they never touch one another, but when the Music ceases, stop short wherever they are, without making the least false step, no more than if they had not at all moved. The Author of this Dance was one Hazreti Mewlana, a Dervish, who is reckoned a Saint among them. All the Dervishes and Santos are generally great Hypocrites; for they pass for Men wholly given to the Contemplation of God, and nevertheless are consummated in all sorts of vice.   

CHAP. XLI. Of the Marriage of the Turks.  
THE Turks may have three sorts of Wives, 
Marriage of the Turks. The Turks may have several Wives. Different sorts of Marriages.  for they may Marry lawful Wives, have Wives of Kebin, and their Slaves for Wives: But the first they never see till they be married. When any one would marry after this first manner, he agrees with the Parents of the Maid whom he would have, what Dowry he is to give her, that she may be his Wife; and this agreement is made in presence of the Cady and two Witnesses; which Cady writes down the conditions of the Marriage, and what Dowry he is to give his Wife. As for the Woman, she brings nothing with her but her Bundle, which on the Wedding-day she displays in her Chamber for a Show; but before the Celebration, the Bridegroom gets an Imam to bless his Marriage, The day being come, the Bride well muffled up, is led to the Bridegroom's house, her baggage going before upon Horses or Camels; and there they feast and make merry, the Men with the Men, and the Women with the Women in an Apartment by themselves; he rest of the day is commonly spent in Music and Puppet-Shows, the Women sometimes, whom they call Tehinghene, mentioned by me before, dancing and playing tricks before them. When they are thus married, if the Husband happen to die, the Wife takes her Dowry, and no more; and if the Wife die, leaving Children behind her, these Children may constrain the Father to give them the Mother's Dowry. Now Turks may marry four Wives in this manner, and divorce them when they please; 
The way of divorcing Wives among the Turks.  which they do, by going before a Cady, and saying, Alei talac be talati; which is to say, I part with her for three times. And if a Man divorce his Wife wrongfully he ought to give her her Dowry; but if he do it upon just grounds, he is not obliged to give her any thing. When a Woman hath been Divorced, she cannot Marry another Man, till her months be four times over; that is to say, until the fourth month after her divorce, that she may know whether she be with Child or not, and by whom, that so there may be no confusion in Lineages; and if she be with Child, he that would Divorce her, must stay till she be brought to bed before he can do it, and is obliged to keep the Children. When a Man hath divorced his Wife, or if the Divorce hath even proceeded from her, he cannot, if he would, take her again, till first she hath been Married to another Man, and then he may take her back. For the Wives of Kebin, less Ceremony serves; a Man goes to the Cady, tells him, that he takes such an one to Wife, to whom he promises to pay so much if he divorce her; all this the Cady writes down, and gives the writing to the Man, who (after that) may keep the Wife as long as he pleases, or send her going when he thinks fit, paying her what he promised, and maintaining the Children he hath had by her. They have as many of these Wives as they please for their Slaves; seeing they are absolute Masters, they do with them what they please, and have as many of them as they think fit; and the Children of all these Wives, are all alike lawful. After all, the Turks never Mary their Kinswomen, if they be nearer than eight Generations inclusively.   

CHAP. XLII. Of the Beauty, Manners, and Apparel of the Turkish Women.  
IT will not be amiss I think, having spoken of Marriage, to say somewhat of the Women of Turkey, of whom I have as yet said nothing. In Turkey the Women are commonly Beautiful, straight, and well shaped; they are very fair, for they stir but little abroad, and when they do, they are Veiled. They add art to their natural Beauty, for they paint their Eyebrows and Eyelids with a blackish colour, 
Surmee.  which they call Surmee, that being graceful with them. They also paint their Nails with a reddish Brown, 
El hanna.  colour called El hanna. They are very cleanly and neat; 
The Apparel of the Turkish Women.  for seeing they go at least twice a week to the Bath, they have neither hair nor diet upon their Bodies: they are clothed almost like the Men; and in the first place all of them as well as the Men, wear Drawers next their Skin, which come down to their heels, and are according to the Season of Velvet, Cloth, Cloth of Gold, Satin, or Stuff. Next they have their Smock, and over that a little quilted Waistcoat. 
Giupon.  which they call Giupon, than they put on their Doliman, which they gird with a Girdle, adorned with plates of Silver gilt, or Gold set with precious Stones, and to that they hang a little Cangiar. When they go abroad, they have a Feredge as well as the Men, the Sleeves whereof are so long that nothing is to be seen but the ends of their Fingers, for they put their Arms into the Sleeves, and in the street hold one side of the Feredge lapped over the other before. 
The head attire of the Women.  Their Hose and Shoes are like the men's, but their head attire is different, for they make a very long tress of their Hair, which hangs down behind to the small of their Back, and they whose Hair is too short, put it up in a Case that reaches down to the small of their Back, which is commonly of Satin, or else they use an artificial Tress. Within doors they cover their head with a Cap of red cloth, much like our Nightcaps, but much longer, with four Horns or points on the top; to the middle whereof they stitch a round of Pearls. They wear this Cap hanging all over one Ear, and they tie it below with a Handkerchief of fine stuff, wrought with flowers of Gold and Silk, which makes them look Great. When they go abroad they pull of that Cap, and take one made of Gild Paste-board; this Cap is pretty high, and broader above than below. Besides that when they are abroad in the streets their head is muffled up in a Linen Cloth, which covers their Forehead down to the Eyes, and another going athwart their Face just under the Eyes covers their Nose and Mouth, and is tied behind the head, nothing of all their Countenance but the Eyes being uncovered; and if they did but show their naked Hands, they would be looked upon as Women of no Reputation; and therefore they let the sleeves of their Smocks and Vests hang down and cover their hands; not but sometimes when they are in a corner of a Street where they think they are not perceived, they'll lift the Veil to show themselves to some Friend or Youngman that pleases them, but in that they hazard their Reputation, and Bastonadoes besides. Now these Women are very haughty, 
Turkish Women are haughty.  all of them generally will be clad in flowered stuffs, though their Husbands can hardly get Bread; nevertheless they are extremely Lazy, spending the whole day sitting on a Divan, and doing nothing at all, unless it be embroadering Flowers upon some Handkerchief; and so soon as the Husband gets a penny, it must be laid out for purchasing a Woman-Slave. This great Idleness makes them Vicious, and employ all their thoughts how to find out ways of having their Pleasures. 
The Turks value not women much.  The Turks do not believe that Women go to Heaven, and hardly account them Rational Creatures; the truth is, they take them only for their service as they would a Horse: but seeing they have many of them, and that they often spend their love upon their own Sex; these poor Women finding themselves so forsaken, use all means to procure what they cannot have from their Husbands, who are very Jealous, 
The jealousy of the Turks.  and put so little confidence in the frailty of that Sex, that they suffer them not to show themselves to Men; and a Woman that should allow a Man to see her Face or Hands only, would be reckoned Infamous, and receive Bastonadoes on the Buttocks; and therefore they suffer them not to go to the Mosques, 
The Women go not to the Mosques. Upon what grounds a woman may sue out a Divorce from her Husband.  where they would only distract the Men from their Devotion, nor to Market, nor yet to enter into their Husband's Shops. They never show their wives to their Friends how intimate soever they be; and in short, they hardly ever stir out of doors, unless to the Bath, and these also, men of Quality have at home; and those of higher Quality keep Eunuches to look to their Wives; so that the greater Quality the Husbunds have, the less liberty have they. The wives have not the privilege of Divorcing their Husbands, as the husbands have of Divorcing them, unless he deny them the things which he is obliged to furnish them; which are Bread, Pilau, Coffee, and Money to go twice a week to the Bagnio; for if he fail in giving them any of these things, they may go before the Cady and demand a Divorce, because the Husband is not able to maintain them: Then the Cady visits the House, and finding the Wife's complaints to be just, grants her Suit. A Wife may also demand divorce if her Husband hath offered to use her contrary to the course of Nature; then she goes before the Cady, and turns up the sole of her Slipper, without saying a word; the Cady understanding that Language, sends for the Husband, who if he makes no good defence, is Bastinadoed, and his Wife Divorced from him.   

CHAP. XLIII. Of the way of Mourning for the Dead among the Turks, their manner of Burying, and of their Burying-places.  
WHen any one Dies in Turkey, the Neighbours soon have the news of it, 
Of the way of mourning for the Dead.  for the Women of the House fall a Howling and crying out so loud, that one would think they were in Dispair: all their Friends and Neighbours having notice of this, come to visit them, and fall to making the same music as they do, for these visits are not rendered for Comforting, but for Condoling: They all then together weeping, and in a mournful and doleful tone, but still as if they were singing, fall to rehearse the praise of the Deceased; as for example, the Wife of him that is dead, will say, He loved me so well, gave me plenty of every thing I stood in need of, etc. And then the rest say the same, making now and then all with one consent, such loud cries that one would think all were undone; 
The Burying of the Dead.  and this music they continue for several hours together: But the best of all is, that so soon as the Company is all gone, the mourning is over; and so soon again as any Woman cometh, a new Lamentation gins. This lasts several days, and sometimes at the years end, they'll begin again. Such as cannot or will not weep, hire Mourning Women, who gain a good deal of money thereby. At length, after all these Lamentations, comes the Ceremony that is to be observed before the Deceased be put in the Grave; and his Relations and Friends having laid him out upon the Ground, wash his Body, and shave off his Hair; for the Turks love so much to have their Bodies neat and clean, that they make even the Dead observe it. Next they burn Incense about him, which they say scares away Evil Spirits and Devils, who otherwise would muster about the Body; then they wrap him up in a Sheet, praying God to be merciful unto him, but they sew not up the shroud at head and feet, to the end the Deceased may the more easily kneel, when the Angels that are to examine him, 
The colour of the Palls of the Dead.  command him to do so. They put him afterwards into a Coffin or Beer like to ours, which they cover with a Pall, that aught to be red, if he be a Soldier that is Dead; if it be a Scherif, it ought to be a green Pall, and if neither of the two, a black one, and a thwart over it they extend a Turban, according to the Office he bore: If he was a Janisary, they put a red Turban, if a Spahi, a red one and a white, and if he be a Scherif, a green Turban; for others, they put a white one. He is after that carried to the Buryingplace, than priests going before, saying certain prayers and often calling upon the name of God; after the Body, comes the Relations and Friends, than the Women, who altogether cry along the Streets like Mad-women, and holding a Handkerchief about their neck with both hands they pull it sometimes this way, and sometimes that way, as if they were out of their wits for Grief. In fine, being come to the Buryingplace where the Corpse is to de Interred, they take it out of the Coffin or Beer, put it into the Grave, and so departed, leaving the Women there to make an end of their Music. If it be a Person of Quality, his Horses are led in state. 
Horses led at Funerals.  Now the difference of the Turkish Graves and those of the Christians of the Country in the inside, is this, that after the Turks have put their Dead into the Grave, they lay over a sloaping Board, one end of it being set in the bottom of the Grave, and the other leaning on the upper end of the same above so that it covers the Body, which the Christians of the Country do not; but neither of the two Bury their Dead in Coffins. 
The use of the Stone erected upon Graves.  When the Grave is filled up, they erect a stone over the head of the deceased, to serve for a seat to the Angels who are to examine him, that they may be the milder to him; but the Richer have Tombs of Marble raised as ours are, with a Stone, whereon the Turban of the Deceased is cut. Sometimes they erect a Stone at the Head, with a Turban of Stone like to that the Deceased wore, and another at his Feet, with his Epitapth. Their Burying-places are always without the Town, that the Air might not be Infected by the corrupt Vapours that rise out of the Graves; and that was always observed by the Ancients. For the same reason those of the Turks are distinct from those of the Christians; and the Turks Burying-places are commonly by the Highway sides, that Travellers may remember to pray to God for them, and wish them happiness: and upon the very same account, they who build a Bridge or any other public work, are commonly Buried upon or near it, that they may have the Prayers of the Passengers. There are so many great Stones erected in some of these Burying-places, that they might serve to build a Town. Now after they have Interred their dead, the Relations and Friends for several days come and pray upon the Grave, beseeching God to deliver the Deceased from the Torture of the Black Angels, and calling to him, bid him not be afraid, but answer them stoutly; and the Women also with their acquaintance, come and spend several hours there, nay, sometimes half a day in bewailing the Dead, as they did at home in the House; so that a Man who were not informed of this, and saw them in that posture, would make no doubt but they were Mad-women. 
Victuals and Drink upon the Graves of the Dead.  On Friday many bring Victuals and Drink, which they leave upon the Graves, and Travellers may freely eat and drink there. They do so, that those that come there may pray for God's Blessing on him, for whose sake that charity is given.   

CHAP. XLIV. A Summary of the Humour of the Turks.  

Humour of the Turks.  HAving described at length the Customs and Practices of the Turks, it will be fit in this place to make a little Recapitulation, and in a few words represent their Nature and Manners. In Christendom many think that the Turks are Devils, Barbarous, and men of no Faith and Honestty, but such as know them, and have conversed with them, have a far different opinion; for it is certain, the Turks are good People, and observe very well that command of Nature; not to do to others, but what we would have others to do to us. When I speak here of Turks, I understand Natural Turks, and not such as turn to their Religion from another who are very numerous in Turkey, and are certainly capable of all sorts of Wickedness and Vice, as is known by Experience, and commonly as unfaithful to Men, as they have been to God; but the native Turks are honest People, and love honest People, be they Turks, Christians, or Jews. Nor do they think it lawful to Cheat or Rob a Christian more than a Turk; I know very well I may be asked, Why then do they so Extortion the Franks? But it is certain, that the Christians and Jews put them upon it and corrupt them; these Men being themselves the Instruments of one another's ruin, through a damnable Envy that reigns ever amongst the Frank, that are in the Levant; 

The Turks zealous for their Religion.  
The Turks Loyal to their Prince.   Usury is esteemed a very great sin by the Turks, and is but little practised. They are very Devout and Charitable; very zealous for their Religion, which they labour to propagate all over the World; and when they love or esteem a Christian, they pray him to turn Turk. They are Loyal to their Prince, whom they highly Reverence, and blindly Obey; Turks are not seen to betray their Prince, and turn to the side of the Christians. They never Quarrel, nor carry Swords in the City, 

Duels not known amongst the Turks.  
No Quarrels amongst them.  
The Turks never play for Money.   no not the Soldiers, but only Cangiars. They seldom fight together, and they never knew what Duels were; which proceeds chief from the wise Policy of Mahomet, who kept from them two great causes of Quarrels, Wine, and Gaming; for the good Turks drink not a drop of Wine, and those who drink are not esteemed, no more than they who eat Opium, or the Coculus Indicus, which makes them Drunk. As for Gaming, though they play at several Plays, yet it is always for nothing; so that they never Fight, because if any Quarrel happen amongst them, the first that comes by makes them Friends, or otherwise he that complains citing his Companion in presence, witnesses to appear before a Judge, he does not refuse to go, otherwise he would condemn himself; and there every one having alleged his Reasons, he who hath done the wrong is Condemned, and many times Bastonadoed, if he deserve it.  
They are very Temperate, and commit no Excess, 
Temperance of the Turks.  neither in quantity nor quality of Victuals; Treating Houses would be very insignificant amongst them; and it may be said, that they Eat to Live, and Live not to Eat. This, I think, is most part of the good that can be said of them.  
Now for their Vices, they are Proud, 
Pride of the Turks.  esteeming themselves above all other Nations; they think themselves the Valiantest Men upon Earth, and that the World was only made for them. And indeed, they despise all other Nations in general, and especially those who are not of their Religion, as the Christians and Jews; and they commonly call Christians Dogs: Nay, 
Turk's Superstitious.  there are some Turks so Superstitious, that if when they come out of their Houses in the Morning, the first Person they meet be a Christian or Jew, they return quickly home again, saying: Aouz billah min el scheitan el redgim; that is to say, God preserve us from the Devil. The Rabble think they do a brave action when they flout at, and jeer a Christian, especially if he be a Frank; but that's because our fashion of Apparel differing very much from theirs, they are much offended thereat, and call us Apes that have no Tails: But at Constantinople, they are not very insolent to the Franks, either because of the great Commerce they have with them, or rather because they might easily be got Punished, if they did any hurt; however they spare not now and then a blow with a Cudgel by the by, especially if it be a Turk in drink. For my own part, I never met with any Trouble, only being one day with some other French in Constantinople without a Janisary, the Children threw some Cores of Apples at us; but some Tradesmen coming out of their Shops, ran after them and dispersed them. And indeed, when upon my leaving of Constantinople, I went to take my leave of Monnsieur de la hay, the French Ambassador, he asked me if I had met with no Affront during the time that I had been there, and when I told him that I never had so much as my Hat once strucken off (which they often do, Hats offending their sight) he told me, that I had had good luck, and that I might brag that I had come better off than any other ever had.  
The Turks improve not Sciences much, 
The Turks Learning.  and it is enough for them to learn to Read and Writ; they often study the Alcoran, which comprehends all their Law both Civil and Canon; some besides apply themselves to Astrology, and few to other Sciences.  

The Turks beastly in their Love.  They are very Amorous, but with a brutish Love; for they are great Sodomites, and that is a very ordinary Vice amongst them, which they care so little to conceal, that their Songs are upon no other Subject, but upon that Infamous Love or Wine. They are very Covetous, and therefore their Friendship is easily gained by Money, or Presents; by means of Money one may receive all sorts of Civility from them, and there is nothing but what may be obtained at the Grand Signior's Court for Money: Money makes Heads fly off, and in fine, Money is the great Talisman there, as well as elsewhere. For the common sort of People, provided you'll give them Drink enough, they are wholly at your service. Thus you have a short account of the chief of their Manners; we must now speak of the Prince that Governs them.   

CHAP. XLV. Of the Grand Signior.  

The Prince of the Turks.  THE Turks are all to subject to one sole Prince, whom they call Sultan, and other Nations, the Emperor of the Turks, or the Grand Signior, because of his great Power. This is an Hereditary Empire, and hath never gone out of the Ottoman Family, since first it entered into it; that Race being held in such Veneration by the Turks, that they would do any thing rather than to submit to an Emperor of another Line, in prejudice of the true Heirs.  

Sultan Mahomet IU. his Age.  The Grand Signior who Reigns at present, is called Sultan Mahomet the Fourth of that Name, Son to Sultan Ibrahim; in the Year 1655. that I was at Constantinople, he was about Fifteen or Sixteen Years of Age: He seemed to me to be of a low Stature, Tawny, and Melancholic. He hath a Scar on the left Cheek, which his Father made, who being on a time half Drunk, 
Mahomet iv wounded in in the Cheek by his Father Sultan Ibrahim.  fell a Dancing, and having commanded his Son to come and Dance with him, the little Boy made answer, I am not a fool to Dance: I am a Fool then (replied Sultan Ibrahim all in rage) and with that gave him a stab with his Cangiar, or Dagger, in the left Cheek, and had Killed him, if his Wives had not prevented it. Others say, that it was by a Bottle he threw at him, he gave him that Scar.  

The Ceremony of Instalment of the Grand Signior.  When a Grand Signior dies then, his Son succeeds him, and if he have no Son, his Brother takes place, and pitches upon a day when he goes by Water to the Mosque of Youp; which is at the bottom of the Port: This Mosque hath a Cloister, in the middle whereof, there is a Tribunal of Marble, raised upon Marble Pillars. The Grand Signior mounting upon this Tribunal, the Mufty, after some Prayers, girds him with a Sword; and that being done, he makes his entry into Constantinople with Cavalcade. This Ceremony with them, is like the Coronation of our Kings; and he ends his Cavalcade at the Seraglio.  

The Brothers of the Grand Signior put to Death.  No sooner hath he taken possession of the Empire, but he bethinks himself of the means to make it durable, and for that end puts all his Brothers to Death, still provided he himself have Male Children; for if he have none, it seldom happens that he dispatches his Brothers, for fear of depriving the Empire of a Successor of the same Race, and of putting an end to the Ottoman Family, which would be a very great sin. However Sultan Amurat did otherwise, for without any consideration of Race or Heirs, though he had no Children, he put to Death all his Brothers, except Sultan Ibrahim, the Father of Mahomet the present Emperor, who was so well hid by his Mother, making the cruel Prince believe that his Brother was dead, that she delivered him from his Rage. When, then, they have a mind to dispatch their Brothers, their Custom is, to cause them to be Strangled with a Silken Halter, or Bowstring, making a scruple of Conscience to put them to death by the Sword, and so to shed the Imperial Blood. Besides, as I said before, Persons of Quality are seldom Beheaded, 
Persons of Quality are strangled.  but commonly Strangled when they are condemned to Die. If they put them not to Death, they are shut up so close, that no Body can tell what is become of them; and whilst I was at Constantinople, I could not find any Man who could certainly inform me, whether the Grand Signior had any Brother alive or not.  
The reason which obliges the Grand Signior to these Fratricides, 
The cause of the Death of the Brothers of the Grand Signior.  is not only that he may have none to dispute the Crown with him, but also that he may render himself Master of the Militia, who are so Insolent, when any Brother of their Prince remains in being, that they daily importune the Emperor, demanding extraordinary Largesses, or Augmentations of their Pay; and if it be refused them, they'll threaten and cry publicly, God preserve to us your Brother alive: Thereby intimating, that if he satisfy them not, they can Dethrone him, and put his Brother in his place. When that Pretext is taken from them, they reverence their Prince; but though that be a necessary piece of Policy, yet it is very Inhuman.  
When once the Grand Signior is well settled in his Throne, 
The Grand Signior's Diversion.  he minds nothing but his Pleasures, and many are employed upon that account. He hath always a great many Buffoons, who study nothing else but to invent some piece of Folly that might give him Diversion. Girls have not the least share in his Pleasures; all the Bassa's make it their business to find out Beauties for him, so that in a short time his Seraglio is well stocked with the fairest.  
Many have written at large, how the Grand Signior spends his time in the Seraglio, his daily Exercise, his way of Eating and Drinking, Bed, and the like, which are very hard to be known, there being no Witnesses but Eunuches, who never come out of the Seraglio, and some Itchoglans: For my part, I know none of these particulars, more than these Gentlemen have mentioned, and therefore I shall not speak of them. I will only tell, what I had from an Itchoglan, newly come out of the Seraglio; that the Grand Signior is served at his Meals in China, which is more valuable than Purcelane or Terra Sigillata, that is reckoned to be good against Poison. 
The Grand Signior's Dishes.  He hath also a great many covered dishes of beaten Gold, each dish with its cover, weighing twelve or thirteen Marks. These Dishes were presented to him by Kilidge Hali Bassa, a Renegado native of Messina, after the Pillage and Robberies that he committed in Calabria, where he took great Booty. Now though with them it be a sin to eat in Gold or Silver, yet he makes use of both; and the Queen Mother of the Grand Signior, is served in forty Silver plate dishes. But at extraordinary Feasts, which are kept in the Gardens, or Summer-Houses, they are served in Basins of Purcelane, or Terra Sigillata, as the Ambassadors are also when they are feasted in the Hall of the Divan, before they have their Audience of the Grand Signior. When he eats he speaks to no body, 
The Grand Signior never speaks at Dinner.  but makes himself be understood by Signs to the mute Buffoons, who are very expert at that, having a very singular method in it; and there is nothing but what they can express by Signs. These Buffoons are always playing some foolish Tricks amongst themselves to make him Laugh.  
He never beats his Brains about Business, 
Care of Affairs.  but refers the whole management of Affairs to his Ministers, who give him a Summary Account of them, on certain days of the Week. Not but that there have been some who have taken the Care upon themselves, ordering their Ministers to act according to their Directions. Sultan Amurat, though a very debauched Prince, always minded his Affairs, and Sultan Mahomet who Reigns at present, and traces the Footsteps of his Uncle Amurat, loves Business very well too.  
When the Grand Signior is weary of staying in his Seraglio, he goes and takes the Air upon the Water, and sometimes by Land, but not often, because his Ministers do what they can to hinder him from that, least Petitions may be presented to the Grand Signior against them: For such as cannot have Justice of them, expect till the Grand Signior be abroad in the Streets; and when he passes by they put their Petition on the end of a Cane, which they hold up as high as they can; which the Grand Signior perceiving sends for it, and has it brought to him. The truth is, the Ministers are not well pleased he should be informed of Affairs by any but themselves.  
I have several times seen the present Grand Signior abroad, but the first time that I saw him, I was told, that for at least a Year before he had not been out of his Seraglio. 
The Grand Signior's going abroad out of the Seraglio.  When he goes abroad by Land, it is either with small Attendance, or in Pomp: I have seen both, as I shall afterwards relate. When he goes by Water, he has always few Attendance; his Galiotte comes to the Kieusk of the Seraglio, which is on the Waterside over against Galata, and entering with a very small Retinue, he goes to Scudaret, or the Black-Sea, to take the Air. This is a most rich Galiotte, guilt all over and adorned with many counterfeit Stones: It hath four and twenty Benches, that is to say, four and twenty Oars on each side, 
Bostangis Rowers.  each rowed by two Bostangis, who have only a Shirt over their Breeches, or rather Drawers; they have scarlet Caps shaped like a Sugar-Loaf, such as all the Bostangis wear, being half an Ell high; and they who serve on this occasion are the Favourites of the Bostangi Bassa.  

The advantage of the Rowers.  Those that Row on the right side are all the Sons of Christians made Turks, who may arise to the dignity of Bostangi Bassa, to which Office those that Row on the left hand, who are the Sons of Turks, and commonly of Asia, can never aspire: And the greatest reward that they can hope for when they come out of the Seraglio, is to have fourscore Aspres a day in Pay; whereas those on the right side, after they have discharged the Office of Bostangi Bassa, may be Agas of the Janissaries, nay, even Bassa's or Governors of Provinces. If any of these Bostangis chance to break an Oar in Rowing, the Grand Signior gives him according to his Liberality, a handful of Aspres, or a handful of Chequins, as an encouragement for plying his Business with so much strength. In the time of Sultan Solyman, three Chequins was the ordinary reward, but at present it is not limited. However it is not by strength, but rather slight that they break their Oars; and many times they break them half off before the Grand Signior come on board his Galiotte, and then easily do the rest as they Row. The Bostangi Bassa sits at the Helm and steers the Galiotte, and at that time has opportunity enough to discourse with the Grand Signior at his ease.  

The Grand Signior goes through the City in Disguise.  Besides these ways of going Abroad, the Grand Signior goes sometimes through the City in Disguise, and without Attendance, as a private Man, to see if his Orders be punctually observed: And he at present, who seems in all his Actions to imitate his Uncle Sultan Amurat, went abroad almost every day in Disguise, whilst I was at Constantinople; having however some Men following him at a little distance, and amongst the rest an Executioner. And by the way he caused many Heads to fly off, both in Constantinople and Galata, which kept all things in better order. The Christians were very glad that he Disguised himself so, for that was the cause that no body durst molest or abuse them. Sometimes he would go to a Baker's Shop and buy Bread, and sometimes to a Butchers for a little Meat: And one day a Butcher offering to sell him Meat above the rate which he had set, he made a sign to the Executioner, who presently cut off the Butchers Head. 
Prohibition of Tobacco.  But it was chief for Tobacco, that he made many Heads to fly. He caused two Men in one day to be Beheaded in the Streets of Constantinople, because they were smoking Tobacco. He had prohibited it some days before, because, as it was said, when he was passing along the Street where Turks were smoking Tobacco, the smoke had got up into his Nose. But I rather think that it was in imitation of his Uncle Sultan Amurat, who did all he could to hinder it so long as he lived. He caused some to be Hanged with a Pipe through their Nose, others with Tobacco hanging about their Neck, and never pardoned any for that. I believe that the chief reason why Sultan Amurath prohibited Tobacco, was because of the Fires, that do so much mischief in Constantinople when they happen, which most commonly are occasioned by People that fall asleep with a Pipe in their Mouth, that sets fire to the Bed, or any combustible matter, as I said before.  
He used all the arts he could to discover those who sold Tobacco, and went to those places where he was informed they did, where having offered several Chequins for a pound of Tobacco, made great entreaty, and promised secrecy, if they let him have it; he drew out a Scimitar under his Vest, and cut off the Shopkeepers Head. They tell a very pleasant adventure of his upon this occasion. Being one day in disguise at Scudaret, he went into the Boat that passes over to Constantinople, wherein there were several People, and amongst others a Spahi of Anatolia, who was going to Constantinople for his Pay. 
A story of Sultan Amurat upon the prohibition of Tobacco.  No sooner was this Blade come into the Boat, but he fell a smoking; and no body durst say any thing to him save Sultan Amurat, who drawing near, asked him if he did not stand in Awe of the Grand Signior's Prohibition. The Spahi very arrogantly made answer, That the Grand Signior led a brave life on't, that he delighted himself with his Women and Boys, and making himself Drunk in his Seraglio; that for his share all he had was Bread, that Tobacco was his Bread, and that the Grand Signior could not hinder him to smoke; and with that asked him if he would take a whiff. Sultan Amurat told him softly that he would; and having got the Pipe from the Spahi, went and hid himself in a corner of the Boat, smoking with as much circumspection, as if he had been afraid some body might see him. When they were come to Constantinople, both together went into a Caique to go into Galata, each pretending to have Business there. When they were come a shore, Sultan Amurat invited the Spahi to go drink a cup of Wine in a place where he knew it was good; and the other condescended. The Emperor led him towards the place where his Servants stayed for him (for when they Disguise themselves, they appoint their Servants to meet them at a certain place) and being pretty near, he thought, because he was very strong, that he was able alone to arrest the Man, and therefore took him by the Collar. The Spahi much surprised at that boldness, and remembering he had been told, that Sultan Amurat often disguised himself, he made no doubt but that it was he; so that seeing himself undone, he quickly took up his Mace that hung by his Girdle, and with it gave Sultan Amurat such a Blow over the small of the Back, that he beat him down, and then fled. Sultan Amurat being mad that he miss of his design, caused it to be Published, that he acknowledged the Fellow who had given him the Blow to be brave, and that if he did appear, he would greatly reward him; but the other mistrusting his Promise, kept out of the way. He played so many Pranks of that nature, that they were enough to fill a Book.   

CHAP. XLVI. Of the Grand Visier, and other chief Officers of the Turkish Empire.  
THE Grand Signior (as I said before) meddles but little or not at all with Affairs, and if any apply themselves to Business, it is only in matters of great Consequence. For if he concerned himself in smaller Affairs, he must show himself too often, which he would take to be Prejudicial to him, and a Diminution of his Majesty. But he hath his chief Minister, who is the Grand Visier; for he hath commonly seven Viziers, whereof the first hath all the Authority, and does all. 
Grand Visier.  It is he that giveth ordinary Audiences to Ambassadors, who during the whole time of their Embassy, have but two Audiences of the Grand Signior, one at their Arrival, and another when they depart; and these neither but audiences of Ceremony, wherein they treat of no Business. He hears their Proposals, and gives them their Answer. It is he that takes care to pay the Armies, desides Lawsuits, condemns Criminals, and manages the Government: In a word, all the Affairs of the Empire rest upon his Shoulders; he discharges the Office of the Grand Signior, and only wants the Title. This is a very heavy Charge, and a Grand Visier has but very little time to himself; nevertheless all ardently aspire to that Dignity, though they be almost sure to Die within a few days after. For when a Grand Visier continues six Months in Office, he is a Man of parts, and most commonly with their place they lose their Lives: Because in discharging that Office, they raise themselves a great many Enemies, some out of Envy, others as being the Friends and Relations of those whom the Grand Visier has disobliged, for Justice can never be rendered without Murmur and Discontents; and if they who are discontented have any credit with the Grand Signior, they use it to get the Grand Visier turned out and put to Death; and if they have not credit enough to make him lose his Life, they think it enough to get him made Maasoul, 
Maasoul.  that is to say, turned out of place; and it is many times the Custom, after that to give him a Government. But when he is on the way to go to it, his Enemies growing more powerful by his absence, so bestir themselves, that they obtain a Warrant for his Death; immediately thereupon, a Capidgi is sent after him, who having overtaken him, shows him the Order he has to carry back his Head; the other takes the Grand Signior's Order, kisses it, puts it upon his Head in sign of respect, and then having performed his Ablution and said his Prayers, freely gives up his Head: The Capidgis having Strangled him (or caused Servants whom he brought purposely with him to do it) cuts off his Head, and brings it to Constantinople. Thus they blindly obey the Grand Signior's Order, 
Great respect to the Grand Signior's Orders.  their Servants never offering to hinder the Executioner, though these Capidgis come very often with few, or no Attendants at all; for they think they make a happy end when they Die by Orders from the Grand Signior, believing themselves to be as good Martyrs, as those who die Fight against the Enemies of their Religion. However now a days, there are a great many who are not such Fools, and I fancy, that of late they begin to be undeceived of that pretended Martyrdom; 
The cause of the frequent Rebellions in Asia.  for they receive not now such news with a serene Countenance. Hence it is that there happens frequent Rebellions in Asia, which are only made by discontened Bassa's, who know that their Enemies are preparing Death for them upon their arrival at Constantinople. 
Hussein Bassa.  However Hussein Bassa, who so long Commanded the Turks in Candia, did not at all desire the Office of Visier; for though it was several times offered unto him, yet he would never accept of it, very well perceiving that that Dignity was purposely offered him, to draw him out of the Isle of Candia, where he was beloved of the Soldiers and Country, and where being Absolute, he raised a great Revenue; so having given some jealousy to the Grand Signior, he made no doubt but as soon as they had got him out of the Island, they would cut off his Head; and nevertheless for all his Circumspection, he fell into the Snare at last, which for many years he had avoided. But to return to the Charge of Grand Visier, 
The chief cause why the great men affect to be Grand Viziers.  considering how greedily they all gape after it. It makes me believe what several Turks have told me, that the chief thing that makes them desire it, is to have the pleasure of being revenged on their Enemies. And indeed it is seen, that a Grand Visier upon his promotion to that Dignity, cuts off a great many Heads; but he is to expect hourly the like himself, and when he goes to the Seraglio, he is in doubt whether ever he come back again. Nevertheless the Grand Visier that died last, discharged that Office for many Years, and ended his days by a Natural Death. To do so, it requires great Prudence, and many Friends every where, but chief in the Seraglio; where it is good to have the protection of the Mother of the Grand Signior, and of the beloved Sultana's, by means of the Eunuches, 
Friendships are acquired by presents.  whose friendship is also very considerable, the Kzlar Agasi, or Guardian of the Maids, and some others, being in extraordinary favour with the Grand Signior; all these friendships are procured by Presents. Next to the Grand Visier, the other Viziers are the principal Members and Ministers of Council, though they commonly Act according as the Grand Visier would have them. 
What the word Cadilesquer signifies.  The other chief Charges are the Cadilesquers, which properly signifies Judges of the Armies, and are a kind of chief Justices; for they are sovereign Judges, both in Civil and Military Affairs. Heretofore there were but two Cadilesquer's, 
Cadilesquers.  one of Anatolia, and the other of Romelia, or Greece in Europe: But after that Sultan Selim Conquered Egypt, he Created a third, who is Cadilesquer of Egypt. 
Cadis.  They have under them the Cadis, who are Judges, and as it were Bailiffs or Provosts; before them ordinary causes are tried, Marriages made, liberty given to Slaves; and they make their Writings which they call Heudgets or Decrees. The Cadilesquers name the Cadies; 
Heudgets.  who are afterwards to be approved and confirmed by the Grand Signior. 
Captain Bassa  The place of Captain, Bassa or Admiral is also a very considerable Office, for he is master of the Fleet at Sea; and he is also called Degniz Beglerbey, that is to say, Beglerbey of the Sea. There are a great many other charges of great Authority, which it would be too tedious to mention here, it being sufficient to have named the chief. These places generally change masters very often; and in the space of eight Months that I was at Constantinople, there were three Muftiss, three prime Viziers, and three Captain Bassa's. The Children of these men are seldom the richer for their Father's Fortune: for seeing it is the common custom to take their Places, and Lives from them at the same time, the Grand Signior seizes all their Estates, the Goods of all Malefactors belonging to him.   

CHAP. XLVII. Of the Divan.  
THE word Divan is not only taken for that rising, 
The Divan.  which is at the end of Halls, about half a foot or a foot high, and covered with a carpet, of which I have spoken before; but also for the Council and Assembly of the Viziers and other Officers, who on certain days meet to consult about affairs of State, and other business. This Divan is held regularly four days of the week, to wit, 
Divan days.  Saturday, Sunday, Monday and Tuesday, in a Hall appointed for that purpose, in the second Court of the Seraglio. The Viziers and those who ought to be there, fail not to come betimes in the morning; those who have place there are the Viziers, Cadilesquers, Beglerbeys, or Vice-Roys, the Nischangi, 
Officers of the Divan. Beglerbey. Nischangi. Defierdars.  who is Keeper of the Seals, for he seals all dispatches, the Defterdars, who are the Treasurers, and a great many Secretaries or Clerks, who draw all the writings upon the spot; the Capidgi Bassa, and Chiaoux Bashaw keep the door of the Hall: There affairs of State are debated, all suits are there supremely decided, for any body may be heard there, of what Country, Quality or Religion soever he be, and the poorest man has liberty to ask Justice of the Grand Vizier in Person, and to deliver him his Petition; which after the Grand Vizier hath ordered to be read, he pronounces Sentence according to Equity. If it be a Suit for Debt, the Vizier upon supplication, sends a Chiaoux to fetch the Debtor into Court, and the Creditor bringing his witnesses, who ought to be two at least, the Debtor is obliged to pay him upon the spot, or go to Prison and lie there till he have done it. If it be for Murder, the accusers having good Witnesses, the Prisoner is condemned to die: and all these things are dispatched with so much expedition, 
The dispatch of Justice among the Turks.  that a matter no sooner comes to a hearing, but it is consulted, judged, and put into Execution; and a Trial shall not last above four or five hours without Sentence given one way or other: nor does so long a delay happen unless it be a very difficult Cause; and so the parties are not undone by Lawyers and Pleading, as in other Places: nor is there any fear that wrong Justice will be administered; for at the end of the Hall in the wall, near the Ceiling, there is a Window with black crape hanging before it, through which the Grand Signior sees and hears when he pleases, all that is said or done in the Divan, without being perceived; so that the Judges not knowing whether the Grand Signior be at the Window or not, are careful not to do partial Justice, which would immediately cost them their Life if the Grand Signior knew it; and they give him a faithful account of every thing that passes in the Divan. A little farther near the Divan, 
Hazna.  is the Hazna or Treasury where the Grand Signior's Revenue is put: It is opened on all Divan Days, 
The opening of the Grand Signiors Treasury.  but But first the Chiaoux Bassa takes off the Seal looking if it be whole; and when they have taken out of that Hazna what they had a mind to take, or put in what they had to put, it is shut again; and then the Vizier gives his Seal to the Chiaoux Bassa, who Seals up the Lock of it. Whilst the Divan is Sitting, 
Aga of the Janissaries.  the Aga of the Janissaries is brought in before the Grand Signior, by the Capidgi Bassa, and Chiaoux Bassa: This Aga gives the Grand Signior an account of his charge, 
Spahiler Agasi.  and then returns. After him the Spahilar Agasi is introduced in the same manner: next the Cadilesquers. than all the Officers of the Divan; and last of all the Viziers. All these Officers go every Divan day and give the Grand Signior an account of what they have done, and none of them can promise to himself to bring back his Head again; for the Grand Signior for a small matter will cause them to be Srangled upon the spot.   

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Oeconomy or regulation of Provisions amongst the Turks. Of the Money and Weights of Constantinople.  
IN all things the Turks are so great lovers of Order, that they omit nothing that can tend to the observance of it; and because oeconomy and the regulation of provisions, is one of the chief things that serve to maintain it, they take a special care of that; so that all things are to be had in plenty, and at reasonable rates: they never sell Cherries or other Fruits there when first they come in at the weight of Gold, as they do in this Country; things are sold there always at reasonable rates; and he that hath taken the pains to bring his Fruit soon to Market, has no more advantage but to take Money before others: if any one offered to exact upon a Turk in selling of his Goods, he would be sound Drubbed, or else brought unto Justice, and there be Condemned to Bastonadoes, besides the payment of a Fine; and therefore there are Officers that take care to examine the weights of those that sell Goods, who daily go their rounds, and if they find any Man with weights that are too light, or that sells his Goods too dear, they fail not upon the spot to order him so many blows with a Cudgel upon the Soles of the Feet, and besides make him pay a Fine: so that being afraid of that punishment, they'll always give you somewhat over and above the weight; and so one may send a Child to Market provided it can but ask for what it wants, for none durst cheat the Child; and sometimes the Officers of the Market meeting it, will ask what it paid for so much Goods, and weigh them, to see if the poor thing hath not been cheated, for if it be, they carry it along with them and punish the seller. I saw a Man who sold Snow at five Deniers the pound, 
The punishment of sellers by false Weights.  receive Blows upon the Soles of his Feet, because his weight was not exactly full. Another having sold a Child a Double worth of Onions, and the Officers of the Market meeting this Child, and finding that he had not enough, went to that Man, and gave him thirty Blows with a Cudgel. They have also another punishment for those that sell with false Weights, 
Another punishment for such as sell by false Weights.  which seems not to be so harsh, but is more Ignominious, as being more public; they put a man's neck into a Pillory made of two Board's, weighing an hundred pound weight, which he carries on his shoulders, and with these being hung full of little Bells, he marches up and down the Town, to be laughed at by all that see and know him. As to disorders and quarrels that happen in the Streets, every one is obliged to hinder them; and that all may be the more concerned in that, there is a Law much received, that if any dead Person be found in the Streets, whether he be Christian, Turk, or Jew, and it be not known who Killed him; they before whose door the Dead Man is found, are made to pay for his Blood; and the set rate for the Blood of a Man, 
The price of a man's Blood that hath been killed before any body's door.  is five hundred Piastres, or forty five thousand Aspres; so that it is the interest of every one to see that no noise be made before his Door, or at least to observe those that make it: this is very exactly observed in relation to the Turks, but the Christians have many times partial Justice done them. When I was at Constantinople, a poor Greek meeting some Turks coming out of a Tavern in Galata, they asked him for some flowers that he had in his hand, and he having given to the one and denied the other, telling him he had no more; the Villain gave the poor Greek a stab with a Cangiar in the Body, and so fled. This having happened before the Convent of the Jacobins, the poor wretch was immediately carried into their court for relief, but he was hardly there before he Expired; which at the same time coming to the knowledge of the Vaivode or Bailiff of Galata, he sent and demanded of the poor Religious, and of a French Merchant that lived overagainst them, the Blood of that Man; 
Vaivode.  but (luckily for them) that Vaivode was Strangled four or five days after, before they had paid their Money; so that they were quitted for the fear of it. To prevent accidents in the Nighttime, 
No man is abroad in the streets of Constantinople, in the Nighttime. Under Bassa.  all Persons whatsoever are prohibited to be abroad in the streets after that night is in, except during the Ramadan; and if the Under Bassa, who is as the Captain of the Watch, or Constable, and aught to walk about all night long, meet any Man, he carries him before the Cady, who examines who he is, and then being known, he is led to Prison, and beware of Bastonadoes next morning, and of a Fine to boot, if he give not good reasons why he was abroad at such an hour; nay though he should be cleared, without Blows or a Fine, yet it is a disgrace to have been taken abroad in the Streets in the Nighttime.  
I think it will not be amiss to tell here what money they use at Constantinople. The Turkish Chequin is worth two Piastres; 
Money of Constantinople. Turkish Chequin. Piastre. The Aslanie.  the Venetian is worth ten Aspres more; the Piastre or Picade of fifty eight Sols, is commonly worth ninety Aspres, and sometimes only eighty. The Aslanie is worth eighty Aspres; and when the Piastre is but worth fourscore Aspres, the Aslanie is but worth threescore and fifteen. These Aslanies are the Germane Rix Dollars, which have a Lion on one side; and for that they are called Aslanies, from the Turkish word Aslan, that signifies Lyon. 
Isolotte.  The Isolotte is worth fifty five Aspres. 
Aspres.  The Aspres are little pieces of Silver that have no other stamp but the Grand Signior's Name, and are worth about eight Deniers, or three Farthings a piece, but there are many of them Counterfeit, and one must have a care of that; so that to receive half a Crown in them, it requires half a quarter of an hour to examine the Pieces one after another; but great payments require whole days. That this may be the more commodiously done, they tell the Aspres upon Board's made for that purpose, which they call Tahhta, 
Tahhta.  that have a ledgeing to keep them from falling, except at one end, where it draws narrower, by which they pour them into the Bag: on these Board's they pick out all the good ones, and lay aside the bad. They have also pieces of two, three, four, five, six, ten Aspres, etc. And this is all the Silver Money they coin at Constantinople; so that payments are hardly made in any other Money. To an Aspre go six Quadrins, 
Quadrins.  which are pieces of Copper about the bigness of a French Double: they have also half Quadrins, which they call Mangours; when they say a Purse, they understand five hundred Piastres, or forty five thousand Aspres, which is the same thing. As to their Weights, 
Cantar. rots. Drachms. Quirats. Medical. Oque.  the Cantar is a hundred and fifty rots, the Rot is twelve Ounces, the Ounce twelve Drachms, the Drachm is sixteen Quirats, the Quirat four Grains; the Medical is a Drachm and a half, the Oque contains four hundred Drachms; so that the Oque is worth three rots, two ninths less.   

CHAP. XLIX. Of the Punishments and kinds of Death in Turkey.  

Kind's of Punishments in Turkey.. The way of giving Bastonadoes on the Feet.  THE most common Punishments in Turkey, are blows with a stick, either upon the soles of the Feet, or the Buttocks. They give them on the soles of the Feet in this manner: They have a great stick, with two holes in it about the middle, a large foot and an half distant from one another, and through these two holes they put a cord: He who is to be Bastinadoed, lies down upon the ground, and his feet are put between that cord and the staff; then two men take the staff by the two ends, and each of them also pull an end of the cord, that so he may not stir his feet, that are fast betwixt the cord and the staff, which they hold up very high: In this posture he has no strength to move, being only supported by his shoulders; and then two other men, each with a stick or switch about the bigness of the little finger, beat upon the soles of the wretch one after another, like Smith's striking upon an Anvil, reckoning the blows aloud as fast as they lay them on, until they have given as many as have been ordained, or till he that hath power, say, It is enough. The rolling of the eyes of him that suffers, shows this to be a cruel punishment; and there are some after it, who for several months cannot go, especially when they have received (or as they say) eaten three or four hundred blows; but for the matter of thirty, they are not at all disabled. When they give them on the Buttocks, 
Blows upon the Buttocks.  the party is laid upon his belly, and receives the blows (which are laid on over his Drawers) in the same manner as upon the soles of the feet; sometimes they give five or six hundred blows, but that is the highest; and when a Man hath been so handled, a great deal of mortified and swollen flesh must with a Razor be cut off of his Buttocks, to prevent a Gangrene, and he is obliged to keep his bed five or six months without being able to sit up. In this manner the Women are punished, 
The Punishment of Women.  when they deserve it, but never upon their soles. This is a Correction frequently used by them, and for a small fault; and sometimes (as I have said already) they make him who hath received the blows, pay so much money a blow. Master's give no other Correction to their Servants and Slaves, than blows upon the soles of their feet, which they have for the least fault they commit; 
The Turks well served.  and, indeed, they are wonderfully well served; you'll see their Servants stand in their presence a whole day together, like Statues against a wall, with their hands upon their belly, expecting their Master's commands, 
The Chastisement of Schoolboys. The kinds of Death for Malefactors. Christians serve for Hangmen.  which with the wink of an eye are obeyed. Schoolmasters chastise their Scholars with blows upon the soles of the feet, instead of the whipping of Christendom. The punishments of those who have deserved death, are Hanging, Beheading, Empaling, or throwing upon tenterhooks or Spikes of Iron. When they carry any Man to be Hanged, if they meet a Christian by the way, they make him the Executioner; and a French Merchant being on a time engaged in this office, and finding no means to avoid it, did what they bid him do, and having hanged two, asked them if they had no more to be dispatched in that manner; whereat the Turks were so incensed, that they threw stones at him, saying, That the Christian would have them all hanged; so that it was his best course to make his escape. In cutting off Heads, they are very dextrous, and never miss. As for Empaling, I shall speak of it in another place, because it is not much practised at Constantinople. 
Ganche, a Punishment.  Now the Ganche, or throwing upon Hooks, is performed in this manner: They have a very high Strappado, stuck full of very sharppointed Hooks of Iron, such as Butchers have in their Shambles; and having hoist the Malefactor up to the top of it, they let him fall; and as he never fails to be catched by a Hook in falling, so if he hang by the middle of the body, his case is none of the worst, for he suddenly dies; but if the Hook catch him by any other part, he languishes sometimes three days upon it, and at length, enraged with pain, hunger and thirst, expires. This Torment hath been thought so cruel, that the Turks very seldom practise it. Those that turn Christians, they Burn alive, hanging a bag of Powder about their neck, and putting a pitched Cap upon their head. But Christians that do or say any thing against the Law of Mahomet, are taken with a Turkish Woman, or go into a Mosque, are Impaled, though yet there be some Mosques into which Christians may enter at certain hours. There are a great many other cases, wherein if Christians do not turn Turks, they are put to death; for a Christian may redeem his life, by making himself Turk, whatsoever Crime he may have committed; but the Turks have no way to save theirs.   

CHAP. L. Of the Grand Signior's Militia.  
HAving treated of the Grand Signior, and his chief Officers, we must now speak of the Forces that have got him so great a Power, which he daily enlarges at the Cost of his Neighbours. The Grand Signior keeps always a standing Army, both in Peace and War, which consisting of Horse and Foot, is punctually paid once in two months. The Infantry are of several Orders; he hath first his Capidgis, or Porters, 
Capidgis, or Porters.  who are as it were the Officers and Porters of the Grand Signiors Gate; Capidgi comes from Capi, which signifies Gate. These Men keep the Gates of the Seraglio, and stand round the Grand Signior when he gives Audience, it being their part also to introduce others into the Prince's presence, and hold them by the arms so long as they are there. When the Grand Signior has a mind to have the Head of any Man that is out of Constantinople, he sends a Capidgis for it; they are in all three thousand, and have a Head, called the Capidgi Bassa, though sometimes they have more than one, according as the Grand Signior pleases: Their Head-attire is a Cap, 
The Head-attire of the Capidgis. Solaques, old Soldiers, who ought to succeed to the Officers.  with a Cone half a foot long, fastened to it before. The Solaques are also of the Infantry, and are the Grand Signior's Garde du corpse, or Lifeguard, for they attend the Grand Signior when he goes abroad in the City. These Blades, when they march in Ceremony, wear a Doliman, with Hanging-sleeves, tucked up under the Girdle, so that one may see their Shirts, which are always clean and neat; their Cap is of a pretty stuff, ending in a point, in which they stick Feathers in form of a Crest; they have a Bow hanging over their Arm, and the Quiver full of Arrows on the right Shoulder, always ready to draw an Arrow, if it be needful. They are called Solaques,; that is to say, lefthanded Men, because when they are to shoot their Arrows, 
Solaque, a Lefthanded Man.  those who are on the Grand Signior's right Hand, draw the Bowstring with the left, that they may not turn their back upon him. But the chief of the Infantry, are the Janissaries, who are partly Children of Tribute, 
Janissaries.  (though they take but a few at present) brought to Constantinople, where the wittiest are shut up for seven years' time in the Seraglio to learn their Exercises; and according as they have Parts and Courage, they are preferred to Places; but the duller sort are made Janissaries, Aagemoglans, or Bostangis. Every fifth year this Tribute is collected. The Janissaries are then, partly Children of Tribute, partly Volunteer Renegadoes (who are very numerous) and some few natural Turks. This Militia was first instituted by Ottoman or Ozman, Son of Ortogule, 
The Institution of the Janissaries.  the first Emperor of the Turks. It is a body of Men, so powerful not only for their number (for besides the Janissaries of the Port, who are twelve thousand, and are dispersed over all the Provinces of the Empire, there are others in very great numbers) but also for the Privileges anciently given to them, and the great Union that is among them, calling one another Brothers, and not suffering the least injury to be done to the meanest of their Body, who do whatsoever they please, and none but their Officers dare to lift up a hand against them, upon pain of death; so that they seem to be sacred; and really I know no Order of Militia in the World, that is so much respected; for love nor money cannot save the life of a Man that hath beaten a Janisary. Seeing they can beat any man, upon a just ground and no body dare touch them, Ambassadors and Consuls entertain some of them, to march before them; and when a Frank would go into the City or Country, without fear of being abused, he takes one of the Ambassadour's Janissaries with him; or the first he finds, who for some Aspres to be paid him at his return, goes before with a Cudgel in his hand, wherewith he sound drubs those that offer but to cast a cross look at the Frank. 
Head-attire of the Janissaries.  The Habit of the Janissaries differs not from that of other Turks, but they have another kind of Head-attire; for on their head they wear a Cap hanging down behind, and shaped like the Sleeve of a Casaque; in one end of which they put their head, and the other hangs down their back, like a large Livery-hood; on the forehead they have a Cone half a foot long, fastened to this Cap, which is of Silver gilt, and set with counterfeit Stones. This Cap is called Zercola, 
Zercola, a Cap of Ceremony for the Janissaries.  and is their Cap of Ceremony; but commonly they wear a woollen Cap, wreathed about with a Turban, in a manner peculiar to themselves. Their Pay is two, three, four, five or six Aspres a day, some more and some less; 
The Janissaries Pay.  and besides their Pay, they have a Piece of Cloth yearly. Every new Grand Signior adds an asper to their Pay. The Janissaries of the Port, 
The Janissaries Lodgings.  who (as I said before) are twelve thousand in number, live in two Inns or Colleges, containing an hundred and threescore Chambers, and they are thirty, forty, or fifty in a Chamber; those who would lodge elsewhere, may, but they are still of such a Chamber; so that they are divided into Chambers, which they call Oda, 
Oda. Oda Bassa. Chorbagi. Vikil Hardge.  and every Chamber hath three Officers, an Oda Bassa, that is to say, Chief of the Chamber, a Chorbagis, who is a Captain, and a Vikil Hardge, which is to say, the Steward. The Chorbagiss wear a Cap of fine Stuff, with fair large plumes of Feathers, placed in form of a Crest, just like the Solaques; 
Kiaya Bey, Lieutenant General of the Janissaries. That Aga of Janissaries, is the General of the Foot. The way of punishing a Janisary. Azapes.  over this is the Kiaya Bey, or Lieutenant General of the Janissaries; and over him the Aga of the Janissaries, who is General of the whole Body, and is a Muteferaca; but he has no power to punish any one in his Lodging; only when Justice is demanded against a Janisary, he inquires what Chamber he belongs to; then sends for his Oda Bassa, into whose hands he delivers him, and he carries him to his Chamber, where he causes him to be punished in the Nighttime; for Soldiers can neither be beaten nor put to death in public: If he hath not deserved death, he has blows on his feet; and if he be guilty of death, he is strangled, then put into a Sack, and thrown into the Sea: All Soldiers are served in this manner. There are also the Azapes, who are as it were the old Troops, and are, indeed, Pioniers; they were instituted before the Janissaries, though they be inferior to them. There are many more Foot-Soldiers, 
Dgebegis. Topdgis. Chiaoux.  as the Dgebegis or Cuirassiers, Topdgis or Gunners, and others; but having spoken of the chief, I shall now proceed to the Horse; and first to the Chiaoux, who are much like the Exempts des guards in France; their Office is very honourable, for they execute most part of the Grand Signior's Commands, and of his Bassa's, and are sent on Embassies to Foreign Princes; they wear Caps above a foot in diameter, and yet they are not round, but long and flat above. This kind of Cap, is the Cap of Ceremony of those of greatest Quality, and of the Grand Signior himself, and his Bassa's; their Chief is called Chiaoux Bassa. 
Muteferacas. The Grand Signior is the Chief of the Muteferacas. Saphis. The Pay of the Spahis.  The Muteferacas are all Persons of Quality, and are so many Dead pays, for they are not obliged to go to the Wars, if the Grand Signior do not go in person; he is the Chief of the Muteferacas; and he that has the Government of a Place, must be a Muteferaca. Besides all these, there are the Spahis, who are ordinary Troopers, or Light Horsemen; but there are two sorts of them, for some receive their Pay every two months, aswel as the other Soldiers; and that Pay is fifteen, twenty, or forty Aspres, some more and some less: They are divided into six Regiments, and have each Standards of different Colours, 
Buluk Agasi. Timar.  and a Commander, whom they call Buluk Agasi: The others instead of Pay, have a Timar, which is as it were a commandry; for it is a Pension or yearly Revenue assigned to them upon conquered Territories, and these Men are called Timar Spahi, 
Timar Spahi.  that is to say, the Spahis of Timar. They are very numerous, and obey the Sangiac Bey of the Quarter where their Timar is, (Sangiac Bey is like a Lord of a Manor) but few of these quarter in Towns, 
Sangiac Bey, that is to say, Lord of the Colours.  they are for the most part dispersed in their Timars, and are obliged to serve the Grand Signior with so many Horsemen, according to the value of their Timar, when they are required to it. The Grand Signior is Heir to all these Men who are under his Pay, if they die without Children; but if they leave Daughters behind them, he takes only two thirds of the Inheritance, and the Succession of the Deceased, stands instead of a Son.   

CHAP. LI. Of the easy way the Grand Signior has in raising and maintaining great Armies.  
FRom what I said before, it plainly appears, that the Grand Signior may in a few days time raise an Army of two or three hundred thousand Men; for when he intends to make War, he has no more to do, but to send his Orders to all that receive his Pay; who so soon as they receive Command, fail not to make ready to do what they are enjoined; these amount already to a considerable number of Men; for a good part of the Grand Signior's Subjects receive his Pay. Besides that, he sends for the Bassa's, 
Orders for raising an Army. Bassa's.  or Governors of Places, to come to him; and these come in all haste with a great train of Servants, who are so many Soldiers, and sometimes bring along with them part of the Forces of their Government, if they have had orders. The Sangiacs come with their Timar Spahis, and many of the Troopers have Servants, who are so far from being a hindrance, (as they commonly are in the Armies of Christendom) that they do very good service. Now it is very easy to make them march and subsist In the Fields, for they have but little Baggage, 
The subsistence of Forces.  and fear not fatigue. They can live upon a small matter; and provided they have Rice, a little Bread, Water, Coffee and Tobacco, they make as good cheer as if they were at home; and if any of these things be wanting, they have patience, and are not instantly undone, as Christians are, when they have no more Wine. Thus their Armies never perish with hunger, Victuals being brought them in sufficient quantity from all hands; for seeing they punctually pay for what they have, commit no disorder, nor plunder the Country, all things are brought to the Camp, as to a common Market: Nay, when the Turks are at War with the Persians, Merchants travel securely from one Country, and from one Army to another, and trade without any apprehension of being plundered. Sultan Amurat led to Bagdad an Army of six or seven hundred thousand Men; others say, nine hundred thousand Horse and Foot: It behoved him to march over Deserts, and nevertheless he took such orders, that his Army subsisted very well. It costs the Grand Signior no more to maintain his Army in time of War, than in time of Peace; for he keeps none but his own Soldiers, and the Bassa's and others maintain those whom they have brought with them; But it is not the Number alone that makes them gain so many Battles, and take so many Towns, it is also the Valour and Strength of the Soldiers, who being never weakened by fatigue, are always in a readiness to fight against the Enemy, how fresh soever they may be; and when they are engaged, fight like Lions, choosing rather to be cut in pieces, than to retreat, unless the Enemy far exceed them in number: But that which chief renders them so courageous, is the great confidence they put in Destiny; for they firmly believe, that if they be to die to day, they'll die aswel in their Chamber, as in the Field; and that if their day be not come, a hundred thousand men cannot take their life away from them, because it is said in the Alcoran, that a Man cannot die, till his time be come; that no Man can retard it, and much less prolong or shorten his life, but according as it is written in the Book; whereupon they have this Proverb, That what is written on a Man's Forehead, will certainly come to pass; for they say, that all Men have their destiny written upon their Forehead. This Belief makes them undauntedly expose themselves to all sorts of dangers, and even to slight the Plague; so that they are not at all afraid to come to and touch an infected Person, nor to put on their clothes as soon as they are dead. They have besides another encouragement to be stout, which is the zeal of their Religion; for they are very zealous, and will freely venture their lives for the defence or enlargement of it, believing that they die Martyrs, when they die fight against the Enemies of their Law, and shall after death enjoy the delights which Mahomet hath promised them: Moreover they blindly obey the orders of their Commanders, and go on whither soever they are sent, never considering whether or not they shall come off again; all these things together, makes them run headlong into the greatest dangers of War, as cheerfully as if they were going to a Feast. Sultan Amurat being before Bagdad with a numerous Army, and having spent some days without any advantage over his Enemies; being mad that any thing could resist him, and fearing that he should be forced shamefully to raise the Siege, 
Sultan Anurat's harangue to his Army.  assembled his whole army, and telling the Soldiers what disgrace it would be for them to draw off from thence without doing any thing, declared that he would rather perish there with them all, than return into his own Country with the shame of having done nothing, commanded a general Assault to be given the next day, and assured them, that all such as should return from the Assault before the Town was taken, should be put to death with his own hands. Next day the Assault was given, and seeing all knew that Sultan Amurat was a Man of Execution, every one, both Soldiers and Officers, strove who should first offer their bodies to the Enemy's blows; a vast number were killed, but at length they took the Town by storm. Besides the advantage of their Numbers and Courage, they are likewise very well armed, and likewise very skilful in handling of them; for in that especially they exceed the Christians, that they place the chief part of their Wealth in the magnificence of their Habits, 
Turkish Soldiers well armed.  Horses, Arms and Harness, of whatsoever quality they be; and if a wretched Janisary, who hath four or five Aspres a day, can scrape together fifty Crowns, he'll freely lay them out upon a good Musket or handsome Sword. These Muskets are big, and of very good metal, and weigh sometimes forty, fifty, nay sixty pound weight; nay, I have seen one that weighed fourscore: They put in them a great Charge of Powder, and then ram down a sizable Bullet with the Scowring-stick, 
The way of firing the Musket.  which is all Iron; after that, they hold their Musket with the right Hand against the right Shoulder, and with the left Hand a leathern Belt fastened to a ring at the middle of the Musket, and to another near the Butt, and with that they'll shoot as exact as one can do with a light Fowling-piece, and their Musket never split. I remember that a Janisary belonging to the French Consul at Cairo, having on a time charged his Musket with a Bullet of size, and shot at two Turtles upon a Tree, he shot off the head of the one, and the other through the body. As for the Troopers (whatever some French men, who have been in those Countries, may say) they sit a Horse well; they have, indeed, the Stirrups very short, but yet they look very well, and sit as close as if they were nailed to the Horse. One day, in the French Quarter, I saw a Spahi so drunk, that he could not stand; but when he was on Horseback, he made an hundred Caracolles, without the least reeling. They are very careful also in looking after their Horses, 
Troopers careful of their Horses.  and there is no Trooper but hath always a measure of Oats ready for his Horse, and every thing else that is fit to dress him, or to set right what is amiss about him, and early in the morning he rises and dresses him himself. All this being considered, it is not to be thought strange that they are strong by Land, and bring to pass whatever they undertake.   

CHAP. LII. Of the Weakness of the Turks by Sea.  
IF the Turks succeed very well in their Wars by Land, 
The Turks unskilful at Sea.  they are neither so fortunate nor so stout at Sea, where they are always worsted, and never get the better, but when they are six to one; which chief is occasioned by their want of skilful Sea Officers, fit to Command. I speak not now of the Barbary men, who being always a Pirating, and for the most part Renegadoe Italians, French, English and Dutch, Seamen by profession, cannot but understand Sea Affairs. The Turks are even unskilful in building of Ships, 
The Turks understand not how to build Ships.  and though in that they employ Christian Slaves, yet they are so ill built, that they are not fit to serve above two years. They build Saiques, and other Merchant's Vessels pretty well; but for Men-of-War, they are mere Apprentices at it: They do what they can to imitate the Galleasses of Venice, which do them so much mischief; but they cannot compass it, for their Galleasses (which they call Maones) are no more but Galleys a little higher raised: Nay, 
Maone.  there Bastard, or Admiral Galley, having served one year, 
Bastard.  becomes next year a Maone. When they are about to launch a new built Vessel, 
Ceremony in launching a new built Ship.  all the other Ships and Galleys come to the place, and the Ship that is to be launched, is covered with Musicians, and Players on Instruments, adorned with Flags and Colours on all hands, and the Port is covered over with Boats full of People: All things being ready, they kill a great many Sheep on board the new Ship, which are given to the Poor, and then she is launched off, with the sound of all the Instruments, and the shouts of the People, who several times cry Allah; when she is in the Sea, all the other Ships and Galley's salute her with their Guns. I saw the Admiral Galley launched in this manner; but a little before I came to Constantinople, they had ill luck with that Ceremony, for a new Vessel, which was very big, and full of People, being launched, shot off so fast, that she ran her head under water, so that many were drowned, and the Ships and Galleys that came to salute her, were fain to return without firing a Gun. They man their Ships very well with Soldiers, and even Janissaries; but these Blades, 
The Janissaries have an aversion to the Sea. Seferlus. The insolence of the Soldiers when they are going to Sea.  who know not what it is to give ground on shore, never go to Sea but against their wills; and if they can get off for money, they are sure not to go. All that go for a season to Sea, are called Seferlus, that is to say, who make a Voyage. Three days before the Fleet put out, they go along the streets with a Hatchet in their hand, demanding Aspres from all Christians and Jews whom they meet, and sometimes of Turks too; and if they have them not quickly bestowed, they freely lay on with their Hatchet, never minding what may come on't, for they are not sought after; so that it is not good for Christians or Jews to be abroad in the streets during these three days. Then are all Taverns shut up by order of the Visier, who causes them ever to be sealed, lest the Wine might inflame their Insolence. But I cannot forbear to say somewhat of the Battle that was fought before the Dardaneiles, whilst I was at Constantinople; wherein the Christians and Venetians gained so much honour and advantage.   

CHAP. LIII. Of the Battle of the Dardanelles, Fought in the Year 1656.  

Battle of the Dardanelles. in 1656.  NEws being brought to Constantinople, that the Venetian Fleet was before the Dadanelles, the Turks made haste to set out theirs and engage them; and during that time an Italian who had had some command on Board of a Ship of the Venetian Fleet, being disgusted by the other Officers, made his escape out of the Fleet, 
A Venetian turns Turk.  and came with his Son presently to Constantinople, where they both turned Turks: the Turks took that for a good Presage, and gave it out that he was a Christian of great Quality that had turned Turk. He desired the command of a Ship, but they would not trust him so much, only put him on Board the Bastard. All things being in readiness, the Turkish Fleet parted from Constantinople on Saturday the seventeenth of June, about ten a clock in the Morning; I was at that time in a Balcony of my Lodgings, from whence I had a view of all the Port, 
The number of the Turkish Vessels that were at the Battle of the Dardanelles, in 1656.  and easily reckoned all the Vessels as they went out. The Fleet consisted of six and fifty Galleys, seven and twenty Galleons or Ships, nine Maones or Galleasses, and five Galliottes or Brigantins. I had with me a Turkish Spahi, who by what art I cannot tell, guessed very well at a great many things, as he had several times done to French Men in my presence, to whom he told such things, as none but themselves ought to know; when he saw the Fleet go out, he looked into his Book and then told me that the Captain Bassa was much in the wrong to set out before Noon, because it was an unlucky day: It is probable that somebody with the Captain Bassa told him as much, or that they Did the Book; because they never undertake any thing of Importance, without Doing the Book, as they call it, with two Arrows, as I have said before: for being out of the great Port, they put into a little one, called Besiktasch in Europe, about four miles below Galata, towards the Black-Sea, and stayed there till one of the clock. The first day of the Ramadan, which was six or seven days after, the Mufti, Grand Visier, and all the People went to pray for the prosperity of the Fleet in the Ocmeidan, which is a great open place that I mentioned before; but their Prayers were not heard, for Thursday evening the nine and twentieth of June, 
News of the Fight.  news came to Constantinople, that the two Fleets had engaged the six and twentieth, and that the Turkish Fleet was Defeated. Some days after a French man of Provence and Renegado Janisary, who had been in the Fight, and got off, told me all the particulars, and the order of it very exactly; 
A Frenchman began the Fight.  according to his relation, and even according to what the Turks and all people confessed, it was a Ship commanded by a French man carrying forty Guns which began the play. When the two Fleets were drawn up over against one another, the Turks being near the Dardanelles, but without, this French Captain made all the Sail he could, and bore in upon the Turks with so good way that the Galleys could not follow her. The Turks seeing her so far on head of the rest of the Fleet, and all alone, thought at first that she was coming to join with them; but when the Captain was come within distance and poured in two Broadsides among them, so that they saw their Vessels shattered and Arms and Legs flying about, they were soon undeceived and all fell a Firing at him; the rest of the Christian Fleet followed, but he alone was fain to stand by it, and received the great and small Shot of one half of the Turkish Fleet, which he mawled severely; for playing continually both with great and small shot, he disabled a good part of their Fleet. At length the Turks doing what lay in their power to sink this ship, an unlucky shot from the Dardanelles carried away her Rudder; so that the brave Captain finding his Ship to be now no more fit for Service, he put all his Men on board a Turkish Vessel that he had taken, and Burned his own, that the Turks might not be the better for her. In relating the Valour of this Captain, it is not my design to lessen the Glory of the rest of the Fleet, all did wonderfully well; and the Galleys of Malta who were but seven, when they came, were fifteen, besides three Galleasses when they went back, having taken seven Turkish Galleys, and had the eighth brought them by the Christian Slaves; who taking their advantage of the Confusion, mastered the Turks that were on Board the Galley. and delivered themselves up to the Knights of Malta; who besides these eight Galleys which had all been commanded by Beys, and carried Flags, took three Galleasses, and gave liberty to two thousand five hundred Christian Slaves, who were on Board these Vessels; and when they were come to Malta, gave them all new clothes, and Money to carry them to their own Countries: They made also a great many Turks Slaves. When the Fight was over, the Turks had no more remaining but eighteen Galleys, one Maone, and the five Brigantins; 
The loss of Turkish ships  So that in that Engagement, they lost seven and twenty Ships, seven and thirty Galleys, and eight Maones. They would not certainly have saved a Sail, had it not been for the Guns of the Castles, which shattered the Christian Ships that came too near and covered the Turkish Fleet; besides the Christians were afraid they might run a Ground; for most of the Vessels of the Infidels that remained ran a shore, as the Bastard, wherein was the Captain Bassa, did, to save themselves from the Knights of Malta, who had resolved at any rate to take her, and carry her off to Malta; but they lost her in the Smoke; however they very narrowly miss being taken by the Christians in another manner; for the Slaves endeavoured to become masters of her, and had done it, but for that Renegado Italian I mentioned before, who came with his Son and turned Turk at Constantinople, a few days before the Fleet set out: This Traitorous Villain enraged to see the Christians his Countrymen, and not long before his Brethren, prosper, perceiving that the Slaves endeavoured to carry away the Bastard wherein he was, instead of making amends for his fault by a timely Repentance, and joining with them in the Execution of the design, he drew his Cimetere and cut off the Heads of the Boldest of the poor wretches, and by that means disappointed the Design, and saved the Bastard. The Turks lost a vast number of Men; for besides those that were Killed and made Slaves, many threw themselves into the Sea to swim a shore, of whom some were Drowned, and most part Killed; for they stayed not to take them up, but knocked them on the head with Poles, as that Provenceal Renegado told me, who seeing the Ship wherein he was, taken by the Christians, and fearing to be served as one that had renounced his Religion, leapt into the Sea, and had enough to do to save himself; for not only it concerned him to have a care of the Christian Vessels, because of their Poles, but also of those who not knowing how to swim, endeavoured to catch hold of any thing to save themselves by; at length for all the care he took, a Turk took hold of his Foot, telling him that he must either save him, or both Perish; finding himself in this danger, he told the Turk that he could not save him in that posture, but that if he would get upon his Back, he would do his best; which the Turk a little too credulous attempting to do, no sooner had he let go his Foot, but he gave him a punch on the Belly, and made all haste to land; where sitting down to rest himself, two other Turks, who had swum a shore as well as he, having rested in the same place, and rising up to be gone, were both shot close by him, with a Canon-Bullet from the Sea. I thought fit to mention all these particulars, as supposing they will not be unpleasing to the Reader. This was so great an overthrow, that it put all the Turks into a consternation; 
The Consternation of the Turks after the Overthrow.  who were so terrified, that they imagined themselves to be Slaves to the Venetians already. The Grand Signior took this loss so much to Heart, that for a whole day he would not eat, nor receive any comfort, but wept bitterly; nay before any news of it was brought, his Barber having told him that he heard say, the Turkish Fleet was Defeated, he caused him immediately to be put to Death. When he had got certain Intelligence of it, he ordered Soldiers to be forthwith sent to all the Isles and other places; where he feared the Venetians might make a descent; and because he was apprehensive that they might come to Constantinople, he caused the Houses that were upon the Walls to be pulled down, because they might facilitate the Burning, and hinder the defence of the City. For my own part I make no doubt, but that if they had appeared, the Turks would have abandoned Constantinople; it is most certain that the Grand Signior would have immediately fled over to Asia; and a great many among them said, that the time was come which had been foretold by a Scheik or Imam, to wit, that the time would come when a Chequin would be offered for a place in a Perme, to go from Constantinople to Scudaret, and could not be had. This Overthrow had been foretold by several Turks to be greater than it was, for before the Fleet put out from Constantinople, I was told that some Turks had predicted that not one sail of them should come back again, 
The taking of Tenedo and Lemnos.  and that the Christians should not only defeat it, but take Canea also the same year, which nevertheless proved not to be true; but the Venetians took Tenedo and Lemnos, which would have much incommoded the Turks, if the Christians had kept them; for keeping some Galleys and Galleasses at Tenedo, they would have deprived the Turks of Greece, of all Commerce by Sea with Egypt; but the Turks soon after took both these Islands. 
The Captain Bassa turned out.  After this great Overthrow, every one thought that the Captain Bassa would lose his Head, and yet he had so good Friends that they saved him, only he was made Mansoul; and in his place was employed say Hamet Bassa, 
The Name of of the Captain Bassa.  with orders to the Captain Bassa Mansoul to go to Negrepont; of which he was made Bassa. This man named Ourous Kienan Bassa was by Nation a Russian; and one Night when the Tartars plundered the Village where he was, they found him at the age of six Months lying stark naked on a heap of Chaff; they took him, and with other Slaves sent him to Constantinople, where he was sold, and brought up in the Turkish Religion, wherein his luck was so good, that he attained to the highest places. Sunday the sixth of August, late in the Night, 
The return of some of the remaining Vessels to Constantinople.  when hardly any thing could be seen, seven Turkish Galleys and a Maone, which were part of the remaining Fleet, came into the Port at Constantinople, without any noise, having no Colours nor Main-masts, but only the fore Mast standing: we who were Franks rejoiced at all this in private, but so far from making any Public rejoicing; it behoved us to act the Turks and seem sorrowful for the Christians good success: Nevertheless, after the loss of that Battle the Turks conceived so great hatred and rage against the Christians, that the very sight of a Frank brought it into their mind; nay many of them seeing Frank Merchants pass along in Galata, could not forbear to say openly, We shall see at Bairam what will become of these Hats; so that those who heard the words telling them to one another, 
The fear of the Franks at Constantinople.  we thought we had reason to apprehend that they might take the day of Bairam to Massacre all the Franks: It was known also that several Janissaries were come a shore one night in Galata, and this gave us great suspicion, for we ought to fear every thing from Brutish People, especially when they are provoked. The English Ships that were in the Port, by orders from their Ambassador, in the Nighttime put off a little from shore, and kept good Guard. in fine the Bairam which was the four and twentieth of July, being past, we took a little heart again, but Friday the eight and twentieth of July, about ten a clock at Night, a Letter was brought to the French Ambassador, which renewed our former fears; it was written in Turkish by an Itchoglan of the Seraglio, 
Dragoman.  that is close by the Palace of the Ambassador, who sent for his chief Dragoman or Interpreter, and gave him the Letter to read; the purport whereof was, that if the Turks had failed to fall upon the Franks at their Bairam, 
An Itchoglan punished for a Letter he wrote to the French Ambassador.  they should not fail to do it within a few Days. My Lord Ambassador sent that Letter to the Aga of the Janissaries, who having seen it, caused the Youngman who wrote it in a mere caprice, to have instantly two hundred blows of a Cudgel upon the soles of his Feet; so that his Cries were heard in the Ambassodours House.   

CHAP. LIV. Of the Sedition that happened in Constantinople, in the Year 1655.  
I Have said enough (I think) of the Turkish Militia; yet I cannot dismiss that Subject, without taking some Notice of the Revolts of the Janissaries. These very Men, who when obedient to the Grand Signior, render him one of the most formidable Princes on Earth, strangely limit his Power, when they lose that Respect they own to him, which happens pretty often, and then more like to Rapid Torrents, than a company of Rational Men, they run down all that comes in their way, and slighting the Commands of all Superiors, follow the dictates of their furious Passion; 
Sultan Osman had a mind to turn off the Janissaries.  so that they have strangled several Grand Signiors, and among others, Sultan Osman, because (as they suspected) he had a mind to rid himself of them: For that Prince being sensible of the power of that Body, that set Bounds as it pleased to his own, thought he could not be Absolute, without breaking it, and (as they say) resolved to do so; but he could not keep his Design so secret, but that they discovered it. Whereupon they took him by force out of the Seraglio, carried him Ignominiously to the Seven Towers, flouting and jeering him by the way, when they had him there, Strangled him, and set up his Uncle Mustapha in his place. Not many Years since, 
Sultan Osman Strangled by the Janissaries, and also Sultan Ibrahim.  they also put to Death Sultan Ibrahim, the Brother of Osman, and Father of the present Grand Signior, whom they apprehended in the Seraglio, and carried him to the Seven Towers, where they Strangled him, and put in his place his Son Mahomet, now Reigning. However, though they sometimes attempt against, yet they so respect the Blood of their Prince, 
The respect of the Turks for the Race of Ottoman.  and have so great a Veneration for the Race of the first Ottoman, or Osman, that they never so much as dream of altering the Succession from that Family. Whilst I was at Constantinople, they raised a Sedition, which put the present Grand Signior into great fear; and thus it happened. Monday the Twenty eighth of February, One thousand six hundred fifty five, the Grand Signior having heard the Complaints of Homer Bassa, 
A Sedition of the Janissaries and other Soldiers.  and other Officers, that came from Candie, wherein they alleged that no Succours had been sent them; sent for the Mufti, the Grand Visier, the Janisary Aga, and the six Beuluk and Galar, or Colonels of Horse, who being all come into his presence, he told the Grand Visier, that he would have the Town of Candie taken; to which the Grand Visier making no other Answer, but Sir, your Will be done. The Grand Signior demanded the Seal from him: And having instantly received it (because the Grand Visier carries it always about him) he sent for his Capidgiler Kiayasi, 

Capidgiler Kiayasi.  
The Grand Signior's cunning to draw Hussein Bassa to Constantinople.  
Caymacam.  
Zornesan Mustapha Bassa made Keeper of the Seal during the vacancy of the Charge of Grand Visier. The Janissaries authors of the Sedition.   who is as the Lieutenant of the Guard of his Gate; and having put the Seal into his hands, he commanded him to carry it with all Expedition, to Hussein Bassa, General of the Turkish Army in Candie; for the Grand Signior thought by this Dignity, to draw him to Constantinople, and there to cut off his Head; and for that very reason Soliman Bassa, Grand Visier, was the same day made Mansoul, that is to say, turned out of Place: And Zornesan Mustapha Bassa was made Caymacam, or Deputy, to discharge the Office of Visier, until the coming of Hussein Bassa. Nevertheless, this Man flattering himself with hopes of being himself made Grand Visier, so soon as he was in his Seraglio, sent a Letter to the Capidgiler Kiayasi, wherein he commanded only him to Act according to the Instructions that he should have from him; but the Capidgiler Kiayasi making no account of these Orders, kept on his way, imagining that it was but a Trick put upon him, and no Order from the Grand Signior. Tuesday the first of March, two hundred Janissaries came from Candie, who having served five or six Years there without any Pay, or the Cloth that is their due, were come to Constantinople, to make their Complaints to the Janisary Agasi, who sent them to the Kiaya Bey, 
Kiaya Bey.  who is Lieutenant General of all the Foot: They went then to the Kiaya Bey, and having represented to him how long they had served, and what Pay and Cloth was in Arrear to them; complained also, that more than one half of them were strucken out of the Musterroll. The answer the Kiaya Bey gave them, was, Rascals, withdraw and be gone, else I'll cause you all to be Strangled, and thrown into the Sea; you keep soaking in Taverns, and come and make such Complaints to me: You are a pack of Rogues, that break open and rob poor People's Houses in the Nighttime. Away, I say, else I'll make you smart for it. The poor Men extremely surprised at this discourse, and not knowing what to do, went straight to the Atmeidan; where they met with several Dgebedgis and Topgis, who were likewise discontented, that their Pay was kept from them; so that there were about four Hundred got together; but they acted nothing till Friday, when Janissaries, Spahis, Topgis and Dgebedgis, all together, to the number of above five Thousand, assembled at the Atmeidan, in the Afternoon; and there took an Oath, that they would be revenged of the wrong that was done them. Saturday, the Fifth of March, there were above ten Thousand got together in the same place, among whom their was a Spahi, named Gelep Assan Aga, who had but six Aspres Pay; but was a Man of Wit, spoke well, and was so cunning, that he got himself made Chief of the Assembly; 
Dragoman. Gelep Assan Aga is made Head of the Seditious. Ayac Divan. Kzlar Agasi. Nazin Escref.  and presently after Ehamlu Mahomet Aga and Enden Zade Mahomet Aga, Spahis, declared themselves to be of the Party, who altogether resolved to oblige the Grand Signior to give an Ayac Divan, or Public Audience. The Kzlar Agasi, or Keeper of the Grand Signior's Women, and the rest of the Eunuches of the Seraglio, having intelligence of this Riot, deputed the Nazin Eschref, Chief of the Emirs, to know of these Men what their Design was. This Man having spoken to them, they gave him their Reasons in Writing, to be presented to the Grand Signior. Whereupon he returned to the Seraglio, with a design to act according to their intention; but the Kzlar Agasi, who would by no means have that come to the ears of the Grand Signior, said to him, What would you do? thou art Mansoul, and so turned him out. After that, he sent the Nichangi Bassa to pray the Seditious that they would declare their Design; bid them disperse, and assure the Janissaries that they should have their Cloth and Pay: But hardly had they heard this, when they began to throw stones at him, and would have cut him in pieces, saying, That they very well knew, he was not come from the Grand Signior, but from the Arabs, to wit, the Eunuches: However Gelep Assan hindered them from killing him, and they were content to detain him. The Kzlar Aga being informed that they detained the Nichangi Bassa, 
Ahtcherif.  sent again Taoukgi Mustapha Bassa with an Ahtcherif, or Letter, under Signet, saying, That it was the Grand Signior's, wherein he prayed God, that the Bread and Salt which they had eaten in his Service, might do them good, beseeching them to withdraw; that to give them satisfaction, he had turned out of Place those who had done them wrong, as the Janisary Aga and Kiaya Bey; then all cried with one voice, that that was not enough, that they would have them put to death also, and that besides, they would have the Grand Signior to hold an Ayac Divan, or else he should repent it; because they would know who were the Robbers that stole away all the Grand Signior's Money, and why there were so many counterfeit Aspres among their Pay, which is the common pretext of their Seditions. In short, that seeing he was their King, they would see him, and declare their Reasons to himself in Person, and in conclusion apprehended this Man as they had done the other. The same day after the Quindy, the six Buluk Agalar, with the Kiaya Bey, who was newly promoted to that Office, accompanied with all the Tchorbagiss, Odabachis and Odgiak Agalar, being come into the public place, 
The way of Swearing Union.  caused an Alcoran, a Sword, Bread and Salt, to be brought out in presence of all the Assembly, and took an Oath, That where one Hair of the Janissaries Heads should fall, there all their Heads should go also; and then the Janissaries swore the same Union with the Spahis. The Oath being taken, and Prayers said, the Kodgia Hisouf Bassa, with Niehangi Bassa, Gelep Assan Aga, Enden Zade Mahomet Aga, the Tornadgi Bassa, the six Buluk Agalar, and the six Kiayas of the Spahis, were detained in the Odas all Night till next Morning, that they might Consult what was best to be done, and how to put an end to their Business.  
Sunday the sixth of March, about break of day, 
The List of those whose Heads the Seditious demand. Hodgia Preceptor. Emir Abhor. Ghumruk Emin. Tershane Emini Haznador.  they made a List of those that they would have delivered up to them: The first was the Kzlar Agasi, the second the Capi Agasi, or Keeper of the Pages, the third Bilal Aga Hodgia of the Grand Signior, the fourth Mieusahab Hisouf Aga, the fifth Giagicu Ibrahim Aga, chief Eunuch to the Queen-Mother of the Grand Signior, the sixth the Janisary Aga, who before had been Grand Emir Abhor, or Master of the Horse to the Grand Signior, the seventh the Kiaya Bey, or Lieutenant General of all the Janissaries, the eighth the Ghumruck Emin, or Master of the Customs, called Assan Aga, the ninth Sale Efendi Tershani Emini, or great Master of the Arsenal, the tenth Chaban Kalfa, the eleventh Mulklu Kadun, the Wife of Chaban Kalfa, the twelfth Ibro Haznadar, or the Treasurer of the Kzlar Aga, the thirteenth Deli Bulhazer Hamet Aga, the fourteenth the Chiaoux Bassa, the fifteenth Karaptullah; and many others to the number of sixty. Nay, I was told, that the Mother of the Grand Signior, was put in among the rest, but that for Money her name was dashed out.  
The Roll being finished, all with one consent parted from the Etmeidan, which is a place where Meat is sold, and went to the Atmeidan, finding that there was a necessity of using Force, since otherwise they were not like to have any Satisfaction. 
The Mutineers by crying thrice Allah are heard by the Grand Signior.  They come to the Atmeidan about Ten a Clock in the morning, and presently cried thrice Allah. The Grand Signior hearing such a noise, was strangely Astonished, and not knowing the meaning of it, asked the Kzlar Agasi what the matter was; who answered him, That they would have his own Head, his Mothers, and the Heads of his most faithful Servants. This struck him into a strange Dump, wherefore he presently sent an Atcherif under his Hand, to know what was the intention of his People, who seemed to rise against him, acquainting them, that if they had any thing to demand of him, they should come under the Alai Kieusk, 
Alai Kieusk.  which is a Pavilion of the Seraglio before Santa Sophia, and he would give them all manner of satisfaction. In the mean while Karaptullah came to them on Horseback, 
Karuptullah knocked on the Head.  and having asked them who was their Chief, gave them some threatening words, but was presently knocked on the Head. Then all the Assembly crying Allah, went to the Kieusk a little after Twelve of the Clock with so much crowding, 
A few catched. The Grand Signior appears on the Kieusk.  that there was a Dgebedgiler Chorbagi stifled in the Crowd; and a Jew having pressed in among the thickest of them, to Plunder perhaps (if it come to that) and being known to be a Jew, with much ado saved his Life by turning Turk. So soon as they were come under the Kieusk, the Bostangi Bassa spoke to them through a lettuce Window; but all saying that they would speak to the Grand Signior, he appeared sitting on a Taht, or Throne, his Mother being close by him behind a Curtain, and near him the Mufti, the Cadilesquers and seven Viziers; and on his left hand the Caymacan Zornesan Mustapha Bassa, and the Bostangi Bassa, before him. 
The Grand Signior's question to the Mutineers. The answer of the Deputies.  Those who were deputed to speak to the Grand Signior advancing, the Grand Signior asked them why they had gathered together, and what they desired? They made answer, That they intended no hurt to him, that on the contrary they wished him all Happiness; that three days ago they had met together, to give him to understand, that it was not he that was King, but the Eunuches; that Asia and Europe were Ruined, that neither Janisary nor Spahi could keep their Houses, because of the public Robbers that were in the Provinces. The Grand Signior having heard that, replied, Have a little patience, and tell me plainly what it is you would have. They presently pulled out their List and read it to the Grand Signior, which stunned him, not knowing what to answer; however he told them, that he must inquire of the Mufti, if such a thing had ever been done. The Mufti said, It was a thing unheard of, and ought not to be made a Precedent. Which they hearing, cried out, with one voice, That they would have another Mufti, this Man being for the Eunuches, and not for the Grand Signior. Immediately the Grand Signior made him Mansoul, 
The Mufti made Mansoul-  naming in his place Kodgiazade, and then said to them: My Subjects, demand what you please, and if you would have me, I'll deliver myself unto you; read your List again, that I may hear who they are you demand: Which being done, he was more amazed than before, 

The Emperors humble Petition to the Mutineers.  
The Kzlar Agasi thrown dead out at a window.  
Then the Capiaga.  
The Emperor's Promise & Oath. The Emperor dismisses the Rebels, and withdraws.  
The Mutineers return on Monday to the Etmeidan. Three more strangled, and cast out of the windows.   and said to them, Do me the favour, me who am your King, to spare (for my sake) the lives of some of my Favourites; pity not them, but me: His Mother and the Caymacan suggested those words to him, which he spoke with tears in his eyes; but perceiving that that did but animate them the more, after the Quindy he ordered the Bostangi Bassa to go and Strangle such as he found. The Bostangi Bassa immediately went about the execution of his orders, and half an hour after, the Kzlar Agasi strangled, was thrown out at a window a little beyond the Kieusk; a little after, the like was done to the Capi Agasi. But after that, the Seditious finding that the work was not continued according to their desire, called to the Grand Signior, Great King, order the rest to be thrown out also. Then the Grand Signior rising from his Throne, swore by his Faith, by the Law, and by Mahomet, that they could find no more but those two, but that upon the word of a King, those that were found, should be delivered up unto them; so bowing down his head, he dismissed them; and they having wished a thousand blessings to the Emperor, departed, draging the two dead Bodies with them by the feet to the Atmeidan, where they hanged them up by the feet upon the Elm before the New Mosque. The Bostangi Bassa was in search of the rest all the night long.  
And then again, on Monday morning, the Seventh of March, being returned to the Etmeidan, as formerly, a Greek who thrust in among them, (to Plunder if they came to that) thinking he might easily pass for a Turk, being known to be a Christian, was immediately killed. From thence they went to the Atmeidan, whither were brought them three more strangled, who were hanged up with the rest, 
The Kiaya Bey strangled himself.  to wit, Hisouf Aga, Giadgiou Ibrahim Aga, and the Asoda Bassa; and the Kiaya Bey, who gave occasion to all this, strangled himself the same day.  
Tuesday, the Eighth of March, Mahimut Chiaoux Bassa was brought.  
Wednesday, they brought Mulklu Khadun, the Wife of Chaban Kalfa, who after she had been strangled, was put (all but the Head) in a sack, and hanged up as the rest: 
The Treasurer strangled.  It was said, that she had got great Riches from the Queen-Mother. The same day, Habidgi Oglu, High Treasurer, was put to death in the Seven Towers, whither he had been carried the Sunday before.  

Chiaoux made Visier. The Customer strangled  Thursday, the Tenth of March, Chiaoux Bassa was made Visier, who immediately caused Assan Aga, Master of the Customhouse, to be brought to the Seraglio, and strangled there; he had hid himself in a house near to his own, confiding in a Slave of his, a Renegadoe, who betrayed him; and if the Grand Signior could, he would have saved him; for a recompense of the Slave's Treachery, 
The Customer much regretted.  he took from him the Pay which he had. The Body of the Master of the Customhouse was not carried with the rest to the Atmeidan; and he was much regretted by all the Poor, both Turks and Christians, to whom he was very charitable. He had done a great many public Works at vast Charges, as bringing of Water, paving of Highways, and the like, and was a Renegadoe Armenian.  

Friday, Bilal Aga, and Chaban Kalfa strangled.  Friday, the Eleventh of March, Bilal Aga, and Chaban Kalfa, were strangled.  
Saturday in the Afternoon, the Twelfth of March, all these dead Bodies were interred.  
Saturday, the Five and Twentieth of March, Zornesan Mustapha Bassa, Captain Bassa, who had been made Caymacam before the Visirate of Chiaoux Bassa, was declared Mansoul, and made Beglerbey of Erzeram; Cara Mustapha Bassa was made Captain Bassa in his place.  

Deli Bulhazer strangled.  Tuesday morning, the Eight and Twentieth of March, Deli Bulhazer was strangled.  
Saturday, the First of April, Saale Efendi, Tershane Emin, Top Capelu Mustapha Aga, and Mehmar Mustapha, were strangled.  

The Grand Visier dies.  Wednesday, the Six and Twentieth of April, the Grand Visier, Chiaoux Bassa, died of a Fever. I was told when he was in health, that some had foretold, he should not enjoy his Prosperity Fifty Days; and, indeed he died on the Eight and Fortieth day of his Visirate; but I believe he was poisoned, for I heard that his Body was all black and blue after his death. He had been Visier once already, five years before, and had put to death the Grand Signior's Grandmother, and several other Persons of Quality, in the space of about two months that he was in Place, and then was made Mansoul. Two hours after, 
More changes in Court.  him, the Defterdar died. A few days after the Captain Bassa was made Mansoul, and declared Bassa of Egypt, Kienen Bassa was made Captain Bassa in his place, and the Seal was sent to the Bassa of Egypt, because Egriboyun Bassa of Damascus, who had been sent for to be Visier, was sick; and in the mean time Hisouf Bassa was made Caymacam, who three weeks after was declared Mansoul, and Kaidar Zade named in his place.  
Monday, the Eighth of May, they desired the Grand Signior to put out the Toug against Sedi Ahmet Bassa, a Rebel in Asia, 
Abmet Bassa, a Rebel in Asia. Toug.  who made Inroads even to Scudaret. The Toug is a Horse's Tail fastened to the head of a Pike: It is never put out but in extreme necessity, and then all the Militia must take the Field. A great many Sheep were then sacrificed, and on Tuesday, the Ninth of May, it was put out, and planted in the first Court of the Seraglio, near the Dgebe Hane: But the Grand Signior having held Council, it was alleged by some, that they could not march against Ahmet Bassa without being at a vast Charge in putting all the Forces in good condition; and it being the time when the Venetians were coming to the Dardanelles, they would have none to send against them, if all were sent that way; whereupon the Grand Signior in a rage having asked, Who was the Author of putting out the Toug? And some saying, 
Gelep Assan Aga, with other Lords put to death.  that it was Gelep Assan Aga, he was immediately put to death, with Chamlu Mahomet Aga, Pouscht Osman Aga, and Cara Casch Mahomet Aga, Commissary of the Fish-Markets; and the Toug was ignominiously put up again, a thing never done before.  
The Night following, 
Janissaries straugled.  fifty or sixty Janissaries were strangled and cast into the Sea, and we heard the Guns go off as fast as they threw them into the water.  
Wednesday, the Tenth of May, Resvan Beglerbey, of Asia, was Beheaded before the Grand Signior's Chamber. This Gelep Assan Aga (of whom we have been speaking) had fairly raised his Fortune, having in a very few days made above four hundred Thousand Crowns of the Presents which were sent him from all hands, and especially from the Grand Signior's Mother, who daily presented him. After that Sedition, he was environed with Bassa's, who with great submission made their court to him, but he knew not how to carry fair in so great prosperity.  
I thought fit to relate this Story at length, according as I received it from a French Renegadoe, who was present at all, and daily gave me an account of what passed; to show how insignificant a thing the Grand Signior is, when the Soldiery is in an Insurrection.   

CHAP. LV. Of the Christians and Jews that are Subjects to the Grand Signior.  
THE Subjects of the Grand Signior, who are not Musulmans, 
The Grand Signior's Subjects.  are either Christians or Jews; of the Christians, the chief are the Greeks, who use the same Habit that the Turks do, only there are some colours which they dare not wear neither on their Head, nor in their Body-Apparel; for not only they, but generally all who are not Turks, whether Christians or Jews, (Subjects to the Grand Signior, or not) dare not wear Green on their Head, or any other part of their Body; and if a Christian or Jew be found with the least bit of Green about him, he'll be sound Bastonadoed, and pay Money to boot; in so great veneration is the Green colour with them. Nor dare Christians wear a Turban all white, 
A white Turban.  for if he be taken with such an one (whether he be a Subject of the Grand Signior's or not) he must turn Turk or die for it; 
Colours for those who are not Mahometans.  but they may wear of all other colours, or of mixed colours, provided there be no Green among them; though still it be dangerous to wear all Red, or all Yellow, because the Soldiers affect those colours. Neither dare the Christians (who are Subjects to the Grand Signior) wear yellow Paboutches, upon pain of several Bastonadoes, but only Red; Strangers however may wear Yellow. 
Papas.  The Papas, or Greek Priests, are always clad in Black, and wear a black Cap, with a list of white Cloth about it, having a piece of black Cloth fastened to it within, which hangs down upon their back. They wear long Hair, and so do their Monks also. As for their Religion, the chief point wherein they differ from the Church of Rome, is, that they maintain that the Holy Ghost proceeds only from the Father, and not from the Father and Son together. They acknowledge not the Pope for Head of the Church, but have four Patriarches who are Chief, and have equal Authority in their several Patriarchates. The first is, the Patriarch of Constantinople; the second, of Antioch; the third, of Alexandria; and the fourth, of Jerusalem: All the four are confirmed in that Dignity by the Grand Signior, or by his Officers, at least; to wit, he of Constantinople by the Grand Visier, and the rest by the Bassa's of the Country: He that receives them, gives them a Caftan or Vest the day of their Confirmation. They admit not of Purgatory, but yet allow a Third Place, where they will have the Blessed to be, in expectation of the Day of Judgement: And nevertheless, though they believe not that the Saints are in Paradise, into which (they say) they are not admitted before the Day of Judgement; yet they pray to them, that they would intercede for them with God. At Mass they Consecrate with Leavened Bread, such as we commonly eat; they Communicate under both kinds, aswel Laics as Priests, and aswel Women and Children as Men. They have four Lents, 
The Greeks Lents.  and begin the First six weeks before Easter, which they continue till Easter Day. The Second, fifteen days before the Feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, until the Day of that Feast. The Third, the First of August, until the Assumption, which is the Fifteenth day. The Fourth, from the first Sunday of Advent, until Christmas day; and all this according to their Calendar, which is the ancient. During these three last Lents, they may eat Fish and Oil; 
The Great Lent of the Greeks.  but in the first Lent, they eat neither Oil nor Fish, nor any thing that hath blood, but only Herbs and Shellfish, and that which they call Ceppia, and we Cuttlefish, whose blood is as black as Ink; and certainly what Busbequins says, That the Greeks never eat Oysters, is not true, for they hardly eat any thing else during Lent, and at all times they are great Eaters of Fish. The Lent of the Armenians is stricter than that of the Greeks; 
The Lent of the Armenians.  for during their Lent, they eat no kind of Fish, not so much as Shellfish nor Oil; nor do they drink Wine, but live only on Bread, Water, Herbs and Roots.  
But to return to the Greeks, their Churches are like ours, save that the High Altar is divided from the rest of the Church by a wooden partition with three doors in it, and that makes a kind of Sanctum Sanctorum. They have no Images, but in flat Picture, 
The Greeks kneel not.  and not in Relief. The Greeks kneel not in their Churches, no not at the Elevation of the Sacrament, but all lean upon Crutches, and for that purpose the Greek Churches are always well provided with them. 
The age of Greek Priests. Priests married.  A Man with them cannot be a Priest, if he be not full thirty years old. Their Priests may have been Married once in their life to a Virgin, and keep their Wives after they are Priests; but being dead, they cannot take other Wives. The Caloyers or Religious Greeks can never Marry. 
Caloyers.  These Monks eat no Flesh. I shall not here spend time in describing their way of celebrating Mass, which is in substance the same with that of the Latins; nor shall I speak of their Sacerdotal Vestments, which have their Mysteries, aswel as the Candlestick with three Candles, that signifies the Holy Trinity; and the other with two, which signifies the two Natures in Jesus Christ, to wit, the Divine and Humane Natures. Every one knows also, that in giving the Blessing, they make the sign of the Cross from the right to the left; whereas the Latins make it from the left to the right, But let us say somewhat of their Marriage.  

The Marriage of the Greeks.  Maids show not themselves before they be married, nor yet a long while after, avoiding the sight even of their Relations, and go not to Church for fear of being seen. I saw a Maid married at Rhodes, who had two other Maiden Sisters, who were neither present at the Ceremony, nor rejoicings of the Wedding, for fear of being seen. The Greeks are married by a Priest, as the Latins are, and give a Ring in the same manner, But over and above that, they have something that the Latins have not; 
Father and Mother of the Marriage.  for they take a Godfather and Godmother, to whom they present some wrought Handkerchief; at least, I had one presented to me, when once I was chosen for a Godfather. The Godfather and Godmother present themselves before a Papas, with the Bridegroom and Bride; and while the Papas says some Prayers, the Godfather and Godmother hold a Garland of Flowers, interlaced with Orpine, over the Heads of the couple that are to be married, and a Pall over that: When Prayers are said, the Bridegroom and Bride holding one another by the hand, turn several times, while the Father and Mother who give them have hold of them behind; then a glass of Wine is brought, of which the Bridegroom drinks a little, and then the Bride; then the Bridegroom drinks again, which the Bride pledges; and then the glass is given to the Priest, who merrily drinks off the rest, and breaking the glass, says, So may the Bridegroom break the Virginity of the Bride. All things else are done as among Roman Catholics. 
The Manners of the Greeks.  As to their Customs and ways of living, they are much like the Turks, but more wicked. The Greeks are covetous, perfidious and treacherous, great Pedereasts, revengeful to extremity, but withal very superstitious, and great Hypocrites; and, indeed, they are so despised by the Turks, that they value not even a Greek that turns Turk. They are far greater Enemies to Roman Catholics themselves, than the Turks are; and if it lay only in their power to hinder us from becoming Masters of the Turkish Countries, we need never expect it. Their Women are beautiful, but a little to fat, and very proud.  
The Jews in Turkey are clothed as the Turks are, 
The Apparel of the Jews.  save that they dare not wear Green, nor a white Turban, nor red Vests; they wear commonly a Violet colour, but are obliged to wear a Violet Cap, shaped like a Hat, and of the same height; and such as can reach to the price of a Turban, have one round their Cap below. They ought also to wear their Mestes and Pabouthes of a Violet colour. I need say nothing of their Religion, since it is fully contained in the Old Testament and Talmud: But as to their Manners, 
The Manners of the Jews.  they are the same in all places, that is to say, as great Cheats in Turkey, as in Italy; and their thoughts run upon nothing else but devising and finding out taxes and tricks to vex Christians or Turks. They are in all places despised and ill used by all People. In the whole extent of the Turkish Empire, all Male Christians and Jews who are Subjects to the Grand Signior, pay the yearly Karadge, 
The Karadge which the Males pay.  which is a Tribute of four Piastres and a half a Head: They begin to pay this Tribute, when they are Nine years of Age; but the Christian Priests and Monks are exempted from it, and so are the Jewish Rabins; the Women also pay nothing. This brings in a great Revenue to the Grand Signior, and no body can avoid it by often changing Habitation; for whatsoever place they come at when they Travel, their Karadge is demanded; if they have paid it for that year in another place, they must produce an Acquittance; but if they have none to show, they must pay it, and take a Note or Acquittance to serve them in other places. Seeing none but the Subjects of the Grand Signior pay that Tribute, the Jews of Christendom pay it not when they are in Turkey. And to show that they are not liable to it, they wear a Hat, and have a good Certificate from a Consul, that they are of such a place in Christendom.   

CHAP. LVI. The Arrival and Audience of an Ambassador from the Mogul.  

An Ambassador from the Mogul.  THere came to Constantinople in the Month of May, an Ambassador from the Mogul, who had been two and twenty Months by the way, and came by the Red-Sea, which much retarded him, because of contrary Winds; and besides he had stayed three or four Months at Mecha, and stopped also at several other places: he brought not fourscore Men with him to Constantinople, a great many of these being Sick too, and most part Naked, having no more but a Rag to cover their Nakedness. There was no great Ceremony at his entry into Constantinople. On Monday the fifteenth of May, he had a private Audience of the Grand Signior, at the Kieusk, upon the Port by the Seaside. I was told, that at this Audience he made a very considerable Present to the Grand Signior; 
A Present made by the Moguls Ambassador at his first Audience. Cangiar.  to wit, a Girdle all of Diamonds, a Chaplet of the same, and a Cangiar or Dagger, whose Pommel was a Diamond weighing eight Chequins or six hundred Grains, which was valued at five hundred Purses, or two hundred and fifty thousand Piastres; several added more, a Box full of Diamonds well Sealed, with a Writing upon it, bearing that it should not be opened but by the Grand Signior; but there was no certainty of this; however, that Present was valued at six hundred thousand Piastres. The Grand Signior presented him with a Kurk or furred Vest. Tuesday the sixteenth of May was pitched upon for his public Audience, and I had a great desire to see his entry into the Serrraglio and Present, but was told that I could not have Access, because Franks were never suffered to come in, but when Franks Ambassadors made their entry; and at the entry of any other Ambassadors not Franks were admitted: However I resolved to try my Fortune, and for that end went betimes in the Morning with a Janisary and Spahi to the Seraglio: I was in company of a French Gentleman, called Monsieur Mesquin, who hath since been sent to Constantinople by the King of Poland in quality of Internuncio, he having for several Years lived at the Court of Poland: when we were come near the Seraglio, we saw a great Guard of Capidgis, who freely bestowed Blows on all hands, as well on Christians as Turks that came in their way, and suffered none to enter, but a few whom they durst not refuse: having stopped there a little, our Janisary told us that we had best return again, for that certainly we could not get in; and my Spahi told me as much; nevertheless, this French Gentleman having spoken in Turkish to one of the Capidgis, met with no rude usage, only he told us that he could not let us in, which gave us some hopes that for all that we might enter. I began also to speak Turkish to the same Capidgis, and though I could hardly pronounce two right words, yet I hammered out that I was a Stranger, and that I had a great desire to see the Ceremony; he still told me that I should not enter; and sometimes being troubled with my Importunity, fell into some Passion, but seeing he offered not to strike me, I Persisted, and holding my peace when I saw him vexed, I Just did as a bashful Beggar does when he begs an Alms; and when he bid me stay till the Ambassador came and that I should come in with him, I made answer, that I was afraid of being abused by the Crowd, as being a Christian and a Frank: at length having stunned him with my Gibberish language, which was almost wholly made up of these words, Allai seversen, which is to say, for God's sake; he sent one of his comerades to his Colonel, who was under the Porch, to ask his leave to let us in, which the Colonel easily granted; so that we entered, and our Spahi being at some distance from us could not get in: we were very glad that we were got into the first Court, but durst not offer to present ourselves at the Gate of the second, for fear of harsh usage, and of being punished for our sauciness, and therefore chose rather to wait for the coming of the Ambassador, in whose Train we entered. 
The entry of the Moguls Ambassador into the Seraglio.  The Chiaoux were gone to his House in the Morning to wait upon him to the Seraglio; and we had not waited long before we saw forty or fifty Chiaouxes on Horseback, than came some of the Ambassador's Servants on Horseback also, the last of whom led four lovely Horses, which were followed by seventeen Mules; for no Ambassadors come there without a Present. After all came the Ambassador very well mounted, but plain in his Apparel, having the Chiaoux Bassa on his left hand. They alighted at the gate of the second Court where all went in, and I among the rest. 
The countenance of the Janissaries drawn up in a Lane.  In this Court on the right hand three thousand Janissaries were so drawn up and kept so great silence, that one would have thought they had been all Statues. The Mules that carried the Presents were led a great way forward to the left hand and there unloaded: in the mean time the Ambassador was introduced into the Hall of the Divan, where Dinner was served up, and there he dined with the Viziers; it being their custom that Ambassadors Dine before they are conducted to Audience of the Grand Signior: and during that time the present is carried into the third Court, making it pass before the Grand Signior, who is willing first to see what he hath brought, before he receive him to Audience; after that it is laid up in the Wardrobe. The Ambassador's Servants were also entertained at Dinner, in a Court near to their Present, which was opened under a Cloth, purposely pitched up about twenty or thirty paces from the Divan, and carried piece after piece by Capidgis, who gently removed it from thence into the third Court on their Arms, and every one had but a little to carry, that it might make the greater show: 
The Moguls Ambassadors second Present.  Two hundred threescore and fourteen Capidgis were employed in carrying this Present, which consisted of two thousand two hundred pieces, wrapped up in two hundred and threescore Toilets. First went four led Horses. than the Capidgis carried several Turbans, and Stuffs of all sorts, with many Handkerchiefs wrought with Gold, Silver, and Silk, but in such Works as cost several hundreds of Crowns; four Silk Carpets of five thousand Piastres a piece; and the last were four Bags of Crimson-Velvet, carried by four Capidgis: 
A Cantar is forty four Oques.  in each Bag there was a Cantar or Quintal of Aloes Wood; then two little Cases or Boxes of Ambergreese, carried by two Capidgis; in each Box there was half a Cantar of Ambergreese: all these went very softly, sometimes ten or twelve Capidgis together, always two and two, and then for half a quarter of an hour sometimes no body came more. At that time, 
The paying of the Forces of Constantinople.  that the Ambassador might see the Forces that are commonly in Constantinople, they had their Pay, which had been delayed for some days on purpose. There were fourteen hundred Purses to be paid, of which the Janissaries had about seven hundred and fifty; and it was pretty to see how a Chorbadgis being called, and being come to the door of the Divan, called all the Soldiers of his Company, who came running to receive the Bags, carried them after the Chordadgis, and then ran back again to their Places, where so soon as they were come one would not have thought that they had stirred from thence, so nimble they are in putting themselves in Order; then went off another Company, and so in order till they had done. There were thirty Purses for the Chiaoux, fourscore for the spahis, fifty for the Solihhtars, and the rest for the Ddebedgis, Topgis, Bostangis, and the like. The Present was at first valued at six millions of Piastres; but at length the Merchants of the Bezestein were of opinion that it was worth three millions of Piastres; 
The value of the Moguls Present.  which they who knew the Wealth of the Great Mogul, did not at all wonder at. When the Ambassador had Dined, we were conducted to Audience, where he stayed but a very little while, and came out with a Vest of Cloth of Gold upon his Back; and thirty of his Retinue had each of them a Caftan or Vest of the same Stuff; for it is the custom that Ambassadors take Gentlemen and those they would favour along with them to their Audience; and they have all Vests of Gold, as well as the Ambassador, before they appear in the Grand Signior's Presence. We went out again into the first Court, to see the Cavalcade, which made a very fine show, consisting of the Ambassador and his Attendants, who were in no very good Order, and of the Viziers with the rest of the Officers of the Divan, who were all well and richly Mounted. Some few days after, the Caymacam treated that Ambassador at Dinner, and after Dinner, sent for the Singueniennes, which is a very common Diversion among the Persians and Moguls; and without which, the best Entertainment that can be given them signifies nothing. 
The Present of the Ambassador of the Mogul to the Singueniennes.  The Ambassador gave to these Singueniennes two hundred and thirty Turbans, worth a thousand Aspres one with another, which make near two thousand six hundred Piastres. He was afterwards treated by all the Vifiers at Scudaret, whether they Conducted him by turns in the Bastarda, in which were many that played on Instruments; and he also received several Presents from the Grand Signior, among others, some of the louliest Horses of his Stables. The occasion of his Embassy was as it was said, to solicit the Grand Signior to make War against the King of Persia, while his Master the great Mogul, a great Enemy to the Persians, should fall upon him on the other side.   

CHAP. LVII. Of the Grand Signior's going abroad in State.  

The manner of the Grand Signior's ordinary going abroad.  THE Grand Signior intending to show his Grandeur to the Ambassador of the Mogul, resolved to go through the City in State. I have seen him several times, and among others, next day after the Festival of the Birth of Mahomet, I saw him go to the new Mosque, attended by about a Score of Horsemen. He was clad in a Satin Doliman, of a Flesh-colour, and a Vest almost of the same Colour; on his Turban he had two black Herows Tops adorned with Diamonds, the one pointing up to Heaven, and the other down towards the Earth: He had a great many Eunuches before and behind him richly Mounted, and by his Stirrups the two Masters of his Horse on foot, the chief at the Left, and the other at the Right. Then a little behind them two Pages, one on the Right Hand carrying the Sword, Bow and Quiver of the Grand Signior, the other on the Left carrying a Turban; next came the Kzlar Agasi, and the Capi Agasi, and after them two other Pages, carrying each a Silver Pot, one full of Water, and the other of Sorbet, and some other Pages behind them on Horseback, followed by Peiks, and a great many Bostangis on foot; the Janissaries in the mean time being drawn up on both sides the Street. When the Grand Signior had said his Prayers in the Mosque, he changed his Vest and put on one of a Goose-turd green Colour lined with Samour, than he Mounted a stately Horse, covered with a house all Embroidered with Gold, having a Gold Bitten adorned and set with many precious Stones, and so returned to the Seraglio, followed by Horsemen richly Mounted, besides many Eunuches, and the same Officers that waited upon him when he went. I have seen him so several times, and then he was never accompanied but with the Officers of the Seraglio; but his going abroad for the sake of the Ambassador of the great Mogul, was performed with all the State that can be shown on such occasions. In the first place, 
The order of the Grand Signior's extraordinary Cavalcade upon occasion of the Ambassador of the Mogul.  all the Way was covered with Sand from the Seraglio to the Mosque of Sultan Mahomet, whether his Highness was to go, as is usually done when he goes abroad in State, every one taking care to lay Sand before their Doors, making by that means in the middle of the Street, a way of Sand three or four Foot broad, and pretty thick, on which the Grand Signior marches with all his Court: The Janissaries made a Lane being drawn up on each side of the Way, all along where the Cavalcade was to pass: It began by the great Sous Bassa, having by his side the Commissary General, and many Janissaries after him: Next came the Keeper of the Grand Signior's Hounds, and the Keepers of the Cranes, very well Mounted, these being followed by Janissaries with their Chorbadgis well Mounted, having on their Heads their Caps of Silver guilt, with Plumaches of Feathers; in the Rear of them was the Janisary Agasi very well Mounted, having Two and thirty Chorbadgis on foot before him. After the Janissaries came the Spahis, with their six Captain-Colonels in the Rear, than the Chiaoux of the Guard, above fifty in number, all well Mounted, having their Swords by their sides, and holding their Maces of Arms in their Right Hands; then the Muteferacas on Horseback also, and in good Order. After these came the Officers who carry the Grand Signior's Dishes when he is to Eat abroad out of the Seraglio, they were on Horseback, as well as the Eunuches and Mutes who followed them. Next came the Viziers and the Caymacam, 
Caymacam. Peiks.  or the Deputy of the Grand Visier (there being no Grand Visier at that time) than the Peiks, or Footmen to the Grand Signior, wearing their Caps of Ceremony, which are much of the shape of the Jews Caps, but of Silver guilt (they were on foot) and in the Rear the chief of them well Mounted, who was followed by him that carries the Grand Signior's Portmantle, in which are changes of Apparel, and he was likewise on Horseback. After all these came eleven Horses in rich Trappings, with a great many precious Stones on all sides, and Stirrups, some of Silver, others of Silver guilt, with a gross Mace of Silver at the Saddlebow on the right side, and on the other side a pretty broad Knife, but no longer than half an Arms length, all set with precious Stones. These Horses were led by so many Spahis, well Mounted. After these Horses came the Solaques on foot, above Five hundred in number, having the Doliman buckled up under the Girdle, with hanging Sleeves behind, and upon their Head a Cap with Feathers, like the Chorbadgis, carrying their Bows in hand, and Quivers full of Arrows at their Back. In the middle of these was the Grand Signior, Mounted on a lovely Courser, covered almost with precious Stones; he wore a Vest of Crimson-Velvet, and in his Cap two black herons Tops adorned with large Stones, above two Fingers high, the one stood upright, and the other pointed downwards: By his right Stirrup was the chief Master of the Horse, and the other on the Left, both on foot. He saluted all the People, having his Right Hand constantly on his Breast, bowing first to one side, and then to the other, and the People with a low and respectful Voice, wished him all Happiness and Prosperity. After the Grand Signior, the Salihhtar Aga came on Horseback, carrying the Sword, Bow and Quiver of the Grand Signior, and on his Left Hand the Master of the Wardrobe, carrying the Grand Signior's Turban; then the Kzlar Agasi, the Capi Agasi, and two other Pages on Horseback also, carrying Silver-Pots full of Water, to give the Grand Signior the Abdest, and to Drink if he were a dry. Last of all came a great many that belonged to the Seraglio, all well Mounted. When Prayers were over, the Grand Signior came back in the same Order, having only changed his Vest, and put on one of a fire Red Satin. Whilst he passed by, a wretched Russian Slave cried, that he would be a Turk; and immediately the Grand Signior ordered a Capidgis to carry him to the Seraglio. Many such Rogues intending to be Turk's, wait the opportunity of the Grand Signior's passing, that they may make profession of the Mahometan Faith in his presence, and have therefore some Pay ordered them by his Majesty.   

CHAP. LVIII. Of the City of Bursa.  
I Parted from Constantinople Wednesday the Thirtieth of August, 
Departure from Constantinople. Montagna.  in the Year 1656. in a Caique, which I had hired to carry me to Montagna. I went on Board early in the Morning at Tophana, and yet could not reach Montagna that day, because of bad Wether, and in the Evening it behoved us to stand in to the Shoar. I spent the Night in the Caique, having ordered the Men to come to an Anchor within fifty paces of the Land, for fear of being Robbed. Thursday early in the Morning, we continued our Voyage, and about Three of the Clock came to Montagna; I made no stay there, and indeed, it did not seem to deserve it, 
Bursa.  but took Horses to go to Bursa, about eighteen Miles from Montagna. I arrived at Bursa the same day, about Four or Five a Clock in the Evening, and lodged in a Han, where I had taken a Chamber.  
Bursa, called by the Ancients Prusea, the Metropolitan City and Seat of the Ancient Kings of Bythinia, was the first Capital of the Turkish Empire, having been taken by Orcan, 
The Hegyra, 726.  the Son of Osman, the first Sultan, during the Reign of his Father, in the Year of the Hegyra, 726. which was the Year of our Lord, 1325. it was afterwards taken from the Turks by Tamerlan, having totally Routed their Emperor Bajazet, whom he made Prisoner. This Town stands towards Mount Olympus, 
Mount Olympus.  which is but about Ten Miles distant. It has a pleasant Situation, and so great plenty of fresh Water, that the Inhabitants bring it into all the Houses and Hans, where it is conveyed in Pipes bigger than ones Leg, 
Plenty of fair Water at Bursa.  into the Houses of Office, and so washes away all the filth, and supplies them with clean Water, without any necessity of carrying Pots of Water into these places for the Ablution; for there they have Fountains on purpose. Besides these, there are other Waters that run through the Town, which are so hot, 
Hot waters at Bursa.  that they easily boil Eggs. They have made several fair Bagnios in the place where this Water runs, which serves for the Cure of many Distempers, so that People come to Bath there above an Hundred Miles off. I went thither out of Curiosity, and entered into a very lovely Bagnio, all adorned with Marble, and in stead of the innermost Room where they Sweat, there was a very large Basin, above Nine Foot deep, full of hot and cold Waters mingled together; all that please may Bathe therein, and some take their pleasure in Swimming there. There are Steps to go down into it on all sides, where one may be as deep as he pleases. They bring into it two thirds of cold Water, and nevertheless it is still so hot, that I was scalded when first I went into it, though the hot Water run through the Fields in an open Rivulet. There are many fair Buildings in this Town, and they reckon above Two hundred lovely Mosques in it; and among others they showed me the Mosque of the Dervishes, and in a little Chapel at the back of it, I saw a Tomb, which they assured me was the Tomb of the Mufti, whom the Grand Signior had caused lately to be Strangled in that Town. There are a great many Hans in it also, all very Magnificent, and constantly Inhabited, because this Town is a common passage for Caravans from several places. But one must not forget to see the Sepulchers of the first Turkish Emperor's, and of their Sultanas, in so many little Chapels built Dome wise, among which is the Monument of a French Sultana (as they say) but seeing they call all the Europeans Franks, 
A French Sultana.  they many times confound the French with the rest of Franks. They believe she was a most beautiful French Princess, that having been taken at Sea was presented to the Grand Signior, who was so much in love with her, that he allowed her the Exercise of her Religion, and yet lay with her though she was a Christian; for she never forsook her Faith, but lived and died in the same Religion she had been bred up in. After her death, the Christians of the Country begged her Body, that they might Bury her after their Way, and even offered Money to have that liberty, but it was refused them, and she was Buried like the other Sultanas. Her Tomb is in a little Chapel, arched and enclosed with Walls, and one may see into it through Windows with Grates. I could earnestly have wished the Door had been open that I might have gone in, and read a Paper I saw fastened to the end of her Tomb, which without doubt was her Epitaph, for I observed in the Tombs of the other Sultana's, that their Epitaph was cut in the Stone, which was not so on this; but I had not that satisfaction. 
The length of Bursa. The Castle of Bursa.  This Town is above half a French League in length, and not Walled in all places: Upon a little Hill in the middle of it, there is a Castle, which is almost as big as the rest of the Town, it is Walled round, and no Christian permitted to live in it. This Castle is very strong, and hath a Bastion that commands the Town, which seems to be Impregnable, yet the Water that runs into it may be cut off as it passes through the Town. The Christians heretofore lost it so; for the Turks having Besieged it (than held out by the Christians) and perceiving that there was no way to take it by Force, bethought themselves of cutting off the Water, for want of which, the Christians forced by Thirst, surrendered the place. In this Castle are many Ruins of a stately Building, which was formerly the Seraglio of the first Sultan's of the Ottoman Family, but it is all Demolished. The People of the Country tell a Story in relation to this Castle, which I have thought sit to Relate here. They say, 
A Maid built the Castle of Bursa.  That heretofore there was a Daughter of an Emperor Leprous all over, and by Consequence very Ugly, but to make a mends for that, very Virtuous, who reposing great Confidence in God; and finding her Father much dissatisfied that he could not Marry her, all Men refusing it because of her Leprosy: 
The hot Waters of Bursa cure Leprosy.  To ease her Father of that Trouble, she begged his leave that she might go wander over the World like a poor Wtetch, hoping that God would help her; which she having with much ado obtained of her Father, who tenderly loved her. She Traveled so long, till at length she came to the place where the Rivulet of hot Water runs, (whereof we spoke before) and there having Prayed, as she never failed to do several times a day. She saw a Measly Hog come and Wash in the Water, which it having continued to do for some days, was Cured of its Leprosy. The Maid observing this, thought that God Almighty had guided her to that place for a Cure; wherefore she went into the Water, and for some days having Bathed there, she was in the end perfectly Cured, being as Sound and Clean, as if she had never been Leprous. She failed not to give God thanks, and resolved to stay in that Country, which she found had been so healthful to her. She therefore acquainted her Father with her Cure, praying him to send her Means and People, to Build a Place of Retreat for her. Having then obtained of her Father, all that she desired, she Built this Castle, which at present is the Castle of Bursa: And because the Saracens much incommoded her by their Inroads, she demanded Assistance from her Father, who sent her Aid under the Conduct of Roland, or Orland, a very strong and Valiant Man, 
Roland or Orland.  who made great Slaughter of the Saracens. Close by the Town, there is a Hill, on the top whereof a Turkish Hermit lives in a Chapel; that Chapel is enclosed with good Walls, and Iron-Grates, but for a small present of Aspres, the Hermit let me in, and shown me the Sword of the aforesaid Roland, 
Roland's Sword.  which is above seven Inches broad, it is four Foot long (I mean the Blade of it alone) for the Handle is almost a Foot long; and they say, that this is but one half of the Blade, the other half being in the Grand Signior's Treasury, it is so heavy, that it is as much as one can do to hold it out with one Hand. Near to that Sword, is the Mace of Arms of the same Roland, which is an Iron-Battoon, twice as thick as ones Thumb, and about two Foot long; the Handle of it is covered with Copper, which makes it very big, and the end of it is armed with a great Lion of Copper. 
Roland's Mace.  In the same Chapel there are two Coffins, each covered with a Pall of black Velvet, and at the end of each of them, there is a Turban. They say, that in these Coffins, are the Bodies of Roland and his Son, who (as they believe) Died both Musulmans. The Sword and Mace of Arms, lie upon a Table just before the Tombs. The top of this Hill is but narrow, but very pleasant, there being a little Wood upon it: And the Turks go often there to Feast and make Merry.   

CHAP. LIX. Of the Journey from Bursa to Smyrna.  

The Caravane of Bursa.  BEing at Bursa, I made ready to go to Smyrna with the Caravane, that every Thursday goes from Bursa to Smyrna; but because it was late before I came on Thursday, it behoved me to stay Eight days; in the mean time I made my provisions, and that care is of no small consequence, for you must make account to find nothing but water upon the Road; and therefore one must carry a field-Bed to lie on; Biscuit, (for Bread will be spoilt;) a good Pastry; Wine, (if you have a mind to drink any) in a Borachio, or other Vessel; vinegar, Oil, Salt, Candle, and all sorts of Utensiles, not forgetting a Candlestick; in short, one must carry a kind of House-hold-stuff along with him, if he would Travel conveniently. The Turks are very dextrous at that, for without any clutter, they carry along with them all that is necessary, and trust not to the places upon the Road for supply; nay, they will as easily Boyl the Kettle in a Desert, as at home in their own Houses. This was the first time that ever I went in a Caravane, and therefore these preparations seemed a little uncouth unto me. Caravans are assemblies of Travellers who join themselves and Baggage together, that they may go in company to any Place, 
Caravane.  and so be better able to defend themselves against Robbers, it any be abroad in the Highways. These Caravans never lodge in Houses nor Villages, but abroad in the Fields, or in their Kervanserais, (if any be to be found: 
Kervanserai. ) a Kervanserai signifies the house of the Caravane; and they are vast Buildings longer than broad, made like a Market or Town-Hall: There is a great place in the middle of them, where the Horses, Mules, Camels and other Beasts of the Caravane stand; and this place is surrounded with a low Wall three foot high, joining to the great Wall; these low Walls are six Foot broad above, 
Mastabez.  and are called Mastabez; and there the Turks take up their Lodging, making it their Hall, Parlour, Kitchen and all; some of these Kervanserais are also made like a great Stable, having Mangers on the one side, to which the Horses are tied; and on the other, Mastabez, where the Men repose, eat and sleep. There are others which have several little Mastabies, to wit, one betwixt every two Horses; and there are others (but very rare upon this Road) where there is a Stable for the Beasts, and another place much like to it, but distant for the Men.  
On Wednesday I hired two Horses for myself and Servant of the Master of the Caravane, and a Mule for my Baggage; and next day, Thursday the seventh of September, I parted with the Caravane from Bursa, about two a Clock in the Afternoon: 
Tahhtalie.  We came to lie that night at a Village called Tahhtalie, about ten or twelve miles from Bursa, and there we lodged in a Kervanserai.  
Friday the eighth of September we parted from Tahhtali about two a Clock in the Morning, and at Noon came to Loubat thirty Miles from Tahhtali, where we lay.  
Saturday we parted from Loubat at two of the Clock in the Morning, and about eleven a Clock came to Sousurluk, 
Loubat. Sousurluk.  five and twenty Miles from Loubat. There is a River there which we cross over upon a very sorry Bridge, where I was many times in fear of being drowned or breaking my Neck, for we were fain to step over upon ugly Planks, pretty distant from one another.  
Sunday about three a Clock in the Morning we parted from that Place, and Traveled about twenty Miles; there the way began to be very bad, which continued so till Wednesday.  
Monday we set out about four a Clock in the Morning, and Traveled twenty Miles.  
Tuesday we parted about five a Clock in the Morning, and about eleven, came to a Village called Dgelembe; 
Dgelembe.  from that Village till we came to Smyrna, the way was very good.  
Wednesday we parted from Dgelembe about five a a Clock in the Morning, and about eleven came to a Village called Palamout; 
Palamout.  and though there be a Kervanserai in it, which is the usual Lodging-place, yet we stopped not there, but went on, that we might balk the Robbers, whom we were afraid we might meet, and stopped two Miles beyond it in a Plain, that we might rest a little, and refresh our Beasts.  
There were a great many Robbers at that time upon the Road, and they were those who had escaped from the Battle of the Dardanelles, most of them Barbary Men, who gave no Quarter; for not thinking it enough to Rob, they Killed Travellers, and that made us keep a good Watch, and often look to our Arms; having with us besides, Troopers, whom the Master of the Caravane had hired to Guard the Caravane; who had indeed some Alarms upon the Road, but they proved always to be false. We took Horse again about two in the Afternoon, and about five a Clock came to a pitiful Village or Hamlet, near to which we lay abroad in the Fields, for till then we had always lain in Kervanserais, under cover. There we found a great many water Melons, 
water Melons  which were a great regale for the Turks, who are great lovers of Fruits, and especially of that sort; and indeed every one of them eat one at least for his share. We left that wretched Lodging on Thursday about five a clock in the Morning, and about eight came to a great Town called Manassa, 
Manassa.  and lodged in a fair Kervanserai, where we found every thing necessary, nay Wine too; for there are several Greeks there. We stayed all that day and the next in that Town, and parted on Saturday the Sixteenth of September, about five a Clock in the Morning, and the same day about Noon arrived at Smyrna.   

CHAP. LX. Of the City of Smyrna.  
SMyrna a noted Town of Jonia was anciently founded by Tantalus, 
Smyrna. Tantalus.  and since called Smyrna, from the name of one of the Amazons that invaded Asia, and took that Town; long after that, it was ruined by an Earthquake, and Rebuilt by Marc Antony, nearer to the Sea, because of the commodiousness of the Harbour. It brags of being the native place of the Poet Homer; 
Homer's Country.  and the Turks at present call it Ismyr. This is a large Town, and well inhabited both by Turks and Christians; but it is a kind of a melancholic place, and not at all Strong; it is commanded by a Castle of somewhat difficult access: this Castle is very ruinous, and but meanly guarded; you have a large Cistern in it cut all out of a Rock, having five Mouths and several Channels. Below the Castle, as you go to Santa Veneranda, which is a Church of the Greeks, there is a great Amphitheatre, 
The place where St. Polycarp suffered Martyrdom.  where St. Polycarp the Disciple of St. John and Bishop of Smyrna, suffered Martyrdom. It is very high, and in the upper part thereof, there are still five niches, where the Seats of the Magistrates were, not far from thence there are several Ruins of St. John's, Cathedral Church, which has been very large, and full of Chapels. In one of these Chapels there is a Tomb, which the Greeks believe to be the Sepulchre of St. Polycarp; But others (with more Reason) take it to be the Monument of some Turk. There is also another Castle below by the Marine or Seaside, 
A Castle in Smyrna, where are the Arms of the Church of Rome.  which is well Inhabited; and over the Gate of it, are the Arms of the Church of Rome; perhaps it hath been built by the Genoese, who were masters of Smyrna, and of all that Coast. This Castle shuts the Port, which is but little, and no Foreign Ships come into it, but ride at Anchor abroad in the Road, which is spacious and safe. It is difficult to get out of. Since I left Smyrna, they have built a Castle at the mouth of that Road, to hinder whom they please from coming in, or going out; because they were not secure from the Venetians, after the Battle of the Dardanelles, there being nothing that could hinder them from entering into the Road; from whence they might with ease have battered the Town, and taken it in a short time. Upon the side of this Road towards the Town, stands the Customhouse, and then the Houses of the Consuls and Merchants Franks, who have for the most part a backdoor towards the Sea. In this town there is a Cady, who administers Justice: many Turks live there, as also Christians of all Countries; Greeks, Armenians, and Latins. The Greeks have an Archbishop and two Churches there; in one of which called Santa Veneranda, the Archbishop Officiates; and the other which is called St. George, belongs to the Monks. The Armenians have two Churches there also; and the Latins have the Capucins, who Officiate in their Church, which is overagainst the French Consuls House: 
The territory of Smyrna.  the Jesuits have also a lovely House, with a Church in it. The Country about Smyrna is a plain very fertile in many things, especially in Olive-Trees, and full of Gardens, which render the Town very pleasant to live in: all things are there in abundance, and such excellent Wine, that next to Canary, I never drank better than Smyrna Wine, when it is right. The Franks make it in their Houses, buying the Grapes by Basketfuls in the Town. Partridges there are not worth above three or four Aspres a Couple; and when they cost five Aspres it is dear, and yet they are very good. In fine all things are good and cheap at Smyrna; but it is a Town much subject to Earthquakes, 
Smyrna much subject to Earthquakes.  and hath been several times ruined by them; but still rebuilt, because of the convenience of its Situation: no year passes without them; and I was told that some Years they felt very great Earthquakes for the space of forty Days together, which began a fresh every half hour, and were felt even by the Ships in the Road, being tossed by the Waters, which were moved by the shaking of the Ground in the bottom. It would be very hot being in this Town in the Summertime, were it not for the Wind, 
Low Wind.  which they call the low Wind, or North Breeze; it is a certain Wind that blows from the North regularly every day, and much qualifies the Air. There is a great trade of Commodities from all parts of Asia and Christendom in this Town. While I was there, I had a great desire to see Ephesus, which was heretofore one of the seven Churches, as well as Smyrna, to which St. John directed his Revelations, where he Died, and wherein still remain to be seen the ruins of the Temple of Diana, one of the seven Wonders of the World; and to the Ornament and Embellishment whereof all the Kings of Asia contributed so long; which was burned by Erostratus, who thereby coveted to Immortalize his Memory. There are many other things worth the seeing at Ephesus, which made me willing to have undertaken a progress of three or four days; for Ephesus is no more than forty Miles from Smyrna: But Monsieur Du puy the French Consul, who shown me in that Country all kinds of civility, would needs take me off on't, because of Robbers that were upon the Roads; who were a remnant of those that were routed at the Dardanelles, and who gave no Quarter, especially to Christians: but finding at length that I was earnest upon it, he took the pains of choosing two Janissaries to wait upon me, of whom one who himself had been a Robber many years, promised to bring me safe back again, as pretending acquaintance of these Robbers. I had already hired Horses, and prepared to be gone next Morning; but a Fever that took me in the Evening, quite broke off the Journey: for being recovered seven or eight days after; they made me look upon that slight Distemper as a warning; and at length I yielded to the persuasions of those who had the goodness to divert me from that Journey, as thinking it Dangerous.   

CHAP. LXI. Of the Town of Chio.  
THough I had resolved to continue my Travels through Asia, yet I had heard so much of the Wonders of Chio, that I could not but see it, being then so near; therefore I hired a Boat to carry me thither, and embarked on Wednesday morning, the Eleventh of October. A little after, we had very foul weather, which made me blame my curiosity oftener than once; and it behoved us to lie in the Boat near the shore, not without danger of being taken by the Brigantines, for there are always some in the Archipelago, and when they take Franks, they sell them at Rhodes to Barbary men, not daring to carry them. into any part of Turkey, for then the Ambassadors would get them set at liberty At length, Thursday the Twelfth of October, in the dusk of the Evening, we arrived in the Port of Chio. I went and lodged with Monsieur Mille, the French Vice-Consul, for that place belongs to the Consulship of Smyrna.  
Chio is a small Town, but well peopled, 
Chio.  and most part of the Inhabitants are Christians, Greeks or Latins, who have each of them there a Bishop and several Churches; but the Greeks have many more than the Latins, because every one of their Papas has his Church, not allowing above one Mass a day to be said in every Church. They have also many Convents of Nuns, who are not so strictly shut up and looked after, as those of the Latins are; for I remember I went into one of these Nunneries, where I saw here and there both Christians and Turks, and then having entered the Chamber of one of the Sisters, I found that she was kind, even beyond the bounds of Christian charity. The Nuns when they put themselves in there, buy a Lodging; they go abroad when then they please, and even leave the Convent when they have a mind; they Embroider in Gold, Silver, and Silk, in which the Greek Women are very skilful, Embroidering very lovely Flowers upon Handkerchiefs, Purses, and such like things. The Latins have five Churches in the Town, the first is the Church of the Bishopric, which is fair and large; it is not very old, having been built but since the Turks were Masters of Chio, because the Church and Bishop's House are in the Castle, and the Turks having converted the Church into a Mosque, suffered the Bishop to build another in the Town, which should be of the same length, breadth and height, according to the agreement made betwixt the King of France and the Grand Signior; wherein it is specified, that the Turks shall not ruin the Christians Churches, nor take them from them, but that the Christians shall enjoy them in full liberty; and also that the Christians shall not repair them when they fall to ruin, nor yet build any new. The Bishop having obtained that permission, bought a place in the Town, where he built his Church and House. In that Church are interred the French who die in Chio, in a Buryingplace which M. John Dupuis of Marseilles, 
M. Dupui●, Consul of Smyrna. Capucins at Chio.  Consul of Smyrna, bought and gave to the French. The Capucins have also a House and Church in the Town; their Church is spacious and very handsome, standing in the middle of a very great Court, through which one must pass in going to their House, that is wholly separated from the Church, the half of the breadth of the Court being betwixt them; so that their Church is without their Convent, which they keep always shut with a good gate, because of the Turks, who would spoil all their Garden if they came into it, and commit a thousand insolences, as sometimes they do when they find the gate open, coming in and calling for Wine, which must be given them. This House of the Capucins is very neatly built, and has a large Garden, but it wants Water; so that they can hardly raise any thing. These good Fathers teach Humanity, 
Jesuits a● Chio. Jacobins and Cordeliers at Chio.  and the Christian Doctrine to the Children that are sent to School to them. The Jesuits have also a Church and College there; all the Jesuits that live there, are of Chio, and have three Congregations. There are also Jacobins and Cordeliers there, who all have fair Churches. In the Country also, there are several Roman Catholic Churches, belonging either to the Bishop, or to these Religious. There are a great many also belonging to the Greeks, scattered up and down, insomuch that in the whole Island, there are above thirty Latin Churches, and more than five hundred Greek: They are all very well served, and Divine Service is performed there with all the Ceremonies, as if it were in the heart of Christendom, 
Great freedom of Religion in Chio.  for the Turks molest them not; so that all have free exercise of their Religion: Nay, the Profession of it is public, and on Corpus Christi day the Holy Sacrament is carried about the streets under a Canopy, without any fear, or indignity offered even by the Turks. This Town and whole Island is governed by Christians, but under the Authority of the Turks, who give them free liberty to act in matters of small Importance. They choose Consuls one half Greeks, and one half Latins, who (during the time of their continuance) take the care of all Affairs. When any man is found killed, Turk or Crhistian, the Author of the Murder is sought out; and if he be not found, 
The price of Blood for a man killed Chio.  the whole Town pays the price of the dead man's blood, at the rate of twelve thousand Aspres, or a hundred and fifty Piastres, and the Consuls of the Town assess every house for its proportion; so that the Tax exceeds not fifteen or sixteen Aspres a house, one with another: And when the Murderer is apprehended, his Blood pays for the other's that is killed; for if Justice be executed, there is nothing to be paid. When Money is paid in that nature, the Cady and other Turkish Officers make the profit of it, keeping it to themselves.  
The Town of Chio (as I said) is but small, and yet hath eight Gates. It is not strong at all, 
The Castle of Chio.  but it hath a pretty good Castle that defends it, and commands it also. The Turks live there, and commonly there are eight hundred Men in it. No Christian may lodge there, but the Jews for a certain sum of Money, which they pay yearly, live there; for they would not be so safe, nor so well accommodated among the Christians, who would often abuse them. This Castle is a mile in circumference, and you must pass three Gates before you enter it; over the third are still to be seen, the Castle with three Towers, and the Eagle of stone in relief, 
The Arms of the Justinians at Chio.  which are the Arms of the Justiniani Genoese Lords, to whom heretofore that Isle belonged, with the Title of a Principality. Having passed this last Gate, you see a very fair House in the Castle, with the same Arms, which are upon several other Houses besides. This is a very lovely Castle and well built; all the Houses in it were built when the Christians were Masters thereof; and, indeed, they are very high, and of fine Freestone, adorned with many Coats of Arms, and well cut Figures; among others, there is one over the Gate, representing in bas relief our Saviour's riding into Jerusalem upon the Ass, and is very well cut. All the Streets are straight and broad, and I saw one where two Coaches might easily go a breast. This Castle absolutely commands the Port, which is little, and lies just before it; yet there are always a great many Saiques there, going or coming from Constantinople, Metelin, and other places of the Archipelago and Egypt. The Galleys of the Beys commonly Winter there. A little without the Harbour, and about a Pistol-shot from the Mole, there is a small Church in the Sea, called St. Nicholas, which serves for a Light-house and Signal, aswel by day as by night, for Vessels that would put into the Harbour, because the entry into it is pretty narrow, there being great Rocks on the side of it almost, to the height of the water.   

CHAP. LXII. Of the Mastick-Trees. The Monastery of Niamoni, and the School of Homer.  
BEing curious to see the Trees that yield Mastic, 
Mastick-Tree  which is gathered no where but in this Island, I got a Janisary from the Master of the Customhouse, and went with the Vice-Consul to Calimacha, 
Calimacha.  which is one of the chief Villages of the Island. There are two Gates to enter it, of which one that was built four hundred years ago, is still in good repair; it is of no use at present, and is always open. There are six Greek Churches in this Village, and about thirty round it, with a Convent of Nuns. This place is very well peopled, and when I went there, there were in it (as I was told) three hundred and forty eight Men, who paid the Karadge, all married; for those who are unmarried, pay not Karadge in that place. Near to this Town, there are threescore Mastick-Trees, which I went to see; they are Lentisks, crooked like Vines, and creeping upon the ground. Dioscorides affirms, that they yield Mastic in several other places, but still acknowledges, that the Mastic that grows elsewhere, is rarer, and not so good as that of Chio; for having it, they prick these Trees in the Months of August and September, and the Mastic, 
Mastic.  which is their Gumm, sweeting out by the holes they have made in the Bark, runs down the Tree and falls upon the ground, where it congeals into flat pieces, which some time after they gather, then dry them in the Sun, and afterwards range and shake them in a Ranging-sive, to separate the dust from them, which so sticks to the faces of those that handle the Sieve, that they cannot get it off, but by rubbing their faces with Oil. There are two and twenty Villages that have Mastick-Trees, and among them all, they have an hundred thousand of them, for which they yearly pay to the Grand Signior three hundred Chests of Mastic, which make seven and twenty thousand Oques, at fourscore and ten Oques the Chest, and every Oque contains four hundred Drachms. In raising all this Mastic, every one of the Villages where it grows, is assessed at so many Oques, according as they have more or fewer Trees, for they know within a little, how much every Tree can yield; and seeing all years are not alike good or bad for all the quarters where they grow, they who gather more than they are to pay, sell to those who have not gathered so much as their Tax comes to, at the rate of threescore Aspres the Oque, for they assist one another as much as they can, else they would be obliged to buy of the Master of the Customhouse, at the rate of two Piastres the Oque. Afterwards they sell what they have over to the Customer, at the price of threescore Aspres the Oque, 
A great monopoly of Mastic.  which turns to good acount to him; for they are not suffered to sell to any but the Master of the Customs, who sells it afterwards for an hundred and fourscore Aspres, or two Piastres the Oque, there being none but he in Chio that can sell any, because it is a Commodity that belongs to the Grand Signior, as the Terra Sigillata, 
Terra Sigillata. Terra Lemnia.  or Terra Lemnia is; and for that reason they have Waiters upon all the Avenues of the places where the Trees grow, who live in little houses purposely built for them; and search all that come or go that way, to see if they have any Mastic about them, and that so strctly, that my Janisary told me that once they had found a good piece about a Woman, which she had hid in her most privy parts. Whosoeever are taken stealing of Mastic, are without remission sent to the Galleys. This Mastic is a whitish Gumm, of a very good scent, 
The use of Mastic.  made use of in the composition of many Ointments; but the Greeks spend a great deal of in chewing, and the Women and Girls more, who use it so frequently, that they are never without a piece of Mastic in their mouth. That makes them spit much, and (they say) it whitens their teeth, and renders their breath sweet. They put it also into their bread, to make it more delicate; and when upon my departure from Chio, I made provision of Biscuit, I had little ones with Mastic made for me, which were recommended to me, as an excellent thing to drink a morning's draught with.  

Niamoni.  Having seen the mastics, I took my way to Niamoni, which is a Convent of Greek Calloyers, some miles distant from Callimacha; but the Way is very bad, for there is nothing but up hill and down hill all over the island; and this Convent stands among Woods and Rocks. Being come there, we went first to the Church that is fair and spacious, and dedicated to Niamoni, which in the vulgar Greek signifiys the Only Virgin: This Church was built upon occasion of the miraculous finding of an Image, and they relate the matter in this manner. All the Country thereabouts was covered over with very thick Woods, where lived many Hermit's or Religious, who observed one and the same rule; these good Fathers saw a Light every night in the middle of the Woods, and when they went towards the place to see what it was, and were come pretty near, they saw no more of it, which strangely surprised them. In fine, this having continued a long while, and they having several times discoursed together about it, they resolved to set the Wood on fire in all parts; and having done accordingly, all the Trees were burnt but one, on which they found an Image of the Virgin. 
Constantine Monomachus.  Immediately they deputed some of their number to go to Constantine Monomachus, Emperor of Constantinople, who having related the Miracle to him, he promised to build a Church there; but being expelled the Empire shortly after, he renewed to them his promise of building a Church in that place, if God would be so gracious as to restore him to his Throne: And, indeed, he was as good as his word; 
The Church of Niamoni.  for recovering again the Empire, he built it, about the the Year of our Lord 1050. This Church is adorned with a great many pieces of Marble and Porphyry, sent thither by that Emperor from Constantinople; and among others, there are two and thirty Marble Pillars. The Dome is full of Pictures in Mosaic work, and the Church is kept in so good repair, that it seems to be new built. Behind the High Altar, is that miraculous Image of the Virgin painted on wood, and the place where the Tree that carried it was planted, that place being taken into the Church. They tell of many Miracles wrought in that Church, and of these I shall only relate one, which is represented on the Altar-piece of the Altar, before which it was wrought. They say, that one day when they were celebrating the Festival of that Church, and all the Altars were decked as well as possibly they could be, some Moors came in, and would have robbed the Ornaments of one Altar; who going to it at a time when there was no body there, one of them dropped something of iron, which striking against the pavement, made so great a fire, that it burned them to ashes in the same place; and in the floor, they show a little hole, which (they say) was made by the same iron. 
St. John Baptist's Thumb.  They showed me a Thumb of St. John Baptist, which seems to be of the same Hand that is kept in Malta: And then a piece of the true Cross. These Relics are richly enchased.  

The Convent of Niamoni, rich.  Having taken a full view of the Church, I went into the Convent, which is very spacious, and built in form of a Castle; no Women ever enter it. There are commonly two hundred Calloyers in that Convent, governed by an Abbot, and they never exceed that number. When there are any vacant Places, such as would supply them, and be Calloyers, pay an hundred Piastres, and carry with them what Estate they have, which they enjoy during life; but after their death, it belongs to the Convent, and they cannot dispose (in favour of a Relation, or any body else) but of a third of their Estates, and that too upon condition that the Heir make himself a Calloyer in the same Convent, and so they lose nothing of the Stock. The Convent gives to every Calloyer daily, black Bread, Wine that is none of the best, and rotten Cheese, for the rest they must provide themselves as well as they can: Such of them as are rich, make good cheer, and live well at their own charges; nay, there are some that have good Horses to ride about on, and take the air when they have a mind; and the rest must make a shift with their commons; yet they eat all together in their Refectory on Sundays and great Festivals. When they die, they are carried in their habit to a Church dedicated to St. Luke, which is without the Convent, where they lay them on an Iron-Grate; and if any of the dead Bodies do not corrupt, the rest of the Calloyers say, it is a sign that they are excommunicated. This Convent pays to the Grand Signior Five hundred Piastres a Year, but it has above Threescore thousand Piastres of yearly Revenue, and they have a Treasury where they keep above a Million of Gold: They confessed to me themselves, that almost two Thirds of the Island belonged to them; for most People that die leave them some Houses, some Lands, and some Money, which shows that it is not only among Roman Catholics, that Monks enjoy the Estates of several Houses and Families. 
Bells at Niamoni, and in other places of the Isle.  They have two great Bells in this Convent, which pleased me a little when I heard them Ring, because for a long time, I had not heard the sound of any; the Turks allowing them to Christians not where else, but in the Island of Chio, where there are little ones in every Village. Without the Convent there is an Aqueduct of very good Water, for the use of the Caloyers. After I had sufficiently Reposed myself in that Convent, I took my way to the Town, and a little wide of the way to the Right Hand, I saw the Church, called the Incoronata, which belongs to the Dominicans. Another day I went to see Homer's School, which is by the Seaside, 
Homer's School.  about a Mile from Chio; it is a Rock somewhat rising, and thereon (as it were) a square Altar about three Foot every way, cut out of the same Rock, and round it there are some Beasts represented in relief; I observed an Ox, a Wolf, and such others, and that is it they call the School of Homer. Not far from thence there is Village, called Ananato, where they make Charcoal and Pitch; it contains about an Hundred and fifty Inhabitants, and those of Chio say, that Homer was born there: Near to it there is a Vineyard, that produces very good Wine, which is commonly called Homer's Vineyard; though there are others who say, that it is near a Village called Cardamila, ten Miles distant from the other, and two Miles from the Sea, where there is a good Harbour.   

CHAP. LXIII. Of some Villages of the Isle of Chio.  
HEre I shall mention the chief Villages of the Isle of Chio, which I did not see, but according as a Manuscript Relation that came to my Hands, Written by one who lived several Years in that Island, has informed me. The Village of Cardamila, which we just now mentioned, 
Cardamila.  contains about Five hundred Inhabitants; the Country about it is beautified by many fair Water Springs, and is very Fertile, yielding Yearly about an Hundred and sixty, or seventy Tuns of Wine: Some years ago, several pieces of Gold, Silver, and Copper Money of the Emperor Constantine, were found there. Five Miles from that Village, there is a lovely Valley, half a Mile long, 
A lovely Valley in the Isle of Chio.  and therein a Spring of Water, to which one goes down by a Staircase of thirty lovely Marble steps. At the farther end of this Valley there was a Temple, built all of pieces of Ash-coloured Marble, eight Hands breadth long, and six broad, which were well fastened together with Iron and Lead; but the Country People have broken these fine Stones, to get out the Metal. That place is called Naos (that is to say) Temple, 
Naos. Vichi.  the Gentlemen of Chio go commonly there for their Diversion. Beyond that, there is a Village, called Vichi, inhabited by Three hundred Souls, and hath a Church dedicated to the Virgin. Farther on is Cambia, containing an hundred Inhabitants; 
Cambia.  this place lies amongst Rocks, Hills, and Woods of wild Pinetrees, and there it is that they Fell the Timber for Building of Galleys; there are several Churches here and there among the Mountains. Below this Village is a Valley, where there is a little Castle built upon a Rock, that is almost Inaccessible. The Inhabitants of the place, say, that formerly there was a Dragon found under that Castle. 
The Mount of St. Elias.  Over against that place is the Mount of St. Elias, which is the highest place of all the Island, and may even be seen from Tenedo, which is many Miles more than an hundred distant from Chio; on the top of this Mount there is a Church, dedicated to that Saint. This is so high a place, that it is always covered with Mists and Snow. In the middle of the Mountain, there is so large and copious a Spring, that it Waters all the Fields about, which are fertile, and abound in all sorts of Fruits. 
Spartonda.  In a Wood hard by, there is a Village, called Spartonda, where about fifty Persons only (all Shepherds) live; but it is a delightful place, affording good Water, 
Calandre. Coronia.  and excellent Fruits. Betwixt the Village of Calandre, that stands upon a Hill, and Coronia, consisting of about an Hundred and fifty scattering Houses, there is a Bath of Sulphur by the Seaside, under extraordinary big Oaks; this Bath is called Hayasma, which signifies Holy, or Blessed Water, because the Water of it being drank, Cures many Diseases; but it Kills a great many People too, by the violence of its Operation. Three Miles from the Sea, 
St. Helenas Town.  at the farther end of the Island, is the Town St. Helena, built upon a Rock, and containing Two hundred Inhabitants; it hath two Churches, and a Chapel built just about the middle of the Hill, where being hollow, there hangs in the middle of it a point of a Rock, from which Water contially drops, and this Water they also call Hayasma; Holy, or Blessed Water. This Water comes from the Mountain impregnated with Rain-Water, or the vapours that rise from a deep Valley underneath, where runs a Water that drives some Mills. The Inhabitants of this place firmly believe, that if a dead Body do not in forty days time corrupt, 
Zorzolacas, Hobgoblins.  it turns to a Hobgoblin, which they call Zorzolacas, or Nomolacas.  

A dead body whose Ghost wandered about the Village in the Nighttime.  And the Author of the Manuscript, from whence I had this, says, That Travelling that way in the Month of April, 1637. he found a Priest reading over a dead Body, which he had caused to be raised, after it had been fifty days in the Grave, and was nevertheless still sound, there being no sign of Corruption about it, but a Worm that crawled out of the Eye. The Priest told the Man who reports this, that that Body, or rather its Ghost, went all Night about the Village knocking at the Doors, and calling the People by their Names, and that such as made answer, died within two or three days after; and that the Worm that came out of his Eye, was but a Trick of the Devils, to make it believed he was rotten. This place is about thirty Miles from the City, and they are all poor Shepherds that live there. The Chapel in the aforesaid Rock, is highly esteemed by all the Villages about. From thence one goes to Volisso, 
Volisso.  which is a great Village seated on a Hill, with a Castle built by Belisarius, General to the Emperor of Constantinople, who going somewhere else by Sea, was by a Storm forced to put on Shoar in that place; in that Castle there is a Church, with several Houses and Cisterns; the Village contains about Three hundred Houses, and about Fifteen hundred Inhabitants, with several Churches. The Country about it is very Pleasant, Spacious and Fruitful; and the Inhabitants make Five thousand Weight of Silk yearly, with the Money whereof they pay their Tribute: They are very vicious, and (it is thought) they lie under a Curse, of being almost always destitute of Bread. There is a place, 
Varvariso. The transformation of St. Marcelia.  called Varvariso, where there is a Church dedicated to St- Marcelia, who (as the Inhabitants of that place say) was converted into Stone in a Grotto by the Seaside; whither she fled to escape from her Father, who would have Deflowered her; and they say, that on the day when the Church celebrates the Festival of that Saint, Milk is seen to drop from the Breasts that are on the Rock: 
Panagirio.  This with them is a solemn Feast, which they call Panagirio, the Priests singing praises to her all Night long. Three Miles from that Village there is a Monastery, dedicated to St. John, and near to that Monastery is a Village called Fitta, 
Fitta.  below which there is a great Valley, corresponding to the Country about Volisso, wherein there is a running Water, that drives eight Mills, which serves all the Villages about; though every Peasant has a Hand-mill in his House, wherewith the Women grind the Corn. From thence one goes to Sieronda, 
Sieronda.  which is a very ancient spacious Tower, inhabited by fifty Souls, 
Lecilimiona.  all Shepherds, who have a Church there; a little further, is the Village of Lecilimiona, containing an Hundred and fifty Inhabitants, with a Church; There begin the Mastick-Trees. About two Miles from thence, there is a Village called Elata, 
Elata.  whereof all the Inhabitants are addicted to the taming of Partridges. Further on is the Village of Armolia, 
Armolia.  where all the Earthen Ware (that is used in the Island) is made; it contains about Five hundred Inhabitants, and several Churches, and lies in a Plain, full of Mastick-Trees. Over against this Village there is a Castle, standing upon a very high Hill, and is called Apolieno, built by one Nicholas Justiniani, in the Year 1440. 
Apolieno.  as may be seen upon the Gate of it. It is of an Oval Figure, with a double Wall, and contains Threescore and two Rooms, with two Cisterns; one of which is Threescore Foot long, and Forty Foot broad: This Castle is very strong to resist the Corsares, and has a Church in the middle of it. The Village of Mesta, exceeds all the rest in Strength and good Building; 
Mesia.  it is of a Triangular figure, lying in a Plain, and containing Three hundred Inhabitants, with several Churches. About two Miles from thence, there is a Harbour, called Ayadinamy, and another named San Nichita; 
Ayadinamy. San Nichita. Pirgi.  this last is nearer the Village of Pirgi than Mesta. Pirgi is a great Village with a Tower, containing Two thousand Inhabitants, and thirty Churches.  
And this being all I had to say of the Villages that are among the Hills, I shall now speak of others, and first of Calamoty, which hath several Churches, 
Calamoty.  and about Seven hundred Inhabitants, but no considerable House; 
Chiny. Vessa. St. George. Flacia. Vono. Nevita.  no more than Chiny, inhabited by Three hundred People, Vessa by Two hundred, St. George, and Flacia. Vono is a great Village, with a square Castle, it hath about Five hundred Inhabitants, and several Churches. Over against this Village there is another, called Nevita, which is very great, and hath a very high Tower an hundred Hands broad; this place contains Two thousand five hundred Inhabitants, and thirty Churches with two Monasteries, one of Monks, and the other of Nuns. Without the Village there is also a Church, dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel, which is mightily crowded with People, on that Saint's day: This Church is called Tasiarchi, it is well built and beautified, hath large Revenues, and (as they say) several Madmen recover their Senses in it; but the Inhabitants are very vicious. Catharacti is a Castle, 
Catharacti.  built with great Judgement on a Hill by the Genoese, when they were Masters of that Island; it was commanded by the Signiors Della Rocca, 
Signiors Della Rocca. Didima. Oxodidima. Merminghi. Tholopotami. Dimite. Scamandee.  as may be seen by their Arms upon it: The Inhabitants may be about Fifteen hundred People, who have sixteen Churches, and a Monastery of Monks, dedicated to the Virgin; there are Nuns there also, who are not very austere. I shall say nothing of some other Villages, as Didima, Oxodidima. Merminghi, Tholopotami, containing an Hundred and fifty, Two hundred, and Three hundred Inhabitants: In most of these Villages are made the Stuffs, which they call Dimite, and Scamandee, that is to say, double and single Stuff, which are much used in the Island, and Exported also to other places.  
And in fine, 
Why so many Castles in the Isle of Chio.  that the Reader may know why heretofore they built so many Castles and Towers, I shall here give the Reason of it. The Fields of Chio being full of Mastick-Trees, there was a necessity of having People to watch them and gather the Gum in the seasons, wherefore there were little Villages dispersed up and down the Country, some containing thirty, some fifty, and some an hundred Inhabitants; but being infested by the Turks of Anatolia, which is but about eighteen Miles distant (who came and carried away both Men and Goods) all these Villages resolved to join three or four together, and to build Castles or Towers, to defend them from these Pirates; and for guarding the Trees and Villages, they built Towers round the Island, at three or four Miles distance one from another. And each neighbouring Village sent thither two Men to Watch, who when they saw any Boats, Ships, or Galleys, gave the Alarm to the Country, and either retired, or defended themselves.   

CHAP. LXIV. Of the Isle of Chio, and its Inhabitants.  

Chio.  CHIO, called by the Turks Sakisadasi, that is to say the Isle of Mastic, is a famous Island of the Archipelago, about an hundred miles from Smyrna, though it would not be so far, if one kept a straight course; but one must go round a Hill, 
Xamos, or Sousambogazi.  which the Greeks call Xamos, the Turks Sousambogazi, that runs a great way out into the Sea. This Island belonged heretofore to the Justiniani Genoese Lords, with the title of a Principality; but it was taken in the year 1566. by a Captain Bassa, named Pialis and subjected to the Turks. The Isle of Chio is fourscore Miles in Circuit, and very Populous, having a City and above threescore Towns and Villages, inhabited for the most part only by Christians; and the whole Land is full of Country Habitations consisting of a little spot of Ground and a little Tower-house, with two or three Rooms, so that it seems to be a Town in the Fields, like the Country about Marseilles. It is an Island much subject to Earthquakes, and would be very Fertile, if it were not so Stony, and had more Water; for it Rains so little there, that every Spring they are fain to make Processions through the City for obtaining Rain from Heaven: The Turks first make theirs, next the Greeks, than the Latins, and lastly the Jews. The Turks are very little concerned which of all these Prayers be heard, 
Justiniani.  provided they have what they ask, but notwithstanding the Hilliness and dryness of the Island, yet it has all things necessary in sufficient quantity, and good. It yields Corn, plenty of very good Wine, but so thick that many do not like it, because (as they say) they must both eat and drink it. All things are very cheap there, and excellent good Partridges may be had for little or nothing; 
Partridges cheap, and how they are bred.  but it is curious to see how they breed up those Birds at Chio: For there are Peasants like public Keepers, who are paid by all that have Partridges for feeding them, and these Men having called them all about them in the Morning with a Whistle, lead them out into the Fields as one drives Turkeys, and so soon as they are come to the side of a Hill where he drives them, they scatter and feed where they can best; and in the Evening, he who hath the care of them coming to the Hill, falls a Whistling very loud, and then all his Partridges gather about him, and return Home to their several Masters, none ever staying behind. These Creatures understand so well the call of him who commonly feeds them, that let another Whistle never so much, they will not come to him.  
When I was at Chio, I could not have that Diversion, for than it was not the Season. 
Tame Partridges.  I have seen of these Partridges more tame than any Pullet's, for they would let any body touch them and struck them, without stirring from their place. 
The sole Isle of Chio hath preserved its Liberty.  This is the only Island among the Turks that hath preserved its Liberty, for the Inhabitants live as they think fit, professing and exercising their Religion with all imaginable freedom, only they are Subjects to the Turks, and pay him Tribute; but they are in no ways molested, nor burdened with Impositions. The Chiots are generally Christians, and there are very few Turks among them; a good part of these Christians are Roman Catholics, and the rest are of the Greek Church. All the Inhabitants, both Greeks and Latins, 
Families of the Justiniani.  have much of the Humour of the Genoese, who formerly Governed them. There are several Families still in that Island, who derive themselves from the House of the Justiniani; for they still make a distinction betwixt the Gentlemen (who are pretty numerous) and the Plebeians. 
The manners of the Chiots.  the Chiots are Apparelled after the Geonese Fashion, they are ugly, and though their Persons be proper and well shaped, yet their looks would scare a body; they are very proud, and nevertheless, Gentlemen and all go to Market, and buying what they want, carry it openly along the Streets, without any shame. They love the Spaniards better than the French, but had rather be under the Government of the Turks than Christians: The Chiots make much Damask, Satin, Taffetaes', and other Silk Stuffs, and drive a great Trade in many places with their Saiques. Such as neither Work nor Travel abroad, spend whole days Sitting and Talking together under Trees. Letters are in no vogue in that Country, and perfound Ignorance reigns among them; nevertheless they have naturally a sharp Wit; and are indeed; so great Cheats, that one hath need of both Eyes to deal with them. They are much given to their Pleasures, and Drunkenness; and, in a word, they are Greeks. The Women are very Beautiful, and well Shaped; their Faces are as white as the fairest Jasmin, that they commonly carry on their Heads. And I never saw in any Country, womans that had so much beauty and charmingness in the Face (I say in the Face) for their Breasts are scorched with the Sun and black, at which I have often wondered, seeing they take no more care to keep their Faces than their Breasts. For my part, I could not but Quarrel with them sometimes, that they covered not their Breasts with some Handkerchief, or other Linen; for if they did, nothing could be more lovely. Their Habit contributes much also to set off their Beauty, for they are always very Neat in their Dress, wearing on their Heads very white Linen, shaped like a little Capucins Hood, squatted at the end: Besides all these External Charms, they have something that is more solid, for they have a brisk and merry Wit, that renders them the most taking Women in the World; but if they be Pretty, they are also extremely Vain, and that is a Vice inseparable from the Sex. They wear the finest Stuffs that they can get, and yet it is nothing now to what it has been formerly; for the meanest of them, even to the Cobbler's Wife, would needs have lovely Velvet-Shoes, that cost five or six Crowns, Necklaces and Bracelets of Gold, and their Fingers full of Rings; but they paid d●●r one day for their Vanity. The Church of St. John is a Musket-shot without the Town, 
A story of the Braveries of the Chiots.  upon the Seaside, on the Vigil of that Saint's Day, there is a great Concourse of People at that Church, all the Island are there, and the Women and Girls strive who shall be finest: This Day being come, they opened their Coffers, and brought out all the rich and fine Things they had, and such as had no Ornaments of their own, went and borrowed of their Friends: When they had Dressed themselves to the best Advantage they could, they went after Dinner to St. John's; now near the Gate by which they go to that Church, there is a Tower, on the top thereof was the Captain Bassa, who beheld them as they passed by, which did not a little puff them up. When the Service was over, they stopped before the Tower as they came back, and there fell a Dancing before the Captain Bassa, who seemed to be much taken with it; but next day, the Bassa demanded an Hundred thousand Piastres of the Citizens, saying, That he stood in need of it against the coming of the Grand Signior. They made excuse, 
The Chiots fined for their Vanity.  pretending that they had it not; but he stopped their Mouths with this reply, That they could find enough to load their Wives and Daughters with Gold; and all they could do, was to compound with the Captain Bassa, and pay him Fifty thousand Piastres. After that, both the Greeks and Latins, with common consent, got their Bishops to charge the Women under pain of Excommunication, not to wear any Jewel, Gold or Silver about them; but they not enduring to lay aside their Ornaments, slighted and laughed at the Excommunication, until at length, they procured one from the Pope; since that time they have not worn any. The Chiots are much given to Dancing, both Men and Women, and on Sundays and Holydays in the Evening, they fall all a Dancing promiscuously together in a Ring, which continues all Night, not only in the City but Villages; and a Stranger newly come, who neither knows, nor is known of any, may freely put in with the rest, and take the fairest by the Hand without any Scandal, more or less than in our Country Towns in France. And I know no other difference betwixt the Chiots and Genoese, but that the former are not at all Jealous: For though they be in a Country where a Woman dares not show herself to a Man, unless she would be taken for a Strumpet. Yet the Women of this Isle, have retained so great Liberty, both in the City and Villages, that the Maids spend commonly the Days and Evenings at their Doors, talking and playing with their Neighbours, or Singing, and looking on those that pass by: And a Stranger who had never seen them before, may without scandal, stop and talk to her he likes best; who will entertain him, and Laugh as freely, as if she had known him for many Years. But to have the greater Diversion, it is necessary that one should smatter a little in the vulgar Greek, for though several of them understand Italian, yet their usual Language is the vulgar Greek, which is for the most part but the literal Greek corrupted. A Jesuit of Chio told me, that Pietro Della Valle, a Roman Gentleman, who published his Travels, being at Chio, observed two things there, which he wondered to find together, to wit, great Mirth and Slavery: As to Slavery, I think they have no more of that but the Name, and certainly there is less Slavery there, than in any other place of Turkey. As for their Mirth, 
An impertinent thought of the Italians.  I wonder not at all that it seemed strange to that Gentleman, who was of a Country where the Men are fully persuaded, that a Woman who Converses with a Man, is ready to grant him all that he can desire of her; it is also true, that at that time they made a great deal Merrier at Chio, than when I was there; for seeing in my time, they were very apprehensive of the Venetians after the Battle of the Dardanelles. Four Bassa's with their Attendants, were come there, and Lodged all in the Citizen's Houses, who were forced to leave them to the Turks. The fourth of these Bassa's arrived at Chio, whilst I was there, and seeing the Magistrates of the Town had assigned him a Quarter for himself and Men, they whose Houses were appointed for the Turks, making difficulty to open their Doors, because they were in hopes to get off by delaying, the Turks that were to Quarter there broke open their Doors with Hatchets, and all over that Quarter where we Lodged, there was nothing to be heard but a horrid noise of blows of Hatchets, and the cries of Women who were in the Houses within. Those who were less obstinate, removed their Goods quickly to the Houses of their Friends, because they were obliged to give them no more but the bare Walls; but it was a sad sight to see People forced to leave their Houses to Men that they knew not, without knowing where to go and Lodge themselves; and it seemed to me to be a faint representation of a Town taken by Storm. The House of our Vice-Consul, 
A Present sent to a Bassa that came to Chio.  was exempted from such Guests, by the means of some good Friends that he had. Next day after that Bassa arrived, the Consuls of the City sent him the usual Present, which consisted of two Baskets full of Bread, eight white Wax-Tapers of an ordinary bigness, five Sugar-Loaves, three Pots of Honey, three Pots of Orange-Water, two Baskets full of Pomegranates, two of Lemons, two of Water-Melons, two of Mezingianes, or Violet-Naveurs, one of Grapes, one of Grass, half a dozen of Pigeons, a dozen of Pullet's, and three Sheep. Next day, his Kiaya, or Lieutenant, had likewise the usual Present brought to him, which was but one half of the abovementioned Provisions. They expected two Bassa's more within a short time, and these Bassa's caused People to be often Bastonadoed as they went along the Streets, when they were out of Humour; but for all that, no sooner were they Lodged, but the whole Trouble was over.   

CHAP. LXV. Of the Isle of Patino.  
HAving said enough of Chio, 
Patino.  I shall here make a little digression from my Travels, and relate what I have learned of some Islles of the Archipelago, where I have not been, as well by what has been told me, as by a memoire that hath come to my hands: And in the first place I shall speak of the Isle of Pathmos, which (though small) is nevertheless Illustrious; 
Pathmos.  as being the place to which St. John the Evangelist was Banished, and where he wrote the Revelation. This Isle called anciently Pathmos, and at present Patino and Palmosa, is eighteen miles in circuit, 
Palmosa.  and has in it but one well Built little Town, with a Castle in the middle of it, called the Monastery of St. John; where two hundred Greek Monks live, who carefully keep in their Church, a Body shut up in a case, which they say is the Body of St. John, what ever they think; who doubt whether he be as yet Dead or not. There are about three thousand Souls in this Isle, who have much ado to live, 

Three thousand Souls in Pathmos.  
The Grott where the Apocalypse was written, called Theoskeposti.   the Land being very dry, and all Rocky. In it is the Grotto where St. John wrote the Apocalypse; which Grotto by the Greeks is called Theoskeposti, that is to say in vulgar Greek, covered by God. The Inhabitants of this place, relate a pretty ridiculous story of St. John; and that is, that the Devil went to Tempt St. John in that Grotto, which is but half a mile from the Sea, and as far from the Town, bidding him go and swim; and that St. John made answer to the Devil, do thou first throw thyself into the Sea, and I'll follow thee; which the Devil did, and was immediately changed into a Stone, 
The figure of a Devil at Pathmos.  of the same Figure that he had when he threw himself into the Sea: And that Stone is to be seen to this day, being but one step from the Land. No Turk lives in this Island, they are Christians that bear rule there, yet they pay Tribute to the Grand Signior. And the Corsars put into this Island, to careen and take fresh Water.   

CHAP. LXVI. Of the Isle of Nixia.  
THE Isle of Nixia, heretofore called Naxus, is sixscore miles in circuit. 
Nixia.  In latter times before it was possessed by the Turks, it carried the title of a Duchy; 
The Families of Sanudi and Somarigi, Venetians in Nixia.  and at present it has among its Inhabitants several noble Families, descended of the said Dukes, who were the Sanudi, Somarigi Venetians, and others. The Fields of this Isle are most fruitful in all things, and chief a certain Valley called Darmilla, wherein are eighteen Villages. The Inhabitants of this Isle make plenty of Wine, which they send to Alexandria, Smyrna, and Chio; as likewise very good Cheese, for they have many Cows, Sheep, and Goats. Not far from the Town, near the Sea, are the Salt-pits, and a Pond, which the Town let's out to farm; they Fish in it but two Months in the Year; to wit, August and September. There are great quantities of Eels taken also in a Valley called Plichi, that is full of Marshes, which are always supplied with Water from grea● Springs that run into it. There are very thick Woods also in it, with Rocks and solitary Dens, where there are a great many tall Stags; 
Catching of Partridges with an Ass  and there the Gentlemen go a Hunting with the Cady, who governs the Island; the Peasants catch Partridges with an Ass, in this manner. Late in the Evening the Peasant goes and joggs the Partridges to know where they Sleep; then he pitches a Net where he thinks convenient, and afterwards puts himself under the belly of his Ass, which is trained to the sport; and thus both stalking along together, the Peasant with a switch drives the Partridges into the Net, where they are caught; and this sport is the better, because Partridges are very Plentiful there. There are besides other Valleys with Water-springs in them, that turn Mills for the use of the People. There are several Monasteries in this Island, one of which ought to be very Ancient; for it is built in form of a Tower upon a Hill. There is another called Fanaromeni, 
Fanaromeni.  dedicated to the Virgin; because a Picture of the Virgin was found in that Place; which is held in great Veneration, and called Faneromeni; it is not long since that Monastery was built, and contains threescore and ten Rooms or Chambers, besides those that are under Ground: the Church is small, but well built and beautified; It is served by ten Monks, all Country Clowns, who have no Learning; and not only there, but over all the Isles of the Archipelago; they are so ignorant, that it may be said of them Ignoto Deo; and it is impossible but that Vice must reign, where People are so ignorant of the commands of God, and where there is so much Idleness and Drunkenness. four miles from the Town, there is a Tower, and another Church also, dedicated to the Virgin, named Tagia; in that place there is a Spring of as good Water as can be desired, and a Monk and some Shepherds live there; the people of the Island often go thither out of Devotion, and not without much Pain, because of the troublesome Hills and Valleys that are in the way. About six miles from thence near the Sea, overagainst the Isle of Nicaria, there is to be seen upon a very steep and rugged Mountain, 
The Castle of Apollo.  some ruins of the Castle of Apollo, and it is a wonder how they could carry up Stones to Build it. The wall is eight hand breadth thick; it is not carried on to the Sea on the East-side, because there is no going up to it on that side but by a very dangerous place; but on the South East and Southside it is built of Stone and Bitumen down to the Sea. In that Castle there are several Houses. and Cisterns for Water. In the neighbourhood of it are four little Towns very well Inhabited. In these Quarters there are also many Goatheards that keep Goats, and the Hills are full of an Herb which Mathiolus calls Ledum, 
The Ledum of Mathiolus. Kissaros' an Herb. Laudanum a Gum. Darmilla. Strongyle. Palace of Bacchus.  and the Modern Greeks Kissaros; when the Goats feed on that Herb, a certain viscous Dew that is upon it, sticks to their Beards. and there congeals into a kind of Gum, of a very good smell, which they Laudanum, and Vulgarly Laudanum, and cannot be gathered without cutting off of the Goat's Beards. As you go to the Town, there is a Castle upon a very high Hill, which commands all the Villages of Darmilla. Near the Town upon a Rock, called heretofore Strongyle, is the Palace of the God Bacchus, so called in ancient Times; it is an hundred Foot in length, and fifty in breadth, and built of very white Marble, each Stone being sixteen hands long, and seven hands thick, which were all fastened together with Iron and Lead. The Gate is thirty two hands high, and sixteen wide; its lintel is of four pieces. There is no Inscription to be seen upon it, they being all eaten out by the Sea and Wether; but there are two Cisterns close by it. The Turks and others carry away Marble daily from that Palace, for making of Gates, Windows, Mortars, Chests, and such like things; nay, and Turbans also, to be put at the ends of Graves, according to the custom of the Turks. The same Bacchus, (as the Inhabitants say) made an Aqueduct; that brought Water from a very distant Spring; but having carried it on as far as the Shoar, he Died, and that so it was never perfected; however the Channels of it are to be seen. Bacchus was the God of Wine, and therefore the Inhabitants of Nixia are so great Drunkards. It was in this Island, that the perfidious wretch Theseus abandoned the poor Ariadne, 
The place where Theseus forsook Ariadne.  who had delivered him out of the Labyrinth and Bacchus finding her forsaken and forlorn, took her for his Wife. The Tower and Ducal Palace are still in being in the Town. There are two Arch-Bishops in this Town, a Latin, and a Greek: The Cathedral Church of the Latin Arch-Bishops, is dedicated to the assumption of our Lady, and is very handsome, it hath a Steeple with three Bells in it; several Relics of Saints, are kept in the Church, and it is served by six Canons, and seven other Priests and Clerks, who are very diligent at their duty in the Choir; but their Revenue is very Inconsiderable; and the Archbishop himself has no more than two hundred Piastres of yearly Rent. He hath a seat in the country with a Church; it is a very delightful place and called San Mamma; the Church is neat, Paved with Marble, and the Walls lined with the same, but kept in bad repair. Besides the Cathedral Church, the Jesuits have also a sorry House in the Castle; and the Greeks have a Chapel that belonged to the Dukes formerly: Without the Town there are Recollets and Capuchins, who make many Proselytes there to the Catholic Faith. The Inhabitants of Nixia have great feuds among themselves, so that they speak not to one another as long as they live; but the Women are more obstinate than the Men, and are very great meddlers in other People's Business. These Women wear more than ten Coats one over another, so that they have much ado to go, and their Shoes are so straight, that they can hardly thrust their Feet into them, but they are pretty Honest and chaste. This Island raises its Tribute by the sale of Wine, Cheese, and Silk.   

CHAP. LXVII. Of the Isles of Paro, Delos, Mycone, Tine and Nio.  
ABout fix miles from Nixia, is the Isle of Paro, heretofore Paros, 
Paro.  which hath three Castles, several Villages; a good harbour for all sorts of Vessels; fair Churches, and many Greek Priests and Monks, being fifty miles in compass, and containing about six thousand Souls. There were several Statues, Marble-Chests, and other Antiquities found in this Island, which have been carried away by an English Gentleman, who brought off all he could find, not only there, but in the other Isles also; and chief in Delos, 
Delos, or Sdrille.  called at present Sdrille, heretofore so famous for the Oracle of Apollo; and where in ancient times there were so many Statues of the Gods; at present there is no more but a Statue lying along upon the Ground, representing a Woman; which is so great, that sitting upon the Shoulders, one cannot reach the Head with the Hand; and there is nothing of it broken off but one Arm. This Isle is fourteen miles in Circuit: There are many Ports about these little Islands, inhabited only by Coneys, where the Corsars commonly go. a little farther off is the Island of Mycone, heretofore Myconus, which was well Peopled, 
Mycone.  but at present is almost forsaken, because of the rigorous Persecution of the Turks; it is thirty miles in Circuit. Over against this Island is the Isle of Tine, in Ancient times Tenes, which belongs to the Venetians; it is well Peopled, 
Tine.  and hath a very strong Castle, built upon a high Rock, and the Houses stand one over another. This Isle is forty miles in Compass; it is plentiful in Provisions and Silk; but so over stocked with People, that many are obliged to go ad live elsewhere, as at Smyrna and Chio. There is a Latin Bishop in it; and the Women are handsome and Courteous enough. In going to Santorini, one must pass by the Isle of Nio, called heretofore Oliarus, 
Nio. Oliarus.  which was not long since Inhabited by the Albanians, a Barbarous and Warlike People, who go all night long Armed by the Seaside. Their Fields are fruitful in all things, and they have very thick Woods of Oaks and other Trees, which they cut down and sell to several Places, and particularly to the Inhabitants of Santorini, who stand in need of it, as we shall say hereafter. There is a good Harbour in this Island.   

CHAP. LXVIII. Of the Isle of Santorini.  

Santorini, or Therasia.  THE Isle of Santorini, whose ancient name was Therasia, is thirty six miles round, and is threescore miles from Candie, from whence the Land of it may be seen. There are several Castles in this Isle; and first the Castle of St. Nicholas, standing on a point of the Island. This is a frightful place, for besides that it is very high; the Houses of it are built upon the hanging sides of black and burned Rocks. A Greek Bishop has his residence there, and a matter of five hundred Souls about him, but most of them live in Caves that they have made under Ground, which is very light, and easy to be Dug, being all Pumicestone; and it is very pleasant to see Ploughed Lands and People living underneath them, so that the Men come creeping out like Coneys. But Scaro is a Castle far more Ghastly than that of St. Nicholas, 
Scaro.  not only for the height, but solitude of the Place; and those that go up to it, must climb with Hands and Feet, and have a special care too, lest some great Stone fall from on high and knock them down; for one cannot shun it by turning back. This Castle contains about an hundred and fifty houses, built round a Rock that overlooks them; upon which heretofore were several houses; and the Greeks, have still a Church there, which formerly belonged to the Latins, wherein there are two Images of Massive Silver the one of our Lady, and the other of St. Michael. That Rock is supported by walls, for fear it should fall upon the houses; for if so, it would smother all the Inhabitants, who are about five hundred in number. The Latin Bistop lives in that place. Halfway betwixt Scaro and another Castle called Pirgo, 
Pirgo.  there is a Chapel of our Lady, with many large Caves, where about two hundred People live. But in going from Scaro to Pirgo, there is a Hill to be mounted with great pain, from whence one has a view of the whole Island, and the Plain cultivated and Planted with Vines, but few Trees, unless it be Figtrees, and white Mulberry-Trees. Their Vineyards afford them wine enough for the use of all the Inhabitants, and some more, which they sell to their Neighbours, who come and Export it. It is carried to Chio, Smyrna, and other Places: They make all sorts of Stuffs of which they raise Money to pay their Tribute. In this place there are a thousand Souls almost all Greeks, and there the Cady Resides. Their Houses are well built, look all white, and are of a round Figure, and encompassed with walls, so that not being seen, they look only like a Tower. At Scaro there is a Monastery of Nuns of the Latin rite, and the Order of St. Dominick, but they are ill lodged, because the place is narrow, and the Air bad. Their Church is kept in good order, and served by a Priest that is their Chaplain. 
Nebrio. St. Stephen's Hill.  Betwixt Pirgo and another place called Nebrio, there is a Hill, called St. Stephen's Hill, on which are several Chests of Marble, with Covers, and pieces of Statues, hot Caves; and the walls of the first Town, stood upon it, called Famosa; 
Famosa.  there are also three Statues there of a prodigious length, lying upon the Ground; which a Candiot, (who took away all the Antiquities of this Isle) could not remove; who, (as it is said) found a great many pieces of Gold and Silver Money there. A woman that in Ancient times lived upon that Hill, gave Victuals to all the People for a whole year that a Plague and Famine lasted; and it is probable these Statues have been erected in honour of that good Lady. On the other point of the Isle, that in form resembles a Crescent. 
Crotiri.  There is also a Castle called Crotiri, Inhabited by about an hundred and fifty Souls; and there are seven Villages here and there in the Country, but ill Peopled, for indeed, the Inhabitants of this Island live very meanly. Their Bread which they call Schises, 
Schises Bread.  is Biscuit made of equal parts of Wheat and Barley, as black as Pitch, and so harsh that one can hardly swallow it. They never heat the Oven but twice a Year, and then make their Biscuit, which with great Veneration they carry home to their Houses; and the reason why they do so, is perhaps, because they have not a bit of Wood, but have it brought from Nio, and buy it by the pound. They have no Flesh, if it be not miraculously brought them by some Raven; they have nevertheless some cattle which furnish them with a little Cheese: As for Fish they can have none, because the Sea about them has no bottom. Some wild Fowl and Eggs they have, but it is a hard labour to climb up and down these difficult and craggy Rocks. Salt meats are relics to them, and they feed on nothing but Beans, Pease, Eggs and Biscuit. They have very little or no Fruit at all, unless it be Grapes, of which they have enough in the Season. They know not what Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, and men of that profession are. They are very stout, and can defend themselves from their Enemies with Stones, especially at Scaro, where one single man may beat down as many as he pleases. They who stay at home in the Island, lead a beastly life; for they do nothing but eat, drink, sleep, and play at Cards. This is all that can be said of that Island, which looks like Hell; for the Sea in the Harbour and about the Coast is black, and all seems Burned and Scorched, by reason of a little Rocky Island which appearing about threescore Years ago, vomited up incredible Flames; which left so deep a hole there, that when a Stone is thrown into it, it is never heard fall to the bottom. But there happened something else since in that Port, which is no less wonderful, and I shall relate it according as I had it from several hands in several places.  
One Sunday night about eighteen years ago, 
An extraordinary Accicident at Santorini  an exceeding great Noise began in the Port of Santorini, which was heard as far off as Chio, two hundred miles distant; but in such a manner, that at Chio it was thought that the Venetian and Turkish Fleets were Engaged, which made all People run up the next Morning to the highest places, to see what might be seen; and I remember the Reverend Father Bernard, Superior of the Capucins of Chio, a venerable Person, and of great Credit, told me that he had been mistaken as well as others, for he thought he had heard Guns as well as they; in the mean time there was nothing to be seen; and indeed it was only a Fire that broke out at the bottom of the Sea, in the Port of Santorini, and wrought such effects, that from Morning till Night, vast numbers of Pumice Stones were cast up out of the Sea, with so great cracking and noise, that one would have said they had been so many Canonshot; and that so infected the Air, that in the Isle of Santorini many Died, and several lost their Sight; which nevertheless, they recovered again some days after. This Infection spread as far as the Noise that went before it; for not only in that Isle, but even at Chio and Smyrna, all Silver, (whether locked up in Chests, or in men's Pockets) turned red; and the Monks who live in those places, told me that all their Chalices became red. After some days that Infection was dissipated, and the Silver came to its colour again. The Pumice-stones that were cast up there, so covered the Sea of the Archipelago, that for some time when certain Winds blue, Harbours were stopped up with them; insomuch, that the least Bark that was could not get out, unless those that are on Board, with Poles made way through the Pumice-stones; and there are of them still to be seen all over the Mediterranean Sea, but in small quantity, now they are dispersed up and down. Seneca in one of his Epistles says, that Santorini stands upon Mines of Sulphur; and from them certainly the Fire proceeds. It is said that Alexander the great sounded the Sea at that place, and could find no Ground. There is nevertheless a little Island called Firesia, at the point whereof, one may come to an Anchor, 
Firesia.  and no where else.   

CHAP. LXIX. Of the Isles of Policandre, Milo, Sifanto Thermia, Ajora, and Scyra.  

Policandre.  THE Isle of Policandre is eight miles in compass; and a pretty pleasant place: Three miles from the Seaside, there is a Village of about an hundred Houses, inhabited by three hundred Souls; one must cross over a Valley and Rocks in going to it, and there are no other Houses in the Island: In it there are three well built Churches, and two Monasteries, one of Men, and another of Women. The Convent of the Monks is very well situated, and is dedicated to the Blessed Virgin; it hath a little Garden adjoining to the Church, with a Cistern of excellent water; and in that Garden there is a Statue without a Head, made after the Apostolic way; there are others also in the Walls, built in among the rest of the stones. The other Monastery is for Women, who observe no rule or institution, but live as Nature teaches them; their Church is dedicated to St. John, and a Monk says Mass in it on all Sundays and holidays. The Inhabitants of this Isle pay their Tribute with the Money they raise from Barley, Cotton, Stuffs, and Cheese which they make. The Castle stands upon a very high Hill, but all the Houses of it are ruinous, except a Chapel of St. Michael the Archangel; from thence one may see all the Isles of the Archipelago. The Inhabitants of this place are honest, civil and courteous People, especially the Women, who are very handsome; they live pretty well, having very good Bread, Fowl, Sheep, and other things necessary: They make no Wine, but have it brought them from Santorini, which is but thirty miles from it. They have no Physicians nor Surgeons, nor any sort of Trade. The Harbour of this Island is indifferent good, but the Mainots and other Corsairs put often in there, and lodge ashore in a Church that stands by the Seaside.  

Milo.  The Isle of Milo is so called from Mylos, which in the vulgar Greek signifies a Mill, because there are many Windmills in it, and because also they bring Millstones from thence. This Island is thirty six miles about, has few Hills in it, and is fruitful in all things, selling yearly betwixt three and four hundred Tun of Wine, and the Inhabitants trade in Candie, Venice, and other places. They have a Mine of Brimstone, and much Pumice-stones, which are Let out to one of the Inhabitants, for fifteen hundred Piastres a year. Three miles from the Town, there are hot Baths of Sulphur, where People come from several places to wash, and many recover their health there. The Port is six miles long, three over, and has a good depth of water. Two miles from this Port, there is a Grotto in form of a large Chamber, wherein there is lukewarm water, 
A Bath of hot Water that reaches six miles.  which gives so much heat, that an artificial Bath cannot make one sweat more. They say, that the water of this Grott has an inrercourse with the Church of St. Constantine, that is six mile's North of it; and to make a proof of this, one day they put a Silver Cup into this Bath, which they found again in the Fountain of the said Church of St. Constantine. In this Isle, there is a Town where two thousand five hundred Souls live; and an old Castle, inhabited by five hundred more: The Town stands in a Plain, with a Castle in the middle of it, but not inhabited. They have a Latin Bishop, and a Greek Bishop; the Latin Cathedral is without the Town, dedicated to St. Peter, but without any Ornaments, and the Latin Bishop celebrates in a Chapel that joins to one of the Greek Churches; this Bishop has a great many Tithes, which he divides with the Greek Bishop, taking two thirds to himself, and giving the Greek the other third. The Greek Bishop hath several well built Churches in good repair, and many Priests to officiate in them. Most of the Inhabitants of this Island are Greeks, who live much at their ease, are civil, but very wicked and perfidious. Their Women go in a very ugly dress, speak very ill, and cannot pronounce the letter (L) They are very charitable and kind to Strangers. The People live here commodiously enough, having all things necessary for life; but they have no Physicians, Surgeons, nor any of that Profession. There are no Turks in this Island, and it is governed by four Deputies of the Town. Half a mile from Milo, is the Isle called Chimolo or Argentara, which hath a good Harbour, 
Chimolo, or Argentara.  and a Village containing about two hundred Souls, which was burnt by the Corsairs in the Year 1638. These poor People live in great misery.  
The Isle of Sifanto or Sifano, anciently Sifanus, is thirty six miles in circuit, 
Sifanto, Sifanus.  and has a Castle upon a Hill, with double Walls, inhabited by three thousand Souls, and there are no other Houses in all the Island, unless it be some Country-houses of private Men: There is no water in this Castle, what they have, is brought out of the Plain underneath it. The Harbour is not good for Barks, and therefore they have Warehouses near the shore, where they put their Commodities, and then draw the Barks on Land. There is another good Harbour, but it is five miles from thence. This Isle belonged formerly to the Family of Gozadini, as may be seen by an Inscription made in the Year 1450. 
Family of the Gozadini.  upon a Marble-Pillar at the entry into the Port. There is upon it a Latin Bishop, and a Greek Vicar; but the Chapel of the Latin Bishop is little, and very poor: There is a Monastery of Greeks also, built upon a Hill. There is no place of Recreation in this Island, nor any other Antiquity, but a great Chest of white Marble with Ox's Heads, Festons, and Fruits upon it. This Isle produces not Provisions for above two months in the year, and for the rest of the year, the Inhabitants provide themselves elsewhere, having little Barks for that end, which they build upon the place. They say, that they have a Mine of Lead, and a Gold Mine: They are very rogues, but their Women are very honest, and go with their faces covered. There are no Trades there, but Weavers, Shoemakers, Joiner's, and the like.  
The Isle of Thermia is thirty six miles in circuit, and so called from Therma, 
Thermia.  which in the Greek signifies Hot; because of the Springs of hot water that are in a Plain there near the Sea, from which the sick and indisposed receive much relief. The Town contains about three hundred Houses, inhabited by about two thousand Souls; there are fifteen Greek Churches in it, and a Greek Bishop, who resides six months of the year at Zia, and the other six at Thermia. Heretofore there was a Latin Bishop there, but he having gone out of the Island, the Albanians usurped all, there being no Inventory nor other Writing to be found. There is nothing remarkable in it, but the aforementioned Baths, though there be a Castle there, and a pretty big Village, called Mesi. 
Mesi.  This Island is almost all a Plain, has few Trees, and yet it is fruitful and abundant in all things. The Inhabitants are honest people, and trade in Stuffs, Thread, and other Commodities, raising thereby Money to pay their Tribute. Turkish Money passes not there, but only the Coin of Venice, so as in several other such Isles, except Naxia, Andro, and Seyra, where Turkish Money goes. The Women of Thermia, are virtuous, handsome, and wear a neat dress. The People live pretty well there, and a Cady commands, with four Procurators chosen among the Citizens of the Town.  
Ajora is a little Isle, eighteen miles about; it depends on the Isle of Scyra, 
Ajora.  whose Inhabitants keep some Shepherds there to look after their Sheep. There are four Churches in it, where Divine-Service is performed but once a year, to wit, at Easter, and then the Shepherds Communicate. It is not at all cultivated, because the Corsairs carry off the Oxen, and sometimes the Sheep also.  
The Isle of Scyra, which in the vulgar Greek signifies Signora, or Mistress, 
Scyra.  is so called, because by its height it commands all the other Isles, being almost in the middle of them: It is thirty six miles in circuit, a dry Soil, bears few Trees, and nevertheless abounds in all things, having plenty of Provisions, Flesh, Fish, and Venison. The Water they use, is brought from a Spring a little wide of the Town, and is very good. They have no Villages of any consequence, only some scattering Houses in the Country. The Inhabitans of this Isle are much given to devotion, and chief the Women, who are very silly. There is much hatred and envy always among them, which arises from the oppression they daily suffer from the Turks, and their common poverty. They are almost all Latins, and have several Churches, the Cathedral standing on the top of the Town, dedicated to St. George, and served by several Priests, who have a Latin Bishop for their Superior, that lives on his Revenue and Tithes: But there are some of these Churches in so bad order, that they look more like Warehouses, than Churches. The Capucins (in spite of the Heretics and Schismatics bring many into the Church by their constant Preaching. They Catechise there, and instruct the young Children, who have a very quick wit, and are apt to learn. They often hear Confessions, and their Church which is dedicated to St. John, was built at the charge of the Public. There is another Church also, dedicated to the Virgin, and served by the Religious of the Order of St. Dominick. Six miles from the Town, there is a little Garden, where there are some stocks of Orange-Trees, and some Springs, with a Chapel dedicated to the Virgin, and some Hermit commonly lives there. They have no places of Curiosity nor Walks.   

CHAP. LXX. Of the Isles of Samos and Nicaria.  
AFter I had long waited for a Passage to Aegyt, an occasion (at length) offered of a great Saique bound for Rossetto. 
Saiques.  These Saiques are like great Barks, having a round hulk, and a very big and high Mainmast. They carry great Cargoes of Goods, but they sail not fast, unless they be before the Wind, or rather they sail no otherwise, for they cannot go upon a Wind. The Greeks make use of no other Vessels for trading both in the White and Black Seas, and that's the reason there are so many of them; though the Christian Corsairs pick up several of them now and then. I spoke to the Master of this Saique, who was a Janisary, and he promised to give me notice when the weather was fair to set out; but that I might be the more at ease, I hired the Pursers' Cabin in the top of the Poop, which was so little, that when my Man and I turned in, there was not half a foot of room to spare. I then bestirred myself speedily to make my provisions, not forgetting a Capot for myself, and another for my Man. A Capot is a certain Field-garment, 
Capot.  lined through with the same stuff it is made of, and shaped like a Waistcoat, reaching down to the knee; there are sleeves for the arms, and a hood fastened to it for the head. All the Seamen have Capots, and it seems to me to be so necessary an Implement, not only for Seamen, but for all that travel by Sea, that I cannot see how in a long Voyage, one can be without it: In case of necessity, it will serve for a Quilt and Coverlet: With a Capot, you may sit down and lie where you please, and without it you would pitch all your clothes: rain or blow, you may walk abroad in the air with your Capot; and within a Capot, you need neither fear wet nor cold I found so much good in this Garment, and have received so many Services from it, that I thought I could not but here say something in praise of it. Being then provided with all things necessary for a pretty long Voyage (though they gave me hopes that in eight or ten days time I should be in Egypt) I went on board on Wednesday the Fifteenth of November, 
Departure from Chio.  about three a clock in the Afternoon, and an hour after, we set out of the Port of Chio with a Northwind. We made not much way that day.  
Thursday morning, the sixteenth of November, the wind ceased, leaving us before the Isle of Samos, 
Samos.  which is threescore miles from Chio. This is a very barren Island, by what I could perceive; but is famous, for having been the Native Country of Pythagoras, 
Pythagoras. Polycrates. Sibylla of Samos. Nicaria. Icaria.  that great Philosopher; of Polycrates, so much renowned for his good fortune; and of a Sibyl: It is fourscore miles in circuit. Pretty near, and over against Samos, is the Isle of Nicaria, called in ancient times Icaria, from Icarus, the Son of Doedalus: It is in figure long, the Land of it very dry, and all high Rocks, wherein are the Houses of the Inhabitants, who may make in all three thousand Souls, very poor, and ill clad. They are much addicted to Swimming, and fishing up Sponges from the bottom of the Sea, or the Goods of Ships that have been cast away; and Bachelors are not married in this Island, unless they can dive at least eight fathom deep into the water, and of this they must give proof: So that when a Papas, or any other of the richest men of the Island, would marry his Daughter, 
To whom the Maids are married at Nicaria.  he pitches upon a day whereon he promises his Daughter to the best Swimmer; and the day being come, the young Men strip themselves stark naked before all the People, the Maid herself being present, and throw themselves into the water, where he that stays longest under, obtains the Maid in Marriage. These are a sort of People that seem to be Fish, rather than Men. They pay the Grand Signior their Tribute in Sponges, and from them all Turkey is furnished. This Isle hath no Haven for great Vessels, but only for small Barks, wherein they go to Chio, and sell Honey, Wax, White-wine as clear as water, which comes away by Urine as soon at it is drank, and such like Commodities. Their Vineyards are here and there among the Rocks. But the World is turned topsie-turvie in this Island; for the Women are the Mistresses there: So soon as the Husband is arrived from any place, the Wife goes to the Seaside, and takes the Oars and other implements and carries them home, after which the Husband disposes of nothing without her leave. In the time of the Emperors of Constantinople, Persons of Quality that deserved Banishment, were sent to this Island; the Inhabitants whereof are well-shaped and strong.  
But to return to Sea again, we did what lay in our power to pass that Island, and take Harbour at Stanchio; but a Southeast wind blowing soon after, hindered us from that; and though we beat and tacked to and again till the evening, we gained no ground, so that we resolved to turn back again, and did so an hour before night, finding that the Southeast wind began to blow fresher and fresher. In the Nighttime we had much Lightning: However while I was attentively considering Samos, I saw a light on shore, 
A Light which no body kindles.  which seemed to me to be a Candle; and having asked an honest Roman Catholic of Chio (with whom I had made friendship) what it was? He made me answer, That that Light was seen every night in the same place; that having past that way ten or twelve times in the nighttime, he had always seen it; that nevertheless there was neither House nor Tree there; that many had gone oftentimes in search of it, but could never find it, seeing it very well at a distance, but losing sight of it assoon as they came near; and that about the place where the Light is seen, there is an ancient Christian Church all ruinous, which makes people think that there is some Mystery in it. I thought the man had jeered me, when he told me all these things, and therefore I went to the Captain's Cabin, where having asked him the same question (though he was a Turk) he told me the same things the honest Chiot did, who was Patron of the Saique, and a Greek, which made me more attentively consider that Light; I eyed it for the space of an hour, and it seemed to me to be about two hundred paces from the Seaside, on that part of the Island which looks Westward, opposite to the Isle of Nacaria or Nicaria: I saw it rise and fall like a Candle, and I remember that the Monks of Niamoni, of the Isle of Chio, told me just such another thing, concerning the Foundation of their Church. Having well considered that Light, I went to sleep about eleven of the clock, and the wind blew fresher about midnight, with so thick a darkness, that one could not see six steps on head; and in the mean time we were in a dangerous place, betwixt Samos and Nicaria, so that we had cause to fear the Saique might run foul of one of these two places. There fell afterward a great deal of rain, but such strong gusts of wind with it, as gave the Seamen enough to do; and besides that, we had great claps of Thunder, which doubling horribly betwixt these Islands, made with the beating of the waves, a fearful noise: In the mean time the Ship made much water, which created no small trouble to the Seamen, who had already their hands full on't. Another danger threatened us besides, for they had left the Caique in the Sea, towed at the Saiques stern, which being forced by the violence of the wind, knocked its head so hard against the Saique, that it might have started a plank, and sunk her down to rights, many Vessels being lost so, even in the Port; nevertheless their was no hoisting of it up, though it had strucken so often against the Saique that all the Head of it was broken, and the Saique was so slippery that there was no holding on her; so that at several times three Men fell into the Sea, but Ropes being quickly thrown out to them, they were drawn up again: At length came day, but with it so thick a Fog, that it was more than three Hours after before we could see Land. We afterward discovered Chio, about ten a Clock in the Morning, and put into Harbour the same day being Friday, the seventeenth of November, a little after Noon. Our Captain perceiving the Wether to be contrary to us, 
Scala Nuova or Couschadasi.  proposed to go and Anchor in the Port of Scala Nuova, which the Turks call Couschadasi, and I earnestly desired it; because than I might have gone to Ephesus, which is but half a days Journey from it, but some Chiots told him, that it was dangerous entering into the Port of Scala Nuova at that time. But indeed, I think it was that they had rather wait for fair Wether at home in their own Town, than in another place. So soon as I was come to Chio, I failed not to speak to our Vice-Consul of the Light I had seen in the Isle of Samos, and he told me all the same that the rest did, and that he himself with some others, had gone in search thereof, but that as they drew nigh, they always lost sight of it.   

CHAP. LXXI. Of Stanchio and Bodrou.  
WE waited with great Impatience for fair Wether at Chio, nevertheless the Southeast Wind continued blowing till Tuesday, the Twenty eighth of November, when with day a Northwind arose; we let not slip the occasion, for being got on Board, we put out the same day about Four a Clock in the Afternoon, and Wednesday the Twenty ninth of November, passed by Samos about Midnight. In the Morning the Wind abated a little, and nevertheless, about One of the Clock we arrived at Stanchio, 
Stanchio, or Isola Longa.  otherwise called Isola Longa, Fourscore and ten Miles from Samos, and came to an Anchor to take in Freshwater. We who were Christians went not a Shoar, because there were Eight hundred Spahis lately arrived, to defend that Island against the Venetians; and seeing these Blades played the Devil and all, putting their Horses into the Churches of the Greeks, they would certainly have abused us, being then extremely Exasperated against all Franks. This Island, called heretofore Coos, 
Coos. Lango.  and named at present by the Turks Stanchio, and by the Franks, Lango, or Isola Longa, is Seventy Miles in Circuit, and is very Fruitful, especially in good Wine; the Country seems to be pleasant enough, and upon the Port by the Seaside there is a Castle, that makes a pretty good show: The Town lies backwards, 
A Tree of an extraordinary extent.  and seems to be no great matter; there is a Tree there of a vast extent, and casts a prodigious shadow. It can easily cover Two thousand Men, and the Branches of it are supported by several Stone and Wooden Pillars, there being under it several Barber's Shops, Coffeehouses, and such like places, with many Benches to sit on. This Tree is like a Sycamore, but that it bears a fruit like a Chestnut, and serves for Tanning of Leather. There was in Ancient Times in this Island, a famous Temple of Aesculapius, and it is also Illustrious, 
Hypocrates. Apelles.  for having been the Native Country of Hypocrates, the Prince of Physicians; and of Apelles, the Prince of Painters. The Knights of Malta held this Island, when they were Masters of Rhodes, and I was told, that there were still many of their Monuments there. Having taken in Water at Stanchio, the same day after Sunset, we set Sail, with a Northwind that soon slackened. Next day being Thursday, the Thirtieth of November, betwixt Nine and Ten a Clock in the Morning, he that looked out, made a Sail coming towards us from Rhodes; we thought it might be a Corsar of Malta, and shortly after, we found we were not mistaken, and therefore we stood back again with a South-west Wind, which blew very fresh, and came to an Anchor at Bodrou, for we would not put back again to Stanchio, because Vessels are not secure there from the Southeast Wind.  
Bodrou is a Castle on the Main Land, over against the Isle of Stanchio, 
Bodrou.  which is but Twelve Miles from it. There is a good Port there, shut in on all hands, and the entry to it is by the South-west, but the Turks have suffered it (with the time) to be filled up with Dirt; so that now there is no Water there for great Vessels. Next Morning, Friday the First of December, we went a Shoar, and bought some fresh Provisions in the Castle.  
There are seven Gates to be passed, before one can enter into this place. Over every Gate there are several Coats of Arms, which perhaps, are the Arms of those who Commanded in that place, whilst it belonged to the Knights of Rhodes, for in some of them there are Crosses of Malta, and the Walls are covered all over with such, there being (as I take it) above Three hundred Escutcheons, which appear to be newly made. Having passed the second Gate, there is on the Right Hand a Statue of an Armed Man upon the Ground, but it wants the Head, and upon the Wall over it some Bas-reliefs very well cut. Over the third Gate, in the inside, under some Coat of Arms is this Inscription, Propter fidem Catholicam tenemus locum istum, and some more which I could not read: Then on the Right Hand, there is cut on a lovely Stone in the Wall, Sarreboure, 1130. There are many other pieces in Bass-Relief, and Coats of Arms in several places upon the Wall that is beaten by the Sea; and among others, there is one bearing a Fortress, and under it these words: F. Constantius de operibus cardinalibus; there are also three Demy Lions issuant out of the Wall, from the Head to half the Body. Betwixt the fourth and fifth Gates on the Right Hand, there are Bas-reliefs of Men fight, among which there is something written in Lingua Franca, but I could read nothing of it but 1510. Over the sixth Gate, on the outside there are three Escutcheons, under which are these words: Salva nos Domine vigilantes, custodi nos dormientes, nisi Dominus aedificaverit civitatem frustra vigilat qui custodit eam. Then you come to a Platform, where there are six Cannons that play towards the Sea. Over the seventh Gate also on the outside, there are three Escutcheons, and over the same Gate on the inside, the same three Escutcheons, with two words written in Gothick Characters, which I could not read. Under this last Gate, which is of Iron, there is a Court of Guard, of fifteen or twenty Men. This is a good strong Castle, the Walls are very high, and built of a kind of Stone, that great Guns cannot hurt it: It is beaten by the Sea on one side, and there are Portholes in the Wall along the Seaside, which being Mounted with Cannon could easily hinder Ships from approaching it. It is very strong also towards the Land, and all the Walls are so sound, that they seem as if they had been but lately built. Horse cannot wrong it, for it stands upon a Rock, in a rising place, where the Land is very narrow, being on two sides encompassed by the Sea; which (as I said) on one hand washes the foot of the Castle, and is not half a Mile from the other side. This Castle, however, might easily be taken, by cutting off the Water that is brought to it by an Aqueduct; for though there be Cisterns in it, yet the Turks have suffered them to be so filled up with Earth, that they are useless. Among the Houses that are somewhat Ruinous, there are a great many pieces of Pillars. There are many Houses also without the Castle, but no body lives in them; in the Evening all and even the Cattle, retire into the Castle. The Country about is very fruitful in Grapes, Figs, and such like Fruit. This is all that I could observe of this Castle, where I durst not eye any thing but in passing, for fear of being taken for a Spy, for when I stopped any where, the Turks took notice of me.   

CHAP. LXXII. Our Departure from Bodrou, and our Arrival at Rhodes.  
WE stayed some days at Bodrou, because a strong South-west Wind blew still, with much Rain. Sunday, the third of December, it began to blow a little from North-north-West, but it lasted not; however we put out on Monday, the fourth of December, betwixt three and four in the Afternoon, with an easy North-north-West Gale, which lasted not three Hours, but left us becalmed, until Tuesday the fifth of December, that blowing pretty hard from Southeast, we were forced to put back again. We came to an Anchor before Stanchio, for the Wind was contrary for carrying us to Bodrou. We put out four Anchors, that we might ride secure from that Southeast Wind, which made us dance bravely, but notwithstanding all our Anchors, we suffered much by the Storm. For my part I strained my very Guts almost out with Vomiting and Reaching, and when that was over, I had such violent pains in my Side, that I thought they would have killed me; and then notwithstanding my pain, I could not forbear to blame a little those, who out of a desire of Travelling forsake their ease, and die of the least Indisposition they fall into, for want of help. 
Opium.  A Turk taking pity of me, gave me Opium to eat; not knowing what it was, I swallowed it down, but when he would have had me take another Dose, I asked him what it was, and he made answer, Eat it, it is good for you, it is Opium. Then I told him that he had Poisoned me, and straining a little, I Vomited again. Since I was not the only sick person aboard, and that all had trouble enough, the Wind blowing very hard, and Raining whole Nights, we several times weighed Anchor, and did what we could to get to Bodrou, but all in vain, for the Southeast Wind still hindered us. At length, on Saturday the ninth of December, the Wind changed, and after Noon we had a breeze from North, but we did not offer to set Sail before next day, that we might see if it was like to continue. Next day being Sunday, the tenth of December, it blowing fresher from North, we set Sail about Eleven a Clock in the Forenoon; but that Wind lasted not long, for about Two in the Afternoon, it began to calm, and at Night chopped about to the South; but it did not blow hard, and therefore we still kept under Sail. About Ten a Clock at Night we run a Risque, which we had not foreseen: For we being above thirty Saiques in company, and the Night very dark, about ten of the Clock, a Saique ran foul of us, and entangled his Foremast with our Mainmast; the Bounce made so great a noise, that we all thought ourselves lost; and every one running out to see what the matter was, some of our Men took a good Rope and lashed the Foremast of that Saique to ours, whilst four or five went down with a Lantern to the Pomp, to see if our Saique had sprung a Leak, or suffered damage in the Hold, the rest staying above-decks to take heed, that the Seamen of the other Saique did not cast lose the Rope and get clear of us; but the poor Creatures (who were all Greeks) were so stunned at the fault they had committed, that not one of them appeared. At first when this happened, our Captain was so enraged, that he was about to Leap into the other Saique with Sword in Hand, and kill all he met; but being quickly better advised, he and all the rest resolved, that if our Saique was in danger of Sinking, to Leap into theirs, and throwing them all into the Sea, to make themselves Masters of her, therefore it was that they held her Lashed to ours. At length (God be praised) we found that our Saique had received no damage, but only a little of her Side broken. Had it blown a little fresher, or had they struck but a hands breadth lower, our Saique had gone to the bottom. We let them go then, without doing them any hurt, though there were some on board of us, who gave advice to fire a Broadside into her and sink her.  
In the mean time, the same Southwind still continuing, we kept beating to and again till Monday, the elventh of December, when two Hours before Night, we manned our Boat to tow us into a narrow passage, which is betwixt the Isle of Sanbiki, by the Turks called Sunbiki, and another inhabited Island; we came to an Anchor there about Sunsetting. This is a very narrow place, and pretty secure from Winds; when you are passed the straight, there is a Village upon the Seaside, where none but Greeks live, who Trade up and down in Sanbikis, by the Turks called Sunbikis, 
Sunbikis.  which were first invented and made in this Island. These Vessels are a kind of Galiotts, which we shall Treat of in another place. We stayed there all that Night, and next day, being Tuesday the twelfth of December; Wednesday the thirteenth of December, at break of day, a gentle Gale blowing still from the South, our Caique towed us out of the Straight, and then we spread Sail. Betwixt Nine and Ten a Clock, the Wind turned about to North-north-West, with which we made so good way, that about Three a Clock in the Afternoon we arrived at Rhodes, an hundred Miles from Stanchio. We lay thirteen days in the Harbour of Rhodes, during which time, I considered that place as much as I could, not daring, however, to eye any thing too attentively; for so soon as I stopped, the Turks observed me, and a Chiot Gentleman with whom I was, jogged me at the same time, to divert me from my Curiosity, which might prove hurtful, especially at that time, when in all the Isles of Turkey, they apprehended a descent from the Venetians.   

CHAP. LXXIII. Of Isle and City of Rhodes.  
THE Isle of Rhodes hath Lycia to the North, the Sea betwixt them being about twenty Miles broad; the Isle of Cyprus to the East, Candie to the West, and Egypt to the South; it is an hundred Miles in Circuit, lying in so temperate a Climate, that (as they say) there is no day but the Sun shines upon it; however I have been some days there when no Sun appeared, at least at the Town. This is a very fruitful Island, and hath several Villages well Inhabited, besides a small City, which is very strong: The Island hath had several Masters, for the Saracenes took it from the Gresks, under the Conduct of Mahuvias; than it returned to the Christians, and afterwards to the Saracenes, from whom it was taken on the day of the Assumption of our Lady, in the Year 1309. by the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, who Fortified it. The History of the Religion of Malta, Treats at large of the City of Rhodes, the Foundation of it; and how the Hospitallers or Knights of St. John, became Masters of the same. 

The Siege of Rhodes by the Califf of Egypt.  
The Siege of Rhodes by Mahomet II.   The Califf of Egypt Besieged it in the Year 1444. and after some time raised the Siege, for they did him a great deal of Mischief, which made him several times desire their Friendship, Afterwards Mahomet the Second laid Siege to it the twelfth of May, 1480. Monsieur d' Ambusse, a Frenchman, being then great Master. He raised the Siege three Months after, and only lost his time for his pains. At length Solyman the Second being Emperor, and not enduring that after the Conquest of Egypt, a small place in the heart of his Dominions, held by a handful of Men, should give him so much trouble, made Application to them by all the ways of Mildness, desiring no more of them but the least acknowledgement: But finding that by no means they would submit, he resolved to take the place by force; and having made great preparations, went with his Army in Person to that Island, resolving to be present at an Expedition wherein he took so great a concern. 
The Siege of Rhodes by Solyman II.  On St. John's day, 1522. the Van of the Turkish Fleet appeared before Rhodes: At that time there were but Five thousand fight Men in Rhodes, of whom Six hundred wore the Habit, but they were all Men of Courage, 
Villiers, Great Master.  under the Command of a valiant Master, who was Philip de Villiers l'Isle Adam, a Frenchman. The Turks Fleet consisted of about Four hundred Sail great and small, having Two hundred thousand Men on board, Threescore thousand of them being Pioners, and the Grand Signior in Person, who much raised their Courage, not only by his Promises, but Threaten; and besides that, daily succours came to them from Anatolia, which is close by. This Siege is at length described in the History of the Knights of St. John, to which I refer the Reader, both it and that of Malta, deserving very well to be read, which assuredly are two of the most memorable Sieges that any History mentions, in regard of the many brave Actions performed by the Knights. The Turks Attacked the place with great fury, and the Knights most valiantly Defended it; so that the Grand Signior despairing of taking it, was about to pack up and be gone, 
Andrea d'Amaral a Portuguese Traitor.  and his Army already began to dislodge. When Andrea d'Amaral, a Portuguese, Prior of Castille, and Chancellor of the Order, being vexed that he was not chosen Great Master at the last Election, and thereupon bearing a great spite to his Order, gave him notice by a Letter, which being fastened to an Arrow he shot into his Camp; That the Besieged were quite spent, and informed him of a weak place in the Town, whereat he ought to give the Assault, promising him an easy Conquest of the place, if he had but patience to abide some days longer before it. The Grand Signior having followed this Counsel, the Town was taken by Composition, for the Knights were reduced to that pass, that they were not able to hold out any longer. And indeed, the Great Master received a great deal of Honour by this Siege, having been praised by the Grand Signior himself, who both honoured and pitied him, offering him every thing that he stood in need of. This place was surrendered to the Turks about the end of the Year 1522. after it had been kept by the Knights, for the space of Two hundred and some odd Years.  
The Town hath two Harbours, the one which is the great Port, being square and spacious enough; but it is not very safe when it blows from East North-east, or Southeast; and we found it bad enough for two days time that a Northwind blue. When the Knights were in possession of that Isle, they designed to have made another in the corner near the Town, by the Castle St. Angelo, and this would have proved a safe Port from all Winds, but they lost the place before they could put their design in execution. On the right-hand of the entry into the Port, there is a new Tower built by the Turks, in place of the old one, which was called the Tower of St. Nicholas; it is square, has a pretty Dungeon or Platform in the upper part of it, and a Sentry-place at each Angle: This Tower is well furnished with Cannon, it hath a Bastion adjoining to it behind, and a Courtine that reaches to the Walls of the Town, and makes one of the sides of the Port: Over against this Tower, on the other side of the Port, there is an old Castle, which (when the Knights were Masters there) was called the Castle of St. Angelo; but it is somewhat Ruinous. 
The Colossus of the Sun.  The Castle and Tower, which are above fifty Fathom distant, are built upon the two places where stood the Feet of that great Colossus of Brass, one of the Seven Wonders of the World; betwixt the Legs of which, Ships passed under Sail. This Colossus which represented the Sun, was cast by Chares the Lyndian; 
Chares the Lyndian.  it was Seventy Cubits high, and carried in one Hand a Light-house, where every Night a light was kindled to direct the Vessels that were abroad at Sea. At length, since the solidest thing that can be is subject to the decays of Time, this Colossus, which seemed immortal, Being overthrown by an Earthquake, lay there till the Saracenes having made themselves Masters of Rhodes, beat it in pieces, and sold it to a Jew, who loaded Nine hundred Camels with the Metal, and carried it to Alexandria in the Year 954. and 1461. years after it had been made. There is a Bastion on the Seaside behind the Tower of St. Nicholas, to which it is joined, on which Nine very great Guns are Mounted, that defend the entry of the Port on all sides; and it is Railed in with Wooden-Rails to the Landside. Next to that is the Port of the Galleys, which toward the Sea, is covered by a Tongue of Rock joined to the Main-Land, whereon there is a Castle built, called in time of the Knights, the Castle of St. Erme. This is a good Harbour, and able to contain many Galleys, but the Mouth of it is so narrow, that one Galley only can enter at a time; it looks to the East North-east. It's every Night shut with a Chain, that is fastened to a little Tower, at the farther end of a Mole which runs out Five and twenty or thirty Paces into the Sea, over against the Castle St. Erme; the other end of the Chain is made fast to a piece of Rock on the Shoar, seven or eight Paces from the Castle St. Erme. This Mole I have been speaking of, hath another little Tower on the end of it towards the Land, and hard by about fifty Paces further up on Land; there is a Buryingplace, and in it fifteen or twenty Domes of Freestone well built, most of them supported by four Arches; and these are the Sepulchers of the Beys, and other Persons of Quality in Rhodes, who have been killed in the Wars. There is a Piazza, or place on the side of the Galleys Port, with some Trees and a Fountain in it, and at the end of that place near the bottom of the Port, is the Arsenal, where the Galleys and Saiques are built. The Town (as I said) is small, but very strong; towards the Port it hath high and strong Walls, well planted with Falcons on the top, and below there are Portholes for great Cannon. There is besides over against the Bastion, that is betwixt the two Ports, a good Tower with a Ditch, which hath three great pieces of Cannon mounted aloft, that hinder any Vessels from coming near the Port. In the middle of the Frontispiece of this Tower, there is a little Statue of St. Paul, 
The Statue of St. Paul at Rhodes.  with his Sword, as the Inscription by his Head shows; underneath this Statue is the Mitre with the two Keys, which are the Arms of the Church, then underneath that there are three Escutcheons, one of a plain Cross, another of a Cross Anchred, and a third in the middle, bearing a Tree, which I know not; It is as strong on the Landside, but strangers have less liberty to view it on that side, because they have less to do there. This Town hath three Gates, one towards the Sea where Corn is sold, and two on the Landside, through one of which I passed, and it looks towards the Den of the Dragon which was slain by the Knight Deodat de Gozon; 
Deodat de Gozon.  as may be seen in the History of the Knights of St. John; the Head of the Dragon was heretofore upon that Gate, but some Years since, the Turks removed it to the Water-gate. On this side it was also that the Traitor Andrea d'Amaral, shot secretly from the House of the Great Master that looks that way, a Letter fastened to an Arrow into the Camp of the Turks, wherein he gave the Turks notice, that they could not take the Town but on that side, by filling up the Ditches with the Earth of a Hill that was close by; which they did, and so took Rbodes, from the same place the Traitor continued to acquaint the Grand Signior with the resolutions of the Council. Near to this Gate within the Town, are the Pits where the Knights put their Corn, such as they have at present in Malta, for the same use. As you enter the Town by the Water-gate, you go first through a little Gate, over which are two Escutcheons of two Crosses, the one plain and the other Anchred; then to the Left hand you enter by a great Gate, over which is the Dragon's Head, which is much Thicker, Broader, 
A Dragon's head at Rhodes.  and Longer than a Horse's Head, the Jaws of it are slit up to the Ears, with very great Teeth on each side; it is flat above, hath Eyes somewhat bigger than those of a Horse, the hole of the Nostril full round, and the Skin of a greyish White Colour (perhaps because of the Dust that sticks to it) and appears to be very hard. There are three Escutcheons over that Gate also, as there are many others on several places of the Walls, but one dares not stop to look at them. One of these Escutcheons bears a plain Cross, and the other a Cross Anchred; and betwixt these two there is a third, bearing the Arms of France. On the very top of this Gate, there are three Statues in their Niches, with three Lines written underneath them, whereof I could only read the first Word, which is D. Petrus, and under that Inscription are the three abovementioned Escutcheons. This Gate is betwixt two great Towers, well planted with Falcons. The Streets of the Town are pretty broad, all Paved with little Stones, and for the most part covered with Penthouses, which the Turks have made; these Penthouses jet out so far into the Street, that they almost touch one another in the middle of it: There are several fair Buildings in it, but all built in time of the Knights. St. John's Church is still to be seen there, but it is at present a Mosque. There is a little Nich over the great Gate of it, that hath a round cover, and upon that cover, the Figures of our Saviour, the Blessed Virgin, and St. John holding the Cross, are cut in bas relief. The Gate is of Wood, pretty well carved; and on the left hand as you come out of the Church, (into which no Christian is now suffered to enter) is the street of the Knights, where all of them (I believe) lodged; for there are several Coats of Arms upon the houses of that street, out of which there is still a gate to go into St. John's: This is a long straight street, and mounts upwards; it is paved with small Stones, and in the middle of the street there is a line of white Marble a foot broad, which reaches from one end to the other; at the upper end of it, is the Palace of the great Master, but no body now lives in it. None but Turks and Jews live in the City of Rhodes; for Christians are not suffered to be there, though they keep Shops in the Town, but at night they must retire to the Villages in the Country about, being only allowed to come to Town in the daytime.   

CHAP. LXXIV. Of the Voyage from Rhodes to Alexandria.  

Departure from Rhodes.  WE stayed at Rhodes till Christmas, having all the while very bad weather, great Rains, and much Thunder. At length on Monday, Christmas-day, the five and twentieth of December, the wind turned Northwest; but because it was still close and cloudy weather, our Captain would not put out that day, though a great many Saiques set sail. On St. Stephen's-day, being Tuesday the six and twentieth of December, (it clearing a little up, and the North-west-wind continuing,) we set out from Rhodes after twelve a clock, making sail only with our Foresail, that we might not leave the Island before night, for fear of Corsairs. 
The Country of Chares.  After Sunset we spread our Mainsail, and in a short time, left Lindo, the Country of Chares, who made the Colossus of Rhodes, a stern of us; it is a little Rock at a point of the Isle of Rhodes, threescore miles from the Town. 
Scarpanto.  There is a small Town on it, with a very good Fort. When it was two or three hours in the night, we came over against the Isle of Scarpanto, fifty miles from Lindo, 
Gulf of Satalia.  which we left to the starboard; then we entered into the Gulf of Satalia, where for two or three hours' time, we had a rolling Sea, because the Current of that Gulf, makes an Eddy with the Currents of the Gulf of Venice, and other places to the Westward, which is the cause that the Sea is a little rough there: This Passage was heretofore so dangerous, that many Vessels were cast away in it; but the Seamen say, that St. Helena returning from Jerusalem, threw one of the Nails of our Saviour's Cross into it, and that since the danger has been less. After that, about midnight, it began to blow so fresh from North-north-west, that we reckoned our running to be ten miles an hour, though we carried only our Mainsail, that we might not leave a Callion or Turkish Ship, that was our Consort, and was a great way a stern of us. She came with us from Chio, and was also bound for Alexandria. That wind lasted all Wednesday, the seven and twentieth of December, St. John the Evangelist's-day, and at night it slackened a little, and then changed to the North-east, but so easy a gale, that we got a head but little or nothing during the whole night, and all next day, which was St. Innocent's-day, the twenty eighth of December. That day towards the evening, the wind blew a little fresher, but shortly after was calmed by a shower of Rain: About midnight it blew again so hard, that Friday the nine and twentieth of December, by break of day we made the Land of Egypt, 
Boukery.  and the wind chopping about to West-north-west, we stood away towards Boukery, five hundred miles distant from Rhodes, but the wind cast us so far to the lee-ward, that shortly after we found ourselves below Alexandria, where we endeavoured to put in, 
Arrival near to Alexandria.  beating to and again all day long; but in the evening we were fain to come to an anchor five or six miles short of the Town. We stayed still there all Sunday the one and twentieth of December, and then in the nighttime the wind turning North, blew so hard, that our Vessel was very much tossed.  
Monday, the first day of the Year 1657. the wind abating a little about eleven a clock, we weighed, standing in towards the Harbour of the Galleys, where half an hour after we came to an anchor. There we were informed, that a great Gallion was cast away in the Port of Alexandria, which belonged to two Turkish Merchants, and had a great deal of Goods on board, to wit, Flax, Coffee and Sugar, to the value of a hundred and fifty Thousand Piastres: Not but that the Port is good enough; but they said, that there was negligence in the case; and that the Cables were old, and not looked to for eleven months that the Gallion was in the Port, so that they were rotten in the water. This Gallion road with four Anchors abroad, yet one night, a little before day, all the Cables broke much at the same time, which the company that were on board perceiving, fired two Guns for assistance; but no help being given them, about break of day she split upon a Rock, all the men that were on board, were saved, except a Turkish Merchant, who would not be saved, saying, that he would not leave his Goods that were in the Gallion; and indeed, he perished with the Ship, which was so broken to pieces, that in an hours time there was no more to be seen of her. Nevertheless help might have been given them, seeing (notwithstanding the storm) Caiques went and came, and all that was to be done, was but to carry them a Cable or two. All the Goods that were saved of a Cargoe worth an hundred and fifty Thousand Piastres, was no more but a little Flax, which they took up floating upon the water, and which I afterwards saw spread abroad to dry. She was the fairest Gallion that ever the Turks built, exceeding even the Sultana, taken some years since by the Knights of Malta, which was so high, that the Main-masts heads of the Galleys of Malta, did not reach up to her side, I was told that this was another-guess Gallion, and that her stern was higher than the Main-top-mast head of our Saique, which nevertheless was one of the largest of the kind. She was built at Constantinople, and cost eight and thirty Thousand Piastres; her burden was fifteen hundred Tun, but she was now grown old; she had on board forty Guns, and would carry three thousand Men; nay the first Voyage she made from Constantinople, she had two thousand and one hundred Persons on board. Nevertheless the Sea at this time was so enraged, that not satisfied with this great booty, it carried its fury farther, and cast away a Saique in the mouth of the Nile, in which two and forty Men were drowned; but (thanks be to God) we were at Rhodes, during that Tempest.   
The End of the First Book.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT. PART I.  

BOOK II.  

CHAP. I. Of Alexandria.  
IN the former Book, I gave an Account of our arrival at Alexandria, after a tedious Voyage, which is commonly performed from Chio in seven or eight days time. And now being in Alexandria, I stayed some days for fair weather, that I might go with the Saique to Rossetto; but perceiving that the wind changed not, and that probably it might be a month's time before the Saique could get to Rossetto, I brought my things ashore, and resolved to go thither by Land. Before my departure, I saw all that is worth the seeing in Alexandria. This Town, called by the Turks Skenderia, 
Alexandria, or Skenderia.  heretofore so lovely, rich and famous a place, is at present so ruined, that it is no more the same; there is nothing to be seen in it but ruined Houses cast one upon another, and the heaps of Rubbish and Stones which are on all hands, are higher than the Houses. The French are lodged there in a Fondick, which is a great House like a Han. There are other Fondicks also for the English, Dutch, Venetians, and others, and they pay no House-rent; on the contrary, the Consuls receive Money from the Grand Signior yearly, to keep them in necessary repair. These Fondicks are every evening shut up, and the Keys of them carried to the Aga of the Castle, who takes care to send them back every next morning. They are also shut, and so is the Water-gate, every Friday, during the Noon-Prayer, as the Castle-gate is at Cairo, and also in all places of the Turkish Empire, where there are Franks, because (they say) they have a Prophecy which threatens, that the Franks are to become Masters of them on a Friday, during the Noon-Prayer. Hardly any thing of the ancient Alexandria remains standing, but the Walls, and some Buildings toward the Fondick of the French, which are almost ruined; for the Buildings that are now towards the shore, are not ancient, but have been built by the Turks, as may be easily seen by the Fabric, being all low ill-contrived Houses. This Town hath three Ports, the first of which, called the Old Harbour, is pretty large, but few Vessels put into it, because the entry is difficult; there are two Castles to defend it, one on each side, and both well kept. The other two Ports are higher up, and separated one from another by a little Island, heretofore farther off from the main Land, than it is at present, and anciently called the Pharos: It is at present joined to the main Land by a Stone-bridge of some Arches, under which the water passes. This Isle runs out a great way in Meo; in the middle of it, there is a large square Tower, 
Farillon.  where the Grand Signior's Powder is kept. At the end of the same Isle, there is a good Castle, called Farillon, that stands in the same place where the heretofore so renowned Pharos stood, which was reckoned One of the Seven Wonders of the World; this which is now in the place of it; is neat enough, and well provided with Artillery, and a Garrison of three hundred Soldiers, commanded by a Muteferaca; but it hath no other water than that of the Nile, which is brought into it from without upon Camels. The first of the two Ports divided by the Pharos, is the Harbour of the Galleys; and the other is the Great Port, or New Harbour, the mouth whereof is on the one side defended by the Farillon; and on the other side, by another little Castle at its entry, which is not so good as the Farillon; however it is kept by several Soldiers, and these two Castles easily secure one another. Both these Ports are very dangerous, because of the Stones and Rocks that are in them, and there is need of a good Pilot to bring Vessels in. The Great Port lies much open to the North-east and North winds: The Harbour of the Galleys, is the safer of the two, but it hath no great depth of water; and indeed, (as I have already said) it serves only for Galleys. The Customhouse of Alexandria, on which that of Rossetto depends, is upon the side of the Great Port: 
Muhezin.  It is let out to a Turk, who therefore is called Multezin, or Farmer, and pays the Grand Signior three hundred Purses a year, which make two hundred twenty seven thousand two hundred threescore and twelve Piastres, fourscore Maidins: Nevertheless he is at no trouble about it, for he discharges the office by a Jew, to whom he gives a Purse yearly, which makes five and twenty thousand Maidins. The Jew who hath this employment, 
Maalem.  is called Maalem, and hath other Jews under him; he is Powerful, and by his intrigues, can do service or injury to a great many. Seeing the Customhouse is kept by Jews, there is nothing to be done there on Saturday, because it is their Sabbath, and yet no Vessel can load or unload, unless the Customhouse be open. There is another Customhouse on the right hand, as you go from the Fondick of the French towards the shore, pretty near the Water-gate, and is called the Old Customhouse; it is now above four hundred paces from the Sea, though heretofore the water beat against the Walls of it. Some Janissaries are still there at the door, and exact something of all Goods that pass, that so they may not lose their Rights. There are in Alexandria two little Mounts, made of Ruins heaped together, and one of them may very well be seen from the French Fondick; it hath a little square Tower on the top, where a Man always stands Sentinel, and puts out a Flag assoon as he sees any Sail; and every Vessel that comes into the Port, pays somewhat for the keeping of that Guard. Alexandria depends on the Beglerbey, or Bassa of Egypt, who has his Residence at Cairo; and in Alexandria there is an Aga that represents his Person, and Commands there. There is also a Great Cady or Moulla, who hath other Cadies under him. There are also two Sous-bashas', one of the Town, and the other of the Sea. All the Agas of the Castles of Alexandria, depend also on the Bassa of Egypt, who puts in and out whom he pleases.   

CHAP. II. Of the Walls of Alexandria, the Pillar of Pompey, and other Antiquities.  
I Said before that Alexandria is so ruined, that many Strangers ask where it is when they are in the middle of it; yet there are such fair remains to be found among the Ruins, 
Fine Antiquities of Alexandria.  as easily show that this hath been a most rich and stately Town. One of the finest things that are to be seen there, are the Walls, which (though ruined) are still so magnificent, that one must needs confess they have been matchless; nay a good part of them are still entire; and they must needs have been strong Built to last so long. These Walls have false Brays, and are flanked with great square Towers, 
The walls of Alexandria.  about two hundred paces distant from one another; and there is a little one betwixt every two of them; they are so neatly contrived, that there are stately Casemates underneath, which may serve for Gallery's and Walks. I had a very earnest desire to go into one of these Towers, 
Magnificent Towers of the walls of Alexandria.  that I might observe all the beauty of them, but as yet I durst not for fear of an Avanie or Fine; but being one day with another French man in the old Customhouse, which is only an open place, without any Building, and finding a Turk there who seemed to be good natured, we prayed him to lead us into the Towers of the old Walls, near to that place, which he very willingly condescended to do; we went into two of these Towers then, which are all alike; in each Tower below, there is a large square Hall, the Vault whereof is supported by great Pillars of Thebaick Stone; there are a great many Chambers above, and over all a large platform above twenty Paces square; in short, all these Towers were so many Palaces able to contain two hundred men a piece: The Walls are several foot thick, and every where Portholes in them: in every one of these Towers there are several Cisterns, so that each of them required an Army to take them. All the ancient Town was encompassed with these lovely Walls, every way fortified by such Towers; of which most part are ruined at present; though those we went into were pretty entire: there is danger in going to see them, for the Turks finding Franks there, take occasion to amerce them, saying they are Spies, or some such thing, and then nothing but Money can bring them off; so that they pay dear enough for their Curiosity. When I went thither, there was a French man with me, who was so apprehensive of being surprised, that he had not the least satisfaction, though he had lived several years in that Country; but we had a little the more confidence that we had a Turk with us. Next to the Walls, the finest piece of antiquity that hath withstood the rage of time, is the pillar of Pompey, 
Pompey's Pillar in Alexandria.  about two hundred Paces from the Town; it is upon a little height, which makes it to be seen a great way off, and stands upon a square Pedestal, above seven or eight foot high; and that Pedestal rests upon a square basis about twenty foot broad, and about two foot high, made up of several big Stones. The body of the Pillar is of one entire piece of Garnet, so high, that the world cannot match it; for it is eighteen canes high, and so thick, that it requires six men to fathom it round, having a lovely Capital on the top. Some have thought that this Pillar consisted of three pieces, having heard Moor say so, who reckon three pieces in it, to wit, the Pedestal, the Body and the Capital, (as they themselves have told me) but the Body is all of one piece, as may plainly be seen. I know not what Engines they had in those times, wherewith they could raise such a piece; and I am very apt to believe with a great many more, 
An opinion concerning the matter of the Pillar of Pompey.  that it hath been Cast or made of a certain Cement upon the very place, though there be not a few that absolutely deny that; saying that the ancient Egyptians got these Pillars and Oblisks, that are to be seen in so many places of Italy, at Said, where they pretend that many have been cut out, and brought by Water upon the Nile: If it be so, they must have had very extraordinary Barks or Carriages to bring so great a weight, and in such Bulk: It is also true, that they had the secret of casting Stones, but we have lost it, since none of the Ancients have Treated thereof. These Stones are very lovely, for they are greyish speckled with several colours, and extraordinary hard; the surface of them seems to be covered with little Grains. It is said that Caesar erected this Pillar in memory of the Victory which he obtained over Pompey. At foam Paces distance from thence is Caesar's Palace, 
Caesar's Palace in Alexandria.  but all ruined, save some Pillars of Pomphyrie, that are still entire and standing, and the Frontispiece still pretty sound; which is a very lovely piece: About three or fourscore paces wide of that Pillar there is a Khalis or Canal of the Nile, 
Khalis.  which was dug by the ancient Egyptians, to bring the water of the Nile into Alexandria, having none other to drink. This Canal which is much about the breadth of that that runs through Cairo, (whereof we shall speak hereafter) gins about six Leagues above Rossetto, on the side of the Nile, and from thence comes to Alexandria, and when the Nile swells, they give it a Passage through this Khalis, by breaking down a bank; 
The Cisterns of Alexandria.  as we shall take notice in speaking of that of Cairo; this Water fills the Cisterns, which are purposely made underneath the Town, and are very magnificent and spacious; for Alexandria is all hallow under, being an entire Cistern; the Vaults whereof are supported by several fair Marble-Pillars; and over these Arches the Houses of Alexandria were built; which made men say, that in Alexandria there was a Town under Ground, as big as that above Ground; 
A Subterranean Town in Alexandria.  and some have assured me that one may still walk under the whole Town of Alexandria in fair Streets, where the shops are still to be seen, but that the Turks suffer no body to go down. Now the Water of the Nile, which is so conveyed by the Khalis under the Town, serves the Inhabitants to drink all the year round; 
Pouseragues.  for every house has it drawn by Pouseragues, which pour it into their private Cisterns, as fast as it is drawn up. These Pouseragues are Wheels, with a Rope hanging round them like a string of Beads without an end, to which are fastened several earthen-Potts, which going empty down, come always full up again, and pour the Water into a Canal that conveys it whethersoever one pleases. But in the Months of August and September, which is the time when these Cisterns are filled; the new Water is unwholesome, and few that drink of it escape some Sickness or other; therefore several keep of the last years water until November. Besides that inconvenience, the Air of Alexandria is so bad during the months of July, August, September, and October, that many who lie upon the Ground at that time, fall into quartain Agues, which sometimes hold them several Years; I myself having known some who have kept them eight years. They who lie on Board of ships, (though in the Port) are not annoyed with that bad Air. But to return to the Khalis, it has Gardens all along the sides of it, which are full of Limon and Orange-Trees, and a great many other Trees that bear a fruit like Oranges, but so big, that one cannot grasp them with both hands. These fruits are not good to be eaten raw, but they peal off the Rind of them, then cut them into quarters, and clearing them of the sour stuff, preserve them; which make a most excellent Conserve. As for the Lemons, there are two sorts of them, some very great, which are not good to eat; and others as small as Walnuts, 
Juice of Lemons.  that are the best, because they are full of Juice, having a very thin Skin, and the juice of them they squeeze upon Meat for Sauce, and likewise press it out with Presses, and therewith fill several Casks; which they send to Venice, and other places: And this juice serves for making of Sorbet. In these Gardens there are also Cassia-Trees, Carob-Trees, and the like; and the Fields about Alexandria are full of Palm-Trees, and Capers shrubs. Having seen these things, I returned into the Town by the Gate of Rossetto, where are many lovely Pillars of Porphyrian Marble; and I went to see the Chrrch of St. Catherine, held by the Greeks; there you may see the Stone on which that holy Virgin had her Head cut off. 
The Stone on which St. Catherine was Beheaded.  This Stone looks like a piece of round Pillar, is almost two foot high, and has a hole quite through it from one end to the other, big enough to receive one's Fist: the Greeks say, that just over that hole her Head was cut off, as may be seen by the marks that are in the hole, which is stained all round within with Blood and Fat, as I could plainly see. This stone rests upon a marble-Pillar about four foot high, which the Greeks have purposely made to set it upon, Then I went to see the Church of St. Mark, held by the Cophtes, 
A Picture of of St Michael made by St. Luke. St. Mark.  wherein is to be seen the Pulpit where that St. used to Preach, as also a Picture of St. Michael, which (they say) was drawn by St. Luke. St. Mark was the first Patriarch of Alexandria, where he suffered Martyrdom in the year 64. His Body was kept in that Church until Venetian Merchants transported it to Venice. After that, as I was going along the way that leads from Rossetto to the Town, they shown me the ruins of the Palace of St. Catherines Father; 

The Palace of St. Catherines Father. Porphyrian pillars in Alexandria.  
Obolisks of Garnet in Alexandria.   which are hardly now considerable: Along that way also there are a great many fair Pillars of Porphyrian Marble to be seen. In another place I saw two very lovely Obelisks of Garnet, such as are in many places at Rome, with Hieroglyfick figures upon them in the same manner: there is but one of them standing without a Pedestal, the other is buried in the Ground, nothing appearing above, but the Foot, about ten foot long; each of them are of one entire piece, of the same thickness, and perhaps are bigger than those of Rome. Near to these pillars are the ruins of the Palace of Cleopatra, 
The palace of Cleopatra.  which is utterly defaced. They have so much Marble, Porphyry and Garnet there, that they know not what to do with it; and adorn the Gates with them; as the Water-gate is beautified with four lovely Pieces of Thebaick-stone, or Garnet; one on each side, one across over above, and one below, and yet that Gate is very high and wide; indeed, all they have to do, is to remove the Earth that covers these Stones, and transport them. 
Stones engraved.  Among the ruins of that Town, there are also some very curious stones to be found, which are little like Medals, and are agates, Garnets', Emeralds, and the like; all Engraved, some with a Head; some with an Idol; some with a Beast; and so all different, which heretofore have served for Medals, or Talismans'; 
Talismans'.  that is to say, Charms. But most of these Engraveings are so excellent, that certainly such cannot be made now a days, as I have seen, and have by me; so that the Engravers of those times, must have been excellent Artists; nay, it seems to me a doubt whether they might not have had the art of casting, or at least softening the Stones, for some of them are so little, that one has much ado to finger them; and nevertheless they are Engraved to perfection. When it reins, the Moors search for them among the Ruins, and never fail to find some; then they come and sell them for a small matter to the Franks; 

Good Asses in Egypt.  
Christians in Egypt cannot ride on Horse back through Towns.  
Asses stand ready in the streets of the Towns of Egypt.   but of late they hold them a little dearer, because of the emulation of the Franks, who come and out bid one another. When Strangers go to see these Antiquities, they take little Asses, which go very fast, and stumble not; nay, will Gallop too, (if they be put to it) for Christians whether Franks or not, cannot ride on Horses through the Towns, but in the Country they may, if they please. The Asses stand ready in the Streets, and one has no more to do but to get up; they pay no more for a whole Afternoons use of them, but seven or eight Pence a piece; to wit, one half for the Ass, and as much for a Moor, who follows on Foot, and beats and pricks on the Ass now and then to make him go.  
A farther Description of Alexandria, the Reader will find in the Second Part.   

CHAP. III. Of Rossetto.  
AFter I had seen what I thought fit in Alexandria, I resolved to go to Rossetto, and parted from Alexandria on Saturday Morning the sixth of January, with a Janisary whom the French Vice-Consul had given me to accompany me thither: 
Bouquier.  we passed by Bouquier, twenty short miles from Alexandria; which is a Castle that defends a Road that is near to it, and lodged that night at the Maadie of Alexandria. Till you come to the Maadie there is no place to rest in, being all a Desert of Sand. This place is called Maadie, that is to say, Passage; because there is a Lake there to be crossed over in a Ferry-Boat, with a Rope fastened to both sides of the Water. The Maadie is thirty long miles from Alexandria. This water is very full of Fish, which renders a great Revenue to the Grand Signior. There is a little Kervanserai on the other side of this Water, where Travellers have a House over head for nothing, and may eat and drink, (if they have brought Provisions along with them:) There we eaten and drank, and lay upon the Field-beds that we carried with us.  
Next day being Sunday, we set out in the Morning, and about noon came to Rossetto, 
Rossetto.  threescore miles from Alexandria, but the miles indeed are short and all along the Seaside. On our way we saw the place where the River of Nile discharges itself into the Sea, which is a very dangerous passage for Barks and Saiques; 
That mouth of the Nile at Rossetto.  and close by shore we saw the wrack of that Saique, which stranded the same day that the great Gallion was cast away in the Port of Alexandria, as I hinted at before. The danger is when the Sea is rough, for than it occasions an Eddy with the waters of the River, that turns the Vessel round and casts it on shore, where it is sure to be split; and none can save themselves by Swimming, because of the force of the Waves, but the wise make the best shift they can in their Caiques.  

Rossetto.  Rossetto, anciently called Canopus, lies upon a branch of the Nile, which falls into the Sea five miles below the Town, next to Cairo; it is reckoned the neatest Town of Egypt; not only because of the lovely Piazza's but also the many fair Hans it contains, and yet they daily build new ones there; for indeed it is a Town of great Traffic, and very pleasant, as being all encompassed with lovely Gardens. The Houses of Rossetto are all high and well Built; it is good living there, as in all other places of Egypt, where Victuals are very cheap, and wildfowl especially, Waterfowl very plentiful, which they catch several ways; but the Town hath this Inconvenience, that in the Months of July and August. they drink no other water, but what they have gathered before into fair Cisterns, Leaded and made for that purpose; because (during that time) the Sea flows so high, that it mingles with the water of the Nile, and renders it Brackish. The branch of the Nile that runs by this Town makes a Port for Saiques, but great Ships cannot come up to it: this port is always full of Saiques, which come from the Archipelago to Trade in Egypt. The Town is very carefully kept by the Sousbasha, from all Disorders that might happen; but besides that Guard, there are threescore Men that in the Nighttime march up and down to catch Robbers, 
The cunning of the Arabs who rob in Rossetto.  who are Arabs of the Deserts: These Villains strip themselves starknaked, then rub their Bodies over with Oil, that one may not take fast hold of them, and in that manner come to the Town, where they Steal what they can find, and when they are pursued; cast themselves into the River, and swim over to the other side. I made no long stay at Rossetto; but knowing that every Tuesday and Friday Barks go off from Rossetto to Cairo, I waited for the first opportunity, that I might go in company with several Barks, which is the way to be safe from the Pirates of the Nile, and having hired a little Boat only for myself and my Servant, that I might be at more ease. I parted from Rossetto Friday the nineteenth of January, about Noon. These Barks are Caiques, or ordinary Boats, and I had a Tilt or Covering made of Mats in the Stern, to keep me from the Sun and the Dew, which on the Nile is very cold and piercing: It was very bad weather that day, however we went on, and Wednesday the twenty fourth of January, passed the place where the Channel divides itself into two Branches, of which one goes to Rossetto, and the other to Damiette. The same day in the Evening we came to Boulac, which is the Port of Cairo, though it be half a League from it. 
Boulac.  Boulac is a pretty big long and narrow Town, built upon the side of the Nile, and has many Gardens and country Houses about it. At Boulac we paid a Piastre a piece to some Jews; it being the custom that every Frank the first time he comes to Cairo, pays a Piastre at Boulac. In my Voyage from Rossetto to Cairo, I observed that all the land upon the Nile sides is excellently good; and really, Egypt may be said to be an Earthly Paradise, but Inhabited by Devils; not only because the Inhabitants are Tawny, but also very Vicious, great Robbers especially, and such as will kill a Man for a penny; and indeed, they are very Poor; therefore when one goes by Water upon the Nile, he had need keep a good Guard against the Corsairs. During our Voyage in the nighttime we lighted several Matches which we fastened round about our Bark on the outside; and the Arabs seeing these Matches. easily take them for so many Muskets, which they are deadly afraid of, as not knowing the use of them; besides that, we had Fire-Arms, which we now and then Discharged, as well by night, as by day, that they might hear them: but notwithstanding all that, a Bark of Robbers came one night up with our Caiques, which one having discovered, he alarmed the rest, than all cried to them to keep off; thereupon they made answer in Turkish that we need not be afraid, for they were Friends, and would go in company with us; but when we called to them again, that if they did not stand off, we would Fire at them, they went their way. At Boulac we took Asses to carry us to Cairo, half a League distant from thence; My Lord Honorie de Bermond, the French Consul, did me the favour to lodge me at his House. The French Consul, (as those of other Nations) resides at Cairo, because the Bassa lives there, so the Affairs of the Nation are the more conveniently managed: he hath two Vice-Consuls under him, whom he appoints as he thinks good, one at Rossetto, another at Alexandria; and sometimes one at Damiette, who depend upon none but him.   

CHAP. IU. Of Cairo.  
THere are so many things to be seen at Cairo, that a very large Book might be filled with the Relation of them; and seeing I made a considerable stay there, and saw a good many of them, I shall here describe them in order, according to the several times I saw them in.  
Cairo, the Capital and Metropolitan City of Egypt, 
Cairo.  before it fell under the Turkish Dominion, was in the later times Governed by Sultan's, or Kings, who were taken from among the Mamalukes. 
Mamalukes.  These Mamalukes were all Circassian Slaves, bought of Merchants, who came and sold them to the Sultan of Egypt, who presently made them renounce the Christian Religion; then committed them to the care of Masters of Exercise, by whom they were taught to bend the Bow, shoot exact, give a true thrust with a Lance, make use of Sword and Buckler, sit a Horse well, (for they were all Horsemen) and skilfully manage him. After that, they were advanced according to their merit, and the Cowards and Unhandy were left behind; so that all who were brave, might rise to be Sultan's; for by them the Sultan was chosen, and none who were not Mamalukes, could be Sultan's; nor was any received to be a Mamaluke, that was not of Christian Extraction, those being excluded, who had either Mahometans or Jews to their Fathers. These Men were exterminated in the Year 1517. that Sultan Selim the First Conquered all Egypt; and at the taking of Cairo, 
Thomambey.  their Sultan, called Tbomambey, who was the last Sultan of Egypt, falling into his hands, he put him to an ignominious death, the Thirteenth of April 1517. causing him to be Hanged at one of the Gates of Cairo, called Babzuaila, 
Babzuaila.  and for ever rooting out the Mamalukes, who were cut off to the last man. Since that time, the Turks have always been Masters of it. This City stands ill, 
Cairo stands ill.  for it is at the foot of a Hill on which the Castle is built, so that the Hill covers it, and intercepts all the Wind and Air, which causes such a stifling heat there, as engenders many Diseases; whereas if it stood in the place where Old Cairo is, in the first place, they would have the benefit of the River, which is of great importance, were it only for water to drink; for the water must be brought into all parts of Cairo in Borachios upon Camels backs, which faith it from Boulac, above half a league from the City, and yet that is the nearest place: Hence it is that so much bad water is drank at Cairo, because those who go to bring it on their Camels, that they make the more returns, take it out of the Birques or stinking Pools, 
Birques.  that are nearer than the River, and for all that, sell it very dear. They would besides have the advantage of the Wind, which blows on all hands along the River, so that the heat would not be so prejudicial; nay more, it would be a great help to Trade, in that it would ease them of the labour and charges of loading their Goods on Camels, to carry them from the City to the Port, or from the Port to the City: And indeed, 
Memphis.  the Ancients chose a very good Situation for Memphis, on the other side of the River; and Old Cairo hath since been built opposite to Memphis also, upon the River: But the Later, who ought to correct the faults of the more Ancient, (if they were guilty of any) have committed the greatest errors; for I can see no reason why they have pitched upon that incommodious Situation, unless it was (perhaps) to join the City to the Castle, that so it might be under the protection thereof.  
Cairo is a very great City, full of Rabble; it lies in form of a Crescent, but is narrow, and they are in the wrong, who persuade themselves that Cairo is bigger than Paris; I once went round the City and Castle, with two or three other Frenchmen; we were mounted on Asses, not daring to go on foot, for fear of some bad usage; 
The circumference of Cairo, how many leagues  but we went at a foot pace, and as near as we could, no faster than a man might walk, and we were two hours and a quarter in making that round, which is somewhat more than three, but not four French Leagues. I walked once on foot also the whole length of the Khalis, from end to end, which is exactly the length of the City of Cairo, for it is a Street that goes through the middle of it, from one end to another. I set out early in the morning with a Janisary, that I might not be by any hindered in my design, or abused; and being come to the end, about St. Michael's, I alighted, and having set two Watches which I had in my pocket at the same hour, I began to walk pretty fast: when I came to the other end of Khalis, I found that we had been almost three quarters of an hour in going the length of it; and I could undertake to perform it very well in half an hour, if I had not on Turkish Shoes, as I had at that time, which was a great hindrance to me, for at every turn my Paboutches slipped off my feet; and besides I was in my Vest, that likewise retarded my going. I reckoned also all the steps I made, putting at each hundred paces, a bean in my pocket, and at the end I found one and fifty beans in my pocket, which are five thousand one hundred of my paces, about two foot and a half each pace. It is to be minded also, that within the Precincts of it, there are several places not inhabited, as several Birques, about which there are goodly Houses; but to say the truth likewise, the places that are inhabited, are very full. Those who would have Cairo to be bigger than Paris, when they speak of Cairo, comprehend therein Old Cairo, and Boulac; but that cannot rationally be done, else I may comprehend within Paris, all the Villages that are about it; for Old Cairo is separated from the New, by Fields; and Boulac is another Town, divided from Cairo by several ploughed Grounds: There is also near Cairo, on the way to Boulac, a very large place, called Lesbike, which contains many Acres of Land. When the Khalis runs, this place is under water, and continues so four or five months, after which they sow several things there, that grow a pace, the ground being very fat. This spacicus place is surrounded with many very lovely Palaces of Beys, and other Great Men of the Country, who go thither now and then to divert themselves for some days. But to my purpose again, I think I may confidently say, that Cairo is not so big as Paris; but I believe it is more populous, for there are in it ugly Sties or Holes, rather than Houses, full of Women and Children, who never stir out of doors, because in the Turkish Empire, the Women go neither to Market, nor any other place out of doors, but only to the Bath, and yet the streets are always full of people, and when a Plague sweeps away two hundred thousand Souls in Cairo, it is not perceived. Several have written that Cairo has no Walls, and that, perhaps, has made them confound Cairo with Boulac and Old Cairo, but they have not looked well about them, for Cairo is encompassed round with very fair and thick Walls; they are built of good Stone, which is still so white, that one would say they were newly built, if it were not to be known by the great cracks which are in many places, that they are very ancient. These Walls have very handsome Battlements, and at less than an hundred paces interval, lovely Towers, able to contain many People; they have been built very high, but are at present all covered with Ruins, which are so high, that I have passed over some places where they wholly hid the Walls, and are much above them; and in those places one would think there were no Wall, if (where the Ruins are lower) it were not to be seen carried on as the rest is: And though it would be very easy to clear the Rubbish, and by repairing what is wanting, make the Walls appear beautiful and high, yet the Turks make no Reparations, but suffer all to run to decay. And so have they suffered a large and the loveliest part of the Castle to fall to ruin, through their neglect in repairing it near to the said Walls. In many places there are great Churchyards, full of Sepulchers, adorned with fair Stones, that yield a pleasant Prospect, and would suffice for building of a Town. All agree, 

23000 Precincts, and as many Mosques in Cairo.  
Two Men chained together, watch every Quarter of Cairo.   that there are three and twenty thousand Precincts in Cairo, and as many Mosques, in every Precinct there being one Mosque at least, and some having more. A Precinct is a Quarter, and in some of them there are several Streets: Each Precinct is watched by two Men, who are chained together by one Chain, that they may not separate: These Men voluntarily undertake the office, for the profit they make of certain Dues, and the Officers of the Sousbasha keep the Keys of the Padlocks that lock up their Chains; there are more Mosques then, than Precincts; and indeed, I could never persuade myself that there were three and twenty thousand Precincts in Cairo; it is true, all the streets of Cairo are very short and narrow, except the street of the Bazar, and the Khalis, which is dry but three months of the year, and few people go in it too; there is not a fair street in all Cairo, but a great many little ones that go turning and winding; which shows, that all the Houses of Cairo have been built without any design of making a City, every one pitching upon the ground he liked best to build upon, without considering if the Houses stopped a street or not. As for the Mosques, 
The number of Mosques in Cairo.  I am apt to believe there are three and twenty thousand; but of that number, a good many are but Holes or liitle Chapels, not ten paces square: Not but that there are also several fair large Mosques, most magnificent Buildings, adorned with lovely Frontispieces and Gates, with very high Minarets; and the greatest of all is Dgemiel-Azem. 
Dgemiel-azem.  The Houses of Cairo are several stories high, with flat and Terrrasse roofs, as all over Turkey, and there they take the fresh air, when the Sun is down; nay several lie upon them in the Summertime: They make no Show at all on the outside, but within you see nothing but Gold and Azure, at least in the Houses of Persons of Quality; and most of their Halls have an open round hole in the roof or feeling to let in plenty of fresh air, which is a very precious thing in that Country; and commonly there is a Cupulo or Lantern over that hole, with many windows round it, to let in or keep out the wind.   

CHAP. V Of the Pyramids.  
HEretofore there have been such powerful Kings in Egypt, who have undertaken so great Works, that it is not to be thought strange, if in spite of Time itself (which devours all things) some pieces of them have remained till our days; or rather it is to be wondered that so little remains of so many Magnificences, which heretofore made Egypt so Renowned all over the World; 
The Pyramids of Egypt.  but nothing has braved Time so much, as the Pyramids that are to be seen near to Cairo, doubtless they deserve very well to be seen, since they have merited a place among the Wonders of the World. But there are some things to be taken notice of, in this little Progress from Cairo to the Pyramids, and (if I mistake not) I have observed them here exactly enough. Having designed to go see the Pyramids, the Evening before, I hired Asses and Moors, that I might set out next Morning betimes; these Beasts are much used in Egypt, and carry one conveniently enough at an easy Trot, and sometimes a good Gallop too. There are of them to be hired in the Corners of most of the Quarters of Cairo, and are ready Saddled, so that there needs no more but to get up. The Franks put little Carpets over the Saddles, made for the purpose, and Stirrups for greater Convenience: If you will, the Moor that let's the Ass will follow, to drive him on, and be careful to cry (Take heed.) And I found it necessary for a Frank, to take one with him, paying as much for the Moor as for the Ass; however no Body is obliged to take a Moor unless they please, yet in this Progress they are absolutely necessary, for clearing the Entry of the Pyramids, as I shall say hereafter. I hired Moors and Asses, not only to Ride on, but also to carry our Provisions, for one must Dine there. And seeing I had a design to go from thence to see the Mummies, I provided for two or three days; there is nothing to be found in those parts, but what Men carry along with them, and I acquainted a Janisary of the Consuls, to be ready with his Musket to go along with me. Next day taking our Fowling-Pieces with us, both to shoot by the Way, and to defend us against the Arabs. We set out by break of Day with our Janisary, armed with Sword and Musket, and took our way by old Cairo, about half a French League from Cairo, where being come, we crossed the Water over against the Pyramids. On the other side of the Water there is a Village, and some more beyond it towards the Pyramids, 
The distance of the Pyramids from Cairo.  with several Birques also, where there is always Game; at length we came to the Pyramids, which are three Leagues from Cairo. The Pyramids which the Turks call Pharaon Daglary, and the Arabs Dgebel Pharaon, that is to say, Pharaoh's Hills, are chiefly three, which are seen from Cairo, and a great way beyond it. 
The number of the Pyramids.  There are others, as that of the Mummies, and and many more that are not considerable. One of these three Pyramids is little in respect of the other two, and is shut up; the other two are great, and many (not without reason) doubt which of the two is the bigger, however, the bigger is certainly that which is open, which Men mount and enter into. The other is shut, and by consequence, one can neither enter nor go up it. They say, that heretofore at the entry of that which is open, there was a great Stone cut purposely to stop the Mouth of it, when the Body that was to lie there was put in, which stopped it so exactly, that neither the place that was stopped, nor the Stone which stopped it, could be known or distinguished; but that a Bassa caused that vast Stone to be removed, that there might be no way afterward for shutting up the Pyramid. 
A very exact measure of the Pyramids by Father Elzear, a Capucin.  I took the Dimensions of this Pyramid, and having compared them with the Measures of the Reverend Father Elzear the Capucin, I found him to have been as exact as one possibly could be, there not being the third part of a Barley-corn difference betwixt him and me; and therefore I shall not at all scruple to use his own Terms in some places. When you come to that Pyramid, you must lay aside what heavy things you have about you, and prepare to mount up to the top, whilst your Moor's are clearing the passage to go in; for the Wind drives always a great deal of Sand into it, which stops the passage to the bottom, and the Moors cast out that Sand. Besides, if one should go in before he went up to the top, he would be so weary when he came out, that he would never resolve to go up; and then, it is best going up before the Sun be high. It is fit you should have a Guide to go before you when you ascend, I mean, some Frank, who hath been already there; for if you do not take the right Way, you'll soon come to such places, where you can neither go up nor down, without danger of tumbling headlong. The easiest place to go up at, 
The side by which one should go up the Pyramid  is the Angle that looks betwixt East and North. This Pyramid has Two hundred and eight great Stone-steps, the thickness of a Stone making a step of about Two Foot and a half high one with another, for some of them are thicker, and above Three Foot high, as I measured them; this number of steps has been observed by several, though some reckon fewer, and others more. Nay, a Man coming again a second time, shall not find the same number that he had at first, if he begin not to ascend at the same place; because betwixt the Corners towards the middle of the Front, there is a little Hill of Sand driven there by the Wind, that covers several steps, which they that go up at that place reckon not: Besides, that the trouble in going up, makes one often miscount; for you must set your Knees upon several steps because of their height, and then some reckon half steps for whole ones. Many think that these steps have only been made by the Wether, but in all appearance, that could not have worn them out so regularly, though without doubt, it eats out a great deal, as may be seen by the pieces that lie all round below. 
The height of the Pyramid.  This Pyramid is Five hundred and twenty Foot high, upon a Base of Six hundred and eighty two Foot square; about half way up, in one of the Angles of the Pyramid, that looks betwixt East and North, which is the place by which I should advise one to go up; there is a little square Room, but nothing to be seen therein, 
A Room.  only if you be Weary you may rest in it: And I am not against what several do, who bring with them a little Bottle, or Gourd, full of Wine, to refresh themselves when they are got there, or up to the top, for it makes one very faint. When you are come up to the top, you find a fair Platform, 
A Platform upon the Pyramid.  from whence you have a pleasant Prospect. This Platform which from below appears to you like a Point, is made of twelve lovely large Stones, being sixteen Foot and two thirds square; there are some Stones wanting, and it is to be believed, that they have been pushed down by Men, for the Wether could not do it. A Man, 
A Stone thrown from the top of the Pyramid falls not beyond the steps.  unless he be extraordinary strong, cannot indeed, throw a Stone from the top, and make it fall beyond the steps of the Pyramid. For I got a pretty strong Man to throw one, and all he could do, was to make it fall upon the twelfth step, or a little lower. But I look upon it as a Fable, that one cannot shoot an Arrow beyond the foundation of the Pyramid; for it is certain, that an Arrow drawn by a good Arm, will easily fly Three hundred and one and forty Foot, which is one half of the breadth of the Pyramid.  
Having considered these things, 
The Door of the Pyramid.  we came down the same way that we went up, and having taken a little rest, came to the Door of the Pyramid, which is at the sixteenth step as you go up, looking towards the North; it is not exactly in the middle, there being Three hundred and ten Foot of the side below to the East of it, which being substracted from Six hundred eighty two, there remain Three hundred seventy two Foot to the West side; so that this side surpasses the other by Sixty two Foot. Cairo lies Northward from it. Now to come to this Door, you must go up a little Hill, 
A little Hill joined to the Pyramid.  joined to the Pyramid on that side, which (as I said before) hath in my opinion, been made by the Sand which the Wind hath brought there, and so risen up to a heap, 
A very great Stone over the Door of the Pyramid.  because it could go no further, by reason of the Pyramid. The Lintel over this Door is very considerable, being one Stone eleven Foot long, and eight Foot thick: Before any go in, they make the Janisary fire two or three Musquet-shot into it, to frighten away (as they say) the Serpents that are there; but I never heard of any that had been found in it. The entry is square, and all along of a like Dimension, being three Foot six Inches High, and three Foot three Inches Wide: This passage, or rather sinkhole, as being very steep and shelving, continuing in the same height and breadth, goes sloping down Seventy six Foot, five Inches and two Barley Corns in length: At the bottom of that Descent, you find an Ascent of the same wideness, and shelving in the same manner as the former, by which one goes up some three Foot; and the greatest difficulty of the Pyramid, is at this place. For fancy to yourself, that this Descent butting in the Ascent, makes with it a sharp Ridg, over which there is a great Stone, which is the lowermost Stone of the Roof of the Descent, and is perpendicular to it, betwixt which and the Sand, there is not above a good Foots-space to pass through; so that one must slide upon his Belly close upon the Ground, and for all that, you rub and grate your Back against the aforesaid Stone, unless you be a very slender Man; and besides, you must advance with your feet up in the Descent, your Belly low betwixt the Descent and next Ascent, and your Head rising up in the beginning of the same Ascent. In short, in this narrow pass, one must crawl like a Serpent, and therefore it is very painful, so that a thick Man would be stifled in the Sand, unless he were speedily pulled out by the Feet; for the Head must go first, it being utterly impossible that the Feet should. This passage however, might be made easy and passable enough, if the Moors would take the pains to clear the Hole well, I mean, take out the Sand: For I went thither another time, when we were told, some of the Bassa's Servants had been there three days before, being curious to see what it was that obliged the Franks to go into it, because none but Franks go there; and we found the passage so clean and easy, that we passed it without putting either Belly or Knee to the Ground. And I make no doubt, but it is as high there, as at the entry into the Pyramid, but the Wind driving in much Sand, it heaps up in this place; and the Moors, who are naturally Lazy, after they have removed two or three Load, carry out no more, unless they be very well paid, and threatened with a good Cudgel besides; which Christians dare not do, nor yet desire that their Janisary should, for fear of an Avanie. Having past this straight, every one takes a lighted Candle (and for that end, you must not forget to bring several with you) and a Steel and Tinderbox also, because of a great many Bats that are there, which sometimes put out your Candles, which may go out also by many other accidents. There you find a sultry stifling Air, which nevertheless, you'll be soon accustomed to, before you go up the inner Ascent. You'll find an ugly Hole on your Right hand, which reaches a pretty way, it hath not (in all probability) been purposely made, but only by the decay of Time; and is as narrow at the end, as at the mouth. Having then gone about an Hundred and eleven Foot in the aforesaid Ascent, you find as it were two Passages or Galleries, 
Two other passages in the Pyramid.  one low and parallel to the Horizon, and the other high sloping upwards like the former. There is a Well or pit at the entry of the first passage; of which I shall speak hereafter. This low passage is three Foot and three Inches square, and leads to a Room not far distant, with a sharp-ridged Ceiling or Roof; and near to this, or at least pretty high, 
A Window which many allege.  several affirm that there is a Window, which gives a passage into other places, but that one must have a Ladder to get up to it. For my part, I maintain that there is no such Window, with respect still to those who say there is, and they must have taken a kind of dampness which is in that place for a Window; for three times I assayed to find it out, and every time carried a Rope-Ladder, which I had made with Hooks to get up with; but having carefully searched about with several Torches, neither I, nor any that were with me could find it. From the first passage you go up to the other, seven or eight Foot high, putting youc Feet in holes that are made in the Wall. This other passage that mounts upwards, is six Foot four Inches wide, and reaches in that manner an Hundred threescore and two Foot, having on each side (as it were) two little Benches, two Foot and a half high, to lean upon, and Holes in the Ground at every step, to rest one's Feet in. At the end of this passage is the Hall, 
A Hall in the Pyramid.  being thirty two Foot in length, nineteen in height, and sixteen in breadth; the Roof of it is flat, consisting of Nine Stones, the seven in the middle being sixteen Foot long, and four Foot broad a piece, the other two at each end, appear not to be above two Foot broad a piece, but the reason is because the other half of them is built into the Wall; they are of the same length as the other seven, all seven reaching a cross the breadth of the Hall, with their ends resting upon the walls on each side. At the end of that Hall there is an empty Tomb all of one stone, that sounds like a great Bell; it is three foot and an Inch wide, three foot and four Inches high, and seven foot two inches long: this stone is very hard, looks like a kind of Porphyry, and is very neat when polished, which makes many break off pieces of it to make Seals of; but it requires a strong Arm and good Hammer to knock off a bit. 
The Beauty of the walls of the hall of the Pyramid.  The Walls of the Hall are faced with stones of the same sort, though to some they seem not so fine; but they are the very same.  
It is the common opinion of all, that this Tomb was made for the same Pharaoh, who by the permission of God, was Drowned in the Red-Sea, he and his whole Army, who were in pursuit of the Jews, at that time the chosen People of God. As to the doubt that many people make, whether this Tomb was placed there before the Pyramid was Built; I think it is not at all to be doubted, but that it was set there before the Pyramid was finished; for though the entry be wide enough for the Tomb, yet the ascent that immediately succeeds to the descent, must have hindered the conveyance of it.  
As to the Pit which I mentioned before, into which no man ever descended for aught we knew, before the Month of September, 1652. That the Reverend father Elzear, a Capuchin, with some others went down: finding what danger there was in descending, I would not attempt it, though I had brought Ropes purposely with me; especially since I knew from the relation of Father Elzear that there was nothing Curious therein; but a Scotish Gentleman with whom I was, fastened himself to Ropes, and having taken in his hand a little Wax-candle lighted, our Moors let him down; and that was the second time that any had descended into it. This Gentleman being come up again, gave me a relation wholly conform to that of Father Elzear; and since that, I have got others to go down, who told me the same things. As you go then from the first passage or Gallery we mentioned before on the right hand that is like a Door, you find this Well, which goes down in a perpendicular line, that nevertheless crooks a little, and makes in a manner the figure of a Spit, or of a Hebrew Lamed; so that sixty seven foot down from the top, there is a square Window, that enters into a little Cave hallowed in the Hill, which in that place is not a Rock, but like Gravel, or well compacted pebble-stones, and this Grott or Cave reaches East and West fifteen foot from thence, 
A hole in the pit of the Pyramid.  and eighty two in all, from the top or mouth thither; there is a very steep shelving and almost perpendicular hole or descent cut in the Rock, about two foot and a third part of a foot wide, and two foot and a half high, reaching downwards an hundred twenty three foot, and then it is full of Sand, and the dung of Batts, which so swarm there, that the Scot told me he was afraid he should have been eaten up by them, and that he was forced to guard his Candle with both hands, lest they should have put it out; there are some stones in it also, which have been thrown down from the top, or have fallen of themselves, as it happened while my Scot was below; for setting a foot against the Rock on each side, as he was coming up again, a Stone fell which had brained him, if it had fallen upon his Head, but it fell upon the Candle, put it out, and beat it down to the bottom.  
In all probability this Pit hath only been made to let down the Bodies which were laid in the Caves that are under the Pyramid. When the Scotish Gentleman was come up, I made a man hold a Candle at the top of the second passage, and going down to the bottom near the straight turning, I looked up to the Candle, which was a pretty pleasant Object, appearing then no bigger than a little Star. At length when we were got out of this Pyramid, we were made sensible of an error we had committed, for our Janisary that had never been within before, entered with us, and by good luck going out again a little after with some of our company, 
Arabs rob those that go to see the Pyramids.  they espied six Arabs on Horseback, making up to the Pyramid, but he having presented his Musket and our Men their Fowling-pieces at them, they went back as they came: if they had come a moment sooner, they had taken all our Provisions, and stripped us stark naked as fast as we came out. To prevent such a danger, the best way is to leave the Janisary and some of the company without to keep guard.  
Having reflected a little on the danger which we had escaped, we viewed the second Pyramid, 
Second Pyramid.  that is shut, and nothing of it to be seen but the outside, which is six hundred thirty one foot square.  

Third Pyramid.  The third is but little, and not very considerable. In all probability, it hath been heretofore faced with Stones like that of Pharaoh's Tomb, which are tumbled down, as may be seen by many pieces lying about the said Pyramid, some of them being very great. Pliny speaking of these Pyramids, says, That that which was open, 

370000 workmen in building the first Pyramid.  
Twenty years spent in the work; and one thousand eight hundred Talents laid out in Turnips and Onions.   was twenty years in building, by three hundred and seventy thousand Men; and that one thousand eight hundred Talents were laid out during that time, only in Turnips and Onions, a thing not hard to be believed by those who have seen these wonderful Structures, wherein there are such prodigiously great Stones, and raised so high, that they must have had extraordinary Engines for that purpose; and all men know, that the ancient Egyptians were great Eaters of Onions, nay, and that the Jews longed for them in the Wilderness; and at this hour they retain much of their Forefathers temper, for they are great lovers of Turnips and Pulse.  
Really these Pyramids are Wonders worthy of the ancient Kings of Egypt, who for magnificence in Buildings, exceeded all others of their time; and I believe (without disparagement to any) that no Prince in the World is able to raise such Works, aswel for the difficulty of piling up so many huge Stones one over another, as for the tediousness of the labour. Many think it very strange whence they could have such large Stones, and in so great a quantity, seeing the Country all about is nothing but Sand; but they have not minded, that under that Sand there are Rocks, out of which they had the Stones; besides several neighbouring Mountains that abound in Stone; though (some say) that they were brought from Said upon the Nile.  
It is the Opinion of many, that these Pyramids were heretofore higher above ground, than they are at present, but that the Sand hath covered a good part of their Bases; and it is not unlikely, seeing the North-side is covered up so to the very door, and the three other sides are not, which makes men think, that it blowing more violently from the North, than from any other corner; the wind hath driven more Sand on that side, than other Winds hath on the other sides. 
The marks of Buildings near the Pyramids.  Before each of the three Pyramids, the marks of certain square Buildings are still to be seen, which seem to have been so many Temples; and there is a hole at the end of the pretended Temple of the second Pyramid, by which (some think) there was a way down within the Temple to go to the Idol, which is a few steps distant from that hole. The Arabs call this Idol Above el haoun, 
Above el haoun. Sphynx. King Amasis.  that is to say, Father of the Pillar, which Pliny calls Sphynx, saying, that the People of the Country believe King Amasis was buried in it: I am sure they believe no such thing at present, nor so much as know the Name of Amasis; and indeed, it is an erroneous belief. Others say, that a King of Egypt caused this Figure to be made in memory of a certain Rhodope, 
Rhodope.  a Corinthian Woman, with whom he was much in love. It is said, that this Sphynx, so soon as the Sun was up, gave responses to any thing it was consulted about; and hence it is that all who go into the Pyramids, fail not to say, that a Priest conveyed himself into that Idol, by the Pit or Well in the Pyramid which we just now described. But to show how groundless an Opinion that is, we must know how the Idol is made: It is the Bust of a Body, at some steps distance from the open Pyramid, cut out of the natural Rock, from which it hath never been separated, though it seem to be of five Stones pieced together one upon another; but having very attentively considered it, we observed, that that which at first seemed to be seams or joinings of the Stones, are only veins in the Rock: 

The Figure of the Idol or Sphynx.  
The height of the Sphynx.   This Burst represents the face and breast of a Woman, but it is prodigiously high, being twenty six foot in height, fifteen foot from the ear to the chin, and yet all the proportions exactly observed: Now what probability is there to believe, that every day a man would take the pains, and venture the breaking of his neck, by descending into that Pit, that being at the bottom, he might only have the labour of coming up again, for there is no passage there, as they who have gone down have observed; a passage must have been cut in the Rock then, which would have cost a great deal of Money, and been known of every Body. It were more probable to think that they entered it by the Hole, which (as I said) is in the pretended Temple of the second Pyramid, or rather by another, which is at the side of that Idol, and very near it. These two Holes are very narrow, and almost choked up with Sand, wherefore we entered not into them, not knowing besides, but that we might meet with Vipers, or other Venomous Beasts in them. But though there had been a way through the Rocks into that Idol, how could the Voice of that feigned Oracle have come out, since there is no hole neither at the Mouth, Nose, Eyes, nor Ears of it? It may be said, perhaps, that the Voice was uttered by the Crown of the Head, where there is a Hole, into which we endeavoured to have cast some Hooks fastened to Ropes, that I had brought purposely with me, that we might get up, but we could not compass that, because of the height of it; only when we threw up Stones, they rested there. And a Venetian assured me. that he and some others, having got up by means of little Hooks and a Pole, which they brought with them; they found a Hole in the Crown of the Head of it, and having entered therein. perceived that it drew narrower and narrower proportionably, as it approached to the Breast where it ended. The Voice of him that entered then, by the abovementioned Holes, did not come out that way, and therefore it must be concluded, that if any entered it, it must have been by a Ladder in the Nighttime, and that he put himself into the hole that is in the Head, out of which his Voice came.   

CHAP. VI Of the Mummies.  
HAving viewed the Pyramids and Idol, 
Sakara the Village of the Mummies.  we went and Lodged in the Village of the Mummies, called Sakara, three good Leagues from the Pyramids; we spoke to a Moor of the Village, who is the Master of the Mummies, that he would take care to have a Mummie-Pit opened for us against next Morning. He carried us to a House, 
How People sleep at Sakara.  where we Supped on what we had brought along with us, and then went to rest upon a little Rising in the Court: When we were about to go out next Morning, they asked Money for Watching us (as they said) all Night; and it was to no purpose for us to tell them that we wanted none of their Watching, and that we had care enough to Guard ourselves; for all our Huffing was in vain, and there they shut us in, till we gave a Piastre to be let out. They who would not be so imposed upon, aught to lie abroad in the Fields; but that's not safe, for they are very greedy of Money, and spare not to do any thing so they may come by it. And as they fancy, that the Franks carry always a good deal about them, when they have them in their Clutches, they squeeze from them all they can. Wherefore when any one goes there, he ought to be well Accompanied, well Armed, and have a good stout Janisary, and with all that, one must not venture to beat them; for if he did, he would soon have all the Rabble about his Ears. We parted then from that Village early in the Morning, with the Master of the Mummies, and went to the Plain where the Mummie-Pits are, a little way from the Village, 
Memphis. The Field of Mummies. A lovely Pyramid towards the place of the Mummies.  and (I think) it would be very convenient to set out two Hours before day, to avoid the heat of the Sun, for there is no shelter there. This Plain gins near the place where the stately City of Memphis heretofore stood, of which some marks are still to be seen near the Nile. There are several Pyramids in this Plain, and that for several Miles together; but not being very considerable, I shall only speak of a very fair one, which is four or five Miles from the Place, where they opened a Mummis-Pit for us. Having then agreed with the Master of the Mummies, that for eight Piastres he would open me a Pit, 
Mummie-Pits.  that had never been opened before, and paid him down the Money, for otherwise they would not work; he with two Moors, fell to the Business. Whilst they were at work, we went to see the Pyramid, I mentioned before, which would be nothing short of the beauty of the first, if it had been finished. We went up to the top before we entered it, as we did at the former; it has an Hundred and forty eight steps, of large Stones like the other, the Platform of it is not even, the Stones being put together without order, which makes it easily appear that it hath not been finished, and yet it is much older than the other; as is evident by the Stones which are all worn out, and crumbled into Sand. It is Six hundred forty three Foot square, and hath its entry at the fourth part of its height, looking towards the North as the former; it hath on the East-side Three hundred and sixteen Foot, and by consequence, Three hundred twenty seven to the West. There is but one single passage into it, three Foot and a half broad, and four Foot high, which reaching Two hundred sixty seven Foot downwards, ends in a Hall with a steep Ridged Roof, Five and twenty Foot and a half in length, and eleven in breadth; in the corner of the Hall, there is another Passage or Gallery, parallel to the Horizon, three Foot square within, and nine Foot and a half long, which leads to another Chamber, that is One and twenty Foot in length, and eleven in breadth, with a very high Ridged Roof also, having at the West-end a square Window, Twenty four Foot and two thirds raised from the Floor, by which one enters into a passage indifferent broad, and of a Man's height, Parallel to the Horizon, and reaching in length thirteen Foot and two Inches: There is a great Room, or Hall, at the end of this passage, with a Ridged Roof, containing in length Twenty six Foot eight Inches, and in breadth Twenty four Foot and one Inch; the Floor of it is the natural Rock, which on all sides is rough and unequal, leaving only a little smooth and even space in the middle, encompassed round with the Rock, and much lower than the entry into the Room, or the foundation of the Wall. When we had viewed this Pyramid, we returned to the Mummies, and found them digging our Pit; but they Cheated us (as they do many others) opening a Pit that had been twenty times opened before, though they swore it was the first time. Now this advantage is to be had by going down into a Pit never opened before, that one may find Idols and other Curiosities there; but when these Rascals find any thing, they keep it, that they may sell it in the City to the Franks, and therefore never open a new Pit, but when they are alone. These Pits are square, and built of a pretty good Stone, but are full of Sand, which must be taken out. 
A descent into a Mummie-Pit.  When they had removed the Sand, they let us down by a Rope made fast about our Middle, which was held by those that were above, and the Pit was two or three Pikes length deep; being at the bottom, we crept through a little hole upon our Belly, because they had not cleared it sufficiently of the Sand, and entered into a little Room, walled and arched over with Stone. There we found three or four Bodies, but only over that was entire, the rest being broken into pieces, which easily convinced us, that that Pit had been opened before. We were then for having that opened which was entire, but they would not, unless they were paid for it; and therefore I gave them a Piastre, which did not content them. But when they perceived that I was about to break it up in spite of them, without giving them one Farthing more, 
An entire body of a Mummy.  they beat it into pieces. This was a long and large Body, in a very thick Coffin of Wood, shut close on all hands; the Timber was not at all Rotten, and we found it to be Sycamore-Wood, which in Egypt they call Pharoah's Figtree, that does not rot so soon as other Wood Upon the Coffin, 
The Coffin of the Mummy. Stone Coffins.  the Face of him that was within it, was cut in Embossed Work. Some Coffins there are also of Stone, with the Face of the Person within, cut in Bess, and Hieroglyphics all along the length of it. There are two of these Stones in the House of Monsieur Fouquet, at St. Manned, and I had two of them also, of which one was broken at Alexandria, and the other I brought Home with me very whole, which weighs betwixt Seven and eight hundred weight. 
Coffins made of Cloth.  Some of these Coffins are made of several pieces of Cloth pasted together, which are as strong as the Wooden ones. I have one of this kind in my Closet, made of above forty clothes glued or pasted together in thickness, which are not in the least Rotten; it is covered all over with Idols and Hieroglyphics, painted on a very thin Plaster, with which the outside Cloth is daubed over, but it is a little spoiled, the Plaster in some places being rubbed off. Among these Figures, there is a Compartement at the lower end, two Inches broad, and a Foot long, being painted cross-ways over the Coffin; wherein may be seen the manner how the Ancient Egyptians Embalmed dead Bodies. In the middle of this Compartement, there is a long Table shaped like a Lion, on the back of which the Body that is to be Embalmed is laid at length, and hard by there is a Man with a Knife in his Hand opening the Body; this Man hath on a Vizard-Mask, shaped like the Beak of a Sparrow-Hawk, which (without doubt) was the custom of their Embalmers, who made use of that kind of Mask, that they might not breathe in the Corruption that might evaporate from the dead Bodies, as the Physicians of Italy do at present, who in time of a Plague never stir abroad without a Mask of this kind, in the long Nose of which they put Perfumes; though I make no doubt, but the Mask I speak of, is the Head of Osiris, which the Egyptians represented with the Head of a Sparrow-Hawk, as they did Anubis with the Head of a Dog, the Nile with a Lion's Head, etc. But as a surer mark that it is an Embalming, there are four Vessels without Handles upon the aforesaid Table, which could be nothing else but the Vessels wherein the necessary drugs were kept not only for the Embalming, as Balm, Cedria, etc. but also for the wrapping up and Incrustation of the Body, as Bitumen, and others; by the sides of the Table, there are several Persons standing and sitting in divers postures. Within this Coffin is the figure of a naked Maid, with her Arms stretched out.  
But to return to my first Discourse, This Wooden Coffin I mentioned, being broken to pieces with Hatchets, we found an entire Body in it, which lay in this manner. 
The face of the Mummy. The Head of the Mummy.  The Face was covered (as commonly all the rest are) with a kind of Head-piece of Cloth fitted with Plaster, on which the Countenance of that Person was represented in Gold, and when we took off the Helmet, we found nothing of the Face remaining, which is commonly reduced to Ashes; I believe it is, because it will not admit of Gumming so well as the other parts of the Body. However I brought to Paris the Head of a Mummy, whole and entire, but it is all covered with Fillets of Cloth, so neatly fitted, 
The Bandages Mummies.  that they hinder not but one may see the shape of the Eyes, Nose, and Mouth. The rest of the Body was swathed with little Bands of Cloth very neatly made, but wrapped about with so many casts and turn, that I believe there were above a Thousand els in it; and certainly it is so rare a way of Swathing and Binding, that I think it cannot be imitated at present, as many Surgeons have acknowledged to me. Along the Breast and Belly, there was a band of Cloth three good Fingers broad, and a large Foot and a half long, it was fastened to the other Bands, and upon it were several Hieroglyphics done in Gold. I took this Writing and folded it, that I might the more conveniently carry it up with me. I hoped to have found Idols in that Coffin, 

Idols in the Coffins of the dead.  
Idols within the dead bodies.  
The Balm wherewith bodies were anointed in Egypt.   knowing that they Interred many with their Dead, either of Stone, Copper, or Green Earth, as I have several that have been found in these Bodies, but finding none, I thought there might be some within his Body; for after they had Emboweled them, they pretty often enclosed Idols within their Bellies; for that end I had it broken up, but we could find nothing. I considered then that Balm which is now quite lost, it is Black, hard and shines like Pitch, having much such a smell, but more pleasant, that kept Bodies entire, and (I believe) the Sand contributed not a little thereto; for even in the great Deserts of Arabia, sometimes the dead Bodies of Men and Dogs are found entire, who falling asleep, and staying behind the Caravans, 
Bodies preserved in Sand.  are covered over with an ocean of Sand driven by the high Winds, in which the Bodies being buried, are by the dryness and salt that is in the Sand, which dries up all the humidity of them, preserved entire, and are afterwards found, when another Wind blowing, carries off the Sand again. Many think that the Bodies so dried, are the true Mummy; it is a mistake, and that which Merchants bring into Christendom, to be used in Medicine, is the Mummy we first described. Near the Room I went in to, there were several others full of Bodies, but seeing the entries into them were full of Sand, 
Rooms full of bodies in the Mummies.  I called to them above to pull me up again with the same Rope, with which I was let down, being much dissatisfied with my Moors, who had opened so sorry a Pit for me. When I was got up I looked upon my Cloth, whereon were Characters of Gold, but was much vexed to see that all the Letters disappeared, and that by my own fault, because I had folded it together when it was very humid, and so all the Gold and Paint stuck to the opposite sides; whereas I should have brought it up open and dried it in the Sun. But I have others that are finer. which are only a little spoiled in the bringing: I brought with me also some Hands of Mummies, which are as entire at present, as ever they were. I had also the good fortune to buy upon the place some Idols, of the Moors, who come and sell them to the Franks in the City. 
Idols of Mummies.  These Idols are of several sorts, and in many Postures, there are of them of Copper, of several sorts of Stone, and several sorts of Earth also; at least, I have some of all these kinds, all which I am very sure have been taken out of Mummies, and cannot be said to be counterfeit, for besides that, they have not the Art to do it, they sell them at so easy a rate, that the very Materials are worth more. 
The reason of the Egyptians expensfulness in their Tombs.  This is all I could observe of the Pyramids and Mummies: And hence it appears, that the Ancient Egyptians spent more in their Tombs, than during their whole Lives; and one reason they gave for that was, That their Houses were only for living a short time in, and their Tombs the Palaces that were to be inhabited by their Souls for many Ages. Not far from these Mummies towards the Nile, are some remains of a large Town, 
Memphis.  which was Memphis, the Inhabitants whereof were Buried there; the Ancients never burying their Dead within Towns, for fear of infecting the Air, none but Christians (who mind not that) bury their Dead any where. Now to prove that these great Ruins are the remains of Memphis, Pliny affirms it, when he says that the Pyramids are betwixt the Delta of Egypt, and the City of Memphis on the side of Africa. At length we returned by old Cairo, and saw all that is Curious, or worth being seen in it.   

CHAP. VII. Of Old Cairo.  

Old Cairo.  OLD Cairo is a Ruinous Town. though there be several good Houses in it, still pretty well Inhabited, and about a quarter of a League distant from New Cairo. 
The Church of Abousargis served by Cophtes.  We went first to the Church of Abousargis, that is to say, Father Sergius, because it is built to the Honour of St. Sergius. Under this Church there is a low Chapel, where it is believed, our Lady lived a pretty while, with her dearest Son Jesus, and was formerly but a mere Grotto: In the Wall of this Grotto, there is a hollow place, like a Window, where the Monks sometimes celebrate Mass; this Church is held by the Cophtes. From thence we went to the Monastery of St. George, 
The Church of St. George in old Cairo.  not far distant, and first entered into the Church, where the Greeks say, there is an Arm of the said Saint still preserved, but it is not to be seen, being kept in a very dark place, with two great Iron Grates before it, one over another, where there is a Lamp always burning. There is a thick Pillar also in this Church, to which an Iron Chain is fastened, which they say, was St. George's; and they tie Madmen to it to be Cured. This Monastery is Inhabited by Greek Nuns, it is very Ancient, well Built, and exceeding high, having a place on the top of it, that affords a very distant Prospect: But we must take notice withal, that this Monastery is so full of Fleas, that so soon as you have set foot within, you are covered all over with them; and seeing they are very lean, they quickly crawl up, and fall on. Near to this Monastery is the Churchyard, where the Franks are Interred, paying the Nuns a Chequin for breaking of Ground. 
Granaries of Joseph.  After that you see the Granaries of Joseph, which (as they say) he Built, and filled with Corn, for a supply against the Famine which was shortly after to happen. They are very spacious Halls, and at present Corn is kept in them. Over against these Granaries, are the Ruins of an ancient Palace, which (upon mistake) they say was heretofore the Residence of the Kings of Egypt, 
The Fustade.  but more probably is the Fustade; it seems to have been very stately. Then you pass under an Aqueduct, that carries Water from the Nile to the Castle; this Aqueduct is supported by Three hundred and fifty high Arches, but narrow, 
An Aqueduct at old Cairo.  and they appear to be the narrower, that the Aqueduct is very high, because of the Situation of the Castle. I went once up to that Aqueduct, and therefore I'll give an account of what I saw: You must ascend thirty or forty broad Steps, which are very easy to mount, before you come to the top, where you see eight Sakis turned all by Oxen, that discharge their Water into a great Basin, from whence it runs through a little Conduit-pipe into the Aqueduct, at six Paces distance, and therein is conveyed to the Castle.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Matharee.  
THE Matharee is two short Leagues from New Cairo; 
Matharee.  it is a lovely and pleasant place, and deserves to be seen, were it for nothing else, but that it hath been Honoured with the presence of our Saviour; for they say that our Lady lived some time there with her Son Jesus. You see in it a little Hall almost square, which heretofore was a bare Grott, but at present is enclosed by a Garden, that is carefully looked after: As you enter into that Hall, there is on the Left hand a Basin even with the Floor, somewhat longer than broad; a Water runs into it (where it is said) the Blessed Virgin washed her Linen, and in the mean time set our Saviour upon a little Window hollowed in the Wall, where the Monks sometimes say Mass. The Water that comes into the Basin of that Hall, and all over the Garden, is drawn by two Oxen, that turn a Saki in the Court, by means whereof they raise the Water. Many have said that this Water comes from the Nile, being not far distant (especially when it overflows) and a few others affirm it to be a Spring, of which opinion I am. For if it were the Water of the Nile, they that live there must needs know it, but they say it is a Spring. Besides, when the Water of the Nile is thickest, this is very clear, as it is at all times: And in short, the Etymology of the word Matharee, seems to insinuate that it is a Spring; 
The Etymology of Matharee.  for the word Matharee comes from Matariih, which signifies Freshwater. And why would they give it that name more than to all other Gardens where there are Sakis, if the meaning were not that there was a good spring of Freshwater there? Saki signifies a Watering-place, 
Saki.  and is the same that in Province they call a Pouserague. Having seen that Hall, you go into a Garden walled in also, where there are many Trees, but among others, a very old Sycamore, or Figtree of Pharaoh, which yearly bears Fruit. They say, that our Lady passing by it with her Son Jesus, and being pursued by Men, the Figtree opened, and the Blessed Virgin going into it, it shut again till the Men were passed, and then it opened again, and continued always so until the Year 1656. that the piece which was separated from the Trunk was broken off. This is a pretty pleasant Garden to rest in, and commonly they Dine there in a Walk shaded with Orange and Limon-Trees, that are in so great number, and cast such a shade, that the Sun passes not at all through them, and you must stoop very low when you go in some of the Walks, which have in the middle Channels made to convey the water all over the Garden, and they can bring the water into any Walk you are in, where you may cool your Wine; but if you have a mind to eat any thing there, you must bring it with you; for you'll find nothing in the place but plenty of fair Oranges, 
An Obelisk near the Garden of Matharee.  and small Lemons. There is a very lovely great Obelisk pretty near to this Garden, like to that which stands at Alexandria, and those others that are in Rome and other places. Many think that there has been some Town heretofore in this place, seeing there are Ruins still to be seen about it, and that it is not likely such a piece would have been erected in the open Fields. This Obelisk stands in a very low ground, where there is always water, and especially during the Inundation of Nile, that the whole place looks like a Pond. In this place it was that Selim encamped his Army when he took Cairo; 
The Camp of Selim, when he besieged Cairo.  and there are very high works of Earth still to be seen, where his Trenches were. Betwixt the City and the Matharee, there is a Building, which (they say) is the Arsenal of the Red-Sea.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Castle.  

The Castle of Cairo.  THE Castle of Cairo is one of the finest things in Egypt; it stands upon a Hill, not in the middle of the City (as many have written,) but without the Town, almost at one of the points of the Crescent which the City makes, and in a manner over against Old Cairo. It is founded on a Rock, and encompassed with very high and thick Walls: The ascent to this Castle is by a pair of stairs cut out in the Rock, so easy to mount, that Horses and Camels go up it with their Loads. There is a very large Place or Square before the Castle, called the Romesle; and near that place, the Mosque called Sultan Hasan, because it was built by Sultan Hasan in the time of the Mamalukes. This Mosque is all of Freestone, 
The Mosque of Sultan Hasan, at Cairo.  extraordinarily well built, and prodigiously high. Thomambey, the last King of the Mamalukes, fled to this Mosque, leaving the Castle to Sultan Selim, who fired several Guns at the Mosque, where the holes of the Bullets are still to be seen, especially in the Dome that is pierced all through by them. In this Castle are many stately Ruins, and several fair Vaults hid under ground. We find indeed, that the ancientest things fall into greatest ruin, and are not exempted from the power of time. It is certain that the greatest and best part of this Castle is ruined, and yet several fair Buildings remain still: But the finest and most curious thing that is to be seen in the Castle, is Joseph's Well, which is certainly a Wonder; one must have leave from the Bassa Chiaoux to see it, and the French Consuls Interpreter having asked it for us, he gave him a man to conduct us thither; but however it cost us five or six Piastres, This Pit or Well is divided into two stories, or (to say better) into two Pits; the first is almost square, and is eleven foot long, and ten foot broad; there is a pair of stairs to go down to it, about seven or eight foot broad, cut in the Rock all round, and separating the Pit from the Rock; so that when you go down, you have one of the sides of the Well on the right hand, which serves for a rail to keep one from falling, or indeed, seeing into the Well, unless it be by windows that are at convenient distances, On the left hand, you have the wall, which is the Rock itself. This Staircase hath been made very easy to go down and up, for the convenience of the Oxen that go down to labour, so that the descent is hardly sensible. You go down then 220 steps, finding on each side of the Pit two windows, each about three foot square; there are three windows in some places, 
A hole in Joseph's Well, that goes to the Pyramids.  but the Pit being very deep, they are not sufficient to give light enough, and therefore some Torches must be carried down. At the bottom of these two hundred and twenty steps, in the Rock on the left hand, there is a great hole like a door, but stopped up, and (they say) that that hole goes as far as the Pyramids. 
Another hole in joseph's Well, which the Egyptians say, reaches as far as Suez.  There is another hole like the former on the right hand of the Pit, and stopped up in the same manner, and that (they say) goes as far as Suez upon the Red-Sea; but I believe neither of the two. Turning then to the right hand towards that hole, you come to a place which is the bottom of the first Pit or story; this place answers perpendicularly to the mouth of the Pit, being equal to it in length and breadth, so much of it as is uncovered; for afterwards it strikes off to the right hand under the Rock, to the place of the second story or second Pit, which is narrow, but deeper than the former: At the top of this last Pit, in the aforementioned place that goes under the Rock, the Oxen are, which by means of wheels, draw a great quantity of water out of this narrow Pit or Well, which falling into a Channel, runs into a reservatory at one end of this place, and at the bottom of the first Pit; from whence at the same time it is conveyed up on high by little buckets fastened to a rope, which Oxen on the top continually keep going, by the means of other wheels that they turn, and then it is distributed through the Castle in several pipes. One may go to the bottom of this narrow Well, there being several steps in it, by which some have descended; but there is too much mud and slime in it. Now (what is most wonderful) all this Pit or Well is made out of the hard Rock, to a prodigious breadth and depth, and the water of it is from a Spring, there being no Spring (to the knowledge of man) in all Egypt, but this, 
Only two Springs of Water in Egypt.  and that of the Matharee, which we mentioned before. Many, and almost all the Franks think, that the water of Joseph's Well, is the same that is brought from the Nile in that fair Aqueduct which comes by Old Cairo to the Castle: But we informed ourselves as to that of many in the Castle, who all assured us, that the water that is brought by that Aqueduct, served only for the Bassa's Horses, (as indeed it comes straight to the Stables in the Bassa's Apartment,) and that it enters not at all into Joseph's Well, which is in the Quarter of the Janissaries; besides, the water of Joseph's Well is sweetish, (as the water of most Wells is) and differs in taste from that of the Nile. 

Joseph's Hall. Thirty Pillars of Thebaick stone in Joseph's Hall.  
The Hall of Joseph's Steward.   Joseph's Hall is also to be seen in the Castle, but much ruined; it hath thirty lovely great Pillars of Thebaick-stone, and a good deal of Gold and Azure still to be seen on the ceiling. Pretty near to that, is the Hall also of Joseph's Steward, which is more curious than the other, but there remains still ten or twelve Pillars, such as those of Joseph's Hall. It is to be observed, that all the fine things of the Ancients that still remain in Egypt, are attributed to Joseph; and all that is ugly or infamous, to Pharaoh. There is to be seen also in the Castle, a large old Hall, well built, the ceiling whereof is in many places gilded and painted in Mosaic: In this Hall the Vest which is yearly sent to Mecha, is embroidered. Then you have many high Terraces, from whence you may see all the City of New Cairo, the Old, Boulac, and a great way farther into the Deserts. 
Joseph's Dungeon.  The Dungeon or Arcane is still remaining in the Castle, which (they say) is the Prison whereinto Joseph was cast, and where he interpreted the Dreams of the King's Butler and Baker; but nothing makes it considerable, but the Name of Joseph, for it is a Prison composed of some dark, nasty and stinking passages like Dungeons, by what I could discover on the outside; and some who have been Prisoners there, told me, that it is far worse within; and Prisoners are so cruelly used there, that it deserves not to be looked upon; nay, woe be to them who are shut up there; for so soon as a Man is clapped up in it, his feet are put into the Stocks, and his body chained to the wall by a heavy Chain, where he must sit on his breech; then the Gaolers demand of him ten or twenty Piastres, more or less, 
The bad usage of Prisoners by the Gaolers of the Arcane.  according as they judge him able, and if he give it not, they throw pales of water under his breech; and when he has feed the first, that he may not be abused, next day others come into office, who use him in the same manner, if he see them not also as he did the former; and in a word, this Prison is a Hell upon Earth: People are put in there for small matters, as for Debt, or Batteries, especially the Christians and Jews. The Aga of the Janissaries lives in the Castle, and Commands there.  
Being come out of the Castle, you must go see the Bassa's Apartment, separated from the Castle only by a Wall, and (I think) all together made but one Castle before; but the Turks make a distinction betwixt them, calling the Bassa's Apartment, the Seraglio of the Bassa; and the rest, the Castle; you must see then the Apartment or Seraglio of the Bassa, which is very neat, as that of the Kiayas is also: Both these places have a very pleasant Prospect, for from them one has a full view of Cairo, Old Cairo, Boulac, the Deserts, and all places about. The Hall of the great Divan is in the Bassa's Apartment; it is long, but the ceiling a little too low: against the wall of that Hall, hang ten wooden Bucklers, a finger's breadth thick a piece, all joined together, and pierced through by a Javelin about five foot long, with an iron Head about a good foot in length; this Iron pierces through all these Bucklers, and reaches a hands breadth farther. 
The strength of Sultan Amurat.  Sultan Amurat (as they say) threw that Javelin, wherewith he pierced the Bucklers through, and sent them to Cairo sticking thereon, as they are to be seen at present, to show his strength to the Egyptians; this is kept as a Miracle, and covered with a Net. Sultan Amurat was indeed, the strongest Man of his time, and marks of that are to be seen in several places.  
In this Apartment of the Bassa, there is a very large court or place, called Cara Meidan, at the end of which are his Stables, where the Aqueduct which comes near Boulac, 
A most lovely Castle in Cairo.  and conveyeth the water of the Nile, discharges itself for the use of his Horses. This Castle might pass for a great Town, and is the finest that ever I saw, not only for Strength, but also for the stately Buildings that are in it, 
The Castle of Cairo, ancient.  the lovely Prospects, and good Air: In a word, it is a work worthy of the ancient Pharaoh's and Ptolomy's who built it, and corresponds very well with the magnificence of the Pyramids. This Castle looks great also on the outside, but chief on the side of the four Gates, which they call Babel Carafi, and which enter all four into the Romeile: On that side, the Castle Walls are very high and strong, being built upon the Rock, which is two men's height above ground. These walls are very entire, and look as if they were new: Near to that, all along from the first of the four Gates to the last, and not far from the Castle, there are fair Burying-places.  

The Fountain of Lovers.  The Fountain of Lovers is within the City; It is a great oval Bason, or rather Trough, made of one entire piece of black Marble, six foot long, and about three foot high, and all round it there are Figures of Men and Hieroglyphics rarely well cut: The People of the Country tell a great many tales of this Fountain of Lovers, and say, that in ancient times Sacrifices were offered at it. Not far from thence, 
Calaat el Kabh.  there is a great Palace, called Calaat el kabh, that is to say, the Castle of Turpitude, it seems to have been formerly a neat Building, but at present it falls to decay; several lovely Pillars are to be seen in it. They say, that Sultan Selim lodged in that Palace, after that he had made himself Master of Cairo; and many very ancient Fables they tell of it. A few steps from thence is the Garden of Lovers, 
Garden of Lovers. Sesostris.  whereof the Moors relate the same thing that Diodorus Siculus reports of Sesostris, the Second King of Egypt, who having lost his Sight, and been told by the Oracle, that he should not recover it, if he did not wash his face with the Urine of a Woman that had never known Man, beside her own Husband; he washed with his Wife's water, then tried several others, without recovering his Sight; and at length having washed with the water of a Gardener's Wife, who was Master of this Garden, his sight came to him again; whereupon he married that Woman, and caused all the rest who had been adulterous, to be burnt.   

CHAP. X. Of the Palaces, Streets, and Bazars of Cairo.  
HAving seen all the places that I have mentioned before, no more remains but to walk through the City, and see the lovely Mosques and fair Palaces; and if you could have any occasion to go into the Houses of the Beys, there you would see brave Apartments, large Halls, paved all with Marble, with Water-works, and Ceilings, adorned with Gold and Azure. You would see likewise neat Gardens. As to the Frontispieces of Houses, there is not one that looks well, and (as I have said already) the finest Houses are but dirt without. 
Locks and Keys of wood in Cairo.  All their Locks and Keys are of wood, and they have none of iron, no not for the City Gates, which may be all easily opened without a Key. The Keys are bits of timber, with little pieces of wire, that lift up other little pieces of wire which are in the Lock, and enter into certain little holes, out of which the ends of wire that are on the Key having thrust them, the Gate is open. But without the Key, a little soft paste upon the end of one's finger, will do the job as well.  
There are some fair Streets in Cairo; the Street of Bazar, or the Market, 
Bazar.  is very long and broad, and the Bazar is held there on Mondays and Thursdays. There is always such a prodigious crowd of people in this street, but especially on Market-days, that one can hardly go along. All sorts of things are sold in this street, and at the end of it there is another short street, but something broad, wherein the shops on each side are full of rich Goods; this is called Han Kalil, that is to say, the little Han. Then at the end of that short street, 
Han Kalil.  there is a great Han, in which there is a large Piazza or Square, and very high Buildings. White Slaves are sold there, aswel Women and Girls, 
Slaves sold in a Market.  as Men and Boys. A little farther there is another Han, where are great numbers of Black Slaves, of both Sexes. There is a little street near Han Kalil, where on Market-days, that is to say, Mondays and Thursdays, there are Slaves standing in ranks against a wall, to be sold to them that have a mind to buy, and every body may look upon them, touch and feel them like Horses, to see if they have any faults. The Hospital and Mosque of Mad People, 
The Hospital and Mosque of Mad People. Morestan.  is very near Han Kalil; they are chained with heavy iron chains, and are led to the Mosque at Prayer-time. This is one of the largest Mosques in the City, as far as I could see, going by the doors of it. The Hospital is called Morestan, and it serves also for the sick Poor, who are well entertained and looked after in it.  
It seems worth one's curiosity too, to see them make Carpets; for a great many fine ones are made at Cairo, and are called Turkie-work Carpets: 
Turkie-work Carpets made at Cairo.  Many People are employed in that work, among whom are several little Boys, who do their business so skilfully and nimbly, that one could hardly believe it; their Loom stands before them, and in their left hand they have several ends of round bottoms of Woorstead of many colours, which they place in their several places; in the right hand they hold a Knife, wherewith they cut the Woorsted, at every point they touch with the Knife. The Master comes to them now and then with a Pattern, and looking upon it, tells them what they are to do, as if he were reading in a Book; nay, faster too than he could read, saying, So many points of such a colour, and so many of such another, and the like; and they are as quick at their work, as he is in directing them.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Ovens that hatch Chickens.  
ALL that I have related hitherto, are such things as may be daily seen, and whoever Travels into that Country, may see them at his leisure, when he thinks fit. But there are also several other curious things that are casual and temporary; and others again, which yearly happen but at such a time and season. I shall relate what I have seen of both, according to the order of time they happen in, and I saw them. The first of these extraordinary things I saw at Cairo, was the artificial way of hatching Chickens; one would think it a Fable, at first, to say that Chickens are hatched, without Hens sitting upon the Eggs; and a greater, to say, that they are sold by the Bushel: Nevertheless both are true, and for that effect, they put their Eggs in Ovens, which they heat with so temperate a warmth, 
The manner of the Ovens for hatching of Chickens.  which imitates so well the natural heat, that Chickens are form and hatched in them. These Ovens are in a low place, and in a manner under ground; they are made of Earth, round within, the Hearth or Floor of them being covered all over with Tow or Flocks to put the Eggs upon. There are in all twelve of these Ovens, six on each side in two ranks or stories, there being two stories on each side, and three Ovens in each story. These two sides are separated by a Street or Way, through which they who work in them (who are all Cophtes) and those that come to see them, pass. They begin to heat their Ovens about the middle of February, 
How the Ovens are heated.  and continue to do so for almost four months' space. They heat them with a very temperate heat, only of the hot ashes of Oxen and Camels-dung, or the like, which they put at the mouth of each Oven, and daily change it, putting fresh hot dung into the same place. This they do for the space of ten days, and then lay the Eggs upon the Tow and Flocks that are within the Ovens, ranking them all round; and they'll put about eight thousand in an Oven. After twelve days time that the Eggs have been there, the Chickens are hatched, and come out; so that the time of heating the Ovens, and the time the Eggs have been in them, make in all two and twenty days: But it is pleasant to see these Chickens, in one side some thrusting out their heads, others striving and struggling to get out their bodies, and others again (which on the other side are quite out of the shell) tripping up and down upon the rest of the Eggs; for if you stay there but the least, you'll see all these progresses. When they are all hatched, they gather them up, measure them in a Bushel that wants a bottom, and sell them by that measure to all that please to buy, and then divide the profit betwixt the Owners and the Masters of the Ovens. During the four months that they ply this business, they use above three hundred thousand Eggs, but all do not succeed. Such as have a very nice palate, think that these Pullet's are not so good as those which are hatched by a Hen, but the difference is but little, or rather it is only in fancy; and it is still very much to imitate Nature so near. Many think that this cannot be done but in Egypt, because of the warmth of the Climate; but the Great Duke of Florence having sent for one of these Men, he hatched them aswel there as in Egypt: The same also (as I was told) had been done in Poland; and I certainly believe it may be done any where, provided it be in some place under ground, where no Air comes in; but the great difficulty is to proportion the heat to such a temperate degree, that there be neither too much nor too little, either of which would prove unsuccesful.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Buryingplace where the Dead rise.  
IT is strange to see the Superstitions that reign among People, and there is no Country that can pretend to be free from them; only some have more, and some less; but the strangest thing of all is that they will not be undeceived, and if any man offer to lay open the Cheat, he is presently taken for an Atheist and wicked Person. No People that I know are certainly more Superstitious than the Egyptians, as I shall hereafter make it out; but at present it shall be enough to give one instance of it. Upon the Riverside near to old Cairo, there is a great Buryingplace, where many dead Bodies are Interred: All the Inhabitants of Cairo, not only Cophtes and Greeks, but also Turks and Moors are fully persuaded that on Holy Wednesday, Thursday, 
An imaginary Resurrection of the dead in Egypt  and Friday, (according to their account, who follow the old Calendar) the dead rise there; not that the dead People walk up and down the Churchyard; but that during these three days, their Bones come out of the Ground, and then when they are over, return to their Graves again. I went to that Buryingplace on the Holy Friday of the Greeks and other Christians, who follow the old Calendar, that I might see what Ground they had for this stupid Belief; and I was astonished to find as many People there as if it had been at a Fair, for all both small and great in Cairo flock thither, and the Turks go in procession with all their Banners, because they have a Scheikh Interred there, whose Bones (as they say) come out every year, and take the Air with the rest; and there they say their Prayers with great Devotion. When I came to the place I saw here and there some Sculls and Bones; and every one told me that they were just come out of the Earth; which they so firmly believe, that it is impossible to make them think otherwise; for I spoke to some (who one would think aught to have more sense than the rest) and they assured me it was a truth; and that when you are in a place where the Ground is very even, while you are looking to one side, Bones will come up on the other side, within two steps of you. I who would willingly have seen them come up before my Face, not doubting but the Bones which were to be seen, had been secretly scattered by some Santoes, fell a jeering the Men; 

An Apparition of the blessed Virgin in a Nunnery of the Cophtes. Gemiane.  
An Apparition of Saints among the Cophtes.   but finding that they were in the same error with the rest, I durst not say all I thought, for fear of meeting with some abuse. In the mean time I think that that folly may be put in the same rank with the Well that is in the Nunnery of the Cophtes, in the quarter of the Greeks, where they say the Blessed Virgin appears on a certain day of the year; as also with the Church called Geniane, that is to say the two Churches, which is three days journey from Cairo, where the Cophtes imagine that they see Saints appear in the Dome, and therefore they have it in great Veneration.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Cavalcade of the Hazna.  

The Grand Signiors revenue in Egypt.  MOnday the eleventh of June the Hazna or Grand Signior's Revenue came down from the Castle. This Hazna amounts to six hundred thousand Venetian Chequins which make 1500000 Piastres, which the Bassa of Egypt sends yearly to the Grand Signior, 
The Cavalcade at the setting out of the Grand Signiors hazna for Constantinople.  under the guard of a Sangiack Bey well accompanied. This Hazna came down from the Castle, and about eight a Clock in the morning went through Cairo with a lovely Cavalcade in great pomp. First went many of all the Sangiacks Servants well mounted, then came the Saraf Bassa, and the Saraf of the Bassa, each with a Caftan, which they had received from the Bassa, and next eight Clerks, and other Officers of the Customhouse, who had every one a Caftan given them by the Bassa; these were followed by all the Chiaouxes with their great Turbans, after whom came the rest of the Sangiacks Servants, and behind them thirty Mules loaded with the Treasure, environed with several Janissaries on Foot: a little after came above two thousand Janissaries on Foot, marching two and two with their Muskets on their shoulders, and their Shables by their sides; next to them came the Sangiack Bey, who was to accompany the Treasure to Constantinople; he wore a Chiaoux cap., and had on a Caftan given him by the Bassa; he was followed by many men on Horseback carrying Colours, and among others one that was made of several Flakes of Wool, fastened to the end of a Staff; then came a great many men, (most part Moor's) playing upon Flutes, Drums, and Timbrels, with many Trumpets: in the Rear of all came the whole Family of the Sangiack Bey, who made the Journey, and it consisted of several very handsome Youngmen. In this Cavalcade were above two hundred Horse; but the chief beauty of it, was the Order wherein they marched, for they went all two and two leisurely, and without the least noise, so that it was easy to reckon them; they were all mounted on very good Horses, all Armed, some with Bows and Arrows, others with Harquebuses, Pikes and suchlike Arms. They went out by the Bab Nasra, that is to say, the Gate of Victory, and encamped a League off, in Tents; where they stayed about a Fortnight, and then departed for Constantinople.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Turks Carnaval.  
TVesday Evening the twelfth of June, 1657. happened the Carnaval of the Turks, or the Ceremony of the beginning of the Ramadan, which (though it be but a trifle) yet deserves once to be seen. This Cavalcade is called Laylet el Kouvat, 

Laylet el Kouvat.  
The night when the Alcoran came down from Heaven.   that is to say, the night of power, because the Mahometans believe that that night the Alcoran descended from Heaven. So soon as it is night, Lamps are lighted in the streets, and especially in the Bazar street, through which the Procession passes; it is a very long broad and straight Street, where you see a great many Ropes stretched from one side to the other, to which Iron-Hoops are fastened, with many Lamps hanging to them; there are also Baskets hanging full of Lamps: these Hoops hang at about ten paces distance from one another, and in every one of them there are above thirty Lamps; which being all in a straight line, make a very pleasant show and great light: there are besides many other great figures likewise full of Lamps; and all the Minarets or Towers of the Mosques are also decked with them. Vast numbers of people are abroad in the streets, the shops and all places full: but the Franks who would be Spectators of this Festival, aught to take a room in the street of the Bazar, only for the time of the Cavalcade that so they may conveniently see, and be out of danger of the Rabble. About the shutting in of the Night, the Santos, Chiaoux, and all that are concerned in the Cavalcade, go to the House of the Cadilesquer, who tells them if they are to begin the Ramadan that night. being then certain that the Moon hath been seen, and that by consequence the Ramadan gins that night: They begin their solemnity in this manner; about an hour or two after night a great many Santos on Foot armed with Clubs and Torches in their hands, and accompanied with several People carrying Links march up and down dancing, singing, roaring and making a noise, with a Scheikh on a Mule, in the middle of them, whom they call Scheiks el arsat, which is to say, Scheikh, or prime of the Cornuted, and with them is a Scheikh of great reputation; for when he passes the People shout and make great acclamations; after him come several men mounted on Camels, playing upon Drums, Timbrels, and other sorts of Instruments, who make a sad noise; then follow men in Masquerade who walk on foot, some with Link-men about them, and others carrying at the end of long Poles, Hoops full of Fire-Launces, which after they have burned and given light a pretty while, bounce and leap among the People on all hands, and during that time, they let off a great many Squibs and Serpents. After that come the Officers of the Bey on Horseback, all with their Harquebuses, than the Chiaoux also on Horseback, next several Janissaries with their Muskets and Scimitars, and after them the Sous Bassa, Muhtesib, and many public Magistrates well attended by Janissaries and Link-men: the whole is concluded by a great many Santoes that sing some joyful Songs for the coming of the Ramadan. All this Solemnity consists only of a company of Rogues got together, but is pleasant enough however. It is some pleasure still after all is over to see them break most of the Lamps with Stones and Sticks. Then are the Shops kept open all night, and so during all the Nights of the Ramadan, but especially the Coffeehouses, which are full of Lamps, in some of which I have seen two thousand; and all sorts of People Christians and others may go abroad all night long as securely as by day. I have spoken at large of the Ramadan in the description of Constantinople.   

CHAP. XV. Of the going out of a Bassa Mansoul.  
THE thirtieth of June, 1657. the Bassa was made Maasoul or Mansoul, that is to say turned out of his Government, which is done two manner of ways, the one when the Beys of the Country make him Maasoul, and demand another from the Grand Signior, making one of themselves, in the mean time Caimacan or Lieutenant, to supply his place, as he who was immediately before this last, was served, who was made Maasoul in my time. the other way is, when an Olac or Courier from Constantinople in name of the Grand Signior comes, and staying without the City, demands the Divan to be held, which is done the next day, and all the Beys being there at that time, the Olac comes into the Divan and presents his Letters to the Bassa, and then turns up a corner of the Carpet on which the Bassa is, which is an intimation that he is Mansoul. This Bassa was made Mansoul in the last manner. Immediately the Beys of the Country, who commonly have received their Letters before the sitting of the Divan, secure the Bassa, 
What the Beys of Cairo do when a Bassa is Mansoul.  and one of them who is declared Caimacan by the Grand Signiors Letters, takes upon him all the care of the Government, until the coming of the new Bassa. In the mean while the Beys make the Bassa Mansoul, give an account of all the Money he has received, and take from him what he has remaining. This lasts several days, during which, his Servants pack up, and take all that they can catch in the Bassa's apartment, which belongs not to their Master, as Carpets and the like. After that the Bassa hath made up his Accounts with the Beys, he sets out from Cairo that he may go to Constantinople, and render an account of his Administration, and then his Enemies declare themselves, and seek all occasions to do him Prejudice, objecting against him all the Injustice that he hath committed during his Government. Sometimes he is put to Death upon the Road by orders from the Grand Signior, and sometimes also he is made Grand Visier upon his arrival at Constamtinople; so that many of these Bassa's return not to Constantinople, but Rebel, and with such men as they can get together, roam up and down Anatolia, laying Contributions on Towns and Villages; and this they do chief when they are afraid to appear before the Grand Signior.  

The Cavalcade at the going out the Bassa Mansoul.  This Bassa having cleared his Accounts, went out of Cairo the six and twentieth of July in the morning, and the Cavalcade was in this order. First went all the Servants of the Beys two and two on Horseback; and as the Family of one Bey was passed, there was a short interval, than came another, and so in order till all were gone; in the Rear of the Family of every Bey, which consisted of about one hundred Horsemen more or less according to the Estate of the Bey, came a led Horse well accoutred, having a Buckler fastened upon the Saddle; and some of the Beys have two or three such led Horses. After the retinue of the Beys, came a part of the Bassa's Servants, all well Armed like men who are upon a March; of them about thirty of the first carried the Banners of the Bassa, and were followed by many of the Officers of the Castle on Horseback; after whom came the Chiaoux, next the Sousbasha, than all the Beys two and two, every one with a Page walking before them on Foot; next in order marched the Azapes two and two, well Armed, most part covered with the Skins of Tigers, than the Janissaries, who are called the Janissaries of Mehkieme, or of the Justice, followed by the Janissaries and all the Officers of the Divan: after them, came the Peiks or Lackeys of the Bassa on Foot, with their Caps of Silver gilt, than his Pages on Foot also, and at length the Bassa himself, mounted on a stately Horse, with a rich Houze embroadered with Gold; he wore on his Head a Chiaoux cap., but without a Herons top. After him came all the rest of his Officers and Servants, with several Trumpets, Drums, Timbrels, and such kind of Instruments. They went all out of the City to a place where the Bassa and his People Encamped in Tents, and stayed there some days, till he set out for Constantinople, takeing two or three hundred men in company with him. 
The encamping of the Bassa Mansoul of Cairo.  While he lay Encamped near the City, Monsieur De Bermond the French Consul went to visit him in his Tent, because he was his Friend, and we accompanied him. It was a very lovely Tent, and reckoned to be worth ten thousand Crowns, it was very spacious and encompassed round with walls of waxed Cloth: in the middle was his Pavilion of green waxed Cloth, lined within with flowered Tapistery all of one set; within the Precincts behind, and on the sides of his Pavilion, there were Chambers and Offices for his Women: round the pale of his Tent within a Pistol shot were above two hundred Tents, pitched in such a manner, that the doors of all of them looked towards the Bassa's Tent, and it is ever so, that they may have their eye always upon their Master's Lodging, and be in a readiness to assist him, if he be attacked. These Tents together yielded a pleasant prospect in the Field, and especially the Bassa's, which on the top of the Pavilion had several great gilt Balls, which made a glorious show when the Sun shined upon them.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the coming down of Mahomet's Vest from the Castle, and of the setting out of the Emir-Adge.  
ALL the Presents that are yearly sent by the Grand Signior to Mecha, 
Mahomet's Vest.  are by the Franks called Mahomet's Vest, they are wrought in the Castle of Cairo; for Cairo sends Ornaments to Mecha, and Money to Medina. and Damascus sends Ornaments to Medina. When the time is come that the Caravan is to set out for Mecha, the Presents are brought in great pomp from the Castle through the City, to the House of the Emir-Adge. 
Emir-Adge.  The Captain of the Caravan of the Pilgrims of Mecha, is called Emir-Adge. Now seeing I would not let any thing slip that was to be seen, I went to see that Cavalcade which was performed on Saturday, the One and twentieth of July, 1657. 
The Cavalcade of the coming down of Mahomet's Vest.  in this Order. All the Families of the Beys past, than the Chiaoux, next the Azapes, than the Janissaries, and after them the Beys, of whom he that was the Emir-Adge, had a Caftan, which he had received from the Bassa, as many other Officers had, who were to be there. After them came the Janissaries of the Divan, who were followed by Men carrying four very long pieces of Crimson Velvet, Embroidered all over with Arabic Letters of Gold, as long, broad, and thick as ones Finger: Others carried a large and long Door-piece of Velvet, Embroidered in the same manner; and then came a Camel well Harnessed, carrying a great Pavilion, or Tabernacle, of Crimson-Satin, all Embroidered with Gold, and chief in some places, where there were great long letters Embroidered in Gold; it was shaped like a Bell, with a Gilt Ball over the top, and four such others about it: Then another little square Pavilion of far less value, carried by a Man; after that came eight pieces of Serge, and a Man with a burden of Ropes. All these things were for adorning the Kiabe, or Mosque of Mecha, and were accompanied by many Processions with Banners, and all the Santoes, with several Drums and Timbrels. But strange was the pressing and crowding of the People, to touch all the things that were sent in Present; every one strove to get near, and those who were so happy, touched them most devoutly with the ends of their Fingers, nay, not so much as the Ropes that were Consecrated to that holy place, but were touched with as much respect and devotion as the rest; and they, who because of the Crowd could not come near, got up upon some Stone, and undoing their Turban, threw one end of it upon the Relics, and held the other in their Hand to pull it back by; so that if they could touch them with any thing that they could afterwards kiss, they were satisfied. 
The respect of the Mahometans for the Presents that are sent to Mecha.  They have the same Reverence for these things that Catholics have for their Relics, and that only because they are to be presented to the Kiabe, for adorning that place which they esteem holy. All those things were carried from the Castle to the House of the Emir-Adge. Two days after, to wit, Monday the twenty third of July, the Emir-Adge went out of the Town, that he might Encamp abroad, and prepare for the Journey to Mecha; it was much the same as at the other Cavalcades, as for the order of the Families of the Beys, the Chiaoux, and the rest. 
Six Field-pieces for the Journey of Mecha.  But there was this more in this last Cavalcade, that after the Families of the Beys, came six Field-pieces, every one of them drawn by two Horses; which the Emir-Adge always carries with him in that Expedition. There were besides a great many little Children, some mounted on Camels, some on Horses, and all in Caftans presented to them; these were the Sons of the Emir-Adge's Cooks, Grooms, and other Officers. The first of these little Boys was the Son of the Smith, who goes to shoe the Horses, Mules, and Asses of the Caravan; and as a sign of that, he was upon a Camel covered with a very pretty Pavilion, and had on the Camels back before him an Anvil, with a great Hammer in his Hand, wherewith he now and then struck upon the Anvil. Then passed a great many Camels loaded with Provisions for the Emir-Adge, after them came the Beys, and then the Emir-Adge. A quarter of an Hour after, came all the Santoes, or Madmen, in far greater number than ever I had seen in any place; some Dancing, others making a thousand wry Mouths and strange Faces, and clad in divers Fashions, much like our Masquers in time of Carnaval: Then at length came the blessed Camel, which carries the Pavilion I mentioned before; the other things were under that Pavilion, and horrible was the crowding to get near and kiss, or at least touch that same Pavilion. This Camel was in goodly Trappings of Gold and Silk, 

Four Camels kept for the service of Mahomet.  
Five Caravans make the Journey of Mecha.  
The Caravan of Cairo.  
The Caravan of Damascus.  
The Caravan of the Magrebins.  
The Caravan of Persia.  
The Caravan of the Mogul. The Emir-Adge in the Journey of Mecha, takes with him 1500. Camels of his own. The number of Men and Beasts in the Caravan of Cairo for Mecha.   and was followed by another very well Accoutred too, but not Loaded; he went this Journey to carry the Pavilion, when the other was weary: Four Camels are kept for that Service, of which two are employed every Year, whilst the other two take their rest. It is wonderful to see how many People come yearly from all places, to perform that Journey; for there are five Caravans, to wit, that of Cairo, which consists of Egyptians, and of all that come from Constantinople, and the places about; that of Damascus, wherein go from Syria, all who have a mind to go; that of the Magrebins, or Westerlings, comprehending those of Barbary, Fez, and Morocco, who meet at Cairo; the Caravan of Persia, and that of the Indies, or the Mogul. But, in my opinion, they who come from Fez and Morocco, are put to the greatest trouble; for they Travel always by Land, over great Deserts, that takes them up a long time, and indeed, they employ a whole Year in the Journey, and more than one half of them die by the way. This Caravan of Cairo was very numerous, for in it there was four Beys, one Janisary Agasi, one Bostangi Bassa, and several other mighty Lords, who made the Journey, having all a great many Camels with them. As for the Emir-Adge, who travels that Journey yearly, and is chief of the Caravan, he has commonly Fifteen hundred Camels to carry his Baggage, and to sell, or let to those who want; for many die by the way: He hath Five hundred Camels to carry Water, only for his Family, and they load them with Freshwater, wherever they find any. This Caravan (as it was said) consisted of about an Hundred thousand Persons, and of above an Hundred thousand Beasts, as well Camels as Horses, Mules and Asses, and that seemed indeed, to be a great deal; but we were informed afterward by the Gentleman of the Horse to the Bey of Suez, that that Caravan consisted only of Eight thousand Camels, and that when it amounts to Fifteen thousand Camels, it is thought to be very great.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Departure of the Caravan of Mecha, from the Birque, and of its Journey to Mecha.  
THE day that the Emir-Adge parted from Cairo, he Encamped in Tents, close by the City, 
The Birque.  and a few days after he Encamped at the Birque, which is a great Pond about Twelve Miles from Cairo, near to which they Encamp: 
The departure of the Caravan.  This place is the Rendesvouz of all the Caravans. The Emir-Adge parted from thence with the whole Caravan, Wednesday the eighth of August, it being the custom for the Caravan of Cairo, to set out Seven and fifty days after the beginning of the Ramadan, that so it may be there punctually at the time. It is very pretty to see them Encamped in the Nighttime, because of the infinite number of Lamps that are in the Tents and Pavilions. Next day, the Ninth of August, the Caravan of the Magrebins parted also from the Birque, and there all of Barbary who intent to make the Journey, meet, and make a distinct Caravan; which depends not on the Emir-Adge of Cairo, but have a Chief of their own. That Caravan never sets out but a day after the Caravan of Cairo; they travel commonly by night, and rest in the day time, 
The Caravans travel only by night.  as all other Caravans do that go to other places, that so they may avoid the heat, which is almost insupportable; and when the Moon does not shine, there are Men who carry Links before the Caravan. In all Caravans, the Camels are tied tail to tail, so that let them but go, and there is no trouble of leading them.  
Here I'll give the Reader an account, how many Stages there are betwixt Cairo and Mecha, how many days they stay in them, how many hours travelling there is betwixt them, and at what Stages the Waters are sweet or bitter, all along the way. This little Itinerary I had from a Prince of Tunis, 
An Itinerary from Cairo to Mecha.  who made that Journey whilst I was at Cairo. From Cairo to the Birque, it is reckoned four hours' Journey; there is fresh water there. From the Birque to Misana, that is to say, Cistern, ten hours; no water there. 
Misana. Kalaat Aadgeroud. Navatir. Raftagara. Kalaat el Nahhal. Abiar Alaina. Saith el Akaba. Kalaat el Akaba. Dar elHhamar. Scharafe Benigateie. Magare Chovaib. Eyoun el Kaseb. Kalaat el Moilah. castle. Kalaat Ezlem. Istanbel Antir. Kalaat el Voudge. Ekre. Hank Krue. Hhawre. Nabte. Nabathean Arabs. Hazire. Yanbouh. Soucaife. Beder Hunein. Sibil el Mouhsin. Rabij. Haramein.  From Misana to Kalaat Aadgeroud, which is to say, the Castle of Sand-Pits, twelve hours and an half; there is bitter water there. From the Castle of Aadgeroud to Navatir, seven hours and an half; no water there. From Navatir to Rastagara, ten hours; no water there, and the way bad. From Rastagara to Kalaat el Nahhal, that is to say, the Castle of Palms, fifteen hours; there they stay a day, and have fresh water. From the Castle of Nahhal to Abiar Alaina, fourteen hours; only better water there. From Abiar Alaina to Saith el Akaba, that is to say, the Plain of the Hill, fifteen hours; no water there. From Saith el Akaba to Kalaat el Akaba, that is to say, the Castle of the Hill, (that's upon the side of the Red-Sea) sixteen hours; there they stay two days and an half, the way is very bad, but they have fresh water. From the Castle el Akaba to Darel Hhamar, six hours and an half; no water there, (Dane el Hhamar signifies Asses Back, and it is like the Mountain in Italy, where there is an Inn called Scarga l'asino.) From Dane el Hhamar to Scharafe Benigateie, fourteen hours; no water there. From Scharafe Benigateie to Magare Chovaib, that is to say, the Grott of Jethro, fourteen hours; fresh water there; that is the Country of the Midionites. From Magare Chovaib to Eyoun el Kaseb, fourteen hours and an half; fresh water there: It was in that place where Jethroes Daughters going to water their cattle, and the Shepherds offering to hinder them, Moses protected and defended them against those who would have hindered them to draw water. From Eyoun el Kaseb to Kalaat el Moilah, which is by the Seaside, fifteen hours; there they rest two days and an half, and have fresh water. From Kalaat el Moilah to castle, eleven hours; bitter water there. From castle to Kalaat Ezlem, fifteen hours and an half; bitter water there. From Kalaat Ezlem to Istanbel antir, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From Istanbel antir to Kalaat el Voudge, that is to say, the Castle of the Face, thirteen hours and an half; fresh water there. From Kalaat el Voudge to Ekre, sixteen hours; no water there, but what is bitter. From Ekre to Hank Krue, that is to say, Gulf, twelve hours and an half; no water there. From Hank Krue, (going to Hhawre, they enter into the Territory of Mecha,) to Hhawre, it is thirteen hours; only bitter water there. From Hhawre to Nabte, fifteen hours; fresh water there: From thence come the Nabathean Arabs, Eurus ad auroram Nabathaeaque regna recessit. From Nabte to Hazire, thirteen hours and an half; no water there. From Hazire to Yanbouh, that is to say, Fountain, fourteen hours and an half; there they stay two days and an half, and have fresh water. From Yanbouh to Soucaife, thirteen hours; no water there. From Soucaife to Beder Hunein, that is to say, the Moon of Hunein, eight hours; fresh water there: Hunein was a Man that showed the Moon in his Well. From Beder Hunein to Sibil el Mouhsin, that is to say the way of Benefaction or Benefit, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From Sibil el Mouhsin to Rabij, seventeen hours; fresh water there: Rabij is a Sacred Place, that is to say, not to be entered into, without being well prepared and purged from all sin: Hence it is that there are two places which are called Haramein, Sacred Places, to wit, Mecha and Medina, that is to say, which are two Holy Places, where one should take heed not to set his foot, 
Kawdire. by'r el fan. Vadi Fatima. Mecha.  unless he be well washed from all Sin. From Rabij to Kawdire, fifteen hours, no Water there. From Kawdire to by'r el fan, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From by'r el fan too Vadi Fatima, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From Vadi Fatima to Mecha, six hours.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of Mecha.  
THE Musulmans have so great a veneration for Mecha, not only because Mahomet was Born there, but more especially for the Temple called Kiaabe, that is to say, square house, that they think all who are not Musulmans, are unworthy to come there; and therefore they suffer them not so much as to come within some days journey of it; and if a Christian or any other (who were not Mahometan) should be apprehended in that Holy Land, he would be burned without mercy. I never made the journey then, but seeing in the conferences that I have had with a great many who have made it, I have learned some things relating thereunto; I think I may tell what I know, especially since no man (that I know of) hath as yet given us any true relation of it.  

A description of Mecha. Kiaabe.  Mecha is an ancient Town situated among the Mountains, and built all of Stone and Mortar; in the middle of this Town is the Kiaabe, which is a square House, surrounded with a wall, that hinders people from approaching it, there being a void space betwixt the House and the Wall; the House is covered with a Dome. Within it there is a well of indifferent good Water, at least in respect of the other Waters of Mecha, which are so bitter, that one can hardly drink of them. There is besides on the right hand near the door as they enter into that House, a black stone as big as a man's Head, which (they say) came down from Heaven; 
A black stone come down from Heaven.  and that heretofore it was white, but that through the Sins of men, it became black, as it is at present. He that first can kiss it at the time when they give one another the Selam, after the Prayer of Kouschlouk, 
A great happiness for him that first kisses that stone on a certain day.  on Friday that falls within the three days that they sojourn there, is held to be a Saint, and every one strives to kiss his Feet; so that most frequently he is stifled in the crowd upon the very spot. They never enter this Sacred place but four times in a year, and one of these times at the Ramadan to wash it with Rose-water, if any Person of Quality have a mind to go into it, paying an hundred Chequins he may. This House is covered all round on the outside with Stuffs, which the Grand Signior and other Princes of the Musulman Law offer to it, and the old ones belong to the Grand Signior, when the little Bairam or Easter of Sacrifice falls upon a Friday; who gives pieces of them to new Mosques, which serve them for a Consecration; but those years when the little Bairam falls not on a Friday, the Sultan Scherif who commands there, takes off the Gold, and cutting the Stuff into small pieces, sells them for Relics at the rate of several Chequins. 
Reliks' of the stuffs of Mecha. Sultan Scherif  This Sultan Scherif, is chief at Mecha, and of great Authority there; he is rich, and from the Pilgrims squeezes money by a thousand inventions, all pretexts of Devotion. Heretofore his predecessors made Pilgrims pay vast sums of money; but one year the Sultana of Egypt being at Mecha, the Sultan exacted a great sum of Money from her, saying that he owned no King but himself: this Lady upon her return, would not enter the City of Cairo, but sent word to her Husband, that he was not King unless he revenged her. Immediately thereupon the Sultan of Egypt set out with a mighty Army, fell upon the Sultan of Mecha, 
Why the Scherif of Mecha ride on Horseback barefooted.  and defeated him, obliging him and all the Scherifs of Mecha his Relations, never to ride on Horseback but barefooted, which to this day they observe. when the Pilgrims come to Mecha, there is a great Fair kept there, whereall sorts of Commodities are brought from the Indies, and are sold in Caves made in the Mountain.   

CHAP. XIX. Of the Ceremonies to be performed by the Pilgrims of Mecha upon their Journey.  
OF those that make the Pilgrimage of Mecha; many go out of Devotion, 
For what use the Pilgrims of Mecha is  others to trade and buy Commodities, and others to avoid the Punishment they have deserved for some great Crime; for this Pilgrimage absolves from all, and howsoever guilty a man may be, if he can make his escape and perform that Journey, he is not called in question afterward, but reckoned an honest Man. Now though the intentions of all that go thither, may be very different, yet they perform the Journey with a great deal of Devotion, either real or counterfeit; for all along the way they do nothing but sing verses of the Alcoran, and bestow Charity according as they are able. 

Eight days nakedness in the pilgrimage of Mecha.  
Great continence during these eight days.   Two days before they arrive at Mecha, all strip themselves stark naked at a place called Raback, and have nothing upon their Bodies but a Napkin to cover their Privities, and another about their neck; they say that it is out of respect they do so, and wear Sandals also, that they may not tread upon so holy a Ground, and in this state they continue eight days, during which it is not lawful for them to be shaved, to buy or sell any thing, to kill any thing, no not a Louse or Flea; to quarrel with their Servants, nor to speak an unseemly word: and if any trespass against the least of these things, he is obliged in Conscience to give some Alms to the Poor, as to kill a Sheep after the eight days are over, and distribute it among the Poor. Such as are indisposed and sick strip not, but instead of it give Alms. When they are come to Mecha, 
Arrival at Mecha.  they stay three days there, during which they visit the holy places, and on one of them every one must seven times go a pretty long way round the Kiaabe, saying certain Prayers, but it is a very pleasant way of Praying; for Don Philippo Prince of Tunis, (of whom I shall speak hereafter) told me that being at Mecha, he fell sick, so that he could not practise much Devotion, but that he could not forbear to laugh when he saw others say their Prayers, especially a Brother of his own, who went with him. They have an Imam that goes before them, to show them how they are to act, and all have their eyes fixed upon him, that they may imitate him in every thing. At first they walk softly muttering their Prayers, then at certain intervals they run and skip, shrugging and turning their shoulders this way and that way in a most ridiculous manner; then fall to the gentle soft pace again, and so continue by turns till they have done. After they have been three days at Mecha, they go to Minnet, where they arrive the Vigil of the little Bairam; 
Minnet. Little Bairam  and the day of little Bairam or Easter of Sacrifice, they all Sacrifice Sheep, every one according to his ability, distributing a good part of them among the Poor; and that day they shave themselves, put on their clothes, 

Mount Arafat, where Abraham went to sacrifice his Son.  
Throwing of stones.  
The place where the Devil tempted Abraham.  
The place where Adam and Eve met after a search of two hundred and twenty years.   and appear in the same condition as they were eight days before: Then they go to Mount Arafat, which (as I think) is a short days journey from thence; but every one must provide two and forty stones by the way, for there are none to be found there. They stay there three days more, and the first day they go to the foot of the Hill, (after they have said their Prayers) and throw seven stones against the Mount; the second day they throw fourteen, and the third, twenty one; saying that they throw these stones at the Head of the Devil, who in that place tempted Abraham, when he was going to sacrifice his Son Ishmael; for they will have this to be the Mountain whether he led his Son, and that it was Ishmael, and not Isaac, whom he would have Sacrificed. They tell a great many other pleasant tales of this Mountain, where they say that Adam and Eve sought one another for the space of two hundred and twenty years, after they were driven out of the Earthly Paradise, the one going up the Hill on one side while the other went down on the other, and that at the end of two hundred and twenty years they met on the top of this Mountain. When all these Ceremonies are over, the Sultan Scherif (who comes with them to the Mount) says some Prayers, then gives them the Benediction, to which all answer Amen, and so the work is concluded.  

Journey to Medina.  From thence they go to Medina, where Mahomet's Tomb is; but the greatest Devotion is at the Kiaabe. 
Mahomet's Tomb.  In the mean time, there are many in Christendom who believe, that they only undertake this Pilgrimage to visit the Tomb of Mahomet, but they are mistaken; for a great many do not go thither at all. Nor can I tell neither whence the Fable may have arisen, which is believed by many, that Mahomet's Tomb is in a Room, the Walls whereof are all faced with Loadstone; and that his Shrine, which is of iron, hangs in the Air by the virtue of the Loadstone that equally attracts it on all hands: For not only it is not so, but indeed, never was; and when I made mention of it to Turks, I set them a laughing, and they jeered me for it; the Shrine is only encompassed with great Grates of Iron, and upon occasion of that, they relate another foppery. They say, that one time two Christians being resolved to carry away that Body, put themselves into the habit of Dervishes, and were so constant and diligent at their Devotion, that all took them for great Saints: But upon a time a report being raised and spread over the City, that there was a design to carry away the Body of Mahomet, though no body could tell who was Author of the Intelligence: The Governor invited all the Dervishes to dine at his house, that he might advise with them about that business; When they were met, the two Christians were missing, who were sought after, and being found, brought before the Governor; but that so soon as they appeared, they were struck with such a confusion, that they confessed their crime, saying, that they had dug a hole under the Mosque opposite to the Body, and that their design was to break through the floor at that place, and make the Body fall down, that so they might carry it away. Wherefore to prevent the like danger for the time to come, they have encompassed it with a great Iron-grate, above, below, and on all sides.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Aga sent to meet the Caravan upon their return, and of the Gains of the Emir-Adge.  

The return of the Caravan, & of the Aga that goes to meet it. Fresh Provisions for the Caravan.  ABout six weeks after the setting out of the Caravan of Cairo, when they know that it is ready to return from Mecha, an Aga goes from Cairo to guard the fresh Provisions that the People of the Country send to their Friends and Relations in the Caravan, every one sending according to their abilities and friendship; all which are well sealed up, and delivered to those they belong unto. For this effect, the Aga has many Camels with him, and gets considerably by the Caravan, which he meets half way. This year it returned on Tuesday the Thirteenth of November, and encamped at the Birque, where the Caravan of the Magrebins arrived the day before. Several come to Cairo the same day, and their Friends go as far as the Birque to welcome them; whereupon meeting, they kiss again and again five or six times, and all who know them, salute and kiss them in the same manner; and indeed, for some days after, there is nothing to be seen in the City, but people kissing one another, or lamenting their Relations who died in the Journey, Men, Women and Children, 
The time the Caravan takes in going and coming from Mecha.  who howl and make fearful gestures, when they hear the news from the first of the Caravan, whom they meet. These Pilgrims are forty five days in going, and as much in coming back to Cairo, besides some days they stay there; but they make but easy Journeys, it being impossible that so great a Body should march fast; for they must often stop to load the Camels whose loads have fallen off, to unload those that fall or die, or to bury their Dead, and a thousand such other accidents; and when one Camel stops, all the rest must wait. They Travel commonly (as I said) in the Nighttime with Links, that they may avoid the heat. In this Journey they find but little water, and that exceeding bad too: As for fresh Provisions, they find none, and eat only what they carry along with them: But the worst thing they meet with in the Journey, are certain hot Winds, which stifle the breath, 
Perhaps, the Samiel which the Author treats of in the Second Part of his Travels. How many died in the Journey to Mecha.  and in a short time kill a great many people. The Prince of Tunis told me, that in one day several hundreds died of that Wind, and that he himself was much afraid that he should have been one of the number. In fine, in this expedition there died six thousand, what of Fatigue, Thirst, and these hot Winds. In that Journey, People are to be seen riding on Camels, and singing Verses of the Alcoran, who suddenly fall down dead. Those who return with life, are so altered and extenuated, that they can hardly be known; and nevertheless vast numbers of People from all Parts yearly perform that Pilgrimage, and there passes not a year wherein Women and little Children do not make it. They who have performed that Journey, are called Adgi, that is to say, Pilgrims, meaning though, 
Adgi.  only the Pilgrimage of the Kiaabe, and they are much respected by all as long as they live, and highly credited. The Emir-Adge gains much by this Journey, 
The Gain of the Emir-Adge  for the Goods of all that die, belong to him, besides a vast deal of other profits that he makes on several occasions; and it is thought that every expedition, he gets above an hundred thousand Piastres; but this year, he got above three hundred thousand, for many people died. The greatest Prerogative of this Office is, that during the whole expedition, he is absolute Master of the Field, and administers Justice as he thinks fit.  
Having in my hands another exact Description of Mecha, besides what now I have given; and considering that few or no Travellers have spoken of it with any certainty, I thought it would not be amiss to add it to the former, and make a particular Chapter thereof.   

CHAP. XXI. Of Mecha and Medina.  
MEcha is seven and thirty days Journey from Cairo, and all over Deserts; 
Mecha.  it is a days Journey from the Red-Sea; the Port of it is called Gidde, 
Gidde.  which is a little Town, wherein are two Castles on the two sides of the Port, one on each side, and the Turks say that Eve lies buried there; they show her Sepulchre, which is in length thirty eight or forty steps of a Man's walk, and hath no other Ornament, but a Stone at each end.  
Mecha is about the bigness of Marseilles, 
Kiaabe. Beytullah.  in the middle whereof is the Kiaabe or Beytullah, that is to say, the House of God, which (the Turks say) was first built by the Patriarch Abraham: This House is about fifteen foot in length, eleven or twelve in breadth, and about five fathom high. The Threshold of the Door is as high from the ground as a Man can reach his hand, being within filled up even with the Threshold. The Door is about a fathom and an half high, and a fathom wide, and is in the corner to the left hand, when one faces the House: This Door is of beaten Silver, and opens with two leaves; they go up to it by a Ladder supported by four Wheels, two whereof are fastened to the lower end of the Ladder, and the other two to two wooden Posts about the middle of it, by means of which Wheels the Ladder is run to the wall, when any body is to enter into the Beytullah.  
This House has a flat Roof, supported by three Pillars of an Octogone Figure, which are of Aloes-Wood, as big as the Body of a Man, and about three Fathom and a half long; they are of one entire piece each, and yet run in a straight Line, the length of the Building, which is hung with Red and White Stuff, having here and there these words upon them, La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah.  

The black Stone of Mecha.  At the same corner where the Door is (but on the other side by the Wall) is the black Stone, which they call Hadgiar Asuad, and is had in Veneration by them, because (as they say) Abraham stood upon it when he built that House; and that it served him for a Scaffold, to the end he might make no hole in the Wall, it rising higher or lower as he pleased, and being for that purpose brought him by the Angel Gabriel.  
There is a Court about this House, which the Turks call Haram, and it is encompassed with Walls, with three rows of Pillars, and Arches on the inside of it. 
Four Sects of Mahometans.  The four Sects of Mahomitanisme, have their places of Prayer in this Court, which are the Hanifi, Chafii, Maliki, and Hambeli, each in one of the four parts of the Court, with their Faces turned always towards the Beitullah, or House of God.  
This House is begirt with two Belts of Gold, one below, and the other on high. 
A Spout of beaten Gold.  On one side of the Terrace that covers the Beitullah, there is a Spout of beaten Gold, about a Fathom long, that jets out, to carry off the Rain-water that falls upon the Terrace.  

The House covered with Hang.  The same House is covered on the outside with Hang of Black Silk which is a kind of Damask; and every Year there are new ones sent from Cairo at the Charges of the Grand Signior.  

Medina. jambo.  Ten days Journey from Mecha, upon the Road to Damascus, is the City of Medina, three days Journey from the Red-Sea; the Port of it is called jambo, which is a little Town of the same shape and bigness as Gidde.  
Medina is about half as big as Mecha, but it hath a Suburbs as big as the Town itself. Much about the middle of that Town there is a Mosque, in a corner whereof is the Sepulchre of Mahomet, 
Mahomet's Tomb.  covered in the same manner as the Monuments of the Turkish Emperors are at Constantinople. The Sepulchre is in a little Tower, or round Building, covered with a Dome, which the Turks call Turbe. 
Turbe, where the Sepulchre of Mahomet is.  This Building is quite open from the middle up to the Dome, and all round it there is a little Gallery, of which the outside Wall has several Windows with Silver Grates to them; and the inside Wall, which is that of the little Tower, is adorned with a great number of precious Stones, at that place which answers to the head of the Tomb. There are rich things there also, of an inestimable value, sent by the Mahometan Kings, during so many Ages, 
Rich stones about the Tomb of Mahomet.  which are fastened within this Gallery, all round the said Turret. Among others, at the place which answers to the head of the Tomb, there is a great Diamond, half as long as ones Forefinger, and two Fingers broad, over which is the Diamond which Sultan Osman, the Son of Sultan Ahmet, sent thither, and is equal to that which the Ottoman Emperors wear on their Finger. These two Diamonds were heretofore but one, which Sultan Osman caused to be sawed in two in the middle. Lower down there is a Half-Moon of Gold, set with Diamonds of great worth.  
The Pilgrims see not Mahomet's Tomb, because that Turret wherein it is enclosed, hath no Windows, being only open above, as hath been said; but such as make any stay at Medina, have liberty and leisure to enter into the Turbe and see it, when there is no clutter of strangers there, that is to say, three or four Months after the departure of the Pilgrims, who see no more but the aforesaid Gallery, and the riches that are within it, through the Silver Grates of the Windows, which we mentioned before. Those then, who enter into the Turbe, see that the Tomb hangs not in the Air, as many have falsely written; and (which is more) never did hang so, but is upon the flat Ground, raised and covered like the Tombs of Turkish Emperors and Bassa's.  
The Turbe is hung all round with Hang of Red and White Silk, like Damask, which cover all the Wall, except at the place where the great Diamonds are; for there they are tucked aside, that the Diamonds may not be covered. Round all these Hang, are the aforementioned words in Characters of Gold, La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah. These Hang are renewed every seven Years by the Ottoman Emperors, unless when a new Emperor succeeds, before the seven Years be accomplished; for in that case the Emperor renews them so soon as he comes to the Throne.  
The Door by which they enter into the Gallery is of Silver, and so is the other that goes out of the Gallery into the Turbe.  
When the Pilgrims (to the number of Two hundred thousand Souls) are come to Mecha at the usual time, which is a short while before the little Bairam, and that it is the day before the Vigil of the said Bairam; they go and lie at a place called Mine, half a League from Mecha, 
Mine.  and next day being the Vigil of Bairam, they go half a League farther off, to another place called Arafa, which is a great Plain, in the middle whereof there is a Rock, 
Arafa.  or rising Hillock, and on the top of it a Member, or place for Preaching in, 
Member.  into which steps a Scheikh, who preaches to all the People about in the Plain.  
The Mahometans believe, that after Adam and Eve had sinned, God as a punishment separated them, making them wander over the World like Vagabonds, and that after many Years, they met on the top of this Hillock, the one coming from the East, and the other from the West; there they stopped, and after they had continued in some suspense, before they knew one another, calling to mind what had formerly passed betwixt them, 
The return of Adam and Eve.  they came to know one another, Saying Arof, Arof, which in the Arabic Tongue, signifies I know, I know; and from thence that place hath had the name of Arafa. In memory whereof the Turks believe, that God made the two Fountains gush out of the two sides of that Hillock, which are to be seen at present, the streams of the one running Eastward, and of the other Westward.  
The Pilgrims then being all assembled in this Plain, about half an Hour, or a quarter of an Hour before Sunsetting, they make a long Prayer, lifting up their hands to Heaven, and imploring the Mercy of God, for the Remission of their sins (which they hope to obtain) as they believe God pardoned our first Parents, in the same place, and at the same hour. The Prayer being ended, the Pilgrims make haste to be gone, 
The place of Abraham's Sacrifice.  and without looking behind them by the way, return and lie at the aforesaid Mine, which is a Village in the middle of another Plain, where there is a Rock, in which they hold that Abraham made his Sacrifice. There is a Cave in that Rock, where the Mahometans say their Prophet often prayed, nay, and show in the upper part of the Cave a dent, that represents the Crown of a Man's Head, which they affirm was made there, when Mahomet rising up after he had been prostrate in that place, struck his head against the Roof of the Cave which was a little low, and that the Stone became soft like Wax; the figure of the head having remained there ever since. They have built a Mosque in that place, part of which stands upon that Rock, and encloses the said Cave, which makes this place to be held in great Veneration, besides the Devotion they pay to it because of Abraham's Sacrifice; in commemoration whereof on the day of the little Bairam, 
The Sacrifice of the Mahometans.  the Pilgrim's sacrifice in the Plain, above Four hundred thousand Sheep, and stay there till about Noon the third day of the said Bairam, when all begin to dislodge and return to Mecha.  
Next night after the Pilgrims are gone, so much Rain falls, 
A Miracle after the third day of the little Bairam.  that one would think it were a Deluge, which makes a Torrent that washes away the blood of the Sacrifices, and carries along with it all the Bones that remained in the Plain; whether that happens naturally, or by the craft of the Enemy of Mankind, who causes that Rain to confirm the Infidels in their Errors, persuading them, that God sends the Rain as a sign that their Sacrifice is acceptable unto him; the Divine Majesty permitting it should be so by the secret Council of his Eternal Providence, which we ought rather humbly to adore, than curiously pry into. However it be, the thing is the more remarkable, that the Sacrifice being offered the first day of the Bairam in the Morning, this Rain falls not till the night after the third day: Besides that, the said Bairam falls every Year sooner by ten days, making the whole period of our Solar Year in the space of five and thirty Years, or thereabouts: Nevertheless the Rain falls constantly the night after the third day; as hath been said before.  
The Pilgrims being returned to Mecha, divide themselves in several Caravans, because of the different Countries they come from, and are to go back to them again. The Caravan that met at Damascus, upon their return pass by Medina, and visit Mahomet's Tomb, seeing it is upon their Road; of the rest, those who are prompted by Devotion go thither, but a great part return back to their several Countries, without turning out of their way to visit the said Sepulchre, 
The Pilgrimage of Mecha is not performed for visiting of Mahomet's Tomb.  their Law not obliging them to that, as it does to visit the other places abovementioned; so that they are grossly mistaken, who have affirmed, that the Pilgrimage of the Turks is to the Sepulchre of Mahomet, who obliged them to it. For that false Prophet told his followers, when he drew near his death, that if any one returning from Mecha, had the curiosity to come and see his Sepulchre, he should say a Fatha for his Soul (which is a Prayer taken out of the Alcoran, resembling in some manner our Pater Noster) and be gone.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Opening of the Khalis.  
SEeing the Fruitfulness, or Barrenness of Egypt, depends on the overflowing of the Nile, according as it rises more or less: The Egyptians make much rejoicing when it it very high. And the opening or cutting of the Khalis, is one of their greatest Festivals; of which I must say somewhat in this place. The River of Nile gins commonly to swell in the Month of May, and on St. Peter's Day, the twenty eighth of June, they begin to cry about the Streets, how much the River is increased. In all the quarters there are such Criers who have a Head, 

Criers of the growth of the Nile.  
The Farm of the Criers of the growth of the Nile. A Seraglio of the Bassa in an Isle opposite ro old Cairo.  
A Pillar whereon the increase of the Nile is measured.   to whom they pay somewhat for the Privilege; for it is a Farm, and there is a Chiaoux, who rends it of the Bassa for a yearly Sum, and and the chief or head of the Criers takes it of the Chiaoux; as the Criers take it of this Head, one for one Country, and another for another. There is a little Isle opposite to old Cairo, wherein the Bassa has a House, in this House the Water enters into a place where there is a Pillar, divided into Pics, and other smaller Measures; the Picinino is a Measure of six Hands breadth. Every day that Pillar is viewed to know how much the River is risen, which is made known to the Criers, who then go and cry it, every one in the quarter that he hath taken, going about all the Houses of the said Country, and have now and then some Maidins given them. When the River is high enough, the Khalis is cut. This Khalis is a low Street, that goes quite through the City of Cairo, beginning at the Nile towards old Cairo, and ending in the Fields towards St. Michael's. When the River gins to swell, they cast up a Bank of Earth at that end of the Street which is near the Nile, to keep the Water from running into the Khalis, 
Khalis.  and when it is high enough, they cut through that bank of Earth, and give the Water passage in the Khalis through the Town. When the Bassa is at Cairo, it is performed with great Ceremony, and many Fireworks. In the Year, 1657. there was no Ceremony, no more than the Year before, but the Year after, I saw that Festival with all the rejoicings; as I shall hereafter relate in order. In the mean time I'll here tell, how I saw it in the Year, 
The cutting of the Khalis by the Sousbasha.  1657. Thursday the ninth of August, the Sousbasha attended by his Guards, and two Men mounted on Camels, and beating upon Timbrels, went to the end of the Khalis towards the Nile, where being come, he alighted from his Horse, and gave the first blow to the breaking of the Bank with a Hammer, than he took Horse again, and whilst several Moors that were there, broke down all the Bank, he went along the Khalis almost an Hour before the Water came; he stopped before the Houses of the Consuls of the Franks, who have back Doors and Windows that look into the Khalis, and received a due of some Piastres, which that day is paid him by these Consuls, and then went on his way. Then came a crowd of the Rabble, some Singing, and others pelting one another with Cudgels. Some time after came the Water, which was signified to us by a great Noise of roguish Moors, both Men and little Boys that came along in it, keeping pace with the Water; some Swum, and others threw one another into it, playing a thousand foolish Tricks. This Khalis filled up fifteen Foot high, and all the time it was running, there came Boats full of Merry Sparks who diverted themselves, Singing and Playing on Instruments, as they passed along. As the Nile ceases to rise in the beginning of October, so the Khalis leaves off to run about the end of the same Month; and therefore in the said Month of October, Proclamation is made in all the Streets, 

Sakas. The Sakas prohibited to take Water out of che Khalis when it runs no more.  
Great scench and infection of the Khalis when it runs not.   forbidding all Sakas, or Water-carriers, to take any more Water out of the Khalis, even before it hath wholly ceased to run; because when it runs gently, the filth of the City mingles too easy with it. But when it has done running, there is a most noisome smell, not only because of the corruption of that standing Water, but also because of all the filth and nasty stuff, that they who have Windows upon the Khalis throw into it, besides all the Carrion. In short, the Infection is so great, that not only the Money and Plate in the Houses that are near to the Khalis, is tarnished, but also the Pictures and Painting are spoiled; as I have seen in several Houses, which nevertheless recovered their former beauty, when the Khalis was dry. When I arrived at Cairo, the Khalis was in this manner full of standing Water, and being told that it was the Khalis of which I had heard so much talk, I had the curiosity to look into it out of a Window; it was then Morning, and the Water was so thick, that the surface of it seemed to be all porphyry, appearing Green, Blue, Red, and of all Colours: But when the Sun had shone a little upon it, and dissolved that scum, I was soon undeceived; for the scent which is smelled at a great distance, made me well know what it was, and I have often wondered, that the horrible infection of it, does not occasion a Plague every Year. If the Sousbasha pleased, 
The Sousbasha lets the water of the Khalis stand and corrupt for his own profit. How the Khalis is dried.  that inconvenience might be remedied, for the Water might be drained out; but he lets it stand and corrupt so, that he may afterwards sell it to the Gardeners, who make use of it for watering their Gardens. When then they have a mind to dry the Khalis, they cast up Dams in several places of it, and throw the Water from one into another, and afterward take it out and sell it. When a good deal of the Water hath been taken out, the Ground dries very soon; and when it is very dry, which happens in the Month of May (at least in the Year, 1657. it was completely dry by the middle of May) they set Men to work with Pick-axes to levelly the Ground, in those places where heaps of Earth are cast up; so that the Street being full of ups and downs, 
The Nile brings much earth into the Khalis.  they make it even and smooth from end to end, carrying away the Earth they take out upon Asses-backs into the Fields. If they did not do so, in three or four Years time the Khalis would be so choked up, by the abundance of new Earth that is brought into it by the Water of the Nile, that all the Houses would be laid under Water.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Arrival of the Bassa, and his entry into Cairo.  
THursday, the twenty seventh of September, the Bassa whom the Grand Signior sent to Cairo, in place of the Mansoul, arrived before the City, having been three Months on the way betwixt Constantinople and Cairo, but he had stopped some days at Damascus, and other good Towns; for from Constantinople to Cairo, it is reckoned but Five hundred Leagues by Land. A day before he approaches the City, the Caymacam, with several other Persons of Quality goes out, and Encamps under Tents some Miles from the Town, on the Bassa's Road; next day he waits for the Bassa at his Tent-door, and when he passes by the Tent, the Caymacam salutes him; then the Bassa comes near the City, 
The Tent prepared for the Bassa.  to the place where his Tents are pitched: There he finds one, that the Inhabitants of Cairo have prepared for him, which is very stately; for it hath long walls of Wax-cloth, five or six Foot high, Green and Red, and within there are about twelve Pavilions, all for the Bassa's use; one for giving Audience, another for Sleeping in, and another for a Kitchen, and so of the rest. In the midst of all, is the Pavilion that serves for the Hall; it is large, and of Green, Red, and other Colours, of Cloth, over which there are a great many gilt Balls; all these Pavilions are of Wax-cloth, of several Colours, and lined within with sets of lovely Tapestry. Before the gate of the walls are two great Trees, on which hang above Two hundred Lamps, that are lighted in the Nighttime; there is the same also before the Tents of the Principal Officers, 

Preparations for a Feast to the Bassa of Cairo, which a Bey takes care of.  
How much it costs.  
At his arrival they kill a Bullock and a Sheep.  
The Feast at the entry of the Bassa of Cairo, how ordered.  
Of what it consists. Kiaya.   as in the Caravan of Mecha. Now the Feast is prepared in the Hall of the Bassa's Tent, a Bey takes the care of it; for the Beys choose one of their number, to whom they give five Purses for this Feast, and he takes all upon him. When the Bassa comes to the Tent that is prepared for him, the Bey who takes care of the Feast, meets him at the Wall-gate of the Tent, and there they kill a Bullock and a Sheep for a Sacrifice; then the Bassa enters into the Hall, where he finds Dinner served in upon the ground along the Hall, according to their Mode; it consists of about Two thousand Dishes, ranked one upon two others (these Dishes have feet like our Salvers, but almost half a Foot high) and in that manner they are seven or eight Rows high. The dishes are all of Rice, Broths, and the like, Green, Red, Yellow, and of several Colours; they have also good Joints of Roast-meat, but without any Sauce; however they make some Ragoes of the Nuts of Pine-Apples, Almonds, and such other things, they mind not the daintiness and variety, but only the quantity of Victuals, and that they be not spoiled. Dinner is prepared in the same manner in the Tents of the Kiaya, or the Bassa's Lieutenant, and of his other Officers. When the first have filled their Bellies, 
A Feast for many persons in one service.  they rise and give place to others, who Dine also, and then make way for the rest so long as any remain; and so several companies Dine, without any new Service. When the Bassa has Dined, he withdraws into another Pavilion, where he is visited by all the Beys, and other persons of Quality, every one in his turn. The Bassa stayed there two days, and the third which was Saturday, 
The Bassa's entry into Cairo.  the Nine and twentieth of September, he made his Entry in this manner. First went the Servants of the Beys on Horseback, their Sword by their side, and Harquebus in hand, with the butt-end on their Knee; they made near Five hundred Horse, and among them were several of the Retinue of the Bassa. Next came the Spahis, divided into three Banners, the Green, 
The Green Troop.  the Yellow, and the Red. The Green called the Troop of the Charqueses, or Circassians, marched first, every Trooper having a green Guidon on the top of his Pike; they were near Four hundred Men, and in the Rear of the Troop came their Aga, having in his hand also a Pike, with a green Guidon, as the rest had; and after him the Timbrels and Pipes of the Troop. Next to that came the Yellow, all the Troopers carrying yellow Guidons; 
Yellow Troop.  they made about four hundred and twenty, and were brought up by their Aga, followed by the Timbrels and Pipes. The last was the Red Troop, 
Red Troop.  consisting of near five hundred Men, carrying every one a red Guidon; their Aga was in the rear, and after him the Timbrels and Pipes, but in greater number than with the two former; for that is the most honourable Troop of the three, 
A Troop of Tartars.  and next to it is the Yellow. After the Spahies came a Troop of Tartarian-Horse, who belonged to the Bassa; there were above an hundred of them all apparelled after the Tartarian fashion, with Pike in hand, and a Guidon stripped white, yellow and red. These were followed by the Muteferacaes; then the Chiaoux with their great Caps of Ceremony, who made about three hundred in number. Next came all the Beys, every one with two Pages walking a foot before them. After them came seven Horsemen, every one leading a Horse of the Bassa's; these Horses were covered with rich Horses, all embroidered with Gold and Silver; the Sousbasha followed them, having the Master of the Horse of the Bassa on his left hand. All this body of Horse, made about two thousand five or six hundred Men. The Azapes followed them, covered for the most part with the Skins of Tigers all entire, and their Muskets on their shoulders, being in all above three hundred Men. And after them came the Janissaries, of whom two marched before, the one carrying on his shoulder a great wooden Club, and the other a great wooden Hatchet, as their Custom is when they march in Pomp; these Janissaries made in all near a thousand Men. After them marched the forty Janissaries of the Mehkeime or Justice, with their Caps of Ceremony, 
Mehkeime.  (Mehkeime signifies a place where Justice is rendered to all,) then sixteen Peicks or Bassa's Lackqueys, marching two and two, with their Caps of Silver gilded on their heads, and Plumaches of Feathers in them. Then at length came the Bassa, mounted on a stately Horse, with a house embroidered all over with Gold: He wore a Chiaoux cap., with two black Herons tops standing upright upon it, and a lovely Vest of white Satin lined with excellent Samour or Sable. After him came his Selihhtar and Tchoadar, each with his long tailed Cap hanging down behind his back; and then came a great many Trumpets, Flutes, Drums, Timbrels, and such like Instruments, with all his domestic Servants on Horseback. This Bassa brought one thousand seven hundred Men with him, of whom some were in Armour to the very fingers ends; and two thousand three hundred Beasts, Horses, Camels and Mules: It was easy to distinguish them from the rest, being all much harrassed by the Journey. When he entered into his Apartment, which had been prepared for him several days before, they killed two Bullocks.   

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Journey from Cairo to Suez.  
BEing at Cairo, I had a design to go see the Red-Sea, 
The Journey from Cairo to Suez.  and knowing that there was a Caravan ready to part for Suez, I went to wait on Haly Bey, the Bey of Suez, who was then at Cairo, and made him a Present of a Box of five or six pound weight of Sweetmeats, made by a French man, and he (when I had opened my design to him) promised me his protection. I went next to the Gentleman of his Horse, and having retained Mules for myself and Company, I made Provisions of Bread, Wine, Meat, 
Provisions for going from Cairo to Suez.  and other things necessary to serve us to Suez, where they assured me I should find all things, but especially Water, nor forgetting neither a Quilt, Coverlet, and a Capot for every one of the company. We should have had a Tent also with us, but we carried none, because the Beys Gentleman of the Horse, promised us the use of his to Suez.  
Having made ready our Provisions, we loaded them on a Camel, and then I parted from Cairo on Thursday, the seventeenth of January, in the Year 1658. with a Capucine, and a French man of Provence, who understood Arabic very well; and a Moor Servant who used to serve the French, and could speak a little Lingua Franca, having left my own Man, who was indisposed, at Cairo. We went from Cairo to the Birque, which is but four leagues distant, and encamped there, waiting for the rest of the Caravan, that consisted of two thousand Camels loaded with Timber, for building a Ship for the Grand Signior; Novali Bey had orders to get her built, and was gone a little before. The Bey of Suez went along with this Caravan in a Litter carried by two Camels; he made the Journey, because one of his Galleys was arrived; and that was the cause also of the Capucins going, that he might Confess the Slaves on board. This Birque is spacious, and has always water in it; there are some who pay so much a year to the Grand Signior, for liberty to catch Wild-duck and Fish in it. Friday all day long the rest of the Caravan was a coming, and Saturday Morning a Man cried aloud, that all should make ready to departed at Noon; for it is the custom in Caravans that are any thing big, to give notice of parting some hours before; but towards Noon there fell so great a Tempest, 
A Tempest in the Desert.  (for in Sandy Deserts there are Tempests, aswel as at Sea) that we could not set out that day. It blew so furiously, that I thought all the Tents would have been carried away by the Wind, which drove before it such clouds of Sand, that we were almost buried under it; for seeing no body could stay abroad, without having mouth and eyes immediately filled with Sand, we lay under the Tent, where the Wind drove in the Sand above a foot deep round about us: We had two Pasties not as yet opened, and they were wrapped up in napkins at the bottom of a Maund, well covered with a napkin sewed over it. When the Storm was over, which lasted not above three or four hours, we opened our Pasties, but found them so full of sand, that no body could eat of them (so subtle and penetrating the sand is) so that we were forced to throw them away; and these are the occasions, when one finds the advantage of a good Tent.  
Next day, the twentieth of January, we parted at eleven a clock in the Morning, and at three in the Afternoon rested, that we might drink Coffee; then half an hour after, the Timbrels sounding, we marched on till one a clock next morning; 
The march of the Caravans.  for in the Caravans there is commonly a Man mounted on a Camel, who now and then beats two Timbrels or Kettledrums that are on each side of the Camel before him; the Cases of these Timbrels are of brass, and they serve not only to cheer up the Camels (who delight much in such a noise, and in singing) but also to give warning to those that stay behind.  
Monday afternoon we parted, and having rested a little about five a clock, half an hour, we set forward again, and marched on till four of the clock in Tuesday morning, travelling always a good league an hour: About half an hours march beyond the place where we had rested, we saw a very handsome Turkish Sepulchre, where the Kiaya of a Caravan lies buried, who coming from Suez, was set upon by many Arabs: The Kiaya having for a long time fought with the Arab's in defence of the Caravan, as his office obliged him, (for the Kiaya of the Caravan is the Lieutenant of the Governor of Suez, and is obliged to guard all the Caravans that come or go from Cairo to Suez;) this Kiaya (I say) after a long fight, received a thrust with a Pike in the Belly, of which he presently died, and was interred in the same place. Since that time, the Vessels on the Red-Sea pay five thousand Piastres at Suez to maintain an hundred Soldiers, whereof fifty are to abide in a Castle near to Suez, to guard the Country; and the other fifty with the Kiaya, wait upon the Caravans. An hours journey beyond that Sepulchre, we found a great long Cistern, built of fair Freestone, which is filled by Rain-water. A little farther, and a good hour before one arrives at Suez, there is a fair Well, but the water of it is not good. 
Arrival at Suez.  Tuesday the two and twentieth of January, we arrived at Suez in the Nighttime.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Journey from Suez to Tor.  
BEing come to Suez, I had a great mind to go see Mount Sinai, 
Mount Sinai. Dgebel Mousa, the Mountain of Moses.  called in Arabic Dgebel Mousa, which is in Arabia the Stony, and for that purpose we spoke to an Arab Scheick, who commanded above ten thousand Arabs; we had him before Haley Bey, the Bey of Suez, who recommended us to him, saying, that it was his pleasure we should be treated as his own head; 
Orders given to the Scheiek to answer for the Traveller  this Scheik said he would answer for us, and gave us two Arab Scheiks for Guides; besides that, the Bey ordered a Letter to be written in our presence to the Governor of Tor, wherein he kindly recommended us to him, and gave us the Letter. These Arab Scheiks furnished us with Camels, and we paid them twelve Aslanies for each Camel to carry us thither and back again; they made us take six, to wit, one for every one of us, even for our Moor Servant, and two for themselves, and for carrying our Provisions: We gave them beside sixteen Piastres for some Caffaires which must be paid to the Arabs upon the Road, (Caffaire signifies Money given for the Redemption of any thing, 
Caffarie.  as what is paid to the Arabs in nature of Caffaire is, that one may not be robbed.) More than that, we were obliged to give them their Diet; so that all they had to do, was to guide us and feed the Camels. We provided for their Diet three Septiers (measures) of Flower, Butter, Honey, 
Provision for two Scheicks.  and twelve pound weight of Coffee, and ordinary Tobacco; and for ourselves we took what we could get, for there is nothing to be found to eat in all that Journey. We caused Bread then and Biscuit to be made for us of part of our Flower, and finding no Wine at Suez, because the Jew who used to sell it was gone to Damiette to buy some, we took Brandy made of Dates, Meat ready dressed, and in short, all that we could get to serve us till we came to Tor, where the Slaves of Suez assured us, we should find all things; but above all, we were sure not to forget six Borrachios, which we filled with water,; we carried no Tents with us, because the Slaves told us, that if we travelled in so much state, the Arabs might set upon us, thinking they should find great Booty; but we did very ill in omitting them, for we were in no danger, considering how we were recommended, and having with us Arab Scheicks, who bore rule among them.  
All our Provisions being then in a readiness, 
The Journey to Tor.  every one mounted his Camel as if we had been takeing Horse, and parted from Suez on Friday the five and twentieth of January, about four of the Clock after noon, keeping along the side of the Red-sea till we came to the end of it, where we crossed over dry to the other side; there we saw a Bear about an hundred paces from us, but so soon as it perceived us, it took the Water and swum over to the other side, so that we soon lost sight of it; we found many more of them afterwards on our Journey. We traveled till eight a Clock at night, and then rested in a place where there was some Broom; for they never brought us to rest any where but in Places where they could find some fuel, not only to warm them, but for boiling their Coffee and Mafrouca. This was the first time that ever I road upon a Camel, and indeed, it made me very weary, for their Packsaddles are so broad that they are very uneasy to one's Legs, which must straddle very wide; the fatigue of this lasted with me about two days, but after that, I grew accustomed to it. Camels are so well known at present, 
Camels.  that I think it would be superfluous to give a description of them. I shall only say that there are two kinds of them, to wit, those which are called Camels, and those whom they name Dromedaries; at least I think they may be ranked under one kind; 
Dromedaries.  for all the difference that is betwixt them is, that the Camels have one bunch of flesh upon their Backs, are great and high, go constantly at one pace, which is fast, but hard, and travel (when they are loaded with seven or eight hundred weight) about thirty good leagues a day. The Dromedaries have two bunches of flesh on their back, shaped naturally like a Saddle, are less, smaller and lighter than the Camels, and are only for carrying of men; they have a good soft trot, and will travel with ease forty Leagues a day; all that one has to do, is to sit them well, and indeed, there are some that tie themselves to them, for fear of falling; in all things else they are like Camels, they have Ears and a short Tail like them, a cloven foot, and as soft as a Sponge, the neck long, and hair just like a Camels, both kneel when they are loaded and unloaded, and then rise as they are bid; their Food is the same, and both endure thirst well, continuing upon occasion five days without drinking however the Camels can abstain longer than the Dromedaries.  
But to return to our Journey, we parted from our first Stage Saturday the twenty sixth of January about five a Clock in the morning, and during all this Journey, 
Ain el Mouse.  it was very cold in the mornings, until the sun was up. Shortly after we found several waters, which they call Ain el Mouse, that is to say, the Wells of Moses; there we filled our Borrachios, as we did where ever we found fresh water. About half an hour after ten, we rested, and having baited, we went forwards about eleven, and traveled till six a Clock at night, having the Red-Sea always on our right hand, about half a league wide of us. We traveled at such a rate, that it would have been all a good Foot man could do to have kept up with us.  
Sunday January the twenty seventh, we set out about five a clock in the morning, and had not advanced above five hundred paces, when passing by the side of a Bush, 
An Arab who who had not eaten in five days time.  we heard a Voice that called to us, and being come to the place we found a poor languishing Arab, who told us that he had not eaten a bit for five days; we gave him some Victuals and Drink with a provision of Bread for two days more, and so went on our way. We were not afraid of the Arabs, 
Meeting with Arabs in the Desert.  (whom we met on the way) for when we found any, they civilly saluted us, and departed after we had given them some Bread and Tobacco, which they very courteously desired of us, for they durst not do us any hurt, seeing us guarded by two Scheiks, who told them that they had answered for us: when we rested in any place to feed, some of them came often, who having saluted us, fell a eating with our Arabs, and when none came, one of our Arabs cried out (as loud as possibly he could) That if any body had a mind to eat they might safely come, and made this proclamation on all sides, so that such as heard the invitation, failed not to come with their half-pikes, and laying down their Arms, fell a feeding together on the Mafrouca, (of which I shall speak hereafter:) but there was no necessity of making proclamation at night, for so soon as they saw the fire we made, they came immediately to see what it meant. After we had given that poor famished Arab some Victuals, and traveled on in very good way, about ten a clock in the morning we entered among the Hills on very stony ground, loseing sight of the Sea: 
Antelopes', a Beast betwixt a Goat and a Deer. Chacales. Ostriches.  on these Hills we saw a great many Antelopes', and nothing else, though there be abundance of wild Beasts in these Deserts; as Woolves, Bears, wild Boars, Foxes, Hares, Chacales and Ostriches; these are all very common there, and all know that the Chacales are engendered of a Dog-Wolf, and Bitch-Fox, or of a Dog-Fox and Bitch-Wolf. As for the Ostriches they also live only in the Deserts, where some of them are of a prodigious bigness. Every one knows how Ostriches are shaped, which have a neck, head and bunch on the Back like Camels, with which they agree in many things, 
Deve Cousch.  so that the Turks call them Deve Cousch, that is to say, Bird-Camels; they go in the Fields always in an even number, as two, and two or four and four. They always beget a Male and a Female, and run swifter than a Horse, but tyre likewise sooner; and while they run, they throw with their feet the stones that they find, with so much force against those that pursue them, that if they hit a man, they would do him a great deal of hurt. I saw one once give a great Dog such a blow with his foot, as left him sprawling with his four legs up in the Air. 
How Ostriches are taken.  When they would catch Ostriches, an Arab pursues them on Horseback, at first gently, and they run away in the same manner, but still tiring a little. After two or three hours' time, he rides faster, and then when he sees his Fowl almost spent, he puts on to a speed; and having taken and Killed it, he makes a hole in the Throat of it, and then having tied straight the neck under the hole, three or four of them take hold of it, and for some time toss and shake it from side to side, just as one would rinse and wash a Barrel; when they think it is enough shaken, they untie the Throat of it, 
The Eutter or Mantegue of an Ostrich  and then a great deal of Mantegue or a kind of Butter comes running out at the holes, insomuch that they say some of them will yield above twenty pound weight of that stuff; for by that shaking, all the flesh of the Creature is dissolved into Mantegue, nothing remaining but skin and Bones. This would have seemed fabulous to me, if several Barbary men had not assured me of it. They say that this Mantegue is a very delicious food, but very apt to cause a looseness. We traveled among these Hills till noon, when we rested in a place where there were a great many fair Trees. Near to that is a place where the Rain-water that falls from the Mountains is kept, (and that water is very good.) Here it was that the People of Israel came out of the Red-Sea, having passed it over dry, to the ruin and confusion of Pharaoh and all his men, who pursued them, as may be seen in the Book of Exodus, where this place is called Shur, Chap. 15. 
Exod. Chap. 15. Corondel Haman of Pharaon.  It is at present called Corondel. Not far from thence there are hot waters in a Grott, which the Arabs call Haman el Pharaon; that is to say Pharaon's Bath. They tell a thousand stories of it, amongst others, that if you put four Eggs into it you can take out but three, and so many as one puts in, there is always one fewer taken out again, and that the Devil keeps for himself; we did not see that place, for our Arabs would not take us to it, because it was a little out of the way. They say also that over against Corondel the Sea is always Tempestuous, about the place where Pharaoh and the Egyptians were Drowned. We parted from thence at one of the clock, and continued travelling till seven, than we rested in a place where there are Trees also.  
Next day, being Monday the twenty eighth of January, we set out at four a Clock in the Morning, and having passed over several Hills, we came into good way again near to the Sea, but there is one place to be passed over just by the side of it, being white and smooth Rocks, where the Camels had much ado to keep from sliding, chief because they are wet with the Sea-water, but that lasts not long: we rested at Noon, and half an hour after set forwards again, and towards the evening entered among Hills, where we traveled till six a Clock that we rested in the hollow of a Rock, where we spent the Night at that Stage, and we could find no wood, not to boil so much as our Coffee.  
Tuesday the twenty ninth of January, we parted at five a clock in the Morning, and entered into a plain, where we traveled till Noon, and then having rested a little, after one a Clock we marched on over the same Plain, until six a Clock at Night, and then rested.  
Next day Wednesday the thirtieth of January, we parted at four a clock in the Morning, and four hours after arrived at Tor: about an hour before we came to Tor, we found a great many Palm-trees, and a well of very bad Water.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of Tor, and of our arrival at Mount Sinai.  

Tor.  TOR is no considerable place, nevertheless it has a good harbour for Ships and Galleys. This Port is guarded by a little square Castle on the Seaside, with a Tower at each corner and two small Guns on the outside before the Gate: an Aga is Governor of this Castle where none but Turk's lodge: Near to it there is a Convent of Greeks dedicated to St. Catherine and to the Apparition of God to Moses in the Burning-Bush. We delivered the Aga the Letter from the Bey of Suez, but because we had no present for him, he made no great account of us. We lodged in the Convent, which is very fair and spacious; there we were very well received, entertained with the Best, and eaten Fish of the Red-Sea; at that time there were thirty Monks in it. We searched for Provisions there, but could not find any; only the Monks commiserating our condition, gave us Olives, Dates, Onions, and a Jar of Brandy, which we husbanded as well as we could: we stayed a day there because the Monks told us that we needed two Septiers more of Flower; so that having bought the Corn and got it ground, they baked Bread of one half of it, to give our Arabs by the way and upon the Mount, and all this they did in a very obliging manner. While we were there, we bought of these poor Greeks several stone-Mushromes, which in that place are got out of the Red-Sea; as also small Stone-shrubs, or branches of Rock, which they call white Coral, and many great shells, all taken out of the Sea, and very pleasant for artificial works: But they could not furnish me with any thing of a certain Fish, 
A Seaman.  which they call a Seaman; however I got the hand of one since. This Fish is taken in the Red-Sea, about little Isles, that are close by Tor. It is a great strong Fish and hath nothing extraordinary but two hands, which are indeed, like the hands of a man, saving that the Fingers are joined together with a skin like the foot of a Goose, but the skin of the Fish is like the skin of a wild Goat, or Chamois. When they spy that Fish, they strike him on the back with Harping-Irons, as they do Whales, and so kill him: They use the skin of it for making Bucklers, which are Musket proof.  
Having paid all and made a Present of some Piastres to the Monks, for their kind reception, we prepared to be gone, but were obliged first to pay a due of twenty eight Maidins a head, to wit, four for Tor, and twenty four for the Mount, and all to the use of the Arabs.  
We parted from Tor on Thursday the last of January, about eleven a clock in the Forenoon, with a Monk whom they sent with us, to show us the chief Places of the Mount, and we paid for a Camel to carry him thither and back again. He spoke to us Turkish and Arabic, for he understood not a word of Lingua Franca. we saw on our way the Garden of the Monks of Tor, which is not far from it; this Garden is the place which in Holy Scripture is called Elim, 
Elim.  where when the Israelites went that way there were only seventy Palm-Trees, and twelve wells of bitter water, which Moses made sweet, by casting a piece of Wood into them: these Wells are still in being, being near one another, and most of them within the precincts of the Garden; the rest are pretty near, they are all hot, and are returned again to their first bitterness, for I tasted of one of them where People Bath themselves, 
Hamam Mousa  which by the Arabs is called Hamam Mousa, that is to say, the Bath of Moses; it is in a little dark Cave. there is nothing in that Garden, but abundance of Palm-Trees, which yield some rent to the Monks, but the seventy old Palm-Trees are not there now. After we had seen these things, we filled our Borrachios with the water of a Well near to that place, which belongs to the Monks; I told them that it stunk a little, and they made answer that they had not Scowered it that year as they used every year to do, but withal, that it was the best water thereabouts. Heretofore they had a Church near to that Well, which the Turks Demolished, and with the stones of it built the aforesaid Castle called Tor. We traveled in the Plain till six a clock at night and then rested. This Plain is in Holy Scripture called the Desert of Sin, 
Desert of Sin. Acacia.  where the Israelites longing after the Onions of Egypt, God sent them Manna. In this Plain we saw many Acacia-Trees, from which they have the Gum that the Arabs call also Akakia: It is to be observed that the Acacia-Trees which are now so common in France, came at first from America, and do not yield that Gum; and that which in the Shops is called Acacia, is the inspissated Juice of wild Plumb-Trees, and comes from Germany; these Trees are neither bigger nor higher than our ordinary Willows, but the leaves of them are very thin and prickly. The Arabs gather the Gum in Autumn, without pricking the Trees, for it runs of itself, and then they sell it in the Town.  
Next day, Friday the first of February, we set out about five a Clock in the Morning, and entered among high Mountains, where we rested near a Brook, and putting on again about eleven a clock, we traveled till about half an hour after four, that we came into a little Plain, where finding some Cottages of Arabs, our Guides would go no farther that day, 
Cottages of Arabs.  but feasted merrily on the Milk that we bought for them in these Cottages. There we saw a great many Women, and little Children, most of them Sucking.  
We parted from thence Saturday the second of February, about two a clock in the Morning, and traveled a Foot over other Hills, where the way was very bad; about eight a Clock in the morning we found little Houses pretty well built; where Arabs live at present. 
Raphidim.  This place is called Raphidim in holy Scripture. A little further we saw several Gardens belonging to the Monks, very well walled round and full of all sorts of fruit-Trees, and Vines too, kept in good order. 
The Rock which Moses smote with his Rod.  Then we found the Rock out of which Moses brought Water, when he had smitten it twice with his Rod; it is only a Stone of a prodigious height and thickness, rising out of the Ground; on the two sides of that stone we saw several holes by which the water hath run, as may be easily known by the prints of the Water, that hath much hollowed it; but at present no water issues out of them. This Stone in Holy Scripture is called the Stone of Strife. About ten in the Morning we came to a Monastery of Greeks, dedicated to the honour of the forty Martyrs: from this to the great Monastery where the Body of St. Catherine lies, it is two hours travelling. This Monastery of the forty Martyrs is pretty neat, it hath a fair Church and a lovely large Garden, wherein are Appletrees, Pear-Trees, Walnut-Tree, Orange-Trees, Limon-Trees, Olive-Trees, and all other Fruit-Trees that grow in this Country; and indeed, that little of good Fruit which is eat at Cairo, comes from Mount Sinai; besides that, there are fine Vineyards, and very good water there. A Greek Monk lives always in this Monastery, and he whom we found there, told us that he had been twenty years in it; he takes care to see the Gardens dressed and kept in order, by some Arabs who willingly serve him. We rested in this Monastery at the foot of the Mountain of St. Catherine.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Mountain of St. Catharine.  

The Mountain of St. Catharine.  HAving reposed ourselves in the Monastery of the Forty Martyrs, we went out at One of the Clock, and ascended the Mountain of St. Catharine, that is before it, taking with us a little Arab Boy, who carried a small Leather Bucket full of Water, that we might drink when we were dry. We were near three Hours in getting up that Mountain, we stopped (indeed) several times by the way to drink Water; but besides, the Hill is full of sharp cutting Stones, and many steep and slippery places to be climbed up, that hinder People from going fast. There are many Stones to be found in ascending this Hill, on which Trees are naturally represented, that being broken retain the same Figure within; of which Stones, some are prodigiously big. About the middle of the Mountain there is a lovely Spring of clear Water, with a great Basin in the Rock. This Spring was discovered by a Quail, when the Monks having brought down the Body of St. Catharine so far, were ready to die for Heat and Thirst, and that Spring began at that time to run. This water was so hard frozen in the Basin, that we could not break the Ice with good blows of a Stick. In many places of the Mountain, we saw also a great deal of Snow, and at length, got up to the top of it, where there is a Dome, under which is the place whither the Body of St. Catharine was brought by Angels, immediately after she was Beheaded in Alexandria; that holy Body remained Three hundred Years there, until a good Monk, having had in the Nighttime a Revelation, that the Body was in the top of the Hill, went next Morning with all the Religious, who in Procession brought it down to the Monastery, where it was put in a lovely Silver Shrine, that is still there. Under the Dome where this Body lay, there is a great piece of Rock rising a little out of the Ground, whereon (they say) the Angels placed it, and it bears still the marks, as if a Body had been laid on the Back upon it, for the form of the Reins appear there. The Greeks hold that this Cave was made by Miracle, but there is some likelihood that it hath been done by the Hands of Men: They made this little Dome about the Rock, in form of a square Chapel. Having in this place paid our Devotions, we came down again with a great deal of trouble, and were two long hours by the way; so that we were tired enough, when we arrived at the Monastery of the Forty Martyrs at six a clock at night.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Mountain of Moses.  

The Mountain of Moses.  WE set out of our Lodging on Sunday the third of February, about seven a clock in the morning, that we might go see the Mountain of Moses, which is not so high, nor so hard to ascend as the former: But there is much Snow upon it, aswel as upon the other, and many good Cisterns in several places, especially near the top, there is a fair and good Cistern. After several rests, we got to the top about nine a clock. On it there are two Churches, one for the Greeks, and another for the Latins; from the Greek Church, you enter into that of the Latins, which is dedicated to the Ascension of our Lord; there we heard Mass said by the Capucin who was with us. Near to that, there is a little Mosque, and by the side of it a Hole or little Cave, where Moses fasted Forty Days. There is a small Grott also at the side of the Latin Church, where Moses hide himself, when having desired to see God's Face, the Lord told him, that he could not see his Face and live; but that he should hid himself in that Rock, and that when he was passed by, he should see his back parts: His Back and Arms are very well marked on the Rock under which he hide himself. It was upon the top of this Mount that Moses received from God the Ten Commandments written upon two Tables. From this place one may easily see down into the Convent, which is at the foot of the Mount, and as it were just under those who are on the top of it. There you see a fair large Church covered with Lead, where (they say) the Body of St. Catherine is in pieces. Before the door of the said Church, within the Precincts of the Monastery, there is beautiful Mosque. As we were coming down again, we found by the way a great Stone, and (as the Greeks say) this is the place to which the Prophet Elias came, having fled from Mount Carmel, because of the Persecution of Jezabel, Queen of Syria; being come to that place where the Stone is, an Angel appeared unto him, and with a Rod, smiting that great Stone, made it fall down in the way, and forbidden Elias to go any farther, telling him, that since Moses had not been in the Holy Land, he should not go to the top of this Mount. A little lower, is the Foot of a Camel, so well imprinted on the Rock, that it cannot be better stamped upon the Sand over which a Camel passes; the Moors and Arabs say it is the print of the Foot of Mahomet's Camel, which it left there as he passed that way upon it, they kiss it with great devotion; but it is credible that the Greeks have made it to captivate their friendship, to the end they may reverence those places. After that, in several places of the Mount, we saw little Chapels, which have all little Houses near them, and Gardens full of Fruit-Trees. Heretofore these places were inhabited by Hermit's, in so great number, that it is said, that in the Mountain of Moses there were in ancient Times above fourteen thousand Hermit's; afterwards the Greeks kept Monks in all these Hermitages, to celebrate Divine Office; but at present there are none, because the Arabs too much tormented them. We dined upon this Mountain on Bread, Onions, and Dates that we had brought with us, and then went to see the Hermitages, and first we found three of these Chapels altogether, with a passage from one to another: Behind the Altar of the third, which is dedicated to the Honour of St. Elias, there is a Hole in the Rock, where Elias lived all the while that he sojourned in that Mount, because of the Persecution of Jezabel. Then we came to another place where there are three Chapels more, dedicated one to the Honour of the Blessed Virgin, another to the Honour of St. Ann, and a third to the Honour of St. John; after that, to a Chapel dedicated to St. Pantaleon, then to another dedicated to the Holy Virgin, another to David, another to the Baptism of our Lord Jesus Christ, another to St. Anthony the Hermit; to another place where there are three little Cells, in which (the Greeks say) that two Elder Sons of the Greek Emperor shut themselves up, each in his Cell, causing the Doors to be walled up, and leaving only a Window in each, still to be seen, by which they received Victuals from a Servant who lived in the third Cell, that was not shut up, and that both of them died in their several Cells. All these Chapels are scattered up and down upon the Mount, so that one must go a good way before he can visit them all: Near to every one of them, there is a little House, a Garden, and good Water. From thence we went down to the great Monastery at the foot of the Mountain, by steps which heretofore reached from the said Monastery up to the top of the Mount, and were in number fourteen thousand; at present some of them are broken; those that remain, are well made, and easy to go up or down. 
The height of the Mountain of Moses.  One may judge of the height of St. Catherine's Mount, by this, which certainly is not so high by a third, and yet hath fourteen thousand Steps up to it. Upon the way as we came down, we found two fair stone Porticos, by which we passed, and where (the Greeks say) that they who performed the Pilgrimage, paid heretofore a certain small due. After that, we came to the great Monastery at the bottom, which is welt built of good Freestone, with very high smooth Walls; on the East-side there is a Window, by which those that were within drew up the Pilgrims into the Monastery, with a Basket which they let down by a Rope that runs in a Poultry, to be seen above at the Window, and the Pilgrims went into it one after another, and so were hoist up; by the same place they also let down Victuals to the Arabs with a Rope. We entered not into that Monastery, because it was shut. To understand the reason of this, you most know the History of this Monastery.   

CHAP. XXIX. Of the Monastery of St. Catherine.  

The Monastery of St. Catherine.  FOR these thousand years, the Greeks have been in Possession of this Monastery, which was given them by a Greek Emperor, called Justinian; and they afterwards living there, on a certain day, Mahomet, who (as the Greeks say) was their Camel Driver, weary after the toil of bringing in Provisions upon the Camels, fell a sleep before the Gate of the Monastery; while he was a sleep, there came an Eagle and hovered for a long time over his Head, 
An Eagle over Mahomet's Head.  which the Porter of the Monastery observing, ran in great amazement to acquaint the Abbot with it, who immediately coming, saw the same thing, and reflecting thereupon, as soon as Mahomet awoke, asked him, whether or not, if being a Great and Mighty Lord, he would be kind to them? Mahomet made answer, that he neither was, nor ever like to be such; but the other still insisting upon that Supposition, Mahomet told him, that he ought not at all to doubt of it, but that if it were in his power, he would do them all the good he could, because he had his livelihood from them; 
Mahomet's Promise.  the Abbot would needs have that Promise from him in writing, but Mahomet affirming that he could not write, the Abbot sent for an Ink-horn, 
Mahomet could not write.  and Mahomet having wet his Hand in the Ink, clapped it upon a leaf of clean Paper, and made thereon the impression of his Hand, which he gave them as a confirmation of what he said. Having sometime after attained to that Grandeur which was presaged to him by the Eagle, he called to mind his Promise, and preserved to them their Monastery, with all the Land belonging to it, but upon condition, that they should give Victuals to all the Arabs of the neighbourhood. And for that reason, when there are any Monks in the Monastery, they are obliged to give Half a Peck of Corn to every Arab that comes, and these Arabs grind it in a little Mill that they carry always about with them, who come sometimes to the number of an hundred and fifty, two hundred, nay, four hundred in a day, and must all be served; so that it amounts sometimes to many Quarters of Corn, and to some they give three or four Piastres a year, more or less, according as they deserve it. Now about two years before I was there, Provisions coming to the Monastery, the Arabs robbed them; which made the Greeks forsake the Convent, the Gate whereof is walled up, and the Walls so high, that they cannot be scaled, and without Cannon, that place cannot be taken, if there were any within to defend it: But now for two years there has no body lived in it, because they would punish the Arabs, by depriving them of the sustenance which they daily had of them, till they can bring them to reason; and therefore it was that we found so many Monks in that Monastery of Tor, whither they were almost all retired, for there are not so many there, when the Convent of Mount Sinai is open. These Monks had many Rents in Candy, which they lost by the Invasion of the Turks. They have a Bishop, who is called the Bishop of Mount Sinai, on whom depend all these Convents and Chapels, even the Convent of Tor too; and this Bishop depends not on the Patriarch, he was at that time at Cairo. We were fain to rest satisfied then, with what we saw of that Monastery from the top of the Mount.   

CHAP. XXX. Of Mount Horeb, and of the Place where the Golden Calf was melted, etc.  
AFter we had walked round that Monastery, we returned, 
Mount Horeb.  and saw at some small distance, Mount Horeb, on which Moses fed his Flocks, when he saw the Burning Bush. And near to that, are the Mountains upon which Aaron prayed for the People, all little ones. There is a fair Garden adjoining to the Monastery, and within the Walls of it, a lovely Chapel, dedicated to the Holy Virgin. Upon our return from the Monastery of the Forty Martyrs, about half a quarter of a league from the said Garden, we saw the Stone, or rather Place where the Golden Calf was melted; it is in the very Rock, 
The place where the Golden Calf was melted.  where one may see a great Head of a Calf cut to the life, and within that place it was (as the Greeks say) that the Riches and Ornaments of the Israelites were cast, of which they made the Head of the Golden Calf that they worshipped while Moses was with God upon the Mountain: But it is more probable that the Greeks have in that place cut the Head of the Calf in the Rock, to show the place where it was Cast, or where it was placed upon a Pillar. Something near to that, there is a high and great Stone, with some Inscription upon it, but so defaced, that none of it can be read. The Greeks say that this Stone was to mark the place where Jeremiah hide the Vessels of Gold and Silver, and other costly Furniture of the Temple of Solomon, when the Israelites were carried away Captives to Babylon, and that it is not known how it hath been brought thither, but that there is a very ancient Author that speaks of it, as being on Mount Sinai. Father Kercher explains it in his Prodromus Copticus, 
Father Kercher.  where he forges an Explanation of these Characters, which are unknown to all Men besides himself, as if they were Hieroglyphics, whereof without doubt he hath had the meaning by Revelation. I relate all these things according to the Tradition of the People of the Country, which not being authorized by Texts of Scripture, nor ancient History, I leave it to the Reader to believe or not believe, as he thinks fit.  
Having seen what was to be seen, we returned to the Monastery of the Forty Martyrs, very weary after so much mounting and descending. Our luck was good that no Wind blue when we went up these Mountains, for whether hot or cold, it would have killed us.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of our Return to Suez.  
WE had so bad entertainment on Mount Sinai, 
Return from Mount Sinai to Suez.  that we thought of nothing but of returning as soon as we could to Suez, where we hoped to refresh ourselves; and therefore Monday the Fourth of February, having made a Present of some Money to the Monk who lives in the Monastery of the Forty Martyrs, we set out at eight of the clock in the morning, to go see what still remained to be seen, being unwilling, notwithstanding all our fatigue, to leave any thing unseen; we went first to the Church of the Twelve Apostles, and then having traveled about an hour, and one half of it up hill, we went down into a very low place, where there is a little Habitation, with several Gardens full of Fruit-trees, and a large Spring of excellent Water. There there is a little Church dedicated to St. Cosme and St. Damian. Having ascended a little, we went down by the very place where the Earth opened and swallowed up Corah, 
Corah, Dathan and Abiram.  Dathan and Abiram, because they had mutinied against Moses.  
About eleven of the clock, we came to a place where our Camels stayed for us, and having dined, and given some Piastres to the Monk who had showed us every thing, for his pains, we set out about noon, and followed the same way we came till four of the clock in the afternoon, that we left it and struck off to the right, leaving the Red-Sea at a pretty good distance from us on our left hand. We traveled in good way, being the straightest, pleasantest and shortest Road from Mount Sinai to Suez: But as we went, we took the way by Tor, partly to see it, and partly to take a Monk to guide us in our visitations. About half an hour after five, we rested in a great Plain.  
Next morning, Tuesday the Fifth of February, we set out at four of the clock, keeping still in good way, and rested about ten of the clock in a place where there was Water. We went from thence about eleven, and came to rest again about half an hour after five in the evening.  
Next day, Wednesday the sixth of February, we parted at five a clock in the morning, and about eight, some two or three hundred paces wide of the Road, we found a Well of good water, where we provided ourselves. About half an hour after one of the clock we rested, and at two went forwards again, till six at night, when we took up our rest.  
Next day, Thursday the seventh of February, we parted about five of the clock in the morning, about six we entered again into the way by which we came, and found a Caravan of about two hundred Camels belonging to Arabs, loaded with Coal, and going to Cairo: When they have gathered their Gums, they carry them in this manner in Caravans to the City. We rested at Corondel about ten a clock in the morning, and setting out again at eleven, traveled till seven at night, where we rested in a little Wood From whence we departed next day, Friday the eighth of February, about four of the clock in the morning, and rested at eleven. From thence we set forward at noon, and came to rest at six of the clock at night, at the place which we had made our first Stage, when we came from Suez.  
The same evening at seven of the clock we parted, and arrived at Suez on Friday the eighth of February, at eleven of the clock at night, but lay without near the Gate until day, that it was opened, suffering a great deal of cold, for we had no wood to make fire.  
All the way back from Mount Sinai to Suez, was very good and even, and we were very merry upon the Road, for I took great pleasure to hear the Arabs tell the several passages of their Life, putting them now and then in the humour by questions I put to them.  
Here I shall relate what I learned from them.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of the Arabs.  
THE Arabs are of the Race of Ishmael, and of his Twelve Sons, who were the Patriarches of the Tribes of the Arabs, as the Twelve Sons of Jacob, were Heads of the twelve Tribes of Israel. These Arabs are divided into those who live in Towns, and those who inhabit the Deserts; these last are the Arabs whom the Ancients called Scenitae, and are now adays called Bedovins, of whom particularly I intent to Treat. One good quality they have, that they willingly rob Caravans when they can, and do no other hurt, but strip Travellers stark naked, unless they make resistance; but when they catch any Turks, they give them not so good quarter, especially if any of their Countrymen have been lately used severely in the Towns. These People who are very numerous, live in the Deserts, where (though they lead a most wretched life) yet they think themselves most happy. Their Clothing is a long blue Shirt, sewed up on both sides from top to bottom, and then with a great piece of white Serge, they wrap themselves about the Body, under the Armpits, and over the Shoulders, giving it several turns about them; some of them also have Drawers, and a kind of Furred Vest, or else a great many Sheep's Skins sewed together, putting the rough side towards their Shirt to keep them warm, and turning it the contrary way again, when they would be cooler: Several wear also a kind of Pabouches, which are almost like our Shoes. Their Wives are also miserably ill Clothed, all cover their Faces with a Linen-cloth with holes in it for their Eyes, and wear great Rings of Latin in their Ears. Most of these People have flocks of Camels, Sheep, and Goats, which they feed here and there, according as they find Grass; and where they find Pasture, they pitch their ugly Tents made of Goatshair, in which their Wives and Children live; but when that is eaten up, they pack up Bag and Baggage, and loading their Camels with all they have, House, Goods, Wives and Children, they go in search of Pasture somewhere else. They live on Camels or Goat's Milk, and on the flesh of Camels, with water for their Drink; they also eat Cakes or Buns, among others they have the Mafrouca, 
Mafrouca.  which is a great regale to them; and indeed, they eat but seldom of that, I have seen them many times make it on our Journey to Mount Sinai, where they had it daily, Morning and Evening at my cost, for I grudged them nothing. They mingle Flower with Water in a Wooden-Bowl, which they carry always about with them, and knead it well into a Paste, than they spread it upon the Sand, making it round, very thin, and a Foot and a half in Diametre, after that they lay it upon the Sand where the Fire was made, covering it up with hot Embers; and live Coals over them, and when it is baked on one side, they turn it upon the other: When it is well baked, they break it into small pieces, and with a little Water knead it again of new, adding thereto Butter, and sometimes also Honey; they make it into a thick Paste, and then break it into great pieces, which they work and press betwixt their Fingers, and so feed on them with delight; and they look like those Gobbets of Paste that are given to Geese to fatten them. Their Deserts are divided into Tribes, and the Tribes into Families, which possess different Quarters. Each Tribe hath a Scheik el Kebir, or great Scheik, and every Family hath its Scheik, 
Scheik el Kebir.  or Captain. The Scheik el Kebir commands all the other Scheiks, 
The Scheiks of the Arabs.  and these Scheiks administer Justice to the Arabs, having power over them of Life and Death, and are punctually obeyed in what they Command, for they can Fine those in Money who are refractory; the Offices of Scheiks are Hereditary, descending from Father to Son, and when the Scheik of Family dies without Children, all the Family assemble together; and having set forth the praises of those whom they think worthy of the Charge, they choose the most virtuous, and entreat the Scheik el Kebir to approve of their Election. It is the same thing in the Election of the Scheik el Kebir, only it is made in an Assembly of the whole Tribe. The Bassa's commonly give some pay to the Scheik el Kebir of the Tribes that are scattered in their Governments, being very unwilling to have any quarrel with them; and the Caravans also allow him a sum of Money yearly, that they may safely pass without Molestation; to the other Scheiks they give Provisions, Money, Vests, and Cloth for Shirts, in certain proportions, and these Blades think themselves in their Tents happier than Kings. Sultan Amurat heretofore would have confined them to live in Towns exempted from all Payments, but they would not hear of it. They keep constantly Spies abroad on all hands, to know if there be any Plots in hand against them, and to be always ready to defend themselves, or fly farther off; and certainly there is no great hurt to be done unto them in those Deserts, for seeing there are no Highways in them, an Enemy would soon lose themselves. Besides that, they must carry with them Provisions for all the time they must be there, for nothing is to be found in those places, nay, they would soon die of thirst too; for though there be several Wells on all hands, yet none but the Arabs know where they are. The Arms of the Arabs are Lances, or Half-pikes, Swords or Shables, and long Daggers; Fire-arms they have none, but are much afraid of them, and it is prohibited to sell them any, though indeed, they know not at all how to use them. For I know a French Merchant, who one time meeting with Arabs, they stripped him stark naked, and before they left him, made him shoot off his Firelock and Pistols, which they suffered him to keep. They have also Bucklers, made of the Skin of a Fish, called the Seaman. They have pretty Horses, 
Arabian Horses.  that are small, but indefatigable, and run so fast that they seem to fly; where they alight, they leave them without making them fast to any thing, and these Horses stir not from the place where they have been left. 
The food of the Arabian Horses.  And indeed, when they find them for their purpose, they are careful to feed them with Camel's Milk, Butter, Camel's flesh dried in the Sun, and Wheat, all which things make them very strong. Those who have any competent Estate, keep a Camel to save their Life in time of danger. They feed him from a Colt with Camel's Milk, Butter, Camel's flesh dried in the Sun, and Wheat, and give him nothing else to eat, which makes them very strong and swift, as well as their Horses. The Arabs of different Tribes, are many times in Wars one with another, and the Scheik el Kebir marches at the head of them. When one of them kills another in time of peace, if the Friends apprehend the Malefactor, they carry him before the Scheik el Kebir, who condemns him to death, or to pay so much to the Relations of the deceased, according as they desire it; but commonly those of the same Family, revenge the death of their Relation, and they are so obstinate in their revenge, that they'll keep it an Hundred Years; the Mother ever now and then showing her Children the Bloody Shirt of their Father. When any one of them dies, he is buried in the same place where he Expired, and some Stones put upon his Grave.  
They told me a great many things more of their Customs, as among others, If an Arab marry a Maid, he kills a Camel or two, according as he is able to make a Feast, and gives so much to the Maid: If at any time after, a near Relation of the Maids (who was absent when the Wedding was made) happen to come, and be displeased with the Marriage, he pays back the Husband what Money he gave to his Kinswoman, the Camel which he killed, and breaks the Marriage, though the Maid be deflowered. Though these People be Musulmans, yet they make no other Prayers, than now and then to say Bismillah, that is to say, in the Name of God.  
To conclude, they have a wonderful slight in stealing, and one of the Scheiks who went with me to Mount Sinai, told me, that if he pleased, he could in the Nighttime, kill the Bey of Suez in his Bed, in spite of all his Guards, and though all his Doors were shut. And a little before I came to Cairo, three Arabs contending together which of them was the nimblest Rogue, one bragged that he could steal all that was in the Kitchen of the Bassa; the other thinking that to be but a small matter, said that he would steal the Bassa's Signet, or Seal; and the third offered to do more than they both, saying, he would kill the Bassa in his Bed. The first made a shift to slip into the Kitchen, and in the Nighttime carried all away, not leaving so much as a Skillet; the second thronging in among those, who one day entered into the place where the Bassa was Sealing, got pretty near to him, and the Bassa having sealed something, and offering the Seal to some body to hold, this Knave stretched out his hand, and having received it, shortly after disappeared: The third went so far that he slid into the Bassa's Apartment, and entering into his Chamber in the Nighttime, came to his Bedside, where having drawn his Cangiar, his hand was up to have stabbed him, when a little Boy, who was in the Bed, and saw the glittering light of the Cangiar, cried out so loud, that the Bassa starting up, avoided the blow: Immediately Servants came in, and seized the Villain, who was next day Impaled for it.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Of Suez and the Red-Sea.  
BEing come back to Suez, we went and thanked the Bey for his kindness, and seeing there was no Caravan ready to set out, we had time enough to consider Suez, and the Red-Sea: This Sea which many think is so called because its Water is Red, others more rationally because the Sand of it is Red, is no Redder than any other Sea, neither in its Water nor Sand; only I observed as I went to Mount Sinai, some Mountains all over Red upon the sides of it, but I believe, the reason why it is called Red, is: That the Translators of the Greek into Latin, having in the Greek found the Erythraean Sea, have taken that word in Greek for Red, not considering that it is the Name of an ancient King called Erythra; who hath given his Name to that Sea, 
Erythra.  which Name reaches a good way beyond the Gulf of Arabia, comprehending all the Sea that is betwixt the Eastern Coast of Africa, and the Indies. See Arrian's Navigation of the Erythraean Sea. This Sea in the holy Scripture is called Yam Souf, that is to say, the Sea of Rushes, because the Banks of it are full of Rushes. And the Arabs call it Buhr el Calzem, 
Buhr el Calzem. Clysma.  as if one should say the Sea of Clysma, because of the Town named Clysma, which was heretofore built at the most Northern point of that Sea, which is a Gulf of the Ocean, growing narrower and narrower the more Northward it runs; and during the space of five days that I kept along the Coast of it in going to Mount Sinai, I could not observe it to be any where above eight or nine Miles over. This Sea ebbs and flows like the Ocean. Two Galleys that belong to Haly Bey, Trade on it, and many Ships also, which for the most part belong to Beys of Egypt, but every Year some of them are lost; because being narrow and full of Rocks, the Ships want Sea-room. It was a Sea of great Trade, before the discovery of the way to the East-Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, by which the Portuguese, English, Dutch, and others, sail now to the Indies, and bring us the Drugs, Spices, Precious Stones, Pearls, and many other Commodities, which for the most part came formerly only by Aleppo, or by the Red-Sea, and were unloaded at the Port of Cossir, from whence they were carried to the Town of Chana, 
Cossir. Chana.  lying upon the Nile, and from thence conveyed down the River to Cairo, and so to Alexandria. Strabo observed this way and passage, when he writes that Coptos, 
Coptos where situated.  a Town of the Thebais (the Ruins whereof are still to be seen betwixt Cossir and Chana) was a place of Traffic common to the Arabs and Indians. There are very good Oysters taken in this Sea, as small as those of England, and many other good Shellfish, besides several extraordinary Fish, and among others that which they call the Seaman, (mentioned before) and the Chagrin, 
Chagrin a fish.  which is a Fish shaped like a Sea-dog, and about seven or eight Foot long, at least that which was sent me from Cairo is so. Upon the side, and at the beginning of this Sea (famous for the passage of the Israelites) stands Suez, 
Suez. Arsinoe. Ptolemy Philadelphus.  which some will have to be the Ancient Arsinoe, so called from Arsinoe the Sister of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who built that Town, and called it by the name of his Sister; it is a little Town, containing about Two hundred Houses. It hath a pretty Harbour, but so shallow Water, that Ships cannot put into it, and the Galleys themselves must be half unloaded before they enter into it; nevertheless, Ships and all ride safe enough in the Road. These Galleys are very little, they carry no great Guns, but only a Petrera to salute the Ports where they arrive. Close by the Harbour there is a Baraque, railed in with great wooden Palissadoes, where are nine Culverines', every one longer than another, of which the biggest is of a prodigious length, and I take it to be much longer, and of a far wider bore, than the two which are at Malta upon the Baraque, and in the Castle St. Erme; they are of the Turkish make, and nothing of Workmanship about them. There are also thirteen pieces of very great Cannon there, and upon one of them a Flower-de-Luce; however it is easily discernible, that it hath been made in Turkey, perhaps by some Renegado French man, for it is altogether Turkish, without any Workmanship, as all the rest are. These Guns are not mounted, and were sent thither from Constantinople by Sultan Amurat, on a design he had of attempting an Expedition into the Indies, with a Fleet fitted out on that Sea. Close by the Gate of Suez there is an Eminence, where heretofore stood a Castle built by the Franks, and upon the same Eminence there is still a great Gun. The Slaves told us, that the People of the Country believe, there is some Treasure near that place guarded by Hobgoblins; for my part, that Night we arrived from Mount Sinai, I lay at the foot of that Eminence, and the Sprights did not at all disturb my rest. There is in this Town still a Greek Church, but in bad order. There are some pretty well built Houses in Suez, and an indifferent good Marketplace. To conclude, this Town is very Populous, when any Ship arrives, or when the Galleys are in the Harbour, but at other times it is very Desolate; and indeed, there is not so much as any good Fresh Water within two Leagues round it.   

CHAP. XXXIV. My Return from Suez to Cairo.  

Return from Suez to Cairo.  AFter I had seen Suez at leisure enough, I prepared to be gone with a Caravan of Two hundred Camels, which the Emir-Adge had provided to carry from Suez to Cairo, the Coffee that was brought in the Galleys, and twelve Ships which were in the Road; there was in all Thirty thousand Load, each Load weighing three or four hundred weight, and every Camel carried two of these Loads. I hired a Camel for myself, there being no Mules to be got, and we parted from Suez, Thursday the fourteenth of February, about eight a Clock in the Morning; the Caravan was attended by a guard of Arabs from sundry places. We left several thousands of Camels in Suez, and met abroad several great Troops belonging to Arabs and others, who came to let their Camels for Transporting of the Coffee. I soon found the difference betwixt the Camels of the Arabs, and those of the Town, for being accustomed to Ride upon the Camels of the Arabs, I could not make use of this which I had hired to carry me to Cairo, one half days Journey; so that I hired a little Ass from a man of the Caravan, and road upon it to Cairo. The truth is, the Camels of the Arabs go a great deal more easily than the others do. At Noon we passed by a Castle called Adgeroud, which we saw not as we came, because we passed it in the Nighttime, only three persons live there who drink Salt-water. We rested at Two a Clock, and put on again at Six, travelling till three a clock in the morning of Friday the fifteenth of February, when we rested; we parted again at noon, and travelling till three a clock after, we rested; then we set forwards again at seven a clock at night, and kept travelling till next day Saturday the sixteenth of February, that about eight a Clock we arrived at Cairo.  
This Caravan from Cairo to Suez, and from Suez to Cairo, travels commonly very fast, because it cannot spend much time by the way, for otherwise they would fall short of provisions, having none but what they carry with them, both for Men and Camels, and therefore they never stay above two or three days at Suez, and if they stayed longer, they would starve that Town, where there is nothing but what is brought in from the Country about, when the Galleys or some Ships arrive; and indeed, these Camel drivers are always so weary and spent, that they can hardly stir, they have not so much as time to sleep, and now and then they run before the Caravan and tumbling down uPon the ground, fall presently a sleep, taking there a short nap till the Caravan be past, when some take care to awaken them. In this Journey from Suez to Cairo, for a days time and more we had so hot a Wind, that we were forced to turn our backs to it, 
A dangerous hot Wind.  to take a little breath, and so soon as we opened our mouths, they were full of Sand: our Water was so extremely heated with it, that it seemed to be just taken off of the Fire: and many poor People of the Caravan, came and begged of us a cup of water for God's sake; for our parts we could not drink it, it was so hot, The Camels were so infested with this Wind, that they could not so much as feed; but it lasted not above six hours in its force; and if it had continued longer, one half of the Caravan would have perished. It was such a kind of wind that the year before so infested the Caravan of Mecha, that two thousand men died of it in one night. 
A great Mortality by that Wind.  In this Journey I observed that when the feet of the Camels were cut and galled, the Camel drivers took the Bones of dead Camels, (of which all the way from Cairo to Suez is so full, that following only the tract where these Bones lie, one may go the straight way to Suez) they took these Bones (I say) and with the marrow they found in them anointed the sore place of the Camel. Such as would travel to Mount Sinai, aught to make provision at Cairo of all that they may stand in need of, and not trust to Suez or Tor, for a Camel will carry all. I'm sure for want of that counsel, we suffered much, and when we came back to Cairo, were all troubled with a Rheum that fell down upon our Lungs like to have choked us, by reason of the cold icey waters that we were forced to drink upon that Mountain; nay our Moor Servant had almost lost his Life by it.   

CHAP. XXXV. The Journey from Cairo to Gaza.  
BEing recovered from my Journey to Mount Sinai, 
From Cairo to Gaza.  I resolved to travel to Jerusalem, and seeing that which most recommends these places to us, is the Birth, Life and Death of our Lord Jesus Christ, I stayed till Lent, that I might be there at the time when the Church celebrates the memory of his dolorous Passion. There is a Caravan that yearly in Lent goes from Cairo to Jerusalem; and with the Master of the present years Caravan, (who was a Christian of the Country) I made a bargain for eighteen Piastres each Coune, and all Caffaires paid to Jerusalem. 
Counes.  These Counes are Hampiers like Cradles carried upon Camels Backs one on each side, but they have a back, head and sides, like the great Chairs that sick people sit in. A man rides in each of these Counes, and over them they lay a covering, which keeps them both from the Rain and Sun, leaving as it were a Window before and behind upon the Camels back. We wanted four Counes, for we were four in company, to wit, a Capucin, a Provencial, myself and my Servant, 
A Clergy man pays less than a Secular.  but the Capucin paid only sixteen Piastres; the Religious not paying so much as the Seculars. We had Biscuits made for us, French Bread, Wine in Flasks, Rice, Lentils, and other Lent-Provisions; carrying with us a Tent, a Pot or Skillet, and in short, all that was necessary, not forgetting Candles, Candlestick and Leather-Buckets, to draw Water with. All this we had carried upon a Camel over and above the Bargain.  
Being thus provided, we parted from Cairo Saturday the three and twentieth of March, at one a Clock after noon, every one mounted on his Ass, and by four a Clock came to Hhanque, 
Hhanque.  which is a little Town where the Caravans of Jerusalem make their first Stage. There we lay, and next day came the whole Caravan, consisting of six Score Camels, with several Horses, Mules and Asses.  
We parted from Hhanque Monday morning the twenty fifth of March, and rested without the Town till Noon; at which time we set out on our journey, 
Bulbeys.  and at eight a Clock at night came to lie at Bulbeys; we had a trial then of these Panniers, and for my part I was much at my ease, for I had under me a good thick quilt and a Pillow, and lay at full Length, turning my feet sometimes towards the neck and sometimes towards the tail of the Camel, though the Camel-drivers kept a heavy clutter, crying that I spoiled their Camel, for they would have had me sit after the Turkish manner, as all the rest did.  
Next day Tuesday the twenty sixth of March, we parted from Bulbeys at one a Clock after Noon, and came to lodge at Corede, where we arrived at eight in the Evening, and we parted from thence next day,  
Wednesday the twenty seventh of March at Noon, and at eight a Clock in the Evening we came to Salahia; 
Salabia. Tamarisks.  there are very pleasant Woods of Tamarisks about all these places; but though all of them were good Towns and Villages, yet we lay abroad in Tents, making a little Camp, and in the Nighttime Guards with Muskets were placed on all the Avenues of the Caravan, who suffered none to come in or go out, they are paid for that, and it is a very good course to prevent being Rob.  
Next day Thursday the twenty eighth of March at Noon we parted from Salahia: and about ten a Clock at night crossed over a fair Bridge, under which runs the Water of the Mediterranean Sea, that remains on land, when that Sea makes any Inundation, (so we were told) but it is probable it may be the Sirbonite Lake. 
Sirbonite Lake.  We traveled on till five a Clock in the morning next day, when we encamped in a place called Elbir Devedar, because of a dirty Well of salt Water that is near to it, 
Bir.  for by'r in Arabic signifies a Well; the Beasts are watered there, but such as have not provided themselves of fresh Water, know what it is to want it at that place.  
We parted from thence the same day, Friday the twenty ninth of March about noon, and betwixt three and four of the Clock we found upon the Road a Well called by'r like the former, but continued travelling till nine a Clock at night, 
Catie.  when we arrived at Catie, where we rested the next day, being Saturday the thirtieth of March, because of the Jews, who do not travel on Saturday, and there being a good many of them in the Caravan, they had credit enough with the master of the Caravan to obtain this. Catie is a Village where there is indeed a well of water, that is not indeed salt, but still unpleasant for drinking, as being very sweetish; but two miles from Catie there is a well of Water, which is good after that it hath stood a little: at Catie we eaten fresh Fish half as long as ones Arm, as broad and thick as Carp, and of as good a relish; they did not cost us a Maidin or five farthings a piece.  

Cachef.  Saturday after noon the Cachef of Catie pressed our Camels th' fetch wood from the Seaside, which is but a little way off, and they did not come back till the next day, Sunday at One a clock in the Morning, which hindered us from Parting from Catie till the day after. The Cachef of Catie sent for me, to show me some Books; he had got a great many Latin and French Books of Physic and Chirurgery, that had belonged to a Dutch Chirurgeon, who died there some Months before, as he was coming from Cairo with the Caravan, which the Cachef signified by Letter to the French Consul at Cairo; he told me that he had a Chest full of them: he shown me also holy Sepulchers, and other such Relics of the same Dutchman's, and gave me some of them; having afterward treated me with Coffee, he asked me wherein he could serve me; I thanked him hearty for his civility, and being returned to my Tent, made up a Box of Raisins, Almonds, and such other Fruits, (which are there a great Treat) and presented it to him.  
We parted from Catie Monday the first of April at nine a clock in the Morning, and four Turks armed with Muskets and Shables, waited on us as a guard to rich, because we were afraid to be set upon by the Arabs. About two a clock we found a shallow and narrow but very long Pit full of very white Salt, 
Salt of Rain-water.  and they assured us that that Salt was made only by the Rain-water, the sand of that place having such virtue, as being without doubt very Salt, and the like is to be seen in Alexandria. 
Birlab.  We came to Birlab about ten a Clock at night, which is a Desert without any Hibitation, but hath three wells of Salt-water.  
We set out from thence next day Tuesday the second of April, about ten a Clock in the morning, and about noon came to a well of good fresh water lately made by a Sangiac of Egypt, for all Travellers: 
by'r Acat.  About six a clock at night we arrived at a place called by'r Acat, which is also in the Desert, having neither habitation nor water to water Beasts; and all these ways are full of Quicksands.  
We lay there, and parted on Wednesday the third of April, about six a clock in the Morning, and about one of the clock at noon we found a Well called Sibil el bar Acat, newly made by an Aga, who passed that way a little before on his Journey to Constantinople. (Sibil signifies a place where all may have water for God's sake.) This Well is covered with a Dome, supported by four walls of freestone, built square; the entry into it is by two Doors over against one another, but one must first ascend four or five steps. The Cistern is covered all over with freestone, except in two round places, big enough to let a Bucket down, by which the water is drawn that rises pretty high, half a fathom of Rope being sufficient to reach it. This Aga left a fond to maintain some Arabs, who daily bring thither so many Camels laded with fresh Water, which they take at a place near the Sea. Having there made a provision of Water, we entered again into the Quicksands, 
rich.  which lasted as far as rich, where we arrived about four in the Afternoon. A quarter of an hour before we got there, we were overtaken by a Storm, which lasted above thirty hours. rich is a Village not far distant from the Sea, it hath a Castle well built of little Rock-Stones, as all the Houses are; and the Cachef of it, as well as he of Zaka, depends on the Cachef of Catie. 
Zaka.  They have so many lovely ancient Marble-Pillars at rich, that their Coffeehouses and wells are made of them, and so are their Burying-places full.  
We parted from rich, Thursday the fourth of April, about one a clock at noon, having eight Turks with us, who guarded us to Cauniones, 
Cauniones.  for fear of the Arabs. An hour after we parted from rich we found a Sibil of Salt Water. We still traveled on through Quicksands, though it blew very hard, Reigned, Thundered and Lightened, and about midnight came to Zaka which is in the Desert, without any Habitation, but has only three Wells of bad Water, and yet the Corsairs come often there to take in fresh Water.  
Friday the fifth of April the Wind after a great deal of Rain calming, we parted from Zaka about nine a Clock in the Morning, and traveled in good way; a little after twelve of the Clock we found three fair Marble-Pillars, two standing, and one lying along upon the ground, and a little after a large Well of good Water, where there are Sakis, there we began to see a very pleasant Country, and some Corn-Land: sometime after we found a Sibil of bitter Water, which is close by Cauniones, where we arrived about three in the Afternoon: they have so many Marble-Pillars there also, that their Coffe-Houses stand all upon such. There we began to see abundance of Trees, and a great deal of good Meadow ground; and indeed, both the cattle and Inhabitants of that Place, from the biggest to the least are extremely Fat. There is a very fair Castle there, with a large open place in it. The Turks lodge in the Castle, where there is a Saki of very good Water, and the Moors and Felas live in the Houses without. This Castle is commanded by a Muteferaca, who has but a small number of Soldiers with him in it; he depends immediately on Cairo, from whence he has his pay, and his Soldiers are paid by the Cachef of Catie; Cauniones is in Egypt, which here ends.  
We parted from Cauniones on Saturday the sixth of April, before five in the Morning, guarded by seven or eight Turks of the Place; who went with us to Gaza, for fear of the Arabs. About six a clock we found a Sibil of bitter Water, and about seven another better; a little after, we discovered the Town of Gaza: half an hour after eight we found a Bridge, under which runs the water of the Meadows, which are very spacious, and at the end of that Bridge there is a well of good Water; the Country abounds in fair Cattle, and all sorts of Fruit-Trees: about an hour after we found two Sibyls not far distant from one another, and about half an hour after ten, we arrived at Gaza, where we Encamped near the Castle, in a little Buryingplace walled about.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the Cities of Gaza and Rama, and our arrival at Jerusalem.  

Gaza.  THE City of Gaza is about two miles from the Sea, and was anciently very Illustrious, as may be seen by its Ruins, for you have Marble-Pillars every where, and I have seen Burying-places there, where the Tombs were wholly made of Marble; among others, there is one enclosed with a wall, which belongs to some particular Turkish Family, and is full of lovely Sepulchers, made of large pieces of excellent Marble, which are the remains and evidences of the ancient splendour of that Town: It was one of the five Lordships of the Philistines, 
Lordships of the Philistines.  to which Samson did so much hurt, nay, and one day carried away upon his Shoulders the Gates of this City, and left them upon a little hill at a miles distance. The Castle is near the Town, and is round, with a Tower at each corner, four in all; it is kept in good order, and has but a small circumference, but two Iron-Gates. Hard by this Castle is the Seraglio of the Bassa's Wives, and joining to it above, some pieces of old wall, of a matter so compact that it cannot be broken with a Hammer; it is the ruins of the Castle of the Romans. The Town is but very little, it hath a Bezestein in very good order, and a pretty large Greek Church, whereof the arched Roof in the middle is supported by two great Pillars of Marble, with their Corinshes of the Corinthian order; they say, that our Lady was three days there, when she fled into Egypt: The Armenians have a Church there also. Near to the Castle of Gaza behind the Buryingplace, (where we Encamped) is the place where the Palace of the Philistines stood, which Samson pulled down, Smothering himself and all that were within it; it is now no more but a heap of Earth. Without the Town there are several goodly Mosques, all faced with Marble on the outside, and I believe they were places that belonged all to the ancient City. From Cairo till we came thither we found no Wine, but there we had some pretty good, wherewith we provided ourselves, and might have had pretty good Brandy too, if we had had occasion. We stayed at Gaza all Sunday the seventh of April, waiting for the Jews, who had stopped to celebrate their Sabbath at Cauniones.  
On Monday morning when we thought of parting, the Bassa put a stop to it, who having had intelligence that the master of the Caravan carried money for some Jews in Jerusalem, (who were his Debtors) would needs pay himself with it.  
The matter being taken up, we parted from Gaza Tuesday the ninth of April, at six a Clock in the Morning, with some Turks for a Convoy; about nine a Clock we passed over a very high and broad Bridge, but of one single Arch, which has at the higher end a Sibil joining to it, and another a little beyond it; about half an hour after ten we found another Sibil, and about eleven, two highways, 
Megdel.  of which leaving to the left hand the one that at a hundred paces distance passes through a Village called Megdel, we took the right hand way, at the entry into which we found a Sibil, and at noon another, besides these, there are a great many Birques upon the Road. 
Hhansedoud.  At three a Clock in the Afternoon we arrived at Hhansedoud, travelling all the way from Gaza thither in a lovely plain full of Corn, Trees and Flowers, which yielded a rare good smell. 
A Plain of Tulips and Emonies.  This Plain is all embroadered with Tulips and Emonies, when the season is, but than it was passed; and these Flowers would be reckoned beautiful in France. Hhansedoud is a pitiful Village, where there is a Han for Caravans, built of small Freestone, and the doors faced with Iron, but we went not into it, because we would make no stay, designing to make up our Mondays journey which we lost at Gaza, and therefore we encamped upon a little height about two hundred paces beyond the Village, from whence we parted the same day, Tuesday the ninth of April, at nine a clock at night, and at one a clock in the morning passed a Village called Yebna, at the end of which we crossed over a Bridge that is very broad; about half an hour after three we found a lovely large well, and a Sibil close by it, as a little farther another.  
Wednesday, the tenth of April, about four of the clock in the morning, 
Rama. Ramla.  we arrived at Rama, called in Arabic Ramla; we went not into it, because we had no mind to lie there, but encamped in a Plain over against the Town, and then went to the Town to see the French Merchants that live there. Rama is a Town depending on the Bassa of Gaza, and therein is the House of Nicomedes, 
The House of Nicomedes.  where some French Merchants and their Chaplain live. In the same House, there is a pretty Church; and it is the House where the Franks who are on Pilgrimage lodge, when they pass through Rama: The Door of that House is not three foot high, and so are all the Doors in the Town, to hinder the Arabs from entering into their Houses on Horseback. The Church of the Forty Martyrs is also in this Town, and hath a very high square Steeple, which in times past was as high again. Heretofore there was a stately large Convent there, of which the Cloister seems still to be very entire, by what we could observe in passing by the Gate, for we were told that Christians were not permitted to enter it. There is another Church there also, dedicated to the Honour of St. George.  
We parted from Rama on Thursday, the eleventh of April, at six of the clock in the morning, and a little after came to a stony way, which grew worse and worse all along till we came to our Lodging. About nine of the clock, we saw to the right hand the Village of the Good Thief, 
Bethlakij.  called in Arabic Bethlakijs; after that we paid the Caffaire, and took a Guard as far a Jerusalem; before we came to that Village, we found two Ways, of which that which is the good Way is on the right hand, and passes through the Village; and the other is on the left hand, which we took, to avoid a Caffaire, but it led us among Hills in very bad Way, and at length we encamped amidst the Mountains about half an hour after two in the afternoon, in a place close by a ruinous old Building, which heretofore was a Convent of Franciscan Friars; there are still some Arches standing, and many others under ground, wherein at present the Arabs put their Cows. Near to it, there is a Spring of very good Water issuing out of a Rock, which perhaps was formerly enclosed within the Convent.  
Friday, the twelfth of April, about five of the clock in the morning, we parted from that place, and about seven were got out from among the Hills, which last about six or seven miles, and are all covered with very thick Woods, and a great many Flowers in Pasture-ground. After that, we traveled in pretty good Plains, though there be many Stones in the way. About eight of the clock, 
Dgib, the Town of Samuel.  we saw to the right hand a Village, called in Arabic Dgib, which was heretofore the Town of Samuel; it stands upon an Eminence, and in it there is a Mosque covered with a Dome; they say Samuel is interred there, and the Jews visit it out of Devotion. About half an hour after nine, we discovered a little on the right hand the beginning of the Holy City of Jerusalem, 
Coudscherif.  called by the Turks Coudscherif, and after about a quarter of an hours travelling, we saw it plainly before us, and arrived there after ten a clock in the morning, but we who were Franks stayed at the Gates of the City till the Religious sent for us. When he had waited about an hour at the Gate, which is called Damascus-Gate, we were introduced into the City by the Trucheman of the Convent, who came with a Turk belonging to the Bassa, that visited our Baggage; for if a Frank entered the Town of Jerusalem before the Religious had obtained a permission for him from the Bassa, he would have an Avanie put upon him. They led us to the Convent of St. Saviour, where the Monks live, and where after we had dined, we were showed into an Apartment to rest ourselves. This is a very commodious Convent both for the Religious and Pilgrims. 
The reception of Pilgrims at Jerusalem.  About three of the clock in the afternoon, a Monk came and washed our Feet with warm water, and at four, we were conducted to the Church, where after the Compline, the Reverend Father Commissary, (for at that time there was no Guardian there) attended by all the Monks and Pilgrims that were in the Convent, making us sit down on a Couch of crimson Velvet, washed the Feet of us four, one after another, in Water full of Roses, than kissed them, as after him did all his Monks, singing in the mean time many Hymns and Anthems. When this Ceremony was over, they gave to each of us a white Wax-taper, which they told us we should carefully keep, because they carried great Indulgences with them; and then we made a Procession about the Cloister, singing Te Deum laudamus, to thank God for the favour he had showed us, in bringing us sound and safe to that Holy Place: They made us perform the Stations at three Altars, to wit, at the High Altar, dedicated to the Holy Ghost, at the Altar of our Lord's Supper, and at the Altar of our Lord's appearing after his Resurrection to the Apostle St. Thomas, singing at every one of these Altars, the proper Hymns for the places.   

CHAP. XXXVII. The first visiting of the Dolorous Way, and other Holy Places.  
I Shall not much enlarge in describing the Holy Places, because I can say nothing of them, but what hath been already said by so many who have visited them, and especially by Monsieur Opdan, who hath lately published a Book, wherein all the Holy Places are very well, and as fully as they can be described: I shall therefore only speak of them as a Traveller, and observe them in the order I saw them in.  
The day we arrived, we stirred not out of the Convent, but next day after, the thirteenth of April, which was the Saturday before Palm-Sunday, we went out of the Convent about eight of the clock in the morning, 
The Judgement-Gate in Jerusalem.  with the Father who takes care of the Pilgrims, to begin our Visits of the Holy Places, and first we passed near to the Judgment-Gate, through which our Saviour went out bearing his Cross, when he went to Mount Calvary; and it is called the Judgment-Gate, because those that were condemned to Death, went out of the City by it, to the place of Execution; at present it is within the City. Having advanced a few steps, we saw on our right hand the House of Veronica, 
The House of Veronica.  who seeing our Saviour coming loaded with his Cross, and his Face besmeared with Sweat and Spittle, went out of her House, and having made way through the Crowd, took a white Veil off of her Head, and therewith wiped our Lord's Face, who in testimony of his thankfulness for that charitable office, left the Image of his Holy Face stamped upon her Veil, which is shown in St. Peter's, at Rome, four times a year: There are four Steps up to the Door of this House. Next to that, on the right hand, is the House of the Rich Glutton; then on the left, 
The House of the Rich Glutton.  the place where our Saviour said to the Women of Jerusalem who wept, Weep not for me, but for you and your Children. A little after, is the place where Simon the Cyrenean helped our Lord to carry his Cross, when he fell down under that heavy burden. Then on the right hand is the place of the Blessed Virgin's Trance, who fainted away when she saw our Lord bearing his Cross, and so spitefully used. Proceeding on our way, about an hundred paces farther, we passed under the Arch upon which Pilate set our Lord, saying, Behold the man; it is a large Arch, reaching from one side of the street to the other: 
The Arch of Ecce Homo.  This Arch hath two Windows that look into the street, which are separated only by a little Marble Pillar: Under these Windows, is this Inscription, Tolle, Tolle, Crucifige eum. Beyond that Arch, at the end of a street on the left hand, is the Palace of Herod, where our Lord was clothed with a white Robe in derision, and sent back to Pilate, with whom Herod being formerly at variance, was that day reconciled. Leaving that street on the left hand after a few steps, you come to the Palace of Pilate on the right hand, 
The Palace of Pilate.  which is at present inhabited by the Bassa: The Stairs of that Palace are to be seen at Rome, near to St. John de Latran, being sent thither by St. Helen; they are at present called Scala Sancta, because our Lord ascended them, 
Scala Sancta.  when he was led before Pilate, and came down again the same Stairs, to go before Herod; then being sent back by Herod, he went them up again, and afterwards descended them when he went to execution. In place of that Staircase, there is another of eleven steps, which are now sufficient, because since that time the Street is much raised by the Ruins. Having gone up these eleven steps, you come into a Court, and turning to the Left Hand, you enter into the Bassa's Kitchen, which is the place where Pilate washed his Hands; in that Kitchen there is a Window that looks into the Court, or open place that is before the Temple of Solomon, from that Window we saw the Front of the said Temple, at one end of the Court; there are several Arches that make a lovely Porch before the Door of the said Temple, supported by several fair Pillars. There is a hole in that Kitchen, which serves at present to lay Coals in, and is thought to have been the Prison into which our Lord was put. Heretofore there was a passage from this Palace to the Arch of Behold the Man, (that we mentioned before.) Coming out of the Palace, we went over to the other side of the Street, into a Chapel, called the Place of Flagellation, 
The place of Flagellation.  because our Saviour was Scourged there; the Turks make use of it at present for a Stable. In that place ends (according to the way we went) or rather gins the Dolorous Way, which reaches from the House of Pilate, to Mount Calvary, about a Mile in length. Having seen these things, (to avoid the heat) we resolved to see the most distant places before the Sun were too high; and therefore went out by St. Stephen's Gate, anciently called Porta Gregis, 
Porta Gregis.  or the Sheep-Gate, without which, we saw the place where the Blessed Virgin let her Girdle fall to St. Thomas, when he saw her Body and Soul carried up to Heaven; then we went up to the Mount of Olives, 
Mount of Olives.  in the middle whereof is the place where our Lord wept over Jerusalem, foreseeing its future Ruin: The truth is, one has a very good view of it from that place, and may at leisure there consider all the external beauties of the Temple of Solomon, as also the Church of the Presentation of our Lady, which joins the said Temple, and is magnificently built. Here it was that the Blessed Virgin was by her Father and Mother presented to the good Widows, who lived near to the Temple, and taught young Girls Breeding and good Manners. The Turks have converted this Church into a Mosque, and suffer no Christian to enter into it. On the top of the Mount is the place of Ascension, 
Place of Ascension.  which is a Chapel with eight Fronts, having a little Dome covered with Lead, and supported by eight Pillars of white Marble; in this Chapel you may still see the print of our Saviour's Left Foot on the Rock, the impression of the other was also there, but the Turks cut off part of the Rock, on which the other Foot was imprinted, and have carried it into the Temple of Solomon, where they preserve it very honourably, as they do this; nay, they have a little Mosque in this Chapel, and they suffer Christians to come and kiss that holy Foot-step, for a few Maidins. In this place a Gentleman inflamed with the love of God, and desirous to follow Jesus Christ, whose Steps he had traced so far, yielded up his Soul to the lord 
St. Pelagia.  A little below this place we saw the Grott, where St. Pelagia a famous Courtesan of Antioch did Penance; then coming down again, we passed by the place where our Lord made the Prayer, (which we call the Lord's Prayer) and a little lower to the Right, the place where he Preached the last Judgement, for a Memorial of which, there stands a Pillar there. Afterwards we came to a Grott or Church, 

The Grott where the Creed was made.  
The Sepulchre of Absolom.  
The Sepulchre of Jehosaphat.   wherein are twelve Arches, in this place it was that the Apostles made the Creed, which goes by their Name, and then to the Buryingplace of the Prophets, where there are many Grotts cut out in the Rock. Next we saw two square Sepulchers, each square cut out of the Rock in one entire piece; the one is of Absolom, the Son of David, and it is encompassed with several Pillars cut out of the natural Rock, and covered with a Pyramid: The other is the Sepulchre of Jehosaphat, who gave the name to the Valley; others say it is the Sepulchre of King Manasses. Absoloms' is easily known, by the many Stones that are always there, because no Body goes near to it, whether Christian, Turk, or Moor, Man, Woman, or Child, but throws a stone at it, as detesting the memory of that Prince, because of his Rebellion against his own Father. Then we saw the Grott where St. James the younger hid himself when our Saviour was taken, and continued there without eating or drinking, until the Resurrection. Being come out from thence, 
The Sepulchre of Zacharias.  we saw the Sepulchre of the Prophet Zacharias, the Son of Barachias, who was slain betwixt the Porch and the Altar, by the command of King Joas: It is cut in a Diamond-point upon the Rock, with many Pillars about it. 
The Brook Kedron.  From thence we came to the place where the Brook Kedron runs, which is many times dry, without water, as it was then, and there we saw a Bridge hard by, of one Arch, under which that Brook passes when there is any water in it; and upon that Bridge our Saviour fell, when after his apprehension in the Garden, the Jews brought him into the City, using him so barbarously, that as he went over that Bridge, they threw him down from the top to the bottom, and in the stone the prints of his Feet and Elbows are to be seen. Having narrowly observed these Holy prints, and passed the Brook dryshod, we came to the Valley of Jehosaphat, 
The Valley of Jehosaphat.  which is about a League in length, but not very broad; it serves as a Ditch to the City of Jerusalem. The Jews give a Chequin a day for permission to bury their Dead there, besides what they pay for the Ground, and all, that they may be the sooner dispatched at the day of Judgement; 
Garden of Olives.  because (as they believe) it will be held in that place. There we saw the Garden of Olives, and entering it, we came to the same place where our Lord having been kissed by Judas, was taken by the Jews; it is a very little narrow place, enclosed with a pitiful Wall. Afterwards we came to the place where the three Apostles, St. Peter, St. James and St. John the Evangelist, fell asleep whilst our Saviour Prayed, which made Him say to them, Cannot you watch one Hour with me? Then to the Garden of Bethsemanie, where our Saviour left the Eight Apostles, when He went to Pray in the Garden of Olives, taking only Three with him; to wit, St. Peter, St. James and St. John. 
Garden of Bethsemany.  At present the Garden of Bethsemanie, makes but one with the Garden of Olives. The Grott where our Lord sweat Blood and Water, saying, Father, if Thou be willing, remove this Cup from Me. And where the Angel came to comfort him, is Painted since the time of St. Helen, and receives light by an opening in the middle of the Vault, 
The Sepulchre of the Virgin Mary.  which is supported by four Pillars. Near to that is the Sepulchre of the Virgin Mary, which is a Church almost under Ground, of which nothing but the Front is to be seen. It stands at the entry into the Valley of Jehosophat, pretty near St. Stephen's Gate. In the first place, you go down by six steps into a Court or Walk, and crossing over that, descend One and fifty very large broad steps, at the top whereof on the right Hand, there is a Door walled up. In the middle of this Staircase there is a Chapel on the Right Hand, 

The Sepulchers of St. Joackin and St. Ann.  
The Sepulchers of St. Joseph and St. Simeon.   wherein are the Sepulchers of St. Joachin and St. Ann; on the other side, to wit, to the Left Hand there is a little Chapel, where are the Sepulchers of St. Joseph (the Virgin's Husband) and St. Simeon. Towards the bottom of the Stairs, there is a place on the Left Hand, adorned, but no body can tell for what; for there is nothing to be seen in it but the Floor, which is all of Mosaical Work, and looks as if it were newly done. At the end of the steps, to the Right Hand, there is an Altar of the Armenians, and a lovely Cistern to the Left; behind which there is an Altar of the Abyssins'. After that you come into the Church, wherein turning to the Right Hand, you see the Sepulchre of the Virgin, 
The Sepulchre of the Virgin.  which is almost in the middle of the Church, in a little square Chapel, four Paces long, with two little Doors to enter into it. The length of the place on which her Body was put is nine Spans, the breadth four, and the height as much. It is covered with a Stone of a greyish Marble, with Veins in it, and in some places is broken. This Chapel belongs to the Latin Monks, and none but Latins can say Mass there, which is Celebrated every Saturday; behind that place there is a Chapel belonging to the Greeks. On the Right Hand of the Virgin's Sepulchre, there is a Turkish Mosque, and on the Left a Chapel of the Jacobites. This Church is pretty dark, receiving no light but by the Door, and a Window that is over the Altar of the Greek Chapel. There are One and twenty Lamps in this Church. Near to it is the place where the Virgin seeing St. Stephen stoned, 
The place where St. Stephen was stoned. Sheep Pool. Salomon's Temple. The house of St. Ann.  prayed to God to grant him constancy enough to suffer that Martyrdom; and next to it, the place where that Saint was stoned. Being after this come into the City by St. Stephen's Gate, we saw pretty near to that Gate the Sheep-Pool, close by which is the Temple of Solomon. Then we came to the House of St. Ann, the Mother of the Virgin. St. Helen built a Church over this House, which was served by Nuns, but the Turks have since turned it into a Mosque; and nevertheless, Christians are permitted to enter into it, for a few Maidins, which they give to the Santo that keeps it. There is a lovely Cloister still to be seen there, by which one goes down to the House of St. Ann, which is under the Church: It hath two Rooms, in one of which there is an Altar in the place where the Blessed Virgin was Born. After we had seen all these things, we returned to the Convent, at eleven a Clock in the Morning.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Our first Entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.  
WHen we had Dined in the Convent, we made ready to go to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and that very Evening entered into it, paying Four and twenty Piastres a piece; 
A Tax for entering into the holy Sepulchre.  for all Franks are Taxed at so much for the first time they go into it, but the Religious pay only Twelve, as also when one hath been once in, he may enter it again as often as it is opened, giving a Maidin to the Turks who keep the Door. Before you enter into this Church, you must pass over a large open place that is before it, and Paved with fair broad Freestone, which the Jews dare not tread upon. 
A fair Steeple of St. Sepulchre.  Then you see the Steeple, which is on the left-side corner of the Front of the Church, and looks great; it is square, and on all sides has three stories of Windows, two in front, separated and supported by two Marble-Pillars; and heretofore there were eighteen Bells in it. 
The Door of the Church of St. Sepulchre.  After that, you come to the Door of the Church, which is stately and Magnificent; having over it many Figures in Bass-Relief, representing several sacred Histories. This Door is always shut, and sealed up with the Bassa's Seal, unless when some Pilgrims or Religious Persons are to enter into it, and then the Turks open it, and immediately shut it again. There are three holes in this Door, two whereof are but small, and made on purpose that they who are within may speak through them to those that are without, and the third bigger to let in Victuals to such as stay within; but there is a Bar of Iron cross it, to hinder any from entering in that way, there is another Door close by this, but it is Walled up. Betwixt these two Doors there is a kind of Stone-bench, where the Turks that keep the Door sit. So soon as we were within the Church of St. Sepulchre, we went to the Chapel of the Apparition, 
The Chapel of the Apparition.  so called, because they say our Lord appeared first in that place to the Blessed Virgin his Mother, immediately after his glorious Resurrection. Here the Monks put themselves and the Pilgrims in order of Procession, every Monk had a Wax-Taper given him, and a Book containing proper Prayers for every station. We began our Procession before the Pillar of Flagellation, 
Pillar of Flagellation. Prison of our Lord.  and having there sung the Prayers proper for that station, we went two and two to the Prison of our Lord, where the proper Prayers for that place were sung; then to the Chapel of the parting of his Garments. We next went down to the Chapel of St. Helen, and from thence (without stopping) to the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross; having there sung the Prayers, we came up again to the Chapel of St. Helen, where having made the station, 
Mount Calvary.  we ascended into the Church again, and there went to the Chapel of Exprobration, from thence to Mount Calvary, where having performed our station, we came down again from that holy place, and went to the Stone of the Unction, 
Stone of Unction.  then to the holy Sepulchre, and turned thrice round it; then entered into it, and having there (as in all other places) sung the proper Prayers for the place, we returned to the Chapel of the Apparition, where we made the last station before the holy Sacrament, and there we ended our Procession, by the Litanies of the Blessed Virgin. When that was over, every one had liberty to go and perform his Devotions where he pleased, and view all the works and corners of that Church; of which I shall give a little Description hereafter.  
Next day being Palm-Sunday, the fourteenth of April, every one of us received a Palm Branch, blessed upon the holy Sepulchre, from the hand of the reverend Father Commissary, who afterwards sung a Mass upon an Altar made on purpose before the holy Sepulchre; we had there a Monk, who played upon a little Organ, purposely brought thither, which exceedingly delighted all the Turks, and Oriental Christians, who much wondered, how by the motion of the Fingers, one could make so sweet an Harmony. At the end of Mass, we all received the Communion, from the hands of the reverend Father Commissary, and then went to Dinner in the Convent of St. Saviour.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.  
BEfore I leave these holy Places, I must (according to my promise) say something of them. This Church is very spacious, the Nef or Body of it is round, and receives no Light but from the top of the Dome above, which is much like the Dome of the Rotunda at Rome. This Dome is on the outside covered with Lead, within it is Wainscotted with Cedar Wood, which St. Helen gave for that use when she built that Church, because it rots not. The opening of the Dome is covered with a Wire Lettuce, that hinders Birds from coming into the Church. In the middle of this Nef, and just under the opening of the Dome, is the holy Sepulchre, but before you enter into that so holy place, you must pass over a place raised a Foot high from the Floor of the Church, there being on each side a Seat or Bank of White Marble, about two Foot and a half high, where the Religious that assist at the Celebration of the Mass of the holy Sepulchre (where none but Latins can Celebrate) sit. From thence you pass through the Chapel of the Angel, so called, because in that place the Angel told the three Maries, that our Lord was Risen; it is about fourteen Span long, six in breadth, and about nine Foot high. This Chapel hath not been cut out of the Rock, as that of the holy Sepulchre, but hath been built for Ornament, and joined to the Chapel of the holy Sepulchre. In this Chapel there is a little Altar, and three little Windows, to give light to the place. Before the Door of that Chapel there is a Lamp, and seventeen Lamps within it. In the same Chapel just before, and within a Foot and a half of the Door of the holy Sepulchre, there is a square Stone cut out of the Rock, and raised about a Foot from the Ground, it served for a support to the Stone which shut the Sepulchre, and upon that Stone the Angel sat, when the three Maries came to look for the Body of our Lord. Next to that, you enter into the Chapel of the holy Sepulchre, the Door of which is three Foot high, and two Foot wide; all enter into it barefooted, and it is so little, that it cannot contain but three Men kneeling, and four make a great crowd. On the Right Hand as you enter, is the place where the Body of our Lord was laid, and not within it, as many believe; for in those times the Sepulchers were little Grotts cut in the Rock, wherein there was a Table of the same Rock, on which the Body was laid, and the entry into the Grott was shut with a great stone, which was supported by a little Bench cut on the outside of the Rock. This Table is about two Foot and a half, raised from the Floor, taking up one half of the breadth, and the whole length of the said Chapel; it hath been faced with White Marble, because all the Christians that went thither, strove to have some little bit of it. It serves for an Altar to the Latin Priests who Celebrate Mass, none else being permitted to Celebrate there. This place inspires great Devotion even into the most undevout; as I found by myself. The Chapel is cut out of the Rock, and there are three holes in the Roof of it, through which the smoke of the Lamps that burn there does evaporate, there being no other opening into this place, but the three holes and Door, so that it is very hot being in it. There are four and forty Lamps in it, all sent by the Emperors, and the Kings of France and Spain. This whole place is faced within and without with White Marble, and environed on the outside by ten lovely Pillars of White Marble, and Lamps round about it, It is covered with a Platform, in the middle whereof, just over the holes by which the smoke of the Lamps evaporates, there is a little Dome, about six Foot high covered with Lead, and this little Dome stands upon twelve little Pillars of the colour of Porphyry, placed two and two upon the Platform, and so making six Arches, under every one of which hang three Lamps. When it Rains, the Water falls through the Airy in the Dome of the Church upon this little Dome, and from thence is conveyed by a Conduit-Pipe into a hole. 
A curious Lamp before the Holy Sepulchre.  The Cophtes have built a little Chapel at the back of the Holy Sepulchre, which takes from it somewhat of its beauty. Before the door of the holy Sepulchre, at an equal distance from it and the door of the Choir, there is so vast a Lamp of Silver, that two Men can hardly fathom it about, it is pulled down and up with a Windless. The Arms of Spain are cut on it in eight places, and all round below is this Inscription, Philippus III Rex Hispaniarum me donavit. The Turks have many times had a great mind to take this Lamp, and send it to Mecha. Just before the door of the holy Sepulchre, 
The Choir of the Church of St. Sepulchre  is the Choir of the Church, which belongs to the Greeks, and is encompassed with great Pillars, and shut in with Walls; it is covered with a Dome of Freestone all close, and rough Cast on the outside. This Choir hath three doors, to wit, one over against the entry into the holy Sepulchre, and one on each side towards the High Altar: There are several Lamps in it, and a very neat Candlestick of Copper shaped like a Crown, sent by a Duke of Moscovy for the holy Sepulchre, but seeing there was no room for it there, it was given to the Greeks, who hung it up with Iron chains towards the door of the Choir within; it can hold sixty four Tapers, and a great many Lamps, Under this Candlestick, there is a Marblestone in the Pavement, in which there is a little hole, and the Oriental Christians say it is the Middle of the World, 
The middle of the World in St. Sepulchre  because it is said in Holy Scripture, that God wrought salvation in the midst of the earth, Psal. 74. Before the door of this Choir, there is an Altar, which serves only for a refuge to the Patriarch, when he flies thither, and gets up upon it after he hath lighted his Tapers at the Holy Fire, that he may not be stifled in the crowd. 
The Body of the Church of St. Sepulchre.  The Nef or Body is round (as I said already) and is supported all about by a great many Pillars, that make as it were a low Gallery. Behind these Pillars, all round the Church, the Oriental Christians have made their Lodgings. The same Pillars and Columns bear a second story in form of a Gallery, that ranges round the Church: Upon this Gallery there are several other Pillars, which support the rest of the Church, and make as it were several Windows to this Gallery, over which there are some Mosaical Pictures representing the Prophets, Apostles, St. Helen and Constantine. All that Gallery belonged to the Latin Monks, but the Armenians have so far prevailed, that they have obtained a good part of it, which they have separated by Partitions, so that one cannot now go all round. Below there are many Chapels round the Church, 
The Chapel of the Apparition.  and first that of the Apparition, where the Latin Monks commonly celebrate the Service: It is so called, because it is said to be the place where our Lord appeared to his Holy Mother immediately after his Resurrection; this is a large Chapel, paved with Marble, Jaspir and Porphyry, and always adorned with Tapestry, and furnished with Desks and Pulpits, for performing the Service honourably, where you may often see several fine Copes and Chasubes, with other Ornaments richly embroidered with Pearl, Gold and Silver, and given by the Kings of France and Spain. There are three Altars in this Chapel, two on the sides, and a third in the middle, over which there is a large Window, that gives light to the Chapel. The Altar in the middle is dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mary; the Altar on the left hand, to the Honour of the Holy Cross, which in this place was tried by St. Helen upon a dead Body that was raised by the touch of the Cross of our Lord, the other two having been applied to it without any effect. A piece of the same Cross was kept there for a long time, till the Armenians stole it away. The Altar on the right hand is dedicated to the honour of the Pillar of Flagellation, 
The Chapel of the Pillar of Flagellation.  because behind this Altar a good piece of the Pillar, (to which our Saviour was tied and scourged in the house of Pilate) is kept in a window made in the Wall, and secured by an Iron Grate; it is easily seen, but no body can touch it, and is betwixt two and three foot high. The Lodgings of the Monks are behind the aforesaid Chapel of the Apparition, from whence there is a way up to the Gallery above, wherein there are little Chambers made for Pilgrims; some Monks always lodge and are shut up there for some time, not only for taking care of the Lamps, but also for performing the Office, who at a Month or two months' end are relieved, and others put in their place; it being impossible for any to live long there without falling sick for want of Air. Stepping down three steps from the Chapel of Apparition into the Church, before the door of the said Chapel you find two round Marble-stones set in the Pavement, 
The Stone of Noli me tangere.  one of which marks the place where our Lord was when he appeared to Mary Magdalen, and is called the Stone of Noli me tangere, (Touch me not,) and over it there is a large Silver Lamp kept burning; the other shows the place where Mary was, who would have advanced and embraced our Lord, but our Saviour thrusting her back, said to her, Touch me not, and there are two Silver Lamps over this Stone. Then on the left hand, you find a little Chapel taken out of the Wall, dedicated to the honour of St. Mary Magdalen, 
The Chapel of St. Mary Magdalen.  because that close by that place our Lord appeared to her in the likeness of the Gardener, as I have just now said; but seeing there is no Mystery in that Chapel, it is left without any Lamp, nay without any Cross too: It belongs to the Nestorians or Jacobites, and is railed in. After that, you find a little Court, where the Necessary Places are; 
The Chapel of our Lord's Prison.  then the Chapel of our Lord's Prison, which is a very little and dark place, where (they say) our Saviour was put, while they were digging a hole in Mount Calvary to plant his Cross in; you must go down to it by three steps. The Vault of this Chapel is supported by two Pillars, and it belongs to the Greeks, who keep a burning Lamp there. Near to that Chapel there is an Altar, supported by two Stone-Pillars, and before it there are two holes in the Pavement, where (they say) our Saviour's Feet were put, as in the Stocks: The Oriental Christians pass willingly betwixt the Wall and the Pillars, though the passage be very narrow, because all but Bastards can go through that way, and I have seen big bellied Woman pass through it with much pain, and the danger of destroying their Foetus; there are two Lamps before this Altar. After that, you see another obscure Chapel, 

The Place of the Inscription of the Holy Cross.  
The Chapel of the Parting of the Garments.   wherein (they say) the Inscription on the Cross of our Lord was long kept, and is now at Rome, in the Church of Holy Cross, In Atrio Selleriano: This Chapel belongs to the Abyssins'. Then you come to the Chapel of the Parting of the Garments, behind the middle part of the Choir, which is so called, because it is the place where the Soldiers cast Lots for our Saviour's Garments, and divided them among them: This Chapel belongs to the Armenians. A little farther, there is a Door, by which you enter upon a very large pair of Stairs of thirty Stone-steps, upon which there are four Lamps, and five at the foot of the Stairs, where you find the Chapel of St. Helen; and leaving it to the left hand, after you have descended eleven steps more, cut out in the Rock of Mount Calvary, you come to the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross: 
The Chapel of the Invention of the Cross.  This is but a little place cut out of the Rock, and there it was that the Cross of our Lord, the Nails, Crown of Thorns, Inscription on the Cross, and the Head of the Lance were found: This place was heretofore a Ditch at the foot of Mount Calvary, called by the Prophet Jeremiah, The Valley of the dead bodies, Jer. 31. 
The Valley of the Dead Bodies.  whereinto those who were put to Death, with the Instruments of their Execution, were cast: It belongs to the Latins and Greeks, for there are two Altars in it, of which that of the Crucifix on the left hand (which is the very place where the Cross of our Lord was found) belongs to the Latin Monks, and there are twelve Lamps before it; the other on the right hand belongs to the Greeks, 
The Cleft of the Rock at the Passion. The Chapel of St. Helen.  and at it there are thirteen Lamps. In this place one may easily see the Cleft of the Rock that clove asunder when our Lord yielded up the Ghost. Being come up again the eleven Steps that are cut in the Rock, you see the Chapel of St. Helen, which is spacious; it hath a Dome, supported by four great Pillars of white Marble, which (the Christians of the Country say) weep for the Death of our Lord, because the dampness of the place keeps them always moist: There are two Altars in that Chapel, one of which is very large, and all of Marble, having eighten Lamps before it; the other is to the left hand, and hath eight Lamps before it. In that Chapel also on the right hand, near the great Altar, there is a Marble-Chair, of an Antic Form, and Engraved, wherein that Holy Empress sat, while they searched for the Cross of our Lord below: That Chapel belongs to the Armenians. Having come up again the thirty Steps, you turn to the left, 
The Chapel of Exprobration.  and find the Chapel of Exprobration, shut in with a wooden Lettuce; in this Chapel there is an Altar supported by two Pillars, and under it the said Pillar of Exprobration, about two foot high; it is of greyish Marble, and may be seen through an Iron-Grate that shuts it in: It is called the Pillar of Exprobration, because that after the Soldiers had buffeted our Lord, they made him sit down in Pilat's Hall upon that Pillar, then crowned him with Thorns, and mocked him, saying, Hail King of the Jews: This Chapel belongs to the Abyssins', and has five Lamps in it. Having passed this Chapel, you come to a narrow Staircase, of which the first Steps are of wood, and the rest cut in the Rock, being nineteen in all; where after you have put off your Shoes, you come upon Mount Calvary, upon which there are two Chapels separated by a Pillar that supports the Roof, and so divides them, that one may still go from the one into the other: These two Chapels are adorned with Marble, and the first of them, which is on the left hand as you enter, is the place where the Cross of our Lord was planted; and in the middle of a neat Table of white Marble, in form of an Altar, which is about ten foot long, seven foot broad, and two foot raised from the floor, 
The place where the Cross of our Lord was planted.  is the hole wherein the Cross of our Lord was fixed; this hole is round, a large half foot in diametre, two foot deep, and has a Silver-Plate about it, on which the Mysteries of the Passion are embossed; the Christians thrust their Arms into this hole, and have their Chaplets touched there. On our Saviour's right hand, about five foot distant from him, was the Cross of the Good Thief; and on our Lord's left hand, six foot distant, that of the Wicked Thief: These three Grosses were not in a straight line, but made a kind of triangle, our Lord standing more backward; so that he could easily see the two Thiefs. Where these two Crosses stood, there are at present two little Marble-Pillars, and Crosses upon them. Betwixt the hole where the Cross of our Lord was placed, and the Cross of the Wicked Thief, is the Cleft of the Rock that was rend; it is a foot wide, and covered with a Wire-Lettice: This Chapel belongs to the Greeks, and there are in it eight and and forty Lamps, and two Candlesticks of twelve branches a piece: Near to the Cross of the Good Thief, there is a Door by which the Greeks go into the Choir that belongs to them, and into their Lodgings. The other Chapel is called the Chapel of Crucifixion, 
The Chapel of Crucifixion  because in that place our Lord was laid upon the Cross, and had his Hands and Feet pierced and nailed to it, from whence he was carried to the place where the Cross was set up in the hole about six foot distant: This Chapel is covered all over with Mosaic Work, and upon the Pavement in the middle thereof, there is a place marked with Marble of several colours, and that is the very place where our Lord was Crucified and shed much Blood, when his Feet and Hands were pierced: This Chapel belongs to the Latin Monks, and has two Altars, before which are sixteen Lamps, and a Candlestick of twelve branches. Near to that, there is another Chapel, where (they say) the Blessed Virgin and St. John were, while they Crucified our Lord, and heretofore there was a Door to enter into it, but at present there is no more but a Window with a Grate, and the entry into it is without the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Going down the way you come up, 

The Chapel of our Lady of Pity.  
The Tombs of Godfrey of Boulloin, and his Brother Baldowin.  
The Epitaph of Godfrey of Boulloin.  
The Epitaph of Baldowin.   you come to the Chapel of our Lady of Pity, which is under Mount Calvary, where are the Tombs of Godfrey of Boulloin and his Brother Baldowin, Kings of Jerusalem; that of Godfrey of Boulloin is on the right hand as you enter the Chapel, it is made with a ridged Roof, supported by four Stone-Pillars, bearing this Epitaph Engraved on the Marble in Gothick Characters, Hic jacet inclytus Dux Godefridus, qui totam istam terram acquisivit cultui Christiano, cujus anima regnet cum Christo, Amen. And Baldowin's Tomb is on the left hand, but all of white Marble, supported also by four little Stone-Pillars, with this Epitaph, Rex Baldewinus Judas alter Machabaeus, spes Patriae, vigour Ecclesiae, virtus utriusque, quem formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant Cedar & Aegyptus, Dan ac homicida, Damascus, proh dolour! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo. At the bottom of the same Chapel on the right hand, 
The Tomb of Melchisedeck.  there is a great Tomb of curious Porphyrian-Marble, about three foot high, which (they say) is the Monument of the High Priest Melchisedeck. Behind the Altar of this Chapel, you may see the Cleft of the Rock underneath the place where the Cross of our Lord stood, and (they say) that Adam's Skull was found in that place, from whence Mount Calvary took the Name of Golgotha, that is to say, a Dead Man's Skull, which we explain by the word Calvary: There is always a burning Lamp in that Chapel, entertained by the Georgians, to whom it belongs: They say that this Chapel is the place where the Blessed Virgin took our Lord in her arms, when he was let down from the Cross; and it is therefore called the Chapel of our Lady of Pity. As you go out of that Chapel, you see on the left hand, before the Church-Door along the Wall, four fair Sepulchers of white Marble, where the Children of Baldowin are interred, 
The Tombs of the Children of Baldowin.  on one of which is this Epitaph upon well cut Marble, Septimus in tumulo puer isto Rex tumulatus est Baldewinus, regum de sanguine natus, quem tulit e mundo sors primae conditionis, & paradisiacae loca possideat regionis; but one hath much a do to read the latter part of it, because it pleased the Greeks heretofore to spoil these Tombs, that they might abolish the memory of the Western Kings, but at present they are not suffered to do it. Near to that, is the Stone of Unction, 
The Stone of Unction.  upon which Joseph of Aramathea anointed the Body of our Lord, after it was taken down from the Cross; it is almost seven foot long, and two foot broad, and is now covered over with greyish Marble, because the Pilgrims broke always bits off of it; it is adorned all round with a checkered border of little white and red Marble-Stones; and that no body should tread upon it (for it is but about a foot above ground) it is enclosed within an Iron-Grate, the ends of which are leaded into the Pavement of the Church; and there are two Copper-Candlesticks, one at each end, leaded in in the same manner, in which the Latin Monks keep two Wax-Tapers burning: There are always eight Lamps burning over that Stone, which are entertained by all the eight Nations that are in the Holy Sepulchre, to wit, the Latins, Greeks, Abyssines, Cophtes, Armenians, Nestorians and Jacobites; but the Stone belongs to the Latins. After that, continuing to go round the Church, you come to a pair of Stairs, before which there is a round white Marblestone even with the Pavement, and set in it; they say that the Blessed Virgin was in that very place, when the Body of our Lord was anointed. When you have ascended that Staircase of seven and thirty Steps, you enter into the Church of the Armenians, wherein you find nine and fifty Lamps, and two Candlesticks of sixteen branches a piece; and in the Choir there are seventy Lamps, and two Candlesticks, of six branches a piece: At the side of the Choir, there is also a Chapel, and three and forty Lamps, with a Candlestick of eight branches within it. Being come down from thence, you find the Chapel of the Abyssines; then that of the Syrians or Jacobites, which hath its entry at the back of the Holy Sepulchre, wherein are one and thirty Lamps, and at the end of it there is a Grott, in which are the two Sepulchers of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, cut in the depth of the Rock, 
The Sepulchers of Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arimathea.  with a Lamp before each of them: This good Man, Joseph of Arimathea, having laid our Lord's Body in the Sepulchre which he had prepared for himself, caused another to be made for him, accounting himself unworthy to be laid where the Body of our Saviour had lain. Then you find a Door, by which ascending some steps, you go to the Lodgings of the Greeks, and from thence to the Chapel of the Apparition, and so you have made the whole circumference of the Church. This Church formerly belonged wholly to the Latins, but the other Christians have for Money obtained their shares in it; it is pleasant to see this Church on High Festival Days, for than it shines with an infinite number of Lamps, some red, some green, because of the water within them, to which they give what colour they please, and that especially when the Greeks and other Christians who follow the old Calendar, have Easter on the same day with us, as it happened this year: But there is a great deal of trouble with it also, for there are near four thousand Christians, who come from all Parts, and all for a Maidin a piece get into St. Sepulchers; so that then one can hardly perform his devotions well, not only because of the noise, but also because there is always a great crowd of people at the Holy Places; for though every Nation have their own distinct, yet all have liberty to pay their devotions at what place they please. There you'll see some, both Men and Women, roll upon the ground at the Holy Places, without any respect to modesty: Others bring with them whole Pieces of Cloth, which they measure upon the Holy Sepulchre and Stone of Unction, and cut them in pieces according to the length of these Sanctuaries, which serve them for Shrouds to be buried in, and all this in pure devotion. And if for more convenience you take the nighttime to perform your devotions in, or the dawning of the morning, you must step over a great many people, Men, Women and Children, lying and tumbling confusedly in the Church; besides, all these People have their Children with them, who do their needs in the Church just where they are; for though there be a Court with Necessary-houses, yet that signifies but little for so many, insomuch that all these things together do much incommode and distract you. 
The way of Ringing to the Office in St. Sepulchers.  When these Christians would Ring to Office, they have pieces of Wood about a fathom long, somewhat crooked, a hand broad, and two fingers thick, which they hang by a Rope in the middle; upon this Board they knock with two pieces of Iron, which gives a sound something like to that of our Bells, and makes an horrid din, especially when several ring at the same time: Others again have a kind of Drums and other Instruments, all which together make mad Music.   

CHAP. XL. Of the Burying-places of the Kings, and of the Grott of Jeremiah.  
ON Palm-Sunday after Dinner, we went out of the City by the Gate of Damascus, to go see the Burying-Places of the ancient Kings of Jerusalem, which is a rare thing. You enter first into a great Court cut out and made even in the Rock, which serves for Walls to it, and on the left hand there is a Gallery cut also out of the Rock, with several Pillars, all very much beautified with many Figures engraved upon the stone; at one end of this Gallery there is a little open place, by which you must creep upon your belly into a large square Room, cut also out of the Rock, in which there are other Rooms, and several fair Tombs cut in the Rock. This is a very stately and magnificent Place, and many think that the Doors (which are very thick, and of the same stone) have been cut with their Hinges and Pivots in the same place where they are, and by much labour divided from the rest of the Rock; but that is not so, as may be easily known, if one will but take the pains to scrape a little below, and put aside the dust; for then he'll see the joining of the stones that have been put there; after that, the Doors have been placed with their Pivots in the holes. Being come out of this fair Palace of the Dead, we went to the Cave where the Prophet Jeremiah composed his Lamentations, which is near to that place of the Sepulchers. It is a large very light Grott made in the Rock, having a Pillar in the middle that supports the Roof of it.   

CHAP. XLI. Of the River of Jordan, of the Dead-Sea, and of the Mount of the Forty Days Fast.  
MOnday the fifteenth of April, which to the Greeks and Latins was Holy Monday, we prepared to go to the River of Jordan; and therefore the Monks having made necessary Provisions for the Journey, we took Horse at the Door of the Church of the Sepulchre of the Blessed Virgin, from whence we parted at eight a clock in the morning to go to that River, whither the Christians go not, but on the Greeks Holy Monday, because then the Bassa gives a Guard of four or five hundred Men, for fear of the Arabs, and unless there be a great many Christians, they cannot raise a sufficient sum of money to defray the Charges of it; for the Greeks and other Christians that are Subjects to the Grand Signior, pay upon account of this Journey, three Piastres and a half the head, and the Franks five Piastres.  
Now the year I went thither, the Easter of the Greeks fell on the same day with that of the Latins,; and the Greeks, Armenians, and other Christian Subjects of the Grand Signior's, made in all above four thousand. The Bassa sent with us a Convoy of three hundred Horse, and two hundred Foot, under the Command of the Musellem. About nine of the clock, we came to the Fountain of the Apostles, and a little after, to Bethany: 
The fountain of the Apostles. Bethany.  Our way lay all along among Mountains, and the Road was very stony from Jerusalem to the Plain of Jericho, where we arrived and encamped about two in the afternoon. We took no care to carry with us Tents, Victuals, nor any other Necessaries in all that Journey; for the Monks made it their business to provide us with Horses, Victuals and Tents, and to show us all, without paying any thing but for our Horses.  
The Town of Jericho is about a quarter of a league from thence, 
Jericho.  which formerly was a famous City, but at present consists only of thirty or forty Brick-Houses, inhabited by Arabs. These Houses were all forsaken when we went that way, because the Arabs had fled for fear of the Turks that went with us. Near to these Habitations, we saw the House of Zacheus, 
The House of Zacheus.  about a quarter of a league from the Camp, as I said already, and then we returned to the Camp. In the Plain of Jericho, 
Roses of Jericho.  there are Roses of Jericho (as they call them) but they have not the virtues as many ascribe to them, for they blow not unless they be put into water, and then they blow in all seasons, and at any hour, contrary to the Opinion of those who say, That they blow not but in Christmas Night; and others, on all the Festival Days of our Lady; with a great many such idle tales. I found of them also in the Deserts of Mount Sinai. Next day, Tuesday the sixteenth of April, we set out about three of the clock in the morning, and traveled on still in the Plain, till about half an hour after five we came to the River of Jordan, which is something deep, 
The River of Jordan.  and perhaps half as broad as the Scine at Paris; it is very rapid, and the water of it thick, because it passes through fat Land, but they say it corrupts not, 
The course of Jordan.  and I filled a Bottle of it to try the experiment, but the Corsairs whom I met with, threw it into the Sea: this River has its source from two Springs towards Mount Libanus, called Jor, and Dan, which joined together, make Jordan: It runs from East to South, passes through the Sea of Tiberius, and loses itself in that nasty and stinking Lake, Asphaltites, called the Dead-Sea: 
Lake Asphaltites.  It is very full of Fish, and on both sides beset with little thick and pleasant Woods, among which, thousands of Nightingales warbling all together, make a most pleasant delightful and charming Consort. 
Devotions at Jordan.  Here our Monks quickly erected an Altar, upon which, they said two Masses, at the first of which, I received the Sacrament, but it was very incommodious, for it behoved one (besides he that Celebrates, to hold the Chalice, Veil, etc. Lest the Wind which blew high might overturn and carry them away, and another to hid the Tapers, lest they should be blown out. During that time, all the Greeks, Cophtes, Armenians, etc. Performed their Devotions also; most part go into the Water starknaked, (especially the Men) and the Women in their Smocks; they had of the Water of Jordan poured upon their Heads, in memory of our Lord's Baptism, and washed their Linen in it, carrying away Jars and Bottles full of Water, with Mud and Earth, which they took up by the River side, not forgetting Sticks, which they cut in the adjoining Woods, and all to be kept as Relics. This River is rendered Illustrious by many Miracles, as having stopped its course to let the Children of Israel pass over. The Prophet Elisha passed it over dryshod, upon his Master's Cloak, etc. I was very desirous we might have gone afterwards to the Dead-Sea, but the Turks would not; and therefore I shall here relate what I have learned of it from those that have been there. 
The Dead-Sea.  It was in this Sea that the five Cities of the Plain, Sodom and Gomorrah, etc. Were swallowed up. The water of it is very clear, but extremely Salt; and in some places of it they find Salt as resplendent as Cristial. It bears up all who wash in it, though they move neither Hand nor Foot, as many have found by Experience: But I do not at all believe what some say, that it bears up only Live things, and lets things Inanimate sink to the Bottom; nay, that if a lighted Candle be plunged into it, it will float above, But if put out, it will sink to the bottom. There is no sort of Fish in this Sea, by reason of the extraordinary saltness of it: which burns like Fire, when one tastes of it; and when the Fish of the Water Jordan come down so low, they return back again against the Stream, and such as are carried into it by the Current of the Water, 
The extent of the Dead-Sea.  immediately Diego This Sea is an hundred miles in length, and twenty five over: The Land within three Leagues round it is not Cultivated but is white and mingled with Salt and Ashes: They say that there are Appletrees upon the sides of this Sea, which bear very lovely Fruit, but within are all full of Ashes. In short, we must think that there is a heavy Curse of God upon that place, seeing it was heretofore so pleasant a Country. There are many Camels load of Bitumen daily got out of this Lake.  

Return from Jordan.  Having no liberty then to go see that Sea, we parted from the River of Jordan about seven a clock in the Morning and returned back the same way as we came; about nine a clock the Musellem, who (as I said) commanded the Convoy, halted in the middle of the Plain of Jericho, and went into a Tent, (which was purposely pitched for him, than he caused all the Latin Monks to pass by before him, 
The Musellem numbers the Pilgrims.  who were numbered; Then we (who were secular Pilgrims) passed by also, and the Musellem ordered us to be set down eight, though we were but six, and though the Trucheman said that there was but six of us, and offered to make us pass by him again, yet nothing would be abated, which was an Avanie of twenty Piastres for the Monks, 
An avanie for the Pilgrims Franks.  for every Secular Frank pays ten Piastres, but they pay it in the City because the Convent answers for them. after we had been thus mustered, we went and Encamped in the same place where we did the day before; and having taken some refreshment, we went to the Mount of the Quarantine, 
The Mount of forty days Fasting.  are forty days Fast, not far from thence, while the Musellem mustered the rest of the Christians, who paid down in ready Money four Bokels and twenty Maidins a Head, though the years before they paid no more but three Bokels.  
We parted from the Camp about ten a Clock in the Morning, than went to the Mount of Fasting, a League distant from the Town of Jericho; it is so called because our Lord (when he came out of Jordan) spent forty days and forty Nights there without Eating or Drinking: It is not so hard to go up, as some have been pleased to say, unless it be in some places, which are very dangerous, for one must climb with Hands and Feet to the Rock, that is smooth like Marble, and when we went up it Reigned, which rendered it more slippery, but we assisted one another. 
The Grott where our Lord Fasted.  We came to the place where our Lord fasted forty days; which is a Grott, wherein there is an Altar, on which one of our Monks said Mass; the Greeks heretofore held this Place, and there are still some Greek Pictures there. Some of our company went up to the top of all the Hill, 
The place of the Mountain where our Lord was tempted by the Devil.  to the place whether the Devil carried our Lord, and Tempting him, shown him all the Kingdoms of the Earth, saying, All these will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and Worship me. But I was so spent and weary, that I would not go up. There are dangerous places in it, where the way is not two foot broad, and there is a great Precipice on the side of it. There are some ruins still of an ancient Monastery that was heretofore on the very top of the Mount. After we had seen that Mountain, we came down again, and upon our return, 
The prophet Elisha's Well.  saw the Well of the Prophet Elisha, the Water whereof was formerly bitter, but that Prophet sweetened it by casting Salt into the Fountain; so that at present the Water is excellently good. It is a quarter of an hours going from the foot of the Hill towards the Camp, where we arrived at two of the Clock in the afternoon. When we were come, some Greeks (to the number of ninety seven) after they had been mustered before the Musellem and paid their four Bokels and twenty Maidins a piece, would needs go see the Mountain also; 
The inconvenience of seeing the Holy places.  but seeing they have not the permission as the Franks have, to go thither, upon their return the Musellem ordered them to be bound with Cords, and demanded of them three Bokels and a half a piece, but the Procurator of the Religious Franks compounded the business for somewhat less.  
We parted from thence next day Wednesday the seventeenth of April about four a Clock in the morning, and all the way in Rain, and came about eleven of the Clock to Jerusalem. The truth is there is a great deal of reason in what is said, that those who would visit the Holy Places, aught to arm themselves with Patience; for in all these places they suffer injuries of all kinds from the Turks, besides a great deal of Fatigue, for they must visit all the Holy places about Jerusalem on Foot, and to the more remote, they ride on Beasts, which are commonly very bad; and they who bear with all purely for God's sake, may merit much, but though there were no merit in the case, yet they must take Patience per force; For he that would huff and play the Bravo, would pay and suffer dearly for it.   

CHAP. XLII. Of our second entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.  
THE same day we returned from Jordan, which was Holy Wednesday the seventeenth of April, after we had dined in the Convent of St. Saviour, we entered a second time into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but the Greeks entered not till the nineteenth of April, (which was Holy Friday) in the Afternoon, so that we had two days quietly to perform our Devotions in. On Holy Thursday the eighteenth of April in the Morning, we received the Blessed Sacrament from the hands of the reverend Father Commissary, and in the Afternoon went in Procession to the holy Sepulchre, at the door whereof, the reverend Father Commissary washed the Feet of twelve Monks and Pilgrims, of the number of whom, we were; for when there is a sufficient number of Pilgrims, they take no Monks, but when they are fewer than twelve, the number is made up with Monks; as also when there are more than twelve Pilgrims, they cast Lots who shall be admitted, (as it happened the year before I was there) when there was one and twenty, of whom, nine were excluded by Lot; we sat down then all twelve upon the two seats of Marble that are near to the Chapel of the Angel, 
Washing of Feet.  and the Reverend Father Commissary washed all our Feet and kissed them, giving to every one of us afterwards a Cross full of Relics. All the Oriental Christians who were in the Church, (for some went in with us) crowded much to see that Ceremony, most part weeping and crying aloud when they saw the good old man on his knees washing our Feet. On holy Friday the ninteenth of April, when the evening Office was over, we went in Procession through all the Sanctuaries of the great Church, where all the mysteries of the Passion were represented to the Life; 
The Procession of Holy Friday.  in this Procession there were two Monks who carried the one a Box of Aromaticks, and the other a Bottle of odoriferous Oil; every one of the Monks had a lighted Wax-Taper, and the R. F. Commissary carried a Crucifix; we (who were Pilgrims) marched two and two, every one with his burning Taper, and the Father of the Pilgrims after us, to tell us what the places were, and the Prayers that were to be said there; and certainly the Janissaries who were with us, did us a great kindness in making way for us, laying about them with Sticks, for they took great care that the Pilgrims should not be squeezed in the terrible crowd of Christians that were there to see our Procession, and who pressed one another almost to Death; and indeed, the Latin Monks perform all their Ceremonies with great Order and Devotion; such as was admired and reverenced, not only by all the Christians, but also by several Turks who were present, 
The Ceremonies of the Franks.  whereas the other Christians perform theirs without any Order, but with great noise, insomuch, that the Janissaries who make way for them, beat them themselves with their Sticks, having no veneration for their Ceremonies, as they have for ours. We stopped first at the Chapel of the Pillar of Flagellation, where having sung the Prayers that are for that place in Books which were given us, an Italian preached upon that Subject; then we went to the Prison of our Lord; where having sung the Prayers for that place, a French man made a very good Sermon. From thence we went to the Chapel of the parting of the Garments, where after Prayers there was an Italian Sermon; then to the Chapel of Exprobration, where after Prayers, we had a French Sermon: being gone up to Calvary, we came to the place where our Saviour was nailed to the Cross, and there having sung the proper Prayers for that place, there was a Sermon in high Dutch. From thence we went to the place where the Cross was planted, and having put the Crucifix into the same hole where the holy Cross stood, on which our Saviour was Crucified, and then Sung the Prayers of the place; there was a Sermon made in Greek, which wrought much upon the Greeks, who were very attentive, and shed many Tears; then the Crucifix was taken off of the Cross, and wrapped in a Linen-cloth: Afterwards being come down again, we went to the Stone of Unction, on which the Crucifix in the sheet was laid, and after Prayers was said, there was a Latin Sermon; after which the R.F. Commissary anointed the Crucifix with the Oil and aromatic Spices, than wrapped it up in a Sheet, and from thence we proceeded towards the holy Sepulchre; but hardly were we risen up from about the stone of Unction, when all the other Christians (who followed the Procession) cast themselves in crowds upon the said Stone, rubbing Linen-Cloaths upon it, that they might dry up what of the Oil and Aromaticks had fallen upon the Stone, as a great Relic, all kissing it with great Devotion. Being come to the holy Sepulchre, the Crucifix was laid upon it, and then having Sung the proper Prayers for the place, we had an excellent Sermon in Spanish. Saturday the twentieth of April, the Reverend Father Commissary performed the Office before the holy Sepulchre, and made use of the ornaments given by Lovis the thirteenth, late King of France, which are all most richly Embroadered, and a complete Service of them. There was a great crowd of Christians and Turks to see and hear the little Organ that a Monk played upon which they much admired.   

CHAP. XLIII. Of the Holy Fire of the Greeks and other Schismatical Christians.  

The holy Fire of the Greeks, Armenians, Cophtes, etc.  WHen our Office was ended, we made ready to have the pleasure of the Holy Fire of the Greeks, Armenians and Cophtes, which the Priests make the People believe comes down from Heaven into the Holy Sepulchre on Holy-Saturday, and for that make every one of their Pilgrims pay so much Money, who are always very numerous. This Solemnity looks more like a Comedy or Farce, than a Ceremony of the Church, and would be more proper for a Stage than for such a Sacred place as the holy Sepulchre is; and indeed, the Turks take up their places betimes, and come in great numbers to have the pleasure of it. We took our places in our Galleries. After we had concluded our Service then, (which was about eight a clock in the morning) they put out all their Lamps, and the Lamps of the holy Sepulchre, and then began their folly, running about the holy Sepulchre like mad men, howling, roaring, and making a horrid noise, without any respect to the place where they were: Every time they passed before the Holy Sepulchre, they cried Eleeson, and it was pleasant to see them run one after another, kicking one another on the Breech, and with Ropes-ends laying one another over the Shoulders: Several of them joined together in a body, and carrying men upon their Arms, as they passed by the holy Sepulchre let them fall, and then burst out in Laughter, while they who had fallen, run after the others to be revenged of them: In short, one would have taken them all for down right mad People; and it was not only little Boys, but men both old and young that did so. From time to time they lifted their Eyes up to Heaven, and stretched out their hands full of Wax-Tapers, crying all together Eleeson, as if they were weary of expecting the holy Fire, and would obtain it from God by force. This continued till about three a Clock in the Afternoon, when two Greek Arch-Bishops and two Bishops being clothed in Patriarchal Robes, (for the Patriarch was not at that time in Jerusalem) came out of their Choir with all their Clergy, and began the Procession about the holy Sepulchre; the Armenians came also and followed that Procession, there being four Armenians with Mitres after the Latin fashion; then came a Cophtish Bishop with his Clergy and People, going all distinctly, but yet following close after one another. After they had continued their Procession three times round the holy Sepulchre, a Greek Priest came out of the Chapel of the Angel and told him who supplied the place of the Patriarch, that the holy Fire was come down from Heaven, than he went into the holy Sepulchre, having in each hand a bunch of Wax-Candles; he was followed in by him that represented the Armenian Patriarch. and the Cophtish Bishop, the door of the Chapel of the Angel, being in the mean time guarded by Janissaries. When they had been a little while there, we saw the Greek Archbishop coming out in a very pleasant posture, he marched with his head down, having in each Fist a bunch of Wax-Candles all lighted; no sooner did he appear, but they all fell a striving who should first light his Candle at the Arch-Bishops, it being the best Fire that is soon lighted; in the mean time the Janissaries hands were not in their Pockets, they hurled the Greeks Caps and Calpecs from one end of the Church to the other, and laid about them on all hands with their Cudgels, to make way for the poor Archbishop, who was doing on his part the best he could to make his escape too. The Archbishop being freed a little, got quickly upon a stone-Altar, that is before the door of the Choir, over against the entry of the holy Sepulchre, where the People immediately flocked about him; those also who having lighted their Candles, endeavoured to get out of the Crowd, were run down by the rest; in short, there was a horrible confusion, and plenty of Blows bestowed. After that the Greek Archbishop was come out, the Armenian came next, and made his escape towards the Church of the Armenians, as the Cophtish Prelate did towards his own Church; in the mean time the Janissaries kept the door of the holy Sepulchre, and suffered none to enter but such as gave them several Maidins, that they might light their Candles at the Lamps of the holy Sepulchre, where the holy Fire first was: All made so much haste to catch this holy fire, that in a short time their candles were all lighted, so that in a trice there were above two thousand bunches of Candles flaming in the Church; then began all to cry again and play more foolish tricks than before, and immediately a man with a Drum upon his back, fell a running with all speed round the holy Sepulchre, while another at his heels beat upon the Drum with two sticks, and when he was weary, another instantly supplied his place, however by little and little the noise lessened, and we began to look about towards all the parts of the Church both above and below, and there consider men and women, who having by them pieces of Cloth, enough to set up a shop, unfolded them, and at every spans length made Crosses with their lighted Candles in them; this Cloth serves them to be buried in, and for that end they keep it, as if it were a Relic; during this Solemnity, one would certainly think himself in Hell amidst a Legion of Devils let lose, and nevertheless, the most serious cannot forbear Laughing at it: After that is over, they perform their office and then go eat, for they neither eat nor drink that day, before they have had the holy Fire. Now it is impossible to know how they make this holy Fire, for they have a special care that nobody comes near the holy Sepulchre to observe them, but I am apt to believe that a man hid within it strikes Fire with a Steel, and so lights the Lamps. The Turks discovered the Cheat, and would have punished them for it, but the Patriarch represented to them, that he could not pay them so much Money as he did, if they took from him the profit of the holy Fire, and therefore they are suffered to continue the Juggle. Next day the one and twentieth of April, being Easter day, the R. F. Commissary said high Mass upon an Altar, purposely erected before the door of the holy Sepulchre, a Father playing upon the Organ, to which the Turks were very attentive, but in the mean time purfumed us with the Smoke of their Tobacco, and one of them fairly lighted his Pipe at one of the Tapers upon the Altar, during the time that high Mass was saying. At this Mass we all received the Sacrament from the hands of the R. F. Commissary. That day we used Ornaments given by the King of Spain, which are very rich in Embroadery; but seeing it is not a complete Service, they made up what was wanting, out of those that were given by the King of France. The R. F. was very apprehensive that the Greeks might disturb our Service, because they had resolved to perform theirs before ours, but all was very well, and we performed our Service first, though they made as if they would come out of the Choir and begin their Procession at the same time we began our Mass; however they durst not, and perhaps they would have got nothing by it, for we had Janissaries that would have hindered them. They stayed then till our Service was over, and then began theirs. For our parts so soon as Mass was said, we went out of the Church of St. Sepulchre, and dined in the Convent of St. Saviour, where every one of us found two Chaplets and two Crosses, (which had been touched at the Holy places) upon our Plates. The Convent treated both the Pilgrims and Monks with these.   

CHAP. XLIV. Of the places that are to be seen on the way from Jerusalem to Bethlehem.  
MOnday the twenty second of April, we put it to deliberation, whether we should go to Emaus, (as the day seemed to require) but it was not thought fit that we should go because it was in our way as we returned back, so that we might not make the journey twice, we went not, for we had no time to lose; but after Dinner we set out from the Convent at one a Clock, to go to Bethlehem, and going out by the Gate of Bethlehem, and leaving Mount Zion to the left hand, (of which, and of all that is to be seen there, I shall speak hereafter) we went first to a place where a Turpentine-Tree grew, 
The Turpentine-Tree of the Virgin.  under which, (as the People of the Country say) the Blessed Virgin going one day from Bethlehem to Jerusalem, rested herself to avoid the heat of the Sun, and that then the Tree bent downwards to give her the greater shade. Some years since, it was set on Fire by the Arab Shepherds, which the Monks hearing of, ran thither in all haste, and took what remained of it, whereof they still make Chaplets and little Crosses. Leaving that place to the left hand, and keeping on our way, we saw to the right hand out of the Road, the House of Righteous Simeon, 
The house of St. Simeon.  who made the Hymn Nunc Dimittis, etc. After that, we found to the right hand, the Cistern where the three Wise Men found again the Star which had appeared to them in the East, and which they had lost as they entered into Jerusalem. A little beyond that on the right hand, is the House of the Prophet Habbakkuk, 
The House of the Prophet Habbakkuk.  wherein the Angel took him by the Hair of the Head, and carried him to Babylon, to give Daniel Food, when in that City he was put into the Lion's Den, Dan. 14. To the left hand there is a Greek Monastery, 
The place where Elias was Born.  dedicated to the honour of the Prophet Elias, who was Born in that place, and before that Monastery there is a Stone on which the figure of his Body is imprinted, and which (they say) was his Bed, and a Well called Elias Well. A little farther is the place where the Prophet Amos was Born. After that, we found on our right hand the Field of Stone-pease, where the People of the Country say, that the holy Virgin going from Bethlehem to Jerusalem, found a Man sowing Pease, and ask him what it was he sowed, he made answer, Stones; whereupon (by Divine permission) the Pease were changed into Stones, retaining only the figure of Pease, and there are of them to be found at present. Then wide of the way to the right hand, we saw the House of the Patriarch Jacob, next, 
The House of Jacob. The Sepulchre of Rachel.  the Sepulchre of the Beautiful Rachel, made in the Vault of the Rock, which is said to be so hard, that Iron cannot hurt it; it is under a little Dome open on all sides, and supported by four square Pillars. This Sepulchre is enclosed within a little Wall three Foot high, having only a little entry to which one ascends by four steps. It is all still so entire, that it would seem to have been newly made. Heretofore it was a Church, which the Turks have now changed into a Mosque. As we went on our way, we found about twenty paces wide of the Road to the left hand, David's Cistern, made with three Mouths, 
David's Cistern.  whereof mention is made in the 23 Chapter of the second Book of Samuel; a little after, about two in the Afternoon, we arrived at Bethlehem.   

CHAP. XLV. Of Bethlehem.  
Bedlam was anciently a Town of the Tribe of Juda, 
Bethlehem.  whither Joseph came with the Virgin Mary, to be Enrolled, as being of the Tribe of Juda, according to the Edict of Augustus Caesar, the Roman Emperor, who commanded that all should give in their Names and Qualities in their Towns, that he might know how many Souls were under his Government. At present it is a pretty big Village, where the Inhabitants get a Livelihood by making Chaplets, Crosses, etc. There is a fair Convent in it, 
A Convent of Monks.  where Latin Monks live, consisting of a large Court, through which you go into a second, wherein there are three Cisterns, and on the Right Hand of them, a place Vaulted over, the Arch whereof is supported by six Pillars of Garnet: It was in this place that St. Jerome Read and Taught the Holy Scriptures, 
The place of St. Jerome.  but the Turks at present have made a Stable of it. From this second Court, you go through a little Door, only three Foot high, and two Foot wide, into a third little Court, which serves for a Porch to the Church; this was a very large Door; but it is walled up, to hinder the Arabs from entering into the Church with their Horses, the Door also which is of Wood, is very thick, and shuts with a strong Bar behind it, to hold out the Arabs; after that, you enter by another Door into the Church, which is very spacious, and we shall speak of it hereafter. Turning to the Left Hand, you go into a Cloister, by a little very thick Door, and covered all over with Iron on the side of the Cloister, with a great Bolt and strong Bar, for resisting the Arabs: In this Cloister being the Lodgings of the Latin Monks, 
St. Catharines' Church in Bethlehem.  whose Church is Dedicated to the Honour of St. Catharine; having there said our Prayers, and heard Te Deum sung, the R. F. Guardian, gave each of us a white Wax-Taper, like to that which had been given us in the Church of St. Saviour, the day we came to Jerusalem, and we went in Procession to visit the holy places that are in the Convent. We descended eighteen steps, and came to the place where the Birth of our Saviour is represented; for since the Greeks (as we shall hereafter relate) had taken the holy places from our Monks; 
The place of the Representation of the Birth of our Lord.  they have built a Chapel over against the real place where our Lord was Born, and another over against the Manger, being only separated by a Wall that is betwixt them; and the Popes have granted to these two Chapels the same Indulgences, as to the true ones. Next, we went to the Altar of St. Joseph, then to the Sepulchre of the Innocents', so called, 
The Sepulchre of the Innocents'. The Oratory of St. Jerome.  because many Innocent Infants, whom the Mothers had hid with themselves in that Grott, were Murdered and Buried there. Then to the Oratory of St. Jerome, where he Translated the Bible out of Hebrew into Latin, and to his Sepulchre which stands in a Chapel, where there are two Altars: to wit, one over his Tomb, which is on the Right Hand as you enter, and another upon the Tomb of St. Paula, and her Daughter Eustochium, where there is an Epitaph made by St. Jerome, 
The Epitaph of St. Paula.  in these terms; Obiit hic Paula ex Nobilissimis Romanorum Corneliis & Gracchas orta, cum 20. Annos vixisset in coenobiis a se institutis, cui tale Epitaphium posuit Hieronymus: And this other besides, Scipio quem genuit Paulae fudere parents, Gracchorum soboles: Agamemnonis inclyta proles, hoc jacet in tumulo, Paulam dixere priores. Eustochii genitrix, Romani prima Senatus, Pauperiem Christi & Bethleemiti rura secuta. We made a station at the Tomb of St. Jerome, 
St. Jerome's Tomb.  and another at the Tombs of the said Saints. After that we went to the Tomb of St. Eusebius, the Disciple of St. Jerome, singing at these several stations, the proper Prayers for the places. All these stations are in Grotts under Ground, where there is no Light but what they bring along with them. Then we come up again into the Church, where the Procession ended. The Church of St. Catharine, was heretofore a Monastery; they say, that it was in that Church that our Lord Espoused St. Catharine, who came to visit these holy places, and the same Indulgences are there, as in Mount Sinai. There is a very good Cistern in that Church, near the Door on the left hand as you enter: It is a very pretty Church, and was with the whole Convent built by St. Paula. After the Procession, we went to the great Church, lately come into the Possession of the Greeks, which for Money they gave the Turks, they wrested from our Monks. This Church was built by St. Helen, and is a most beautiful and spacious Church; it has a high Roof of Cedar-Wood, extraordinary well wrought, and Leaded over, with many fair Windows, that render it very light. The Nef, or Body, is supported on both sides by two rows of high and great Marble Pillars, all of one entire piece, there being Eleven in each row, so that it maketh five Isles, separated one from another by these four rows of Pillars, on every one of which there is the Picture of a Saint; and over these Pillars all the Wall is painted in lovely Mosaic Work of Green, upon a ground of fine Gold. Heretofore all this Church was lined with beautiful Marble, as may be easily seen by the Cramp-Irons fixed all over in the Wall, which have held the pieces; but the Turks have removed these Ornaments for their Mosques. As you enter that Church, you see on the right hand behind the third and fourth Pillars the Greeks Font, which is very fine. The Choir is still very large, and closed all, round with a Wall; the Armenians have a third part of it, which was given them by the Latins whilst they possessed the Church; and they have separated it from the rest by wooden Rails. As you enter this Choir, you see on each side a kind of Chapel, and almost at the farther end of it stands the high Altar, which with these two Chapels makes a Cross; in that which is on the right hand, there is an Altar, where you see the Stone on which our Lord was Circumcised: In the other Chapel, on the left hand, which belongs to the Armenians, there is an Altar, which they say, is the place where the Kings alighted from their Horses, when they came to adore our Lord. On the right side of the high Altar, there is a pair of Stairs, by which you go up to a Tower on the outside of the Choir, it was formerly the Steeple of the Church, and serves at present for Lodgings for the Greeks. There are also many Pillars in the Choir like to those in the Nef, and which with these of the Nef, make in all fifty Pillars. Near to the high Altar in the Choir, there are two little Marble Staircases, one on each side, having thirteen steps apiece, and being gone down six of them, you find a neat Brazen Door well wrought, and pierced through to let in light from above; passing it you come to the foot of the Stairs, which lead into a little Church, reaching only in length from the one Staircase to the other: Much under the great Altar of the Choir, at this end betwixt the aforesaid two Staircases, there is an Altar, under which is the place where our Saviour was Born; this place is faced with lovely Marble, in the middle whereof there is a Glory of Silver like the Sun, with this Inscription about it, Hic de Virgin Maria, Jesus Christus natus est. About half a Foot from this Glory, there is naturally upon a Marble Stone, 

The figure of the Virgin and of her Son naturally imprinted on Marble.  
The place of the Manger of our Lord.   a figure in red Colour of a Virgin on her Knees, and a little Child lying before her, which is taken for the Blessed Virgin, and her Son Jesus; on whose Heads they have put two little Crowns of Silver-Plate, Nine and twenty Lamps are kept burning before that Chapel. Then you go down by three Marble-steps, into a little Chapel, where was the Wooden Manger into which the Virgin laid our Lord, so soon as She had brought Him into the World; this Manger is now at Rome, in Santa Maria Majora. And in the same place St. Helen caused another of white Marble Tables to be put, on one of which set against the Wall, is the natural Figure of an Old Man with a Monk's Hood, and long Beard, lying on his Back; and they'll have this to be the Figure of St. Jerome, which God was pleased should be marked upon that Stone, because of the great love he had for that place. Ten Lamps are kept burning before that Chapel; two steps from which, and just over against it, is the Altar of Adoration of the Three Kings, where there is a little Stone for a mark of the place, 
The place of the King's Adoration.  on which sat the holy Virgin with Her dear Son in Her Arms, when She saw the three Wise Men come in, who having laid down their Presents upon a little Bench of Stone at the foot of the Altar, on the side of the Epistle, adored Jesus, and then offered him their Presents. The Vault in this place is very low, and supported by three Pillars of Porphyrian Marble; before this Altar, three Lamps burn. At the other end of this place, there was heretofore a Door, by which one came down from St. Catharine's Chapel into this Grott, before the Latin Monks lost it, but at present it is Walled up; and close by that Door there is a hole, into which the Oriental Christians say, the Star sunk after it had guided the Magis into this holy place. This Grott is all faced with Marble, both the Walls and Floor, and the Ceiling or Vault, is adorned with Mosaic Work, blackened by the smoke of the Lamps. It receives no light but by the two Doors that are upon the Stairs, which affords but very little. Now this place is held in very great Veneration, even by the Turks, who come often and say their prayers there: 
The Church of Bethlehem serves for a lodging to the Turks that pass that way.  But it is a very incommodious and unseemly thing, that all the Turks who pass through Bethlehem, should Lodge in the great Church, with their whole Families, there being no convenient Lodging in Bethlehem, which is a great Eyesore to the Christians, who see their Church made an Inn for the Infidels: But it is above all, troublesome to our Latin Monks, whom they oblige to furnish them with all things necessary, both for Diet and Lodging.   

CHAP. XLVI. Of the Way of making what Marks Men please upon their Arms.  
WE spent all Tuesday, the Nine and twentieth of April, 
The Pilgrims of Jerusalem marked in the Arm.  in getting Marks put upon our Arms, as commonly all Pilgrims do; the Christians of Bethlehem (who are of the Latin Church) do that. They have several Wooden Moulds, of which you may choose that which pleases you best, than they fill it with Coal-dust, and apply it to your Arm, so that they leave upon the same, the Mark of what is cut in the Mould; after that, with the left hand they take hold of your Arm and stretch the skin of it, and in the right hand they have a little Cane with two Needles fastened in it, which from time to time they dip into Ink, mingled with Ox's Gall, and prick your Arm all along the lines that are marked by the Wooden Mould: This without doubt is painful, and commonly causes a slight Fever, which is soon over; the Arm in the mean time for two or three days, continues swelled three times as big as it ordinarily is. After they have pricked all along the said lines, they wash the Arm, and observe if there be any thing wanting, than they begin again, and sometimes do it three times over. When they have done, they wrap up your Arm very straight, and there grows a Crust upon it, which falling off three or four days after, the Marks remain Blue, and never wear out, because the Blood mingling with that Tincture of Ink and Ox's Gall, retains the mark under the Skin.   

CHAP. XLVII. Of what is to be seen about Bethlehem, and of the Grott of the Virgin in Bethlehem.  
WEdnesday the Four and twentieth of April, we parted from Bethlehem, at five a Clock in the Morning, and went to see the holy places that are about it. In the first place, we saw on a little Hill on our right hand Boticella, 
Boticella.  which is a Town wherein none but Greeks live; and the Turks cannot live there, for they say, that if a Turk offer to live in it, he dies within eight days. Then a League from Bethlehem, we saw the Church of St. George, where there is a great Iron-ring fastened to a Chain, through which the People of the Country, 
A Ring that eures the Sick.  both Moors and Christians pass, when they are troubled with any Infirmity; and (as they say) are immediately cured of it. We went not thither, because the day before, the Greeks having been there, met with some Turks, who made every one of them pay some Maidins, though it was not the custom to pay any thing; and our Trucheman would by no means have us go thither, that we might not accustom them to a new Imposition. We left St. George's on the right hand, and went to see a Fountain, called in holy Scripture Fons Signatus, 
Fons Signatus.  the Sealed Well, which is in a hole under Ground; where being got down with some trouble, and a lighted Candle, we saw on the right hand, three Springs one by another, the Water whereof is by an Aqueduct that gins close by the Fountain Heads, conveyed to Jerusalem. Near to that place there is a pretty Castle, built some fifty or sixty Years since, for taking the Caffares of the Caravans of Hebron, a little farther are the three Fishponds of Solomon; 
The three Fishponds of Solomon.  they are three great Reser-servatories cut in the Rock, the one at the end of the other, the second being a little lower than the first, and the third than the second, and so communicate the Water from one to another when they are full; near to this place his Concubines lived. Continuing our Journey, we saw in a low Valley the Garden of the same Solomon, 
Hortus Conclusus. The Mount Anguedy.  called Hortus Conclusus, because it is on both sides shut in by two high Hills, that serve it for a Wall. Then returning back towards Bethlehem, we passed the Mount Anguedy, where the Cave is in which David cut off the Skirt of Saul's Garment: And about half a League from thence, we saw a Castle upon a high Hill, called Bethulia, which the Franks maintained forty Years, after they had lost the City of Jerusalem; then we came to the Well, where the Virgin desiring to drink, when she fled from the Persecution of Herod; and the People of the Country refusing to draw Water for her, it swollen of itself up to the Wells mouth. Next we went to the place where the Shepherds were, when the Angel brought them the joyful Tidings, saying, I bring you good Tidings, and Glory be to God on High, which with great Devotion we sung there, in an old ruinous Subterranean Church, built by St. Helen in that place. All the Inhabitants thereabouts, are to this day Shepherds, because it is a fertile Country. We returned to Bethlehem about ten a Clock in the Morning, and in the Evening went into the Grott, where (it is said) the holy Virgin hid herself with the Child Jesus, to avoid the Tyranny of Herod, when he put to death the innocent Babes. We carried Candles with us thither, for you can see nothing, unless you have a light with you. This is a round Grott cut in the Rock, and in it there is an Altar, where the Latin Monks sometimes say Mass. They say, that the Virgin having in this place shed some of her Milk, the Stone became white, 
A Stone become white by the Virgins Milk.  (as it is at present) and that by God's permission it obtained this Virtue, That it makes women's Milk return to them; nay the Turks and Arabs give the powder of it in water to their Females which have lost their Milk, and that makes it return again. About sixty paces from thence, is the House where St. Joseph was, when the Angel appeared to him, bidding him flee into Egypt, with the Virgin and the Child Jesus.   

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Mountains of Judea, and of the Convent of Holy-Cross.  
THursday the twenty fifth of April, we parted from Bethlehem about seven a Clock in the Morning, and went to the Mountains of Judea, 
Mountains of Judea. The Town of Sennacherib.  passing by the Town of Sennacherib, so called, because the Army of Sennacherib was cut to pieces there in the Nighttime by an Angel. Then after we had ascended a little, we passed close by Botirella, which we left on our left hand, and came to the Fountain where St. Philip Baptised the Eunuch of Candaie Queen of Aethiopia; the Brook which runs from that Fountain is called in holy Scripture the Brook of Eshcoll, Numb. 13. That is to say, the Brook of Grapes, 
Brook of Eshcoll. Vineyard of Sorec.  because it runs near to the Vineyard of Sorec. Leaving that Fountain to the left hand, we went near to the said Vineyard of Sorec, that is to say, Chosen Vineyard, where the Spies whom Moses sent to view the Land of Promise, 
Battir. The Desert of St. John Baptist.  took a great cluster of Grapes; then we passed by the Village of Battir, and from thence by very bad way came to the Desert of St. John Baptist, where after a pretty long Ascent, we found a very old ruinous Building, which heretofore was a Monastery: under these ruins there is a Cave, where that Saint lived, and there you see the Bed whereon he lay, which is the hard Rock cut in shape of a Bed. 
The Bed of St. John Baptist.  This Grott is on the side of a Hill, at the foot of which, there is a very stony Valley or Precipice, than another Mountain, which intercepts the View, so that it is encompassed round with Hills. There is a Spring of excellent water by the side of this Cave, and near to it we Dined. Being gone from thence, we came to the House of St. Elizabeth where are the ruins of a fair Church that was built by S. Helen; that is the place where the Virgin visited St. Elizabeth, 
The House of St. Elizabeth.  and made the Magnificat. which we Sung there: Then going down about five hundred paces, we found on the right hand the Well of St. John, where St. Elizabeth washed his Clouts when he was an Infant: Keeping on our way, we came to a Village, wherein is the House of St. Zacharias, 
The House of Zacharias.  the Father of St. John Baptist, which was converted into a Church, wherein on the left hand of the Altar that is at the end of it, as you enter, is the Room where St. John was Born, and where his Father at the Birth of that Son (who was blessed from the Womb) recovered his Speech, and made the Benedictus, which we sung there; on the other side of the Altar, (to wit, on the side of the Epistle) there is a little hole, where (it is said) St. Elizabeth kept St. John long hid, to avoid the fury of Herod. The Arabs lodge their cattle many times in this Church. When we came out from thence, 
The Village of St. John. The Convent of Holy Cross  we passed through the Village of St. John, Inhabited by Arabs: All the ways in the Hilly Country of Judea, are very bad. We came next to a Convent of Greeks, called Holy-Cross, built with very strong Walls: we went into the Church, which is fair, very light, and full of the pictures of Saints, after the Mosaical way, and paved also in that manner. 
The place where the Olive-Tree was cut down of which the Coss of our Lord was made.  It is covered with a Dome. There is a great hole under the high Altar, where the Olive-Tree grew, that was cut down to make the Cross of our Lord of. When we had seen all these things, we took our way straight to Jerusalem, where we arrived about four a clock in the Afternoon. We entered by the Castle-Gate, called also the Gate of Bethlehem. This Gate is called the Castle-Gate, because there is a good Castle in that place.   

CHAP. XLIX. Of Bethany, Bethphage, Mount Zion, the Houses of Caiaphas and Annas.  
FRiday the twenty sixth of April, we went out by the Gate of Bethlehem, about seven a Clock in the Morning, and saw first on our right hand at the foot of Mount Zion, 
The Fishponds of Bathshebah. Mount Zion. The Palace of David. Aceldama.  the two Fishponds of Bathshebah, where she bathed herself; and very near over against it, (but about fifty paces higher upon the same Mount Zion) is the Palace of David, from whence he saw, and fell in Love with her; then the Field called in holy Scripture Aceldama, that is to say, The Field of Blood, because it was bought for the thirty pieces of Silver, which Judas got for betraying of our Lord, and afterwards threw them back, being in despair for having sold his Master: They were taken up and laid out in purchasing this Field, which was appointed to be a Buryingplace for Strangers, and the Armenian Strangers are buried there at present. 
The Grott of the Apostles.  Afterwards we saw the Grott where the eight Apostles hid themselves, when our Lord was taken; there are some Pictures of the holy Apostles still to be seen there; then the place where the Strangers Greeks are Interred, 
The pit where the Fire was laid during the Captivity of Babylon.  and the pit where the Jews hide the Fire of the Altar, by orders from the Prophet Jeremy, when they were carried away Slaves to Babylon by Nebuchadnezer King of Babylon; and many years after they were delivered, the high priest Nehemiah causihg search to be made for the Fire in that place, they found nothing but a fat Clay, which being by the said Priest laid upon the Burnt-Offering, it took Fire and was Consumed. Close by this Pit there is a Mosque with a reservatory of Water. We came afterwards to the Pool of Shiloah, 
Pool of Shiloah  whither our Lord sent the Blind man to wash, 
The place where the Prophet Isaiah was Sawn in sunder a live. The Fountain of the Virgin The Mount of Scandal. The place where Judas hanged himself. Bethany The Castle of St. Lazarus. The Sepulchre of Lazarus.  after he had anointed his Eyes with Clay and Spittle, which restored his sight to him. Then we came to the place where the Prophet Isaiah was Sawn a live in two by the middle with a wooden Saw, by command of King Manasses; then the Fountain of the Virgin, so called, because there, (as it is said) she washed our Saviour's Clouts. There are thirty steps to go down to it, and they say that such as are sick of Fevers, by bathing in that water and drinking of it, (it being very good to drink) are presently Cured. From this Well comes the water of the Pool of Shiloah. Not far from thence we saw the Mount of Scandal, so called, because the Concubines of Solomon made him commit Idolatry in that place, by Sacrificing to the Idol Moloch, and the Idol of Chamos. Not far from thence is the place where Judas Iscariot Hanged himself, after he had betrayed our Saviour; then we went to Bethany, where we saw the ruins of the House of Simon the Leper, where Mary Magdalen poured the precious Ointment upon the Feet of our Lord. Advancing sixty Paces further, we saw the place of the Castle of St. Lazarus, nothing remaining but the ruins upon a little Mount, at the foot of which is the Sepulchre that our Saviour raised Lazarus out of, when he had been four days Dead, and the very stone that was rolled against the mouth of it; there are twenty uneasy steps down to it, cut in the Rock, and at the bottom of them are six wooden steps, that lead into a little Chapel, out of which you go into the said Sepulchre that is on the left hand. This Sepulchre is a little square Grott, containing a Table, on which all the Priests of the Nations that Inhabit Jerusalem say Mass, and the Body of Lazarus was laid upon this Table. Not far from thence, is the stone on which our Saviour coming from Jericho, sat down and bewailed the Death of Lazarus, 
The Castle of Mary Magdalen. The House of Martha.  when St. Martha told him, Lord if thou hadst been here, my Brother had not Died. Within a few paces of that stone stood the Castle of Mary Magdalen, called Magdalon; and close by it is the place where the house of Martha stood; after that we came to the place of the Figtree, which our Saviour Cursed, because it bore no Fruit, whereupon it instantly withered. Then we passed through Bethphage, where we saw the place where the Ass was when our Saviour sent for it, to make his entry into Jerusalem on Palm-Sunday riding on the Ass. Next we went to the Grott where St. Peter wept bitterly for his Sin, 
The Grott of St. Peter.  after that the Cock had Crowed; from thence we came to the place where the Jews would have taken the Body of the Virgin from the Apostles, as they were carrying it to the Sepulchre, for which they were immediately punished. Then we went to Mount Zion, about five or six hundred paces distant from the City, 
Mount Zion. The place of the Lords-Supper.  which is the place where our Lord celebrated his Holy Supper with his Apostles, washed their Feet, and instituted the most August Sacrament; the eighth day after his Resurrection, he entered into it when the Doors were shut, and said to his Disciples Pax vobis, Peace be unto you; the Holy Ghost also descended there upon the Virgin and the Apostles, on the day of Pentecost. 
the Sepulchre of David and Solomon.  In this place are the Sepulchers of David and Solomon. About an hundred years since, that Mountain was within the Town, possessed by the Religious of the Order of St. Francis, but after that Sultan Solyman rebuilt the Walls of Jerusalem, 
The place where the Virgin died.  it was excluded, and the Friars dispossessed of it. The Turks have built a Mosque there, into which the Christians are not suffered to enter; close by, we saw the place where the holy Virgin died, at present there being no building there: a little lower is the Churchyard of the Roman Catholics: On the left hand towards the City, is the place where St. John the Evangelist many times said Holy Mass: About an hundred and fifty paces from that Mount, as you go towards the City, there is a Church held by the Armenians, in the same place where the House of Caiaphas stood; we went into it, and saw upon the Altar, 
The Stone that shut the Sepulchre of our Lord.  the Stone which shut the door of our Saviour's Monument, which is near seven foot long, three foot broad, and a foot thick. On the right hand is the Prison, into which our Lord was put, whilst Caiaphas (after he had examined him) consulted with the rest what should be done with him. As you go out of the Church, on the left hand in a low Court, there is an Orange-Tree, which is the place where St. Peter warmed himself, when he three times denied his Master; seven or eight steps from thence is the place of the Pillar where the Cock Crew: After that, we entered the City by the Gate of Zion, and went to see the House of the High Priest Annas. which now is an Armenian Church. 
The House of the High Priest Annas.  In the Court before the Church there is an Olive-Tree, which they affirm for a certain to be the same to which our Lord was Bound, till he received the Sentence of the High Priest. Going from thence, we went to another very fair Church, called St. James, still held by the Armenians, which was built by St. Helen; 
The place where St. James was Beheaded. The House of St. Thomas. The House of St. Mark.  in this Church there is a little Chapel on the left hand as you enter, which is the place where St. James the Minor, first Patriarch of Jerusalem was Beheaded, by command of Herod Agrippa. This Church has no light but by the opening in the Dome above, where there is an Iron-Grate very well wrought: Over against this Church is the House of St. Thomas the Apostle, into which the Turks dare not enter, because (they say) that in times past, such as entered it, died there. Afterwards we entered into the House of St. Mark, where there is a Church held by the Syrians; it is the first that was built by St. Helen in Jerusalem; when Herod cast St. Peter into Prison, the other Apostles with the Disciples were in that House, praying for his deliverance; near to that we saw the Iron-Gate through which the Angel brought St. Peter, 
Iron-Gate.  when he delivered him out of the Prison, from whence St. Peter went to the House of St. Mark, and found the other Apostles there. We then visited in order the House of Zebedee, the Father of St. James the Major, and St. John the Evangelist, 
The House of Zebedee.  which is also the place of their Nativity: at present there is a Church there held by the Greeks. Then we came into the Court or open place of the Church of the holy Sepulchre, and on the right hand (where Mount Calvary is) we entered a little Door, and ascending nine and thirty steps of a winding staircase, we saw two Churches held by the Abyssins'. And then a Chapel near to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with a Dome, and fifteen steps up to it, under which St. Mary the Egyptian did Penance, 
The place where St. Marry the Egyptian did Penance. The Prison of St. Peter.  when she could not get into the Holy Sepulchre. This Chapel is the place where the Holy Virgin and St. John the Evangelist were when the Jews Crucified our Lord. Then we went through a place where we saw the Ruins of a great Pile of Building, where heretofore the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem lived; we went into the Prison where Herod put St. Peter, from whence he was delivered by an Angel, as we have said. After we had seen all these Places, we came back to the Convent about eleven a clock in the Forenoon.   

CHAP. L. Our third Entry into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Of the City of Jerusalem.  
SAturday the seven and twentieth of April, we entered into the Holy Sepulchre, where we stayed till next day, being Sunday the eight and twentieth of April, that the Pilgrims went to Dinner in the Convent; for my part, I stayed still in the holy Sepulchre, 
Knighthood of Jerusalem.  where I was honoured with the Order of a Knight of the holy Sepulchre, with the customary Ceremonies. This Knighthood costs an hundred Crowns, and has many Privileges, but not acknowledged in many places. That which chief made me desire this Knighthood, was, that that they assured me in several places, that the Spaniards did not detain the Knights of Jerusalem Prisoners, though they were French men; and seeing I was afraid I might meet them at Sea, upon my return into Christendom, I thought myself obliged to take shelter under that protection. After I had dined in the Refectory which the Monks have in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, I went to the Convent, and we prepared to leave that Holy City next day.  
I shall say nothing of the Ancient Jerusalem, only give the Reader an account of the present State of it. 
Jerusalem.  The City of Jerusalem is the Capital of Judea: It stands on a dry and mountainous ground that bears nothing; so that for three or four leagues about, the Land is very barren, but good at a farther distance. The Streets of this City are narrow and crooked: 
The Gates of Jerusalem.  It hath six Gates, to wit, the Sheep-Gate, at present called St. Stephen's Gate, the Gate of Ephraim, that of Damascus, that of Jaffa or Bethlehem, that of Zion and the Dung-Gate. It hath also besides these six Gates, the Golden Gate, by which our Lord entered upon the Ass in Triumph, but it is walled up, because the Turks have a Prophecy, That the Christians are to take Jerusalem by that Gate: 
A Prophecy of the Turks.  And every Friday all the other Gates of the City are shut at Noon, and not opened till their Noon-Prayers be over, because they have another Prophecy, That the Christians are to become Masters of them on a Friday, during Noon-Prayer: The same thing they also do in many other Cities.  
Not far from the Golden-Gate, there is on high, on the outside of the City-Wall, towards the Valley of Jehosophat, 
The Valley of Jehosophat. A Pillar on which Mahomet will sit at the Day of Judgement. The transformation of Mahomet.  a little Pillar peeping out of a niche in the Wall, like a Cannon out of a Porthole; and the Turks say, that at the day of Judgement, Mahomet shall sit upon that Pillar, and observe whether our Lord Judge the Christians well or not; if he Judge righteously, Mahomet will give him his Sister in Marriage with a great deal of Money; that then, the same Mahomet shall change himself into a Sheep, and all the Turks shall nestle in his Wool, being all like Flees, and so he shall fly in the Air, shaking himself very hard, and that those who stick fast to him, shall be happy, and such as fall off, be damned. The Walls are fair and strong, much like to the Walls of Avignon, and look as if they were new.   

CHAP. LI. Of Emaus and Jaffa.  
MOnday morning, the nine and twentieth of April, the R. F. Commissary led us to the Church of St. Saviour, where having sung the Benedictus, and some Prayers he gave us his Blessing, and so having taken leave of him and of all the Monks of the Convent, after we had given some Piastres to the Truchemen for their pains, and Money to the Procurator or Steward for our diet (which is given by way of Charity, every one according to his liberality, for they ask nothing,) we parted from the said Convent, extremely well satisfied with the Entertainment we had received from these good Fathers, who certainly are at a loss how to Treat the Pilgrims, for they say, if they treat them well, when they return into their own Country, they give it out, that there is no need of sending any thing to the Monks, because they are too rich; and if they treat them not well, they hinder others from sending them any Charity, saying, that they do not so much as entertain Pilgrims with what is given them. In the mean time they need support, considering the great sums of Money they yearly pay the Turks, without which they would not so willingly be tolerated, though indeed, the League betwixt the Grand Signior and the French King be the real cause of their Toleration. For many years these Monks have held the Holy Sepulchre and other Holy places: They were given to them in the beginning of the year 1304, by Sanche's Queen of Sicily, whose Husband was King of Jerusalem, and since that time they have always retained them with the Approbation of all men.  
We parted from Jerusalem on Monday the nine and twentieth of April, 
Departure from Jerusalem. Emaus.  about seven a clock in the morning, and went to Emaus, two leagues and a half distant from Jerusalem. We went out by the Gate of Bethlehem, and the first thing they made us observe, was about half way, the place where our Lord joined his two Disciples Cleophas and St. Luke: Then on the left hand, we found the Well of water where they drank together; and afterwards, about nine of the clock in the morning we arrived at the Castle of Emaus, which is the place where these two Disciples knew our Lord, in breaking of Bread: It is a place quite ruined, where there are some marks of an old Castle, and a Chapel whereof one half is thrown down; one of our Monks apparelled in an Alb and Stole, read there in the same place where the House of Cleophas stood, the Gospel on that Subject. We dined close by on the side of a Well, where having taken leave of the Monks who had accompanied us so far to see that place, we parted about ten of the clock, taking the way of Ramah to go to Jaffa, and there take water for Acre, that from thence we might go to Nazareth; we had with us the Drogoman of Ramah, who for fourteen Piastres a piece which we had given him, was obliged to furnish us with Horses and Carriages, and to conduct us to Jaffa; this is a rate established long ago, and all that Travellers have to do, is only to look out for a Passage at Jaffa, he being obliged by the same bargain to find us Diet for three days: The Monks pay only twelve Piastres, and there were several of them going to Nazareth with us. There is another way by Land from Jerusalem to Nazareth, which I shall describe hereafter, but because of the excessive Caffares which the Arabs exact upon the Road, few go that way.  
We came to Ramah about four in the afternoon, having had bad way from Jerusalem till eleven a clock in the forenoon, but the way afterwards very good till we arrived there. Ramah is eight leagues from Jerusalem. 
Ramah.  We stayed a day there, because there was a Bark at Jaffa taking in Goods for the French, and was bound for Acre, whither we were going, and therefore we stayed till she should be ready, of which the Merchants having sent us notice, we parted from Ramah on Wednesday the first of May, about six a clock in the morning, and about nine a clock came to Jaffa, four leagues distant from Ramah.  

Jaffa, Joppa.  Jaffa was heretofore called Joppa; it is a Town built upon the top of a Rock, whereof there remains no more at present but some Towers, and the Port of it was at the foot of the said Rock. There it is that the Fables relate how Andromeda was bound to a Rock, 
The place where Andromeda was bound.  and exposed to the Sea-Monster, but delivered by Perseus, who killed that Monster. There it was also where the Prophet Ionas embarked when he fled from the Face of God, who commanded him to go and Preach Repentance to the People of Nineveh. Into the same Port also came the Cedars, which Solomon caused to be cut upon Mount Libanus, for building the Temple of Jerusalem. It was in that Town, where St. Peter living in the House of Simon the Tanner, raised Tabytha, Act. 9 In the same place he saw a Sheet full of all sorts of Animals let down from Heaven, Act. 10. It was in the same place that Mary Magdalen, with her Sister Martha, and Brother Lazarus, were by the Jews put on board of an old shattered Vessel, without Rudder, Sails or Oars.  
Jaffa is at present a place of few Inhabitants, and all that is to be seen of it, is a little Castle with two Towers, one round, and another square, and a great Tower separated from it on one side. There are no other Houses by the Seaside, but five Grotts cut in the Rock, of which the fourth is in a place of retreat for Christians. The Franciscan Friars had made some Rooms there for the convenience of Pilgrims, but they had an Avanie put upon them, saying, That they would have built a Fort to Command the Country, and all was thrown down again. There is a Harbour still in the same place where it was formerly, but there is so little water in it, that none but small Barks can enter the same.   

CHAP. LII. Our Departure from Jaffa. Our Rancounter with a French Corsair. And our Arrival at Acre.  
WE stayed some days at Jaffa, not only because the Bark had not in as yet all her Lading, but also because of the Wether. At length, every thing being in readiness, we went on board a Bark of the French Nation of Acre, Sunday the fifth of May, about seven a clock in the morning, and making all the sail we could, 
Antipatris. Caesarea. Tortosa. castle Pelegrino. Mount Carmel.  we saw in passing, Antipatris, Caesarea, Tortosa, called by the Franks castle Pelegrino. Then we made Mount Carmel, and shortly after Acre, where we made account to be in two hours' time, when we began to make trial of the misfortunes to which all Seafaring Men are obnoxious; till that time I had never met with any bad rancounter at Sea, and since that, I never made any Voyage without such, though God in his great Mercy hath brought me always safely off.  
Being got near then to Mount Carmel, which runs out a great way into the Sea, we saw on the other side of the Point, the top of a Mast, which at first we took to be some Bark at anchor near the shore, but afterwards seeing a Caique full of Men making towards us, our Reys, (who was a Turk,) told us they were Christians, and presently went into his Caique, and put into shore, where were a great many Arabs both on Foot and on Horseback, who called to us, and we were so near land, that we plainly heard them call in Arabic, Taala, Corsa min Malta; Come, it is a Corsair of Malta; calling all Vessels in course such, because they often receive Visits from these Gentlemen: But at this time they said true, and the same Arabs fired Smallshot briskly at them, which for all that, hindered them not from making up to us: When I knew them to be Christians, I persuaded a Greek that remained behind, and stood by the Helm, to steer right towards them, since taking them for Friends, I would not go ashore where we would have been stripped by the Arabs, who left our Reys stark naked as soon as he had landed. We had no Arms, and though we had had, we would not have thought of making any defence against those whom we took to be our Friends; nevertheless seeing their is no boarding, without firing a Volley of small Shot, it was thought fit we should go under Decks, though all standing upon the point of Honour, no body would hid, for fear of being a reckoned Coward. Within a very little after, these Blades came up with us, and though a Capucin of our company called to them at a distance, that we were French, and that being near, they saw nobody upon the Deck, nevertheless when they were broadside and broadside with us, they fired a Petrera, charged with Musket-Bullets, and all their small Shot into our Bark; I shall not name that Knight for his Honour's sake. These Rascals (because of their bad conduct) at that time deserved to have met with about thirty Turks on board of us, who might easily have mastered them, having discharged all their Shot. When they had done this brave act, they made haste up, and we came out to show ourselves; but these young Villains cursing and swearing like Devils, that they might appear more terrible to unarmed men, would not know us, though they themselves were all French men too, and presently fell a stripping of us; for my share I was better served than a Prince, for though I told them I was a French man, I was beset by five Valets de Chambre with a vengeance, of whom some were the Captain's Brothers and Kinsmen, who holding a Pistol to my Breast, and a Sword to my Belly, commanded me presently to strip, then pulling and haling one forwards, another backwards, one at the head, another at the feet, in the twinkling of an eye they left me stark naked: I thought then that all was past, when they began again to make some passes at me, and perceiving that it was for a sorry Ring that I had on my finger, I quickly pulled it off and threw it to them, for I began now partly to understand what these Blades were able to do; nay, when we were carried on board their Ship, one of them espying an inconsiderable plain Gold Ring on my Man's finger, seemed very angry that he had not taken it, and when my Man told him that he himself could not get it off, he made him this free answer, That with all his heart he would have cut off the Finger for the Ring. When at length they had left me naked to my Shirt, I asked them who was their Commander, but to that they made me no answer. In the mean time, after all this din and clutter, (to which I was not at all accustomed,) I began to feel it cold, and one of our Monks in pity covered me with his Mantle, for they had not stripped the Religious, though they seemed to have a great mind to rifle them, to see if they had got any Money, and in that they had not lost their labour, for a Spaniard of our company cunningly slid his money into the sleeve of a Monk, and by that means saved it. But now, (all being taken from me even to my very Cap,) I felt much cold in my head, because I was shaved once a week, as being dressed in the Habit of the Country. I prayed them to give me a Cap, and presently they clapped upon my head one of their Caps, which they had recovered out of the Sea, wherein it was fallen. By that time all the hurly-burly was over, it it was night, and so dark, that our Guards lost sight of their Ship, which had put under sail so soon as they knew that their Men were Masters of our Bark, and stood off to Sea, for fear of danger from the Shore. However the Lieutenant who Commanded the Crew that had taken us, had orders to follow the Ship with the Bark so soon as he was Master of her, and therefore he fired several Squibs from our Barks head, that the Ship might answer, and let him know where she was: I was then extremely afraid they would have set our Bark on fire, being full of Cotten, the Bags heaped one upon another; if that had happened, they would have made their escape in their Boat, and left us to be burnt alive, but God preserved us. Their Ship made answer with a Squib, and coming up with her a quarter of an hour after, we went on board. Presently the Captain sent us to the Poop, intending to make us lie abroad in the cold Air without Supper, and had the Monks into his Cabin, who having told him what I was, he came and called me by my name, and carried me down into his Cabin, where he presently gave me clothes, and made many excuses for the bad usage I had met with, assuring me that I should lose none of my clothes, and withal telling me that he had seen me at Malta. Our Supper was but very mean, for he had no Provisions. In the mean time he gave me his Bed, the next day, the sixth of May, he took a great deal of pains to make us recover our things again, but all in vain; only he got my Capot, a pair of Drawers, and some other Trifles, to be restored unto me, and at that the Rascals murmured too, saying, That if they had killed us, they would not then be obliged to restore any thing. Then the Captain told us, that he must needs set us ashore, because he had not Provisions enough for us; we thereupon prayed him to let us go in our Bark, which was loaded wholly for Frenchmen, but he told me that he was accountable to his Owners for that Bark, so that he resolved to turn us ashore, though I told him, that was the way to put us in danger of being burnt alive, if the Arabs should but fancy us to be Pirates; he ordered his Caique then to be made ready, but seeing it could not carry us all at a time, was resolved she should do it at twice. For my part, I would not go off with the first, judging the worst of every thing. And the truth is, 
Caipha.  this first Voyage succeeded as I had imagined; for being pretty near Land, off of a fair Village called Caipha, at the foot of Mount Carmel, they put out white Colours, but instead of answering them with the same Colour, they fired a Volley of small shot at them, so that they were forced to come back again. The reason why they answered not with a white Flag was, that there was a French Merchant in the Village, who came from Acre to buy Goods, and he being informed by our Reys, that there were French Passengers on board of that Bark, he went to him that Commanded in the Village, telling him that if he put out a white Flag, they would set us ashore, and carry off the Bark and Goods, whereas if he did it not, they would be obliged to let both Bark and Men go, not knowing what to do with us: It happened so, indeed, for the Captain finding himself in great Perplexity, and not knowing what to resolve upon, made us give a Certificate under our Hands, attesting that the Goods belonged to Frenchmen. When we had signed this, he let us go in our Bark, giving us three Greeks, whom he had taken before he met with us. We left him about Noon, and came to Acre about an hour after, being every way in bad Equipage, and much out of Order, not having so much as a Caique to come ashore in. Monsieur de Bricard, the French Consul, sent us one, and did me the favour to offer me both Money and clothes, for I had lost both clothes, Money and all, except a Bill of Exchange for Acre, which by good luck they left me in an old Cloak-bag, having torn and thrown overboard some Papers, wherein I had written my Observations of Jerusalem. All our Relics were broken, mislaid, or thrown into the Sea, and the Gourd that I had filled with the Water of Jordan was emptied, and then filled with Wine; for when I asked them news of it, they shown it me full of the Wine, which they had taken from us. So soon as we came ashore, the Bassa fitted out four French-Merchants Ships, that were in the Harbour, to fall upon that Corseir, for they had seen us taken from thence; and all the French Merchants knew their own Bark, having a Sail striped with Blue. He put an hundred Turks on board every one of these Ships, but the Consul (whom it would have troubled to have seen so many Frenchmen made Slaves) having recommended the matter to the Prayers of the Monks, ordered the Captains of these Ships, to use all means they could not to take him, and prayed me to dishearten the Turks that went on board; which I did the best way I could. For the Turks having asked me before they went, what number of Men they were? I told them they were betwixt three and four hundred, though they were not sixscore; and that they were well Armed, and resolved to defend themselves to the last. In short, the Bassa himself went on board one of the four Ships, and made towards the Corseir, who was lying at Anchor much about the place where he had taken us. He had a design (as we were since informed) thinking them to have been French Merchantmen, to have met them, and got Provisions from them, (for they were all ready to starve) and if the Bassa had had the skill to have put out French Colours, he might have taken them without striking a blow; but the Captains not steering right upon them, and firing purposely at them at a distance, made them know that they were coming to take them, wherefore they quickly cut their Cable, and getting under Sail, stood presently away; and the Bassa being very well satisfied that he had made them leave his Coast, returned to Acre.   

CHAP. LIII. Of Acre.  
ACRE is a Town of Palestine, lying on the Sea; 
Acre. Ptolemais.  it was anciently called Acco, afterwards Ptolemais, long held by the Knights of Malta, and hath been a very large and strong place, as appears by the marks that remain, but at present it is almost wholly Ruined, and the Harbour of it (which is very great) now filled up with Rubbish. This Town depends on the Bassa of Sephet. History mentions, that heretofore there were as many Churches in this Town as there are days in the Year; at present there are only the Ruins of about thirty to be seen; among others there are some stately remains of one, where (as they say) the Knights of Malta heretofore had a Treasure, which they marked with a piece of Marble, and which, not many Years since, they brought away in a Ship that came purposely to Acre, under pretext of buying Goods. The Palace of the Great Master is to be seen there still, but very Ruinous; there is in this Palace a back Gate towards the Sea, by which the Knights abandoned the Town, and went on Shipboard, when they could no longer defend the place. There remain still a fair Staircase, and some Buildings, made there by the Emir Farr Eddin, with several other very lovely Ruins. There is also a square Tower in Acre, which serves for a Castle, with a House close by it that serves for a Seraglio to the Bassa, when he is in that Town, which is not much Inhabited, for there are not fifty Houses in it, and these too rather Huts than Houses: Nevertheless there is a little Han there, where the French Company of Said lodged at that time, but they were so straightened in it, that there were no fewer than four of them in one Room. The cause of the French Companies removing from Said to Acre, was that he who Commands at Said, having done them an Injury, and refusing to make Reparation, Monsieur de Bricard the Consul, resolved to have Justice of him, and having given Orders for all things necessary, he pretended one day to go a Hunting, but being abroad in the Fields with all his Merchants, he made all haste to Acre, where he was kindly Welcomed by the Bassa of Sephet: The other finding this, sent to entreat the Consul to return, promising him all Satisfaction, but the Consul was so far from condescending to it, that he sent Deputies to Constantinople to make his Complaints against this Turk of Said, who seeing that he could not prevail with the French by fair mains, gained an Arab Scheik, who promised to bring the Consul and all the Merchants back by force. But the French being informed of this, stood upon their Guard, so that the Arab finding his design blowed upon, durst not undertake it. In short, this Man of Said being now at his Witsend, threatened to Plunder their Warehouses, which were full of Goods at Said, if they did not return; but that did not at all move them, as knowing he would have a care how he did that, for he would have been forced to restore all back again one day, and if they had thought fit, more than he had taken, by pretending that there was ten times as much in them as indeed there was: But at length, some Months after, the Consul and Nation having received all Satisfaction from Constantinople, returned in Triumph to Said.   

CHAP. LIV. Of Nazareth, and the Places about.  

From Acre to Nazareth.  WE set out from Acre on Wednesday, the eighth of May, about four in the Afternoon, to go to Nazareth, eight Leagues distant from Acre; we took four Turks with us, each armed with a Musket, to defend us from the Arabs if we should meet any, and we ourselves had each of us a Fowling-Piece, and a Case of Pistols, that they had lent us at Acre. We stopped a little to eat, about six a Clock at Night; and then taking Horse again, continued our Journey through places where there was no Road, but Grass up to our Horse's Bellies, 
Nazareth.  and at ten a Clock at Night arrived at Nazareth. Nazareth is an ancient Town, standing upon a little height at the end of a large Plain, called Ezdrelon. 
Ezdrelon.  It is a Town at present almost desolate. We lodged in the Convent, which is commodious and neat enough, being new built; for it is but about forty Years since that place came into the hands of the Monks of the Holy Land, being given them by the Emir Farir Eddin. Thursday, the ninth of May, we went into the Church, where we heard Mass, and said our Prayers; 
The place of the Annunciation.  this Church is on the same place where the Angel Gabriel Annunciated the Mystery of the Incarnation to the Virgin Mary, when she was at Prayers, so that that Grott was her Oratory; you go down to it by seven or eight steps in the Court, and by more in the Convent. There are two lovely Pillars of greyish Stone in it, which were put there by St. Helen, one at the very place (as they say) where the Virgin was when she received that Heavenly Message, and the other at the place where the Angel appeared; from the lower part of that where the Virgin was, there is about two Foot broken off by the Turks, so that the rest hangs (as it were) in the Air, sticking to the Vault to which the Capital of it is fastened. 
The Chamber of the Virgin.  Even with this Grott is the place of the Virgin's Chamber, which was by Angels Transported to Loretto; so that there are two Nefs, one of the Grott, and another of the Chamber, in the space whereof there is another Rebuilt exactly like that of Loretto. It is thirteen paces long, and four broad, the Chamber and Grott together, being also thirteen paces in length. We went out of Nazareth the same day, May the ninth, about three in the Afternoon, to go visit the holy places about it: And in the first place, about three quarters of a League South from Nazareth, we saw a great Hill, called the Precipice, 
The Precipice.  which is the place where the Jews would have thrown our Saviour down headlong, but He rendering himself invisible to them, retreated (as they say) into a little Cell, that looks like a large and deep Nich; this Nich is about the middle of the Precipice, and heretofore the prints of his Body were to be seen in it. In this Nich there is an Altar, on which sometimes they say Mass; and the ruins of a Chapel still to be seen by it. From the top of that Precipice, you may see the Town of Naim, where our Lord raised the Widow's Son from the Dead; it lies at the foot of the Hill called Hermon, 
Hermon.  mentioned in the Psalms. Betwixt the Precipice and Nazareth, there are some ruins of a Nunnery, 
Our Lady of fear.  where there was a Church, dedicated to our Lady of Fear; because they say, the holy Virgin following our Lord, whom the Jews led to precipitate him, and being afraid they might put him to death; as she was going fell down in this place, and her Knee is very well marked in the Rock. The Monks say, that they caused a piece of the Rock to be cut off, that they might have carried away that Impression; but that after they had gone a few steps, they could not carry it away. Then upon a little Mount, about six hundred paces from the Convent, they shown us a great Stone, 
Our Saviour's Table. St. Peter's Well.  called our Lord's Table; because they have it by Tradition, that our Saviour eat many times upon it with his Apostles: Close by it is the Fountain, called St. Peter's Well, because our Lord returning back to the Town with his Apostles, and St. Peter being dry, our Saviour made that Well to spring out, and the Water is very good: After that, we entered into the Town, which is close by, and about five a Clock at Night, came to the Convent.   

CHAP. LV. Of the House of the Cananean, the Mount of Beatitudes, the Mount of the two Fishes and five Loaves. the Sea of Tiberias, of Mount Tabor, and other holy Places.  
NEXT day being Friday, the Tenth of May, we parted from Nazareth, about five a Clock in the Morning, and a little after, found the Fountain where the Blessed Virgin used to draw Water; 
The Tomb of Ionas.  and there are some steps to go down to it. Then on the left hand we saw the Tomb of Ionas, to whom the Turks bear great respect, as they do to all the Prophets: We saw a print of his Foot on the Rock, the same Foot being marked on four places of the Rock, at some paces distance from one another. We came next to the Well where the Water was drawn, which our Lord turned into Wine, at the Marriage of Cana. In the Sacristie of the Church of the Eleven Thousand Virgins at Cologne, I saw one of the Pots wherein our Saviour wrought that Miracle, changing the Water that was in it, into so good Wine, that the Guests who had not seen the Miracle wrought, complained to the Master of the Feast, that he brought forth the good Wine last; seeing it was the custom to give the good Wine first, and the bad last: then we went into the House where our Lord wrought this Miracle. St. Helen built there a Church, with a little Convent where some Monks lived, it is still standing, but the Moors have changed it into a Mosque; however we entered into it. Having seen that place, we Traveled a pretty while in the Plain where the Apostles plucked the Ears of Corn, and rubbed them in their hands on the Sabbath-Day, 
The Sea of Galilee. Bethulia.  then from a little height we discovered the Sea of Galilee, from whence we also saw Bethulia, where Judith killed Holofernes. We saw also from that place, pretty near the said Sea, the top of Mount Libanus, all white with Snow; and about Ten in the morning we came to the Mount of Beatitudes, so called, 
The Mount of Beatitudes.  because it is the place where our Saviour made to his Apostles the Sermon of Beatitudes; we went up to it, and after we had heard the Gospel on that subject read by one of our Monks, we came down again and continued our Journey, 
The place and stone upon which our Lord blessed the two fishes and five loaves. Tiberias.  and half an Hour after, we came to the place where our Lord fed Five thousand men, with two Fishes and five Loaves, and twelve Baskets full of Fragments remained. Having the Gospel read to us, we eat in that place upon a Stone, upon which (they say) he blessed the said Fishes and Loaves; from thence we went to the Town of Tiberias, which is upon the side of the Sea of Tiberias, having been restored by Herod, and named Tiberias from the name of the Emperor Tiberius. We got there about Noon; its Ruins and old Demolished Walls, demonstrate it to have been a very large place. The Walls of it having been ruined, a Jewish Widow afterwards built new ones in form of a Fort, with its Courtines, and Jews lived there, until about fifteen Years ago, that the Tyranny of the Turks made them abandon it. Among the ruins of the Town, and even within the Precincts of it, a great many Palm-Trees grow; within this last Precinct, there is a Castle upon the Seaside, which seems to have been a strong place. A hundred paces from thence, within the said Precinct, we saw a Church, five and twenty paces in length, and fifteen broad, dedicated to St. Peter, which is still entire. They say, that St. Helen caused it to be built in the place where our Lord said to St. Peter, 
Mat. c. 16.  Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church, etc. There we had that Gospel read to us. Others say, it is the place where our Lord eat Fish with his Apostles after his Resurrection, when He appeared unto them upon the side of this Sea. We Dined in that place, and then washed ourselves in the Lake; the Water whereof is fresh, very good to Drink, and full of Fish. It is about twelve or fifteen Miles long, and five or six over. It was heretofore called the Sea of Galilee, 
Lake of Genezareth. Capernaum. Mat. 9 Mat. 8. John 4.  or Lake of Genezareth. From thence on the left hand, upon the side of that Sea, we saw the ruins of the Town of Capernaum, where St. Matthew left the Customhouse, to follow our Lord, and where our Saviour Cured the Centurion's Servant, and the Son of the Nobleman, and raised a Maid from the Dead. About an hundred paces from the Precinct of the Town of Tiberias, close by the Seaside, there is a natural Bath of hot Waters, to which they go down by some steps. The ancient Walls of Tiberias, reached as far as this Bath. We parted from Tiberias about two in the Afternoon, and about seven a Clock at Night, arrived at a Village called Sabbato, near to which we lay abroad in the open Fields, 
Aain Ettudgiar.  for our Monks would by no means have us to Lodge at the usual place, which is at the Castle, called Aain Ettudgiar, that is to say, the Merchants Well, as being afraid of some Avanie. Next day, Saturday the eleventh of May, we left that bad Inn about five a Clock in the Morning, and half an hour after, came to a Castle called Eunegiar, which is square, having a Tower at each Corner; close by it there is a Han, which appears to be pretty enough, 
The place where Joseph was sold.  and is also square: It was at this Castle (as they say) that Joseph was by his Brethren sold to an Ishmaelite Merchant; the Pit or Well, whereunto they had put him first, is still to be seen, but we went not to it, because it was quite out of our Road. This Castle is commanded by a Sousbasha; and there we paid a Piastre of Caffare a piece, of which one half goes to the Sousbasha, and the other to the Arabs. From thence we went towards Mount Tabor, 
Mount Tabor or Gabeltour.  by the Arabs called Gebeltour, and came an hour after to the foot of it, where alighting from our Horses, though one may ride up on Horseback, as some of our Company did, we got up to the top, about nine a Clock: It is easy to be mounted, seeing one may go up on Horseback, but it is also very high, being almost half a League from the bottom to the top. Having taken a little breath, we entered by a low Door into a little Grott, where we found on the left hand a Chapel, built in memory of the place where our Lord was Transfigured, and of what St. Peter said, It is good for us to be here, let us make three Tabernacles, etc. This Chapel is made up of four Arches cross-ways, one of them is the entry of the Chapel, that which is opposite to it, is the place where our Lord was when he was Transfigured; that which is on the right hand of it, but on the left hand of those that enter into the Chapel, is the place where Moses was; because in holy Scripture, Moses is mentioned before Elias. The fourth (which is over against that of Moses) is the place where Elias was; and a Monk read to us there the Gospel of the Transfiguration. Near to this place there is a little Plain, and a Cistern of excellent Water. This Mount is shaped like a Sugar-Loaf, and is covered all over with Trees, for most part hard Oaks. After we had eaten in that place, we came down about ten a Clock in the Morning, and took our way towards the Convent of Nazareth, where we arrived about one of the Clock. In the Evening we went to see the House and Shop of St. Joseph, very near to the Convent; there is an old ruinous building there, which appears to have been a Church, wherein were three Altars, 
The House and Shop of St. Joseph.  built by St. Helen, and a few steps farther, we saw the Synagogue where our Lord taught the Jews, when they had a mind to precipitate him.   

CHAP. LVI. The way by Land from Jerusalem to Nazareth.  
ONE may Travel by Land from Jerusalem to Nazareth, 
The way by Land from Jerusalem to Nazareth.  and besides avoiding the dangers that offer by Sea, see a great many other curious places; but, (as I have already said) the Arabs exact such unreasonable Caffares upon the Road, that few go that way at present; however I shall set it down in this Place.  
Parting from Jerusalem after Dinner, you come to Lodge at Elbir; 
Elbir.  there there is a very curious Village standing upon a height, and Inhabited by a few People. There is also a Church half ruined, which was heretofore a fair Fabric: The Walls that yet stand are of great Flints. They say that this was the place where the blessed Virgin lost her dear Son Jesus, and therefore returned to Jerusalem, where she found him in the Temple Disputing with the Doctors. Next day you Lodge at Naplouse, Travelling all the way over Hills and Dales, 
Naplouse.  which are nevertheless Fruitful, and in many places bear plenty of Olive-Trees. Naplouse is the Town which in holy Scripture is called Sichim, 
Sichem.  near to which Jacob and his Family most frequently Lived; it stands partly on the side, and partly at the foot of a Hill. The Soil about it is fertile, and yields Olives in abundance. The Gardens are full of Orange and Citron-Trees, watered by a River and sundry Brooks. About one hundred paces from the Town towards the East, there is a spring under a Vault, which discharges its water into a reservatory of one entire piece of Marble, ten spans long, five broad, and as much in height: in the front there are some Foliages and Roses cut in Relief upon the Marble. About half a quarter of a League from thence, (upon the Road from Jerusalem) is the Well of the Samaritan, 
The Well of the Samaritane.  as the Christians of the Country say who keep it covered with great Stones, lest the Turks should fill it up. When these Stones are removed, you go down into a Vault by a little hole, opposite to the mouth of the Well; and there another great Stone is to be removed, before you come at the Well, which is sixteen fathom deep, Cemented narrow at the top, and wide at the bottom. Over the aforesaid Vault, there are some ruins of the Buildings of a Village; two little Pillars are to be seen still standing, and many Olive-Trees all round. Near to that is the portion of Land which Jacob gave to his Son Joseph; it is a very pleasant place, and his Sepulchre is in it. 
Mount Gerezim.  Mount Gerezim (mentioned in holy Scripture) is on the right hand as you go to that Well. There is a Chapel at the foot of this Mountain, where the Samaritans heretofore worshipped an Idol. On the South side of the Town there is another Mount, called in Arabic Elmaida, that is to say Table, 
Elmaida.  where (they say) our Lord rested himself being weary upon the Road: There is a Cushion of the same Stone raised upon the Rock still to be seen, and some prints of Hands and Feet; and they say, that in times past, the figure of our Lords whole Body was to be discerned upon it: This is a pleasant place, having a full prospect of the Town. To the West of it there is a Mosque, heretofore a Church, built upon the same ground where the House of Jacob stood; on the other side there is a ruinated Church, 
The House of Jacob.  built in honour of St. John Baptist. In this Town Travellers pay a Caffare. Next day after an hour and an halfs travel, you strike off the high Road to the right, if you would see the Town of Sebaste standing upon a little Hill, 
Sebaste.  about half a League wide of the Road, where you still see great ruins of Walls, and several Pillars both standing and lying upon the Ground, with a fair large Church, some of it still standing upon lovely Marble-Pillars: The high Altar on the East end must have been very fine, by what may be judged from the Dome which covers it, and is still in order, faced with Marble-Pillars, whose Capitals are most Artfully fashioned, and adorned with Mosaic Painting, which was built by St. Helen (as the People of the Country say). This Church at present is divided into two parts, of which the Mahometans hold the one, and the Christians the other. That which belongs to the Mahometans is paved with Marble, 
The Sepulchre of St. John Baptist, Elisha and Abdias.  and has a Chapel under Ground, with three and twenty steps down to it. In this Chapel St. John Baptist was Buried, betwixt the Prophets Elisha and Abdias. The three Tombs are raised four Spans high, and enclosed with Walls, so that they cannot be seen but through three openings a span big, by Lamp-light, (which commonly burns there.) In the same place (as they say) St. John was put in Prison, and Beheaded at the desire of Herodias. Others say, 
Macherus. Samaria.  that it was at Macherus, which is a Town and Fort where King Herod kept Malefactors in Prison. This Town of Sebaste, was also called Samaria, from the name of Simri, to whom the Ground whereon it is built belonged, or from the name of the Hill on which it stands, which is called Chomron. Having passed Sebaste you are out of Samaria, 
Genny.  which terminates there, and pursuing your Journey, you come to lodge at Genny. They say, that in this place our Saviour cured the ten Lepers. There is a Mosque there still, which was formerly a Church of the Christians; the Han where you lodge is great, and serves for a Fort, having close by it a Fountain and a Bazar where Provisions are sold. The Soil is fertile enough, and produces plenty of Palm-Trees and Figtrees, There is a very great Caffare to be paid there. Next day, after about two Hours march, 
Ezdrellon.  you enter into a great Plain, called Ezdrellon, about four Leagues in length, at the west end whereof you see the top of Mount Carmel, where the Prophet Elias lived, of which we shall speak hereafter. At the foot of this Hill are the ruins of the City of Jezreel, founded by Achab, King of Israel, where the Dogs licked the Blood of his Wife Jezebel, 
Jezreel. Brook Gison.  as the Prophet Elias had foretold. In the middle of this Plain is the Brook of Gison, where Jabin King of Canaan and Sisera his Lieutenant were slain by Deborah the Prophetess, and Judge of Israel, and by Barak chief of the Host of God's People. Many Battles have been fought in this Plain, as may be seen in holy Scripture. After you have passed this Plain, and traveled an hour over Hills, you come to Nazareth, of which, and the places that are to be seen about it, I have already said enough. Now I'll set down the way from Nazareth to Damascus.   

CHAP. LVII. The Road from Nazareth to Damascus.  
SUCH as would go to Damascus, may lie at Aain Ettudgiar, which is a Castle about three Leagues from Nazareth, mentioned by me before in the fifty fifth Chapter; and there is a Caffare to be paid there. The next day you lie at Menia, 
Menia. Sephet.  by the Seaside of Tiberias. The day following, you see from several places on the Road the Town of Sephet, (where Queen Esther was Born) standing on a Hill. 
joseph's Pit.  About four hours' Journey from Menia, you see the the Pit or Well of Joseph, into which he was let down by his Brothers; there is no water in it, the mouth of it being very narrow, but the bottom indifferent wide, and may be six fathom deep. It is covered by a Dome standing on four Arches, to three of which so many little Marble-Pillars are joined, as Butteresses for the Dome; the place of the fourth Pillar is still to be seen, and it appears to have been not long ago removed. Close by this Pit there is a little Mosque adjoining to an old Han. Two hours journey from that Pit you cross over Jacob's Bridge, 
jacob's Bridge. Dgeseer Jacoub  which the Arabs call Dgeser Jacoub; this is the place where this Patriarch was met by his Brother Esau, as he was returning with his Wives and Goods from Laban his Father in law: The Bridge consists of three Arches, under which runs the River of Jordan, and falls afterwards into the Sea of Tiberias, about three hours going from thence. On that side the River runs, there is a great Pond to be seen. When you have passed this Bridge you are out of Galilee, and there you pay a great Caffare. Then you come to Lodge at Coneitra, which is a little Village, 
Coneitra.  wherein there is a very old large Han, built in form of a Fort, with three Culverines'; within the precinct of it there is a Mosque, a Bazar, and a Coffeehouse; 
Saxa.  and there also you pay a Caffare. Next day you lie at Saxa, and have bad way to it, the Country being so stony that it cannot be Cultivated. 
Raimbe.  About mid way you find a Han built of black stones and called Raimbe, over the Gate whereof there is a square Tower with four Windows after the manner of our Steeples. Saxa is a pretty Han, having a Mosque in the middle, and a Fountain by the side of it. Without it you see a little Castle, near to which runs a River, that divides itself into four and thirty Branches, and there you find three Bridges, where there is a Caffare to be paid. The day following you come to Damascus, seven hours travelling from Saxa; but first, about an hour and a halfs journey from Saxa, you cross over a Bridge upon the River that comes from Saxa. For the four first hours the way is stony, after that, betwixt two little Hills, and on the right hand of a ruined Village, called Caucab, that is to say, Star, 
Caucab, the place of St. Paul's Conversion.  is the place where our Lord said to St. Paul, Saul, Saul, why Persecutest thou me? The rest of the way, is over most fertile Plains.   

CHAP. LVIII. Of the City of Damascus, and the places that are to be seen about it.  
THE first thing that may be seen at Damascus, is the Bezestein, 
Damascus.  which is Beautiful enough, and hath three Gates; from whence you go to the Castle, which is all built of Stones cut in Diamond cut; but it is not easy for Franks to enter it. At first you come to a Court of Guard with several Arms hanging upon the Wall, and two pieces of Ordnance, each sixteen spans long. About fifteen steps further is the Mint, where the Jews Work. A little beyond that, there is a Dome of no great Workmanship, but supported by four so great Pillars, that three men can hardly fathom one of them round. Fifty paces from thence, you enter through a large Arched Hall into the Divan where the Council is held, painted with Gold and Azure after the Mosaic way; and in it there are three Basins full of excellent water: When you come out of the Castle, you see the Ditches half a Pikes depth, and twenty paces over, wherein on the side of the Town a little Canal of water runs, which waters the Gardens about, that are full of Orange, Limon, Pomegranate, and several other Trees. Through the middle of the Castle runs a branch of the River, with which they can fill the Ditches, when there is occasion. On the outside of the Walls of the same Castle, hang two Chains of Stone, one of which contains sixteen Links, and the other fourteen, cut one within another by matchless Art, each Link being about two fathom long, and one and a half wide, and the two Chains are of one entire Stone a piece, From thence you come to a fair Mosque about twenty Paces Square, painted all over with Mosaic work in Gold and Azure, and paved with Marble; 
Melec Daer.  in the middle of it is the Sepulchre of Melec Daer, Sultan of Egypt. After that, you must see the House of the Tefterdar, wherein there is a little Marble Mosque of most lovely Architecture, and painted with Gold and Azure. There are several lovely Rooms in it of the same fashion, at each Window whereof, you have a little Fountain of most clear Water, which is artificially brought thither in Pipes. In this House there is a door and several great Windows, with copper-Lettices which look into the great Mosque, and thence one may see without molestation, but Christians are forbidden to enter it, upon pain of Death, or turning Turk. From that door and the Windows, one may perceive a great part of the Mosque which may be about three hundred paces long, and threescore wide. The Court is paved with lovely Stones, most part of Marble, shining like Lookin-glasses. Round about this Court there are several Pillars of Marble, porphyry and Jasper, incomparably well wrought, which support an Arch that ranges all round, painted with several pieces in Mosaic work. The Porch of the Mosque faces this Court, and the entry into it is by twelve large Copper-Doors embossed with Figures, with several Pillars, most part of Porphyry, whose Capitals are gilded. The walls are painted with lovely figures in Gold and Azure. The Turks themselves have so great a veneration for this place, that they dare not pass through the Court without taking off their Pabouches; and certainly 'tis one of the loveliest Mosques in all the Turkish Empire. It was heretofore a Christian Church, built by the Emperor Heraclius, in Honour of St. Zacharias, the Father of St. John Baptist, and they say, there is a Sepulchre in it where the Bones of that holy Prophet rest. You must also see the Fountain where St. Paul recovered his sight, and was Baptised by Ananias, which is in the Streight-street, so called in the Acts of the Apostles, under a Vault in the Bazar, near to a thick Pillar, called the Ancient Pillar; than you go up to the House of that same Judas, with whom St. Paul Sojourned, to be instructed in the Christian Religion, and Baptised: there you see a great door armed with Iron and huge Nails; within which is the Chamber where the said Saint Fasted three Days and three Nights. After that, you go out of the Town by a Gate called Bab cherkis, 
Bab Cherkis.  That is to say, East Gate, near to which (in former times) there was a great Church, built in honour of St. Paul, but at present the Turks have made a Han of it; the Steeple remains still, and is very ancient Work. Continuing your way along the Town-Ditches, and about fifty paces Southward, from the said gate, you see a great square Tower joining to the walls, in the middle of which there are two Flowers de luce cut in Relief, and well shaped, and at the side of each of them a Lion cut in the same manner: Betwixt these Flowers de Luce, there is a great Stone with an Inscription upon it in Turkish Characters. About three hundred paces further, you come to the Gate called Bab Kssa, 
Bab Kssa.  that is walled up, under which is the place where St. Paul was let down in a Basket, to avoid the persecution of the Jews. Sixty paces from thence over against the Gate, 
The Porter St. George.  is the Sepulchre of St. George the Porter, who had his Head struck off upon pretence that he was a Christian, and had made St. Paul's escape: The Christians of the Country reckon him a Saint, and have commonly a Lamp burning upon his Tomb. Returning the same way back to the Town, 
The House of Ananias.  you pass by the House of Ananias, which is betwixt the East Gate and St. Thomas Gate; and there you find fourteen steps down to a Grott, which is the place where Ananias instructed St. Paul, and taught him the Christian Doctrine: And on the left hand is the hole, (but now stopped up) by which Ananias went under ground to St. Paul in the House of Judas. They say that the Turks have several times attempted to build a Mosque over that Grott but that all that they had built in the daytime, was in the Evening thrown down in an instant. You may also go to a little Hermitage two miles from the City, where Dervishes live; it stands upon a little Hill, above a great Village called Salahia. 
Salahia. The Cave of the seven Sleepers.  There you may see the Cave where the seven Sleepers hid themselves when they were Persecuted by Decius, who would have made them renounce the Christian Faith, and where they slept till the time of Theodosius the Younger. This is a very pleasant place, and the more, that from thence one may see all the Country about Damascus. Three Leagues from thence towards the way of Baal bell, 
The place where Cain slew his Brother Abel. Jobar. Elias' Grott.  is the place where they say, Cain slew his Brother Abel, and where also they Sacrificed. You must also go to a Village called Jobar, half a League from the City, inhabited only by Jews, who have a Synagogue there, at the end of which on the right side there is a Grott four paces square, with a hole and seven steps cut in the Rock, to go down to it: They say, that this is the place where the Prophet Elias hid himself, when he fled from the Persecution of Queen Jezabel. The hole by which the Ravens brought him Victuals for the space of forty days, 
The place where Abraham Fought.  is still to be seen there. There are three little Presses in this Grott serving to set three Lamps in. A League and a half from thence is the place where (as they say) the Patriarch Abraham gave Battle to the five Kings, who carried away his Nephew Lot, 
Cham.  and overcame them. Damascus which the Turks call Cham, is very well situated; seven Rivers run by it, and it is encompassed all round almost with two Walls, and little Ditches. The Houses are not handsome on the outside being built of Brick and Earth, but within they are most Beautiful, and have all generally Fountains. The Mosques, Bagnio's and Coffeehouses are very fair and well Built. But let us return to Nazareth, which I passed not, hoping to see Damascus by another way, as I shall relate hereafter.  
The Reader may find a more ample description of Damascus in the Second Part Of these TRAVELS.   

CHAP. LIX. Our return to Acre. A Description of Mount Carmel.  
AFter we had seen Nazareth and all that is to be seen about it, we took leave of the Father Guardian of Nazareth, and parted on Sunday the twelfth of May, about two a Clock in the Afternoon.  
Monday the thirteenth of May we parted from Acre about four a Clock in the Evening in a small Bark, to go to Mount Carmel ten miles from Acre; we had a fair Wind, but so high, that our Rudder broke, which being quickly mended again with some Nails, we sailed only with a fore Sail, and about six a Clock at night, arrived at the Village of Cayphas, 
The Village of Cayphas.  before which we were taken by the Corsair mentioned before. This Village which was formerly a Town, stands at the foot of Mount Carmel; we went up the Mount, and about seven a Clock came to the Convent, which is held by barefooted Carmelites. 
The Convent on Mount Carmel.  There we found two French Fathers and an Italian Brother, who had been twenty years there. They observe a very severe Rule, for beside that they are removed from all Worldly Conversation, they neither eat Flesh nor drink Wine, and if they need it, they must go to another place, as the Superior at that time did, for being asthmatick, and pining away daily, he was forced to go to Acre, there to recruit himself for some days: Nor do they suffer Pilgrims to eat Flesh in their Convent, only they allow them to drink Wine. This Convent is not on the top of the Mount, where they had a lovely one, before the Christians lost the Holy Land, the ruins whereof are still to be seen; but is a very little one somewhat lower, and needs no more but three Monks to fill it, who would have much ado to subsist, if they had not some Alms given them by the French Merchants of Acre, that go often thither to their Devotions. They have possessed this place thirty years, since the time they were driven out of it, after that the Christians lost the Holy Land; it is the place where the Prophet Elias lived, and their Church is the very Grott where sometimes he abode, which is very neatly cut out of the Rock: From this Convent they have an excellent Prospect, especially upon the Sea, where there is no bounds to their sight. About their Convent they have a pretty Hermitage very well Cultivated by the Italian Brother, who hath brought all the Earth that is in it thither; and indeed, it is very pleasant to see Flowers and Fruits growing upon a Hill that is nothing but Rock. These good Monks gave us a very neat Collation of nine or ten Dishes of Fruit, and then we went to rest in the apartment of the Pilgrims; for though it be a very little place, yet they have made a small, commodious and very neat Lodging for Pilgrims, but they must not exceed the number of six. Next day the fourteenth of May, we performed our Devotions in that holy place, and then left the Convent about eight a Clock in the morning, that we might go visit the places of Devotion about it. Our guide was one of the French Fathers, who fearing we might be Rob by the Arabs, made us carry upon our shoulders sticks in the manner of Muskets. At a good League's distance from the Convent, we saw a Well that the Prophet Elias made to spring out of the Ground, and a little over it, another no less miraculous, the waters of both are very pleasant and good. The Arabs say, that all the while the Monks were absent after they had been Banished from thence, they yielded no Water. Close by this last Fountain are stately ruins of the Convent of St. Brocard, who was sent thither by St. Albert, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to Reform the Hermit's, that lived there without rule or community; 
Stone-Melons  it hath been a lovely Convent. Not far from thence is the Garden of the Stone-Melons, and they say, that Elias passing that way, demanded in Charity a Melon from a man that was gathering some, who in contempt answered Elias that they were Stones and not Melons, whereupon all the Melons were immediately turned into Stones; when I prayed them to conduct me to that Garden, They made me answer, that they knew not the way, but after that, they told me privately, that they were unwilling to carry me thither, because we were too many in company, and that there being but few of these Melons there at present, if every one took what he listed, no more would remain; but they made me a present of one. After we had seen these places, we returned to the Convent about eleven of the Clock, and having Dined on good fresh Fish, 
Another Grott of Elias.  we went to see the Grotts of the holy Prophets, Elias and Elisha, that are near to the Convent; there is also a third, but it is full of Earth, and the door walled up. Lower down, towards the foot of the Mountain, is the Cave where the Prophet Elias taught the People; it is all cut very smooth in the Rock both above and below; it is about twenty paces in length, fifteen in Breadth, and very high; and I think it is one of the louliest Grotts that can be seen. The Turks have made a little Mosque there. Mount Carmel and all the Country about, 
Emir Tharabe.  is commanded by a Prince named the Emir Tharabee, who pays yearly to the Grand Signior a Tribute of twelve Horses. Having thanked the Fathers for their Civility, which we acknowledged by a charitable Gratuity, we embarked again about four a clock in the Afternoon, in the same Bark that had brought us, and arrived at Acre about seven at Night.   

CHAP. LX. The way from Acre to Soursayde, Baruth, Tripoli and Mount Libanus; and from Tripoli, to Aleppo, with what is to be seen in these places.  
I shall here make a little digression from my Travels, and observe what is to be seen in those quarters. The first night you leave Acre, you Lodge at Sour; about half way there is a Tower near the Sea, where a Caffare must be paid. About an hour and a half before you come to Sour, a few steps from the Seaside, you find a Well of an octogone figure, about fifteen foot in diameter, which is so full of Water, that one may reach it with the Hand, and (as they say) they have often attempted to sound the depth of it, with several Camels load of Rope, but could never find the bottom. It is taken to be the Well of Living Waters, mentioned in the Canticles.  
The Town of Sour is upon the Seaside, and was anciently called Tyre; there it was that our Lord Cured the Canaanitish Woman's Daughter. There are lovely Antiquities to be seen in this place. From Sour you have a days Journey to Said, and there is a Tower upon this Road also, where there is a Caffare to be paid. Said is a pretty Town upon the Seaside, and the Ancient name of it was Sydon. Before the Town there is a little Fort Built in the Sea. The Country about Said is lovely, and full of Gardens; among others, there are two about two Musket Shot from the Town, 
The Sepulchre of Zebulon. Baruth. Gie.  that are full of excellent Orange-Trees, wherein they show the Sepulchre of Zebulon, one of the twelve Sons of Israel. Next day you may go and lie at Baruth. About an hours travelling from Said to Baruth, there is to the right hand a Village called Gie, with a great deal of Sand about it; and they say, that that is the place where the Whale cast out Ionas, after he had been three days in the Belly of it. There are two Caffares to be paid on that Road. The Soil about Baruth is pleasant and good, bearing abundance of White Mulberry-Trees, for the Silkworms. Having next day traveled half a League from Baruth, you see a Cave on the right hand, which was heretofore the Den of a huge Dragon. Two hundred paces further, there is a Greek Church upon the same Ground, (as they say) where St. George Killed that Dragon, when it was about to have Devoured the Daughter of the King of Baruth. Half an hours travelling from thence, there is a Bridge, called Baruth's Bridge, of six Arches; and there is a Caffare to be paid there. About two hours' Journey from that Bridge, you find another, under which, runs a River, called in Arabic Naor el Kelb, that is to say, the Dog's River, without doubt, because there is a Ring cut in the Rock, to which is fastened a great Dog, cut on the same Rock, that is still to be seen in the Sea. They say, that in times past, that Dog Barked by Enchantment, when any Fleet came, and that his Bark was heard four Leagues off. A little above the descent where the Dog is, this Inscription is cut in great Characters upon the Rock. IMP. CAES. M. AURELIUS. ANTONINUS. PIUS. FELIX. AUGUSTUS. PART. MARI. BRITANNIUS. At the end of this Bridge, there is a Marblestone eleven Span long, and five broad, on which is an Inscription of six lines in Arabic Characters. From thence you go and lodge at Abrahim. The day following, you lie at Tripoli; by the way on the Seaside, 
Tripoli, Gibel. Patron. Amphe.  you see the Towns of Gibel, Patron, and Amphe. Tripoli is a very pretty Town with a neat Castle, at the foot of which, a little River runs; several Gardens full of Orange-Trees, and White-Mulberries, encompass the Town, which is a mile from the Sea, where there are several Towers planted with Cannon to defend the Coast. Here it was that St. Marina being accused of Incontinence, did Penance in Man's Apparel. Next day you go to Mount Libanus, 
Mount Libanus. Cannobin.  about five Hours and a halfs travelling from Tripoli, you come to Lodge at Cannobin, which is a Village where the Patriarch of Mount Libanus Lives; there is a Church and Monastery in it. The day following, you go to the Cedars, which are an hour and a halfs going from Cannobin, and you pass through a pretty Village, called Eden, which is about an hour from Cannobin. 
Eden.. Twenty three Cedars in Mount Libanus.  It is a Foppery to say, that if one reckon the Cedars of Mount Libanus twice, he shall have a different number, for in all, great and small, there is neither more nor less, than twenty three of them. All that Inhabit this Mountain, are Maronite Christians. Having seen Mount Libanus, you come back to Tripoli; from whence, if you have a mind to go to Aleppo, you must take the following Road from Tripoli; 
French Castle Ama.  you come to lodge at a Castle called the French Castle, standing upon a high Hill, which was Built in the time of Godfrey of Boulloin. From thence you have a days Journey to Ama, which was heretofore a fair large Town, but at present is half ruined, tho' it still contains some lovely Mosques, and Houses Built of black and white Stones intermingled. At the end of the Town, there is a great Castle upon a Hill, almost all ruined and uninhabited; the Walls of it are very thick and high, built of pretty black and white Stones disposed in several Figures, and the little of them that remains, shows their ancient Beauty. The Gate of the Castle is adorned with Inscriptions in Arabic Letters, and the entry into it, is made like a Court of Guard. There is an Oratory on the South side of it, like to those wherein the Turks say their Prayers. There are several Grotts well wrought in it, and a great many Magazines, which served formerly to hold Provisions and Ammunition. 
Assi, or Orontes.  The River Assi, or Orontes, runs by the side of this Castle, and fills the Ditches about it, that are cut in the Rock, and very deep: It runs also through the whole Town, where it turns eightteen great Wheels, which raise the Water two Pikes height into Channels that lie upon great Arches, and convey it not only to the Fountains of the Town, but also without, into the Gardens. You must also see a Mosque that stands near the River, and over against the Castle, before the door of which there is a Pillar of most lovely Marble erected, with the figures of Men, Birds, and other Animals, very well cut in Demy Relief upon it. In this Mosque there is a very pleasant Garden, 
Marra.  full of Orange-Trees, by the Riverside. From Ama, you go and lodge at Marra, which is a sorry Town commanded by a Sangiac, and there is nothing in it worth the observing, but the Han you lodge in, which is covered all over with Lead, and is very spacious, being capable of Lodging eight hundred Men and their Horses, with ease. In the middle of this Han there is a Mosque with a lovely Fountain, and a Well two and forty Fathom deep from the top to the Water, is still to be seen there. About sixscore Years ago, that Han was Built by Mourab Chelebi, great Tefterdar, when he made the Pilgrimage of Mecha. About fifty paces from thence, there is another old Han half ruined, having a door of Black Stone, of one entire piece seven span long, four and a half broad, and a span thick; on which two Crosses like those of Malta, with Roses and other Figures, are cut in Demy Relief. From Marra you go and lie at Aleppo.   

CHAP. LXI. The Road fram Tripoli to Aleppo, by Damascus.  
THose who have never seen Damascus may go to it from Tripoli, in three good days Journey, and from thence to Aleppo, by the way following. From Damascus, the first night's Lodging is at Cotaiphas; one half of the way thither, is over most pleasant and fruitful Plains, abounding with Fruit-Trees, Olive-Trees, and Vines, and watered by seven little Rivers, and several Brooks, where you see by the way a great many Villages in the Country about, to the number, (as the People of the Country say) of above three hundred and fifty. The rest of the way is very Barren and Mountainous. 
Cotaipha. A fair great Han.  There is at Cotaipha the loveliest Han that is to be seen in the whole Country. In the middle of this Han there is a Fountain that discharges its water into a great Pond. There is plenty of all things necessary therein, and a thousand Men and Horse may be commodiously lodged in it. About fourscore years since, Sinan Bassa the Grand Visier, passing through that Country upon his way to Mecha and Hyemen, caused it to be Built; as you go into it, you must pass through a great Square Court, walled in like a Castle. It hath two Gates, one to the South, and the other to the North, upon each of which, there are three Culverines' mounted, to defend the Place. There is a Caffare to be paid there. From Cotaipha, the next Night's Lodging is at Nebk; and upon the Road, five hours travelling from Cotaiphas you see an old Castle, called castle, or Han el Arous, that is to say, the Brides Han, standing in a very Barren place, and environed by Mountains. Nebk is Situated upon a little Hill, at the foot of which are Gardens full of Fruit-Trees, and watered by a small River, over which there is a handsome Bridge of four Arches. Next day when you have Traveled two Hours, you pass by a Village called Cara, which contains two Hans and a Greek Church, Dedicated to the Honour of St. George. For half a League round this Village there is nothing but Gardens full of Fruit-Trees, watered by little Brooks. Two Leagues from thence, you find a Castle called Cosseitel, and without the walls of it, is a Fountain that runs into a Pond twenty paces long; than you come to Lodge at Assia, which is a Han for lodging of Travellers. As you go to it, you pass through a large Court, walled in like a Fort, having a very lovely Fountain in the middle, which discharges its Water by four Pipes, and at the Back of the Han there is a Spring of Water that fills a Pond. From Assia you go next day to Hems: About mid way, you find a sorry Han, 
Hems.  called Chempsi.  
Hems is a pretty Town indifferently big, the Walls whereof are of black and white Stones, and half a Pikes height almost all round, fortified with little round Towers, to the number of six and twenty; formerly they were begirt with Ditches, which at present are for the most part filled up with ruins. This Town hath six Gates, and there are five Churches in it. The first is very great, and is supported with four and thirty Marble-pillars, most part Jaspirs, it is threescore and ten paces long, and eighteen broad: Within on the Southside, there is a little Chapel, where you may see a Stone-Chest or Case set in the Wall, five spans in length, and three in breadth, wherein the people of the Country, (not only Christians, 
The Case wherein is the Head of St. John Baptist.  but Moors) believe the head of St. John Baptist to be, and therefore the Moors make great account of it, and have commonly a Lamp burning before it. They say, that on certain days of the year, some drops of Blood distil from that Case. There are also many other long and round pieces of Marble built in the Wall, inscribed with Greek Characters, and very artfully engraven with Roses and other Figures. St. Helen built that Church, which was long possessed by the Christians of the Country, but, at length, about an hundred and sixty years ago, was usurped by the Turks, and serves them at present for their chief Mosque; the Roof that is supported by these Pillars, has been lately renewed, and is only of Wood ill put together. Christians are suffered to enter into it. By the side of it without, there is a great Pond where the Turks make their Ablutions before they go into it. At the door of this Mosque, there are two Marble-Pillars twenty span long, lying along upon the Ground. From thence, you go to another Church held by the Moors, called St. George's; the Christians of the Country may perform their Devotions there, paying for half the Oil that is consumed in it. The third is dedicated to the Honour of our Lady, and is possessed by the Christians of the Country. 
Arbain Chovade.  The fourth is held by the Greeks, and is called Arbaine Chovade, which is to say, forty Martyrs; it is very neat, supported by five Pillars, whereof four are Marble, and the fifth Porphyry, wrought and cut in the form of a Screw. 
The Sepulchre of St. Julian.  The fifth Church is called St. Merlian, alias St. Julian; the People of the Country say, that his Body is there, in a Sepulchre of most excellent Marble, standing behind the Altar, made like a Beer or Coffin, with a high ridged cover: At the four Corners there are four Balls of the same Marble, and twelve Crosses round it in Demy Relief. This Sepulchre is ten Spans long, five broad, and as much in height, seeming to be all of one entire piece. 
The Sepulchre of Caius Caesar, the Nephew of Augustus.  Six hundred paces Westward from the Gate, called Bab Jeoundy, that is to say, the Jews Gate, there is a Pretty big Pyramid, wherein the People of the Country believe, that Caius Caesar the Nephew of Augustus, is buried. Upon a Hill to the South of the Town, there is a Castle built like that of Ama, which I mentioned in the foregoing Chapter, but it is not so ruinous, though it be uninhabited, as well as the other. They say, that heretofore both of them were held by the Christians, who endured long and hard Sieges, before they surrendered them to the Turks; and that's the reason that the Grand Signior has commanded that they should not be Repaired nor Inhabited. The Han where Travellers lodge, is fifteen paces without the Walls of the Town, on the North-side from Hemps. The next Lodging is at Ama. About half way there is a little Oratory, which they say, was built by the Franks; it is at present Inhabited by a Moorish Scheik. A little further there is a ruined Village upon a Hill. Near to that is the Han where Travellers (that have a mind to stop there) may Lodge. After that, you pass over a Bridge of ten Arches, called Dgeser Rustan, that is to say Rustans' Bridge, which is very neat, and has the River Assi running underneath it. I have said enough of Ama in the Chapter before. 
The Country of Job.  Betwixt Hemps and Ama is the Country, which the People that live there say, was inhabited by Job and his Family, but half of it is not Cultivated. The day following you Lodge at Scheicon Han, that is to say, the Han Scheick; it is a very old Han, having on the Gate a Marblestone, six spans long, and four spans broad, upon which are engraven six lines in Arabic Characters, and on the two sides there are also two round stones of Marble, 
Scheicon Hani.  upon each whereof there is a Chalice with its Paten, very well Engraven. From Scheicon Hani you go to Marra; of which I have spoken in the preceding Chapter. Next day you go to Han Serakib. Upon the Road you see some ruinous Villages, whereof that which is most entire, is called Han Mercy, built in form of a Castle, having four Towers in the four Corners, three square, and one round; this Han is four Hours going from Marra, and about twenty paces short of it on the left hand, you see five great Sepulchers, in one whereof a Bassa is Interred, having his Turban cut in Marble, at one end of his Tomb. In an old Building fifteen paces distant from the Gate of that Han Serakib, there is a Well almost square, which is two and forty Fathom deep before you come at the Water, as well as that of Marra; about fourscore paces from thence, there is a pitiful Village little Inhabited, though there be good Land about it. 
Han Touman. Sermin.  From Han Serakib, you have a days Journey to Han Touman: Upon the Road to the left hand, you see a pretty handsome Town, called Sermin, and three or four ruinous Villages, having been forsaken because of the Robberies of the Arabs. About forty Years since, Han Touman was rebuilt by a Bassa of Aleppo, called Hisouf Bassa, who put into it an Aga with fifty Soldiers, and ten little Culverines', 
Singa.  to keep it against the Arabs, who formerly committed frequent Robberies thereabouts. The River of Aleppo, called Singa, runs hard by it, and turns two Mills not far from thence. From Han Touman, you go to Aleppo, in three or four Hours time.   

CHAP. LXII. Our setting out from Acre to Damiette, and our meeting with Italian Corsairs.  

From Acre to Damiette.  WE stayed at Acre four days, expecting a passage for Damiette, but at length, finding two Sanbiquers of Cyprus, which were both bound for Damiette, we resolved to go along with them; and having sent for the Reys of that Sanbiquer that was a Greek, Monsieur de Bricard the Consul, took the pains to make a Bargain for us, 
Sanbiquer.  and recommended us to him. Sanbiquers are Vessels made like Galliotts, but longer; the Stern and Stem of them, are made much alike, only in the Poop, there is a broad Room under Deck; there are several Banks for Rowers, according to the length of the Sanbiquer, and each Oar is managed by two Men. Ours had twelve Oars on each side; but besides, it had a great Mast with a very large Sail; so that being light Loaded, no Galley could be too hard for one of them, if their Oars were long enough, but they have them very short. The Wind offering fair for us, we took our Provisions and went on board our Sanbiquer, Sunday the nineteenth of May, about three a Clock in the Afternoon, the other Sanbiquer being in company with us. We were much afraid of Corsairs still, and especially of him who had taken us before; not only because his Men had said, That if they had killed us, they would not have been obliged to make Restitution of any thing, but also lest they might have accused us of being the cause that the Turks had come out against them, and so used us the worse for that. However we met with nothing considerable till next day, being Monday the twentieth of May, that about Sunsetting we passed by a Tower, about twelve Miles from Jaffa; when we were come near to that Tower, they fired some great and Small shot at us, which much surprised us, but more when we saw that they made great Fires all along the Coast, and especially upon the Towers. We knew not the cause of this, (which I shall tell hereafter) only we concluded that they took us for Pirates. When we came near to Jaffa, we perceived a great Fire upon the Tower, and then about nine a Clock at Night, offering to put into the Harbour to take in Wood and Water, they fired at us both great and small Shot: Then our Reys went upon the Poop, and called out as loud as he could, that he was such a Man, Reys of a Sanbiquer, calling by Name those whom he knew at Jaffa; but we had no other answer from within but Alarga, that is to say, that we should stand off, and with that another Volley of great and small Shot: When this Music had lasted about an Hour, they continually Firing, and our Reys calling to them and making a heavy Noise, the other Sanbiquer stood in nearer than we, and the Reys calling as loud as ever he could, made them at length hear him, and the Greeks who were at Jaffa to know him: Then in stead of Alarga, they called to us Taala, which exceedingly rejoiced us; and the meaning of that was, that we should come in, so that we entered the Port about ten a Clock at Night. For my part, I was afraid it might have been a Trick, that so they might have easily sunk us when we were got nearer. But it proved otherwise, for we were received as Friends. We found all the People in Arms, ready to fly, and the Women and Children were already gone from Jaffa. Here we had the comfort to be pitied, that we should have been Rifled even by Christians, for they knew us as having been once before at Jaffa, and had had intelligence of our being taken. We stayed at Jaffa for fair Wether until Friday, the four and twentieth of May, when the Wind presenting, we set out about Noon, and within two or three Hours after, were got out of sight of Land; the Wind calming in the Evening, we came to an Anchor, and next Morning, Saturday the five and twentieth of May, by break of day we weighed, and sailed upon a Wind; about three or four a Clock in the Afternoon we made Land, and standing in to it, came to an Anchor at Sunsetting, not being able to weather a Cape on head of us, because the Wind was contrary. Next day being Sunday, the six and twentieth of May, we weighed by break of day, and presently made two Sail, whereof the one seemed to be a Ship, and the other a Galliot; we rowed off from them as much as we could, and at length (after some hours) lost sight of them, but about Noon again we saw the Galliot a stern of us. Our Consort ran presently ashore, and instead of doing the like, we rowed and made all the sail we could, so that in a short time we lost sight of the Galliot once more; but making her again a little after, we rowed again a little, and so lost sight of her the third time. At first when we made those Sails, my mind misgave me that some Misfortune attended us; and indeed I was an unlucky Prophet, for I told the rest, that as yet we were too far from Damiette to be taken, and that as we had been already taken within ten Miles of Acre, so we should be taken within ten Miles of Damiette. Having then lost sight of that Galliot once more, about six a Clock at Night we came to an Anchor at a place, from whence we could see three Vessels riding at an Anchor also. Our design was, so soon as it should be Night and calm, to endeavour to double a point of Land that we were not far short of, and then we would have been pretty near Damiette, and avoided that which befell us, but our Company slept too long; for Monday, the seven and twentieth of May, they turned out about two hours before day, and having weighed Anchor, made all the way they could with Sails and Oars, but at break of day when we were not twenty miles from Damiette, we saw two Cayques full of Men coming against us; then would our Company have stood back again, but it was too late. And the Cayques making up with all speed, a Turk who was a Passenger with us, tied his bundle about his Neck, and jumping overboard, got quickly ashore without the loss of any thing; the rest, whether it was that they could not Swim so well, or that they hoped we might gain shore before they could board us, did not imitate him. I had then some apprehensions, that they as well as the Corsairs, might discharge their choler upon us who were Franks. But at length the Cayques being come within Musquet-shot of us, all the Turks who were Passengers in our Sanbiquer, leapt overboard to save themselves on shore, and the Greeks having fired the two Petreras they had, did the same. It pitied me much to see these poor People fly from their own House (for so I call their Sanbiquer) and to leave all their Goods to the Plunder and Discretion of those Madmen, carrying nothing with them but a Chaplet or two of certain Biscuit, which they sell strung upon Chaplets. Presently one of the Caiques fired a Cros-bar Shot out of a Blunderbuss into our Poop, 
Corsairs that were Franks.  which had it hit but a hands breadth lower, would have killed us all, and sunk the Sanbiquer to rights; but seeing no body appear on board of us, they made after those who were making their escape to shore, for being near land, the water was very shallow, which made the Soldiers (finding ground) to jump into the Sea, with a Sword in one hand and a Pistol in the other, and pursue the poor Wretches, firing at those whom they could not overtake: In the interim, I prayed our Capucin and another French Monk that was with us, to go up upon the Deck, and put out a white Flag, which they did; and putting up a Handkerchief upon the end of a stick, called in French to those who remained in the Caiques, that we were French; they bid us lower our Sail, which we easily did, but it was so great that we could not furl it. In the mean time, it covered all our Sanbiquer, and they fearing there might be more still hid underneath, durst not come; but having told them, that without their assistance they could not furl it, and that they need not fear any thing, they came on board, where knowing us to be Franks, they offered us not the least injury as the former had done, only took of our baggage and things what they found here and there in the Vessel, though we ourselves kept still a good share of them.  
It was then a sad spectacle to see the Soldiers return loaded with Spoil, leading by the hand those whom they had taken ashore, and who were all stripped to the shirt as soon as they had been taken. When they were come on board our Sanbiquir, they searched in all places to see if they could find any thing worth the taking, and made Captive seven Turks in all: Being all on board our Sanbiquer or in their own Caiques, they carried us to their Ships; and by the way, told us, how they had made us the evening before, but that not having seen a Galliot which they had in company, for two days, they took our Sanbiquer for her, till next morning, when we stood close in by the shore, they were convinced it was not she, and that if they had not taken us for their Galliot, they would have given us a visit the same evening that they saw us.   

CHAP. LXIII. Of what happened on Board the Corsairs so long as we were with them, and our Arrival at Damiette.  
WIthin an hour, we came on board the Corsairs, being two Ships, the one Commanded by Captain Santi, called otherwise Ripuerto of Legorn, and the other by Captain Nicolo of Zante. We were made very welcome by these Captains, who divided us betwixt them: Our Monks went on board of Captain Santi, and we who were Seculars were taken into the Ship of Captain Nicolo. These two Ships were Consorts, and had on board each an hundred and forty Men, with fourteen Oars aside, which they could use in case of necessity, setting two Men to each Oar. The Ship we were in had four and twenty Petreras, and two great Guns all of Brass, besides a great number of Muskets and Blunderbusses; and the other was as well armed: They had besides a Galliot which they had made of a Sanbiquer they had taken near to Scandaroon, and armed with six brazen Petreras, and a fair brass chase-Gun, having manned her with eighty of their Men, forty a piece, and that was the same Galliot which had given us the chase the day before: One of these Corsairs had been six and thirty, and the other forty Months out at Sea.  
I wondered to see on board the Ship where we were, several Slaves, Men, Women and Children, and they told me that they had taken most of them at castle Peregrino some days before, having surprised the Castle in this manner. When they had took this Sanbiquer, which (as I said) they turned into a Galliot, a Turk about Scandaroon who was taken in her, made a Proposal to them, that if they would give him his liberty, he would put them in a way of taking many Slaves: They presently made him a Promise, but he not trusting to their Word (for all he was a Turk) made them Swear it before an Image of our Blessed Lady, and another of St. Francis. When they had given their Oath, he made them steer their course toward castle Peregrino, which is a pitiful little open Castle betwixt Acre and Jaffa, ten miles below Mount Carmel, on the way to Jaffa. They took their measures so well, that they were not at all perceived, and having immediately landed, they went without any noise to the Habitation, where being come, they began to appear in their Colours, 
The Surprisal of an Habitation by Italian Corsairs.  carrying away all living Creatures, Men, Women and Children, and killing all, without regard to Age or Sex, that would not willingly go along with them; insomuch that some Soldiers told me, that they had killed young Maids, who notwithstanding they had seen others that would not follow, killed before their faces, chose rather to be put to Death, than to be made Slaves. They shown me one of their Officers, to whom a Soldier brought a Child four months old, telling him, Here is a Slave for you; who in a barbarous manner taking the innocent Infant by one foot, and saying, What would you have me to do with this, threw it from him (as if it had been a stone) as far as he could on the ground. They made on this occasion above fifty Slaves, Men, Women and Children.  
The Turk who was their Guide, having brought them on board, they took off his Chain, and he went to look for more, never thinking of making his escape, either because he trusted to their Oath, or else perhaps, because he was afraid to have met in that Country with the reward of his Treachery. They killed more than they took, and left not so much as a living Soul in the place; and that was the cause of the great alarm they were put into on that Coast, when we sailed along it from Acre to Jaffa.  
It was a sad spectacle to see on board this Ship so many poor Women, with their Children at their breasts, having no greater allowance than a little mouldy Biscuit and two glasses of stinking Water a day, which was all the Men had also; but among others, there was one Woman Slave on board, with her Husband, Brother, seven Children, and one in her Womb: All this together caused a great clutter and nastiness in the Ship; nay, there was one little Child ill of the Smallpox, which made me afraid of catching the same Disease.  
We were no better treated than the Slaves, 
Entertainment on board the Corsairs.  for they were in great want of Provisions, and had so little Water, that they were obliged to distribute it by measure, giving every one two glasses a day. Our Diet then, consisted of two meals a day, both alike, one at noon, and the other at night, and these were a little mouldy Biscuit of all colours, which, to season and soften it, was steeped in Water that stunk so horridly, that it smelled all over the Cabin, and getting into our throat as we broke the Biscuit with our teeth, was like to have turned our stomaches: A little Cheese we had also that might have kept along time, for it needed a Hatchet to cut it: Our Drink was the same stinking Water, with a very little coat of Wine upon it; and in the nighttime we lay upon the deck, amidst the Vermin and filth of the poor Wretches; our Monks were better accommodated, as they told us afterwards. However I was not altogether disheartened by this adversity, on the contrary, was fain to encourage the rest, who thought themselves half dead already, and applied myself to consider what way we might be delivered out of this misery. With their two Ships they had a great Saique, which they had taken a few days before, and some Greeks coming to redeem her, had offered a thousand Piastres for her; but these Gentlemen demanding fifteen hundred, the Greeks went away, promising however to come back again; which I having understood from the Captain (who was as willing to be rid of us as we were to be gone, because we lessened his stinking Provisions,) we prepared to go to Damiette with them: The Corsairs would willingly have set us ashore, if we had pleased, but we would by no means accept of that offer, for fear of having been taken for Corsairs, and so immediately burnt alive; and it was too fresh in my memory what I had been told of other Franks, who having escaped from Shipwreck, and coming ashore, thought they came very well off when they were only made Slaves. In the mean time, the Galliot came up with the Ships, Tuesday morning, the eight and twentieth of May; she had taken a Saycot, which was the sail we had seen with her, but she let it go, as not worth their while to stay for it.  
On Wednesday the nine and twentieth of May, about an hour before day, a Polaque fell in among us, and running foul of our Sanbiquer that was towed at the stern of one of the Ships, made a hole in her side: The Corsairs were immiediately alarmed, and firing some small Shot into the Polaque, manned their Boats to take her. On the other hand, those on board the Polaque, who were either drunk or asleep, awaking at the knock which their Polaque gave in striking against the Sanbiquer, and being sensible of their fault, betook themselves in all haste to their Caique, and endeavoured to make their escape by rowing, but being closely pursued, they were soon come up with, and of one and twenty Turks that were in it, twelve leapt into the Sea to swim, though the nearest land was above six miles off, and the nine that remained, were brought on board the Ship: I asked them how they came to be so negligent in looking after their Vessel, and they told me, that thinking themselves to have been near the mouth of the Nile before Damiette, they were fallen asleep, which was the worst excuse they could have made, seeing they ought to have been afraid that their Polaque might have run aground. There were some Bales of Soap in that Polaque.  
The same day, the Corsairs finding that the Greeks (to whom the Saique that they had taken belonged,) came not again, resolved to burn her; but knowing that the more mischief they did, the harder it would be for us to get ashore, I prayed the Captain not to burn her, and at my request, having taken away all her Sails and Rigging, they let her go a drift, and not long after, we saw her run ashore. In the same manner they unrigged our Sanbiquer, and having set her a drift also, she was cast away in our sight.  
After that, we steered our course toward Damiette, to take in fresh water at the mouth of the Nile: This resolution made us greatly rejoice, for good fresh water would have been (at that time) a great Treat for us, besides that, being near to the place where we desired to be, we hoped still to find some expedient of getting safe ashore: We stood in as near as we could, and next day, being Thursday the thirtieth of May, about ten a clock in the morning, we were got before the mouth of the Nile, and the Galliot went in to take fresh water, in spite of the Guns of the Fort: Our Ships had a mind to do the like, and put out a white Flag, that they might see whether they would let us come ashore, or ransom any of the Slaves they had on board: We expected with great impatience that they should have put out a white Flag on the Castle, and were making ready to go quickly to Damiette with all safety, when (as ill luck would have it) he that looked out from the main topmast head, made four Sail: Immediately they changed their white Flag into a red, though I offered to tell them, that it was ill done to fall foul of those Sails, which perhaps, only stood in because they had seen white Colours abroad; but they made answer, that seeing the Castle had not put out a white Flag, they were no ways obliged; so that they gave chase to those four Vessels, and the Castle fired several Shot at us, without any effect, unless perhaps they served to give warning to those Saiques to make away as fast as they could: Three of them made their escape, and the fourth (which was a Saycot) run ashore, and all that were on board, got to land and saved themselves: Our Caiques were manned out, who finding in her nothing but Wood, wherewith she was loaded, and the Reys all alone (who was a Greek) they left her there, and him in her, and so came back to the Ships.  
Next day, being Friday the last of May, having by break of day made a Saique, we gave her the chase also till about noon: While we were in pursuit of her, we heard four Guns, and our Corsairs thinking it might be some other Corsair come upon the Coast, who was in chase of some Saycot, made all the speed they could with Sails and Oars after the Saique; for our parts, our wishes were contrary to theirs, for we always prayed to God, that they might not come up with her; still reckoning, that the less mischief they did, the better it would be for us; however they laboured so hard, that they gained ground on her, and manned out their Cayque to Board her; then they who were in the Sayque, (finding that they could not make their Escape) surrendered themselves; and another Saycot seeing this, though she was above six miles off of us, came without being pursued, and Surrendered of her own accord, in hopes of better usage; and both these two, were only loaded with Carob Beans. Towards the Evening, the Galliot, which had been out a Cruising, (as she daily did) came up with our Ships, and told us that they had met with a Turkish Galliot, and having laid her a thwart the Hass, they met with stout resistance; the Turks who were on board of her, having a naked Sword between their Teeth, and a Musket in their hands; so that finding they could do no good on her that way, they left the Head, and set upon her on the Stern, but they found as hot service there, as they had done before, and were even in danger of having been taken by the Turks: They Boarded her again the third time, but could make nothing on't; on the contrary, the Turks were like to have mastered them; so that having three of their Men Killed, and seven wounded, they were fain to come off with Disgrace. During that Engagement, they had fired some shot with their Chase-Gun, which were the Guns we had heard in the Morning, and if the Ships had stood that way, from whence they heard the Guns, as the Maxims of their trade required, they would have easily taken that Galliot; but being unwilling to save a certain for an uncertain Booty, they miss of that fair hit.  
This Engagement afflicted us, because it made our condition worse and worse, nevertheless, we prayed our Captain to let go that Saycot, which had voluntarily surrendered, to the end, that she going to Damiette, we might go with her, and that these men might tell ashore, that they had been obliged to us for having begged their Saycot for them. This Saycot being of small value, they easily granted our desires, and having taken out of her ten Sacks of Carobs, they set us on board and let her go, on Saturday the first of June. We entreated the Captain also to give us that Turk who had put them upon the exploit of castle Peregrino; for seeing they had promised him his Liberty, before an Image of the Virgin, as their Soldiers told us, he might tell all People at Damiette, that we had procured him his freedom; not daring to tell the real cause of it, and so would have put us out of all danger; but they made us answer, that they would carry him back to his own Country; which made some of the Soldiers murmur a little, saying they could not fail of falling into some mischance, seeing they falsified their Promise made before the Image of the Blessed Virgin. We went then in that Saycot which came from Cyprus, and was bound for Damiette, and were not as yet out of danger; for if these Greeks had been malicious Rogues, they might have taken an opportunity to throw us over Board; not only to make themselves satisfaction for the small matter that was taken from them, by the little Goods we had, but also in revenge of the wrongs which the Franks daily do to the Greeks their Country men; and indeed, we took that resolution only that we might be delivered out of the miseries that we endured a Board of these Ships; for besides the bad entertainment we had there, (which we could not have born with much longer,) we were daily in danger of being taken and burned a live, or at least made Slaves if these Corsairs had been taken; as indeed it was to me a great wonder, that the Turks should suffer these Blades to stop the entry into Damiette, seeing they needed do no more but man out five or six good Sayques, with an hundred and fifty or two hundred men a piece, and fall upon these Corsairs, whom they might easily have taken. Besides that, we were hourly in danger of being wounded, if the Ships came to an Engagement, and durst not defend ourselves, for if we had once taken Arms, we must have laid aside all thoughts of setting Foot on Turkish Ground, where we might be known by one or other that had Escaped, or been Ransomed out of the hands of the Corsairs. In reality, the life of a Corsair is a most wretched life, both for this World and the next; and certainly, there is nothing but I could do, rather than be engaged in it. When we left our Corsairs, we were fifteen miles from Damiette, where we arrived in three hours' time; and so soon as we came to the place where the water of the Nile mingles with the Sea, which is a good mile out at Sea from the mouth of the River, for the different colours of the Riverwater and Sea-water may easily be seen. There came out some Germes to unload our Saycot, because at this place, loaded Vessels cannot come in, for want of Water. These Germes are great Boats with high sides and very light; they are Lighters open fore and aft, having no Deck, that they may take in the more Goods. They came about us in such numbers, every one striving to be the first, that some of them were like to have run down our Saycot. When they had lighttened us a little, and we were got into the mouth of the Nile, we took our Goods in again out of the Germes, and in half an hours time, went up the River to Damiette, about two miles from the mouth of it. For defence of this entry, there is only a sorry tower, in form of a Castle, wherein are some Guns mounted, which were those that Fired at the Corsairs. Being upon the Nile, we drank our Bellies full of good Water, thinking ourselves to be come out of Hell into Paradise, as we came from Sea into a River; however we were still fearful of going ashore at Damiette; where being come, we quickly dispatched a Monk to find out the House of a French Man whom we knew to be there, the danger not being so great for a Religious Person, as for us: He speedily came back to us again, and having given some Crowns which we had saved from the Corsairs, to the Greeks of the Saycot, for they would needs be paid for our Passage, and that at a dear rate too, without calling to mind that we had begged their Saycot for them. We stepped ashore over the Galliot which had been the day before attacked by our Corsairs. We went to that French Merchants House, who made us very welcome, and told us, that that Galliot came from Satabia, and that they on Board were three hundred Men, having with them fifteen thousand Piastres, wherewith they were going to Traffic at Mecha, and that they had had one Man Killed, and three Wounded. Had our Corsairs minded their business as they should, they would have enriched themselves, for all these Turks were well Clothed, and able to pay Ransoms, being all Rich; after we had rested ourselves a little, we went to the Bishop of the Greeks, to acquaint him with our Disaster, and to desire his Protection and Certificate, that we were not Corsairs. Afterward we kept very private within doors, but the People of the Country were so far from abusing us, that they pitied our misfortune, and three Turks came to see us, and told us that they were of those that were on Board that Polaque, which ran foul of our Sanbiquer in the nighttime, and had swum ashore. They asked us news of their Comrades that were made Slaves; and we desired to know of them what was become of the other nine, who jumped into the Sea with them, but they told us that they could not tell what was become of them, they were certainly Drowned; and indeed, it requires a very good Heart to swim above two Leagues. We had no sight of Damiette, 
Damiette.  but upon our Arrival, not daring to walk abroad in the Streets; all we could observe was, that it is a very handsome well built long Town, yet not so long as Rossetto. It was anciently called Pelusium, and lies upon a Branch of the River of Nile, which discharges itself into the Sea, two miles below this Town, that makes one Angle of the Delta.   

CHAP. LXIV. Our Departure from Damiette, and Arrival at Cairo.  
TVesday the fourth of June, 
Departure from Damiette for Cairo.  we Embarked in a little Bark that we had hired for ourselves, but the Wind not being good, we made but little way, till Thursday the sixth of June, when a fair Wind presenting, we passed by Mansoura on the left hand. This is a pretty neat long Town, 
Mansoura. Sammenud.  but we stopped not at it. Friday the seventh of June, we passed by Sammenud, on our right hand, which appears to be a Handsome Town, but it is ancient and ruinous. Saturday the eighth of June, we left Metegamr to the left hand, 
Metegamr.  a pretty neat Town, half way betwixt Damiette and Cairo. Monday the tenth of June, in the Morning, we passed by that place, where the River divides itself into two Channels, one whereof goes to Damiette, and the other to Rossetto, and at length, about eleven a Clock in the Forenoon, we arrived at Boulac, where we paid a Piastre a piece, and from thence we took Asses and road to Cairo, where the Merchants wondered to see us in so bad plight; for I had not so much as a pair of Pabouches, having lost them on board the Corsairs, and all the clothes I had were a Waistcoat, a pair of Drawers, and my Capot. However they had been informed that we had been twice taken by Corsairs, for it was known all along the Coast. And they thought we had been carried to Malta, and so many times I thought we should; for the Corsairs told us, that if they could but take a Prize that might be worth the pains, such as a good Sayque loaded with Rice, they would stand away for Malta.   

CHAP. LXV. Of the Publication of the Growth of the Nile.  
THE publication of the wonderful growth of the Nile, 
The growth of the Nile.  gins to be made on St. Peter and St. Paul's day, or the day before, that is to say, the eight and twentieth, or nine and twentieth day of June, and though that River begin almost always to increase from the sixteenth or twentieth day of May, yet they publish it not before one of the days aforementioned, when it is already pretty well increased; that is to say, betwixt six and a half, and eight Pics. The Picinino is a Measure of twenty four fingers breadth. The Year before, the day when they begin to cry the growth of the Nile, it had increased seven Pics and a half, according to what the Criers said; who nevertheless, though the Nile increases seven, eight, or ten fingers a day, yet they never cry commonly more than two, three, or four, according as they agree about it among themselves, and keep the overplus till towards the end, when the Bank is near to be cut: They then add every day part of that which they have reserved to the real growth of that day they cry it on; and though it have not increased above five or six fingers breadth, they'll cry that it is risen 23 or 24 fingers, to the end they may make the People joyful with the hopes of a good Year, and gain the more to themselves; so that at the end, their account is always just. They have another reason also why they reserve some fingers till the end, and that is, If they cried all, some malicious person would look upon the Water with a bad eye (as they call it). 
A Superstition in Egypt concerning the Nile.  For if a Man look upon a pretty Child, or any thing else, and saying it is lovely, if he add not presently, God grant it long life, or some such Benediction; they call that to look upon it with an evil eye, and believe that misfortune will befall the Child. It is the same with Beasts, and every thing else, as with Children: Wherefore they apply Garlic, and such other stuff, to their Children, to make them look ugly. And in the same manner, if they should declare all the growth of the Nile, they would be afraid some body might say, the Water is bravely increased in a short time, without wishing a blessing to it, and by such words occasion the decrease of the Nile, which (as they believe) would bring a Famine all over the Land of Egypt. 
The publication of the growth of the Nile.  They began then on the 28. of June, the Eye of St. Peter and St. Paul, to publish the growth of the Nile, which was increased according to the Grand Signior's Measure, 8. Pics. The 29. it risen two fingers, the 30. 2. f. The first of July, 3. f. the 2. two f. the 3. 2. f. the 4. 3. f. the 5. 2. f. the 6. 3. f. the 7. 4. f. the 8. 2. f. the 9 3. f. the 10. 4. f. the 11. 3. f. the 12. 3. f. the 13. 5. f. the 14. 4. f. the 15. 4. f. the 16. 5. f. the 17. 4. f. the 18. 4. f. the 19 3. f. the 20. 3. f. the 21. 3. f. the 22. 4. f. the 23. 3. f. the 24. 4. f. the 25. 3. f. the 26. 3. f. the 27. 4. f. the 28. 5. f. the 29. 7. f. the 30. 8. f. the 31. 6; f. The first of August, 7. f. the 2. 4. f. the 3. 4. f. the 4. 3. f. the 5. 3. f. the 6. 4. f. the 7. 3. f. the 8. 3. f. the 9 3. f. the 10. 4. f. the 11. 5. f. the 12. 10. f. the 13. 15. f. the 14. Ouff allah, which is to say, Abundance from God; and thereby it is understood, that the River is risen 16. Pics, of which if there wanted but one fingers breadth, they would not cut and open the Khalis. For if the Bassa should open it before it were increased 16. whole Pics, and the Year not prove good, the Grand Signior's Farmers in Egypt, would not be obliged to pay any thing to the Grand Signior, and the Bassa must answer for it; and opening it after it hath increased 16. Pics, he is not responsable for the plentifulness or scarcity of the Year, but if being risen 16. Pics, he did not open it, and that afterwards it should diminish, he is answerable, as if he had opened it too soon. That day they cried 12. fingers. The 15. day the Khalis was opened (as I shall say hereafter) and they cried nothing but Ouff allah, and next day the sixteenth, how much more it was increased, saying so many fingers upon the following Picinino, to wit, The 16. 8. f. which are 14. f. of the 17. Pic. the 17. 4. f. which are 18. f. of the 17. Pic. the 18. 3. f. which are 21. f. of the 17. Pic. the 19 2. f. which are 23. f. of the 17. P. the 20. 2. f. which are one finger of the 18. P. the 21. 2. f. which are 3. f. of the 18. P. the 22. the Nile grew none at all, and nothing was cried; the 23. 2. f. which are 5. f. of the 18. P. the 24. 3. f. which are 8. f. of the 18. P. the 25. 1. f. which makes 9 f. of the 18. P. the 26. 2. f. which are 11. f. of the 18. P. the 27. 4. f. which are 15. f. of the 18. P. the 28. 7. f. which are 22. f. of the 18. P. the 29. 6. f. which are 4. f. of the 19 P. the 30. 4. f. which are 8. f. of the 19 P. the 31. 4. f. which are 12. f. of the 19 P. The first of September 6. f. which are 18. f. of the 19 P. the 2. 5. f. which are 23. f. of the 19 P. the 3. 6. f. which are 5. f. of the 20. P. the 4. 4. f. which are 9 f. of the 20. P. the 5. 5. f. which are 14. f. of the 20. P. the 6. 4. f. which are 18. f. of the 20. P. the 7. 4. f. which are 22. f. of the 20. P. the 8. 5. f. which are 3. f. of the 21. P. the 9 3. f. which are 6. f. of the 21. P. the 10. 3. f. which are 9 f. of the 21. P. the 11. 4. f. which are 13. f. of the 21. P. the 12. 3. f. which are 16. f. of the 21. P. the 13. 2. f. which are 18. f. of the 21. P. the 14. 3. f. which are 21. f. of the 21. P. the 15. 2. f. which are 23. f. of the 21 P. the 16. 3. f. which are 2. f. of the 22. P. the 17. 2. f. which are 4. f. of the 22. P. the 18. 2. f. which are 6. f. of the 22. P. the 19 3. f. which are 9 f. of the 22. P. the 20. 2. f. which are 11. f. of the 22. P. the 21. 2. f. which are 13. f. of the 22. P. the 22. 3. f. which are 16. f. of the 22. P. the three and twentieth nothing, because it began to decrease. And the four and twentieth, which is Holy-Cross-Day, according to the Calendar of the Greeks, they neither reckon nor cry any more, though it should increase, as sometimes it does till October; and it is to be observed, that it decreases gently, and much in the same manner as it increased, until the Month of May following.   

CHAP. LXVI. Of the Ceremonies and Public rejoicings at the Opening of the Khalis.  
WEdnesday the fourteenth of August, 
Ceremonies and public rejoicings at the opening of the Khalis.  he that daily measures the increase of the Nile, receives a Caftan from the Bassa, because the Water was risen 16. Pics; and Thursday the fifteenth of August, we went to Boulac, to see the preparations that were making for the cutting of the Khalis; there we saw all the Acabas ranked in order. Acaba, they call great Barges or Barks, 
Acaba.  in the stern whereof they make a Hall or Divan of Timber, Painted, Gilt, and contrived like the Rooms of their Houses. This Hall may be fourteen or fifteen good Paces broad, and about the same in length, with Rails and Balisters of Joiner's Work all round them; all this is Gilt, and full of Arabic Characters in Gold, and within they have several lovely Carpets and Cushions, after their way, Embroidered with Gold, and a Lantern; but in the Bassa's, there are three Lanterns. Besides that, they make a large Blaze or Flame aloft upon the Yard, and in the Head have several pieces of Cannon; upon the Bassa's there were ten, and on the Snout of the stem, there is a Wooden Figure of some Animal, Gilt, as a Lion, Tiger, Eagle, or the like; on the Bassa's there was a Hydra. All the several Beys, the Sousbasha, and many other Officers have also each of them one, besides several other smaller made like Galliots. About seven or eight a Clock in the Morning, the Bassa arrived with the usual Cavalcade. When he goes to any such Solemnity, he is mounted on a stately Horse, in rich Trappings; and at this time he wore on his Head a lovely Flower of Diamonds. As he passed they killed Sheep in three or four places, and when he was about to enter into his Bark, three or four more were killed upon the Riverside. Being with all the Beys entered into his Barge or Acaba, he went towards old Cairo, and then all the Acabas saluted him with their Guns, and followed him in order. The Bassa's Acaba, besides that it was Towed by three Barges, spread a Sail of many Colours, with a set of five great Red-Roses upon it, and after it came a little Galliot all covered over with Flags and Streamers, wherein were several Drums, Flutes, Trumpets, and such like Instruments, many others also had the like Galliots full of Musicians. And in short, all that Fleet together, made a very pleasant show; for it was a delightful sight to see upon the Nile all these Acabas, which were above forty in number, and all these pretty particoloured Sails, with their sets of Flowers, all the Flags and streaming Flames, which looked very fine. Nor did the noise of Cannon, the sound of infinite numbers of Instruments, and the shouts and acclamations of the People, contribute a little to the Magnificence of the Solemnity. In this manner they went gently along, firing now and then their Guns, till they came to the Bank which keeps out the Water from the Khalis. We could not see the opening made, because of the great crowd and confusion, but it signifies no great matter; for all that is to be seen, is a vast number of Rabble, who wait till the Bassa pass; and on each side of the Dyke a Paper-Tower, with Walls of the same reaching to the Dyke, and stuck full of Squibs and Serpents, which as soon as the Bassa passes are fired, and set one another on fire, whilst the People break down the Dyke with Pick-axes, Shovels, and such like Instruments, and removing the Earth make way for the Water. There are Boats loaded with Fruit and Sweetmeats (such as they make) which are thrown among the People, and one may have the pleasure to see them jump in, and swim for a share. In the mean time the Bassa goes forward to his Seraglio, which is in the middle of the Nile hard by, and over against old Cairo, and there stays during the three days that the Bonfires last. So soon as they have begun to break down the Bank, the Sousbasha, or his Lieutenant (as it happened this Year) comes on Horseback along the Khalis, and about eleven a Clock in the Forenoon, stops before the House of the French Consul, where he order two Rockets to be played; and the Consul gives him five or six Piastres, which are his due every Year at that Ceremony; the like he does to all the other Consuls. About Noon the Water passes by the Quarters of the French, and advances with pretty much Rapidity, being full of Rabble. (As I related in the Description of the opening of the Khalis the Year before.) Much about the same time the Khalis of Alexandria, that fills the Cisterns of that Town, and all the other Khalis are opened. The same day in the Evening, we took a Cayque and went to old Cairo, and as soon as we came near it, we began to see on all hands a shore, and upon the Water a vast number of large Figures made of Lamps, placed in such and such order, as of Crosses, Mosques, Stars, Crosses of Malta, Trees, and an infinite number of the like, from one end of old Cairo to the other. There were two Statues of Fire, representing a Man and a Woman; which at the farther distance they were seen, the more lovely they appeared: These Figures were two square Machine's of Wood, two Pikes length high, each in a Boat, and both were placed before the Palace where they measure the Water, and where the Bassa tarries during the three days of Rejoicing. One of them is on the one side of the Water, and the other on the other side, each ten paces from Land, leaving a broad passage betwixt them for Boats and Barges. These Machine's are filled with Lamps from top to bottom, which are lighted as soon as it is Night. In each of these Figures there are above two thousand Lamps, which are so placed, that on all sides you see a Man and a Woman of Fire. Besides that, all the Acabas, or Barks of the Bassa and Beys, are also full of Lamps, and their Music of Trumpets, Flutes, and Drums, which keep almost a continual Noise, mingled with that of Squibs, Crackers, Fire-Lances, great and small Shot; so that the vast number of Lamps, with the cracking of the Gunpowder, and noise of Music, make a kind of agreeable Confusion, that without doubt, cheers up the most Dejected and Melancholic. This lasts till Midnight, and then all retire; the Lamps burning all Night, unless they be put out by the Wind and Squibs. This Solemnity continues for three Nights. 
The custom of the ancient Egyptians at the opening of the Khalis.  The opening of the Khalis, hath in all times been very famous, even among the Ancient Egyptians, as being that which nourishes the Country; and at that Solemnity, they yearly Sacrificed a Boy and a Girl, upon whom the Lot fell, first cutting their Throat, and then throwing them into the Nile. In memory whereof, the Turks at this day, make the abovementioned Figures of a Man and a Woman, which they fill with Fire; and in this manner they divert themselves, during the three Nights allotted for that rejoicing, and when the Water is very high, there are Men who Swim in the Khalis, 
A Swimmer loaded with Chains.  with Ironchains. One of these Swimmers I saw pass by, and not without Ceremony: Before him went a great Boat full of People, of whom some beat the Drum, others had Firelocks to shoot at those who should throw stones, and then he came in the middle of twenty Persons that Swum about him. His Hands were tied behind his Back, and his Feet bound with a Chain of Iron, that weighed ten pound weight, he stood upright in the Water, and discoursed with those that were about him, not seeming in the least to move. He was followed by five or six Boats full of People, ready to take him up if he chanced to sink: In this manner he came in the Water from old Cairo where the Khalis gins, to the place where it ends, which is a long League. For a reward he has from the Bassa, a Vest, and a thousand Maidins; and besides that, he goes about the Town with a Box, and gets somewhat more. In this manner he goes twice, on two several days. There is another also who Swims in Chains, surrounded as the other, from end to end of the Khalis, and holds in each hand a dish of Coffee, with a Pipe of Tobacco in his Mouth, without spilling the Coffee. He performs this twice, and has the same reward as the other had. These Swimmers show only on Fridays, so that one may see them once a Week, during four Weeks.   

CHAP. LXVII. Of the Arrival of the Bey of Girge at Cairo.  
WEdnesday the fourth of September, Mehmet Bey, 
The arrival of the Bey of Girge.  who was then Bey of Girge, arrived near to Cairo, and Lodged at Bezeten beyond old Cairo, in Tents. This Bey had been a Slave to one Haley Bey, who died very Rich, in the year One thousand six hundred fifty five, when he was Bey of Girge, which is fourteen or fifteen days Journey from Cairo, up the Nile. In his Life-time he had made four of his Slaves Beys, of whom this was one; and after his death Bey of Girge. When Haley Bey died, he left behind him Fourscore thousand Camels, and about as many Asses; and besides that, a vast Treasure of Coined Money and Jewels, among which there was a Cup made of a Turkeys, worth above an Hundred thousand Crowns. This Man lived at a very high Rate, and there was not a day but he spent a thousand Crowns in his House at Cairo, though he were not there, but much more when he was. His Successor (Mehmet Bey I speak of) was sent for by two Agas, one after another, and commanded in name of the Bassa, (who had no kindness for him) to come to Cairo, and account for what he was in Arrear to the Bassa, for that is a Beyship depending on the Bassaship of Cairo. The design of the Bassa was to draw him to Cairo, under this pretext, then to deprive him of his Beyship, and give it to another; which was a secret he had discovered to no Man living. The Bey who suspected the Bassa's design, having at first slighted his Commands, resolved at length to come; but seeing the Bassa knew that he came with a great Retinue, he sent an Aga to command him back. This Aga found him at three days Journey from Cairo, and acquainted him with his Orders, which the other slighted, and proceeded on his Journey till he came near to Cairo. Thursday the fifth of September, all the Beys and other Persons of Quality, went out to visit him, as also all the Militia of the Country. The Beys, and the Cadilesquer, (who was no friend to this Bassa) had laid their Heads together to make the Bassa Mansoul, in case he gave bad Reception to this Bey, because, besides that they were all his friends, they always stick together against the Bassa. He made his entry into Cairo, on Saturday the seventh of September, and that I might have a full view of that entry, I went to Cara Meidan, which is a great Court or Square in the Bassa's Palace, at the end whereof the Stables are. This is a large and spacious place, but longer than broad. The Bassa came down, and went into a Kieusk, which is about the middle of the length of this place, on the right hand as you enter it from the Romeille: The Bassa stayed for him here, because the Bey would not go to his Apartment, fearing he might not be strong enough for him there. Thither came all the Men of the Beys, and all the Spahis, Chiaoux, Muteferacas, and in a word, all the Militia, ready to fight: For seeing they knew not the Bassa's design, and saw on the other hand that the Bey was well accompanied, they doubted it might come to blows. These Men of the Beys played for the matter of two Hours with the Dgerit, or Zagaye, which was a great Diversion to me; for there I saw them at near distance with safety and ease, whereas when they see a Christian abroad in the Fields, they many times dart their Dgerit at him. After that, they drew neatly up into very close Order: And at the same time, by the Gate opposite to that which goes into the Romeille, the Arabs of this Bey entered the place, armed with Pikes, and Shables four fingers broad, every one with his Iron-Hook a finger broad, and as big as one's Hand, with a Wooden Handle, to take up their Pikes without alighting from Horseback as they run, after they have darted them at any Body; as they who make use of Arrows, have such another Iron-Instrument, wherewith they hook up their Arrows from the Ground; and both are very dextrous at it. These Hooks they carried in their Sleeves; and were all very well Mounted, and not ill Clad for Arabs. They were in number above Three thousand, and among them marched the sixteen Caschefs or Bailiffs, 
Caschefs. The Toug of the Bey.  who are Subjects of this Bey, and his Sousbasha. After these came the Toug of the Bey, which is a Horse's Tail at the end of a Pike, and a large fair pair of Colours: Then came above Two thousand Harquebusiers on Horseback well clad, carrying all their Harquebuses before them, and their Shables by their sides; and of these the last forty had on Coats of Mail, 
Semhin, or Serban.  Vambraces, Steel-Caps, Neck-pieces, and in a word, they were all in Mail, and followed by the Beys foot, who are called Semhin, or Serban. These are Men who have no Pay but from him, receiving none from the Grand Signior. They were about four hundred in Number, all in good Order, every one with a large Musket on his Shoulder, well Gilt; nay, some of them carried Blunderbusses as big as little Falcons, with their Shables by their side: After them came six led Horses, as if it had been before the Bassa himself, than many of the Chiaoux of Cairo, Agas and Janissaries, all with their Caps of Ceremony; then the two Pages of the said Bey of Girge, and the eight of the Bassa, with their Gilt Silver-Cap, and lovely Plumes of Feathers, and at length, came the Bey of Girge. He was a Man of good presence, about forty Years of Age; after him came his Household, to the number of three hundred Men, all in good Order. The ten first were clothed in Green Velvet, with a large Collar of the same Stuff, covered over with Plates of Gold, having neat Bows and Quivers full of pretty Arrows, with Shables by their sides: The ten that came next were Apparelled in Yellow Satin, carrying each a Pike, a Shield and a Shable. The rest were all well Clothed too, every one carrying a Carbine and Shable, and in the Rear of them, ten played on Timbrels, and as many on Trumpets and Flutes; besides all these, there were above sixty Men playing on Timbrels, every one mounted on a Camel, who being dispersed here and there through the Cavalcade, made a great Noise. They drew all up in the Cara Meidan, but though it be a large place, yet it could not contain both them and the Militia of Cairo, so that a good many of them were forced to March out into the Romeille, to make room for the rest. When the Bey came near the Kieusk, he alighted from his Horse, and went unto it, where the Bassa expected him; and treated him with Coffee, Sorbet, and a Perfume, presenting him and every one of his Officers with a Caftan a piece. Whilst he was there, I went to a narrow Avenue at the end of the Romeille, through which he was to pass; soon after, we saw him and all his Men pass that way in File. I reckoned all those of his Retinue who had Caftans, and found them to be an hundred and eight, and they marched in the same Order as they came. The Kiaya of the Bassa waited upon the Bey back to his House, which was not far distant: However that was a thing extraordinary, for it is not the custom for the Kiaya of a Bassa to wait upon a Bey; he saluted all the People on both hands as he went, who all shouted, and wished him a thousand Blessings. The Turks and People of the Country, were much surprised to see so many Men, saying, That there was no King so powerful as he. The truth is, the Bey of Girge is a very mighty Prince when he is beloved of his Subjects, who are all Warlike, so that when he is at Girge, he values not the Grand Signior himself. And nevertheless, a Year after this solemn entry, the Bassa of Cairo having made War with him (who seemed to be very well beloved of his Subjects) he took him, and caused him immediately to be Strangled. His Arabs, who were his greatest strength, and in whom he put most Confidence, having forsaken him; but it was thought they were corrupted by the Bassa. This Bey kept in his House about him a Guard of Two thousand Men, and the rest of his Forces returned to Bezeten, and the Road, which is a Countryhouse belonging to him, over against old Cairo, but they came daily to the City to know how the Affairs of their Master stood, because he mistrusted some bad design against him; and therefore when he went abroad in the Town, he took always Three thousand Horse along with him. This Bey presented the Bassa in Money and Horses, to the value of eighty Purses, and it was judged, that that Journey would cost him Three hundred Purses; and indeed, he had brought Two thousand Purses with him, which amount to fifty Millions of Maidins, or a Hundred and fifteen thousand an hundred and one Piastres, seventeen Maidins. When this Bey was at Girge, they killed an hundred and fifty Sheep a day for his Family.   

CHAP. LXVIII. The arrival of an Ambassador of Aethiopia at Cairo, With the Presents he brought for the Grand Signior.  
IN the month of October an Ambassador of Aethiopia came to Cairo, 

The arrival of an Ambassador of Aethiopia at Cairo.  
An Ass of extraordinary Beauty.   with several Presents for the Grand Signior, and among others an Ass that had a most delicate Skin, if it was Natural, for I will not vouch for that, since I did not examine it. This Ass had a black List down the Back, and the rest of its Body was all begirt with White and Tawny streaks, a finger broad a piece; the Head of it was extraordinarily long, striped and partly coloured as the rest of the Body: its Ears like a Buffles, were very wide at the end, and black, yellow and white; its Legs streaked just like the Body, not long ways, but round the Leg in fashion of a Garter down to the Foot, and all in so good proportion and Symmetry, that no Lynx could be more exactly spotted, nor any Skin of a Tiger so pretty. The Ambassador had two more such Asses, which died by the way, but he brought their Skins with him, to be presented to the Grand Signior, with the live one. He had also several little black Slaves of Nubia, and other Countries, confining on Aethiopia, Civet, and other costly things for his Present. These little Blacks, (as I said before) serve to look after the Women in the Seraglio, after that they are Gelded. The Ambassador was an Old Man, and had the end of his Nose, part of the upper and under Lip cut off, but was otherwise a shapely Man, and of a very good Presence: He was Clothed after the Cophtish fashion, wearing a Turban like them, and spoke very good Italian, which gave me the opportunity of conversing with him: He told me his name was Michael, that he was a Native of Tripoli, in Syria, and that he had made three or four Voyages into Christendom; he even confessed to me, that he was a Roman Catholic, but that he durst not make profession of it in Aethiopia, but only of the Abyssin, that is to say, the Religion of the Cophtes. That eighteen months before, he had parted from Gontar, the Capital City of Aethiopia, and was so long retarded by the way, because of the contrary Winds he met with on the Red Sea, by which he came. That of an hundred Persons whom he had brought with him, of his own Servants and the Slaves he was to present to the Grand Signior, thirty or forty were Dead. If he had come by Land, he had not been so long by the way; for from Gontar to Schovaquen, it is about six week's Journey, 
Gontar.  and from Schovaquen to Cairo, forty or fifty days by Camels; but he could not take that way because of his Train. He told me many things relating to the Kingdom of Aethiopia, which I shall here give the Reader an account of.   

CHAP. LXIX. Of Aethiopia.  

Aethiopia.  AEThiopia or the Country of the Abyssins', called in Arabic Abesch, from whence comes the word Abyssin, is a great Empire, being above seven months' travel in Circuit; on the East-side it is bordered by the Red-Sea and Zanguebar, on the South, with Zeila, Avousa, Naria, etc. On the West by the Country of the Negroes and Nubia, and on the North with the Country of Nubia and Bugia; 
Greyn Mahomet.  because to come from Aethiopia into Egypt, one must cross Nubia down the Nile. About an hundred years ago, Greyn Mahomet, King of Zeila, of which the Inhabitants are all Moors, Invaded Aethiopia, and forced the King to save himself on a Mountain, from whence he sent to demand assistance of the King of Portugal, 
The King of Portugal assists the King of Aethiopia.  who immediately sent it him; but hardly was he who commanded these Auxiliaries entered the Country, when he resolved to return back again, finding that they eaten raw Flesh there: However his brother Don Christopher had more Courage, and would not return without doing some Exploit; he marched up into the Country with about three hundred Musqueteers, Fought, Vanquished, and killed the Moorish King, and then Re-established the lawful King of Aethiopia. For reward of which Service, the king of Aethiopia, gave Lands and Estates to all the Portugese that stayed within his Dominions, and their Offspring are still in that Country. The Father of this present King was a good Catholic, but he dying some thirty odd years ago, the Queen his Wife, who was a great Enemy to the Jesuits, and no Catholic, and who suffered impatiently that they should govern (as they pleased) the late King her Husband, wrought upon her Son that succeeded him, 
A persecution of the Roman Catholics in Aethiopia.  to Persecute all the Roman Catholics, in such a manner that the Jesuits were obliged to make their Escape, and he put to Death all the Capucins whom he found. Since that time, three Capucins more were put to Death at Schovaken; for the King of Aethiopia knowing that they had a mind to come into his Kingdom, sent to the Governor of Schovaken, praying him to put to death those three Religious Franks. The Governor of Schovaken caused their Heads to be immediately struck off, and sent them to the King of Aethiopia, who as a reward, made him a Present of three Bags of Gold-Dust, promising him as many Bags of Gold-Dust, as he should send him Heads of Franks; and fifteen or sixteen years since, two others have been put to Death, in the Province of Oinadaga, whose names were Father Fioravanti, and Father Francisco. In short, this King is a declared Enemy to all Franks, whom he accuses of being Heretics, and of having conspired to put the Crown upon the Head of one of his Enemies; so that a Frank who would go into that Country, 
The belief of the Aethiopians.  must pass for an Armenian or Cophte; for the King and all his People, are of the Cophtish Religion. They believe but one Nature in Jesus Christ: At the end of eight days they Circumcise, as the Jews do, and Baptism a Fortnight after. Before the Jesuits went thither, they Baptised none before they were thirty or forty years of Age. They say Mass as the Cophtes do, but their Church-Books are in the Aethhiopic Language. 
The Patriarch of Aethiopia depends on the Patriarch of Alexandria.  Their Patriarch depends on the Patriarch of Alexandria, and when the Patriarch of the Abyssins' dies, they send Deputies to Alexandria, to entreat the Patriarch to send them another; and he Convocating his Clergy, chooses out the fittest among them, whom he sends, but is never any more heard of in Egypt, till he be Dead. After all, the Ambassador told us that most of the People of the Country are Catholics in their Heart.  

Sennar. Naria.  There are four Kings that pay Tribute to the King of Aethiopia, to wit, The King of Sennar, who pays his Tribute in Horses. Sennar is a very hot Country. The King of Naria, who pays his Tribute in Gold. The King of Bugia, and King of Dangala. Naria is a good Country; and in that Country are the Mines out of which, they have the Gold that passes on the Coasts of Soffala and Guiney. These Mines are not deep, as in many other countries'. From that Country also comes the Civet. I think it will not be amiss, here to say somewhat of Civet's, which are so rare in our Country, as that they deserve to be taken notice of where one can find them. They are called Civet-Cats, come from Naria, (as I just now said) and are taken in Snares. The Jews in Cairo keep many of them in their Houses, where for buying a few drachms of Civet, one may see them. It is a Beast almost as big as a good Dog; 
Civet.  it hath a sharp Snout, small Eyes, little Ears, and mustachioes like a Cat; the Skin of it is all spotted black and white, with some ●●●…wish specks, and hath a long bushy Tail, almost like a Fox. It is a very wild Creature; and I believe the by't of it would put a body to no small pain, The Jews keep them in great square wooden Cages, where they feed them with raw Mutton and Beaf, cut into small Pieces. 
The way of getting Civet  When they would get from them that which is called Civet, (and is the Sweat of this Beast, that smells so sweet) they make him go back with a stick which they thrust in betwixt the Bars of the Cage and catch hold of his Tail; when they have that fast, they take hold also of his two hind Legs, pulling him half out of the Cage by the Door, which falls down upon his Back, and keeps him fast there, than another opens a certain Cod of Flesh that these Beasts have, which is shaped like a split Gyserne, and with an Iron-Spatula scrapes all the Sweat off of it within. The Males have that piece of Flesh betwixt their Stones and Yard, which is like a Cats. The Females have it betwixt their Fundament and Privities; and it is emptied of the Sweat but twice a Week, each Beast yielding about a drachm at a time, by what I could discern. When that Sweat or Excrement is taken out, it is of a whitish grey, but by little and little in some short space it turns to a very brown colour. It smells very sweet at a distance, but near hand it stinks and causes a Headache. There are as many kinds of Civet-Sweat, as there are of Civet-Cats, for it is more whitish, greyish, or yellowish, and dryer in some than in others, and yet they mingle all together. 
There is no pure Civet to be had.  After all, it is in vain to think to have pure Civet, for the Jews falsify it; and if a Man imagine it to be pure because he has seen it taken from the Beast, he is mistaken, for before People come to their Houses, they rub the inside of that piece of Flesh, with a little Oil or some such stuff, that so the Sweat and it together may make more weight, but when no body is present, they take it out pure, and mingle it afterwards. To find out the truth of this, I went one day to the House of a Jew that kept Civet Cats, without giving him notice before, (for because I had bought a little of him, and promised to come again another time, he asked me as often as he saw me, what day I would come) and having desired him to get me some fresh Civet, he told me that it was not the day he used to take it out; and having returned without acquainting him before, upon one of the days when he said he was accustomed to gather it, he refused then also to do it, pretending business, which confirmed all that had been told me of that maitter. In the mean time, they hold these Beasts very dear, for havihg asked that Jew, and others also, how much they would have of me, for a Civet Cat, 
Dangala. Baberins.  they all told me, an hundred Chequins. Dangala, is the Capital City of Nubia, the King of Dangala, is King of the Barberins, who are a kind of Blacks, of the Musulman Religion, that came in crowds to Cairo to get Services; they are somewhat silly, but very faithful, and serve for a small matter; for two Maidins a day, or a Maidin and their Diet; you may make them do whatsoever you please. They wear a blew-Shirt, plat all their Hair in Tresses, and then rub it over with a certain Oil, to keep their Head from being Lousy. At Cairo when they have any falling out, they go before the Scheiks of their own Nation, who make them Friends, and if they think It convenient, adjudge them to pay a Fine, with which they Feast and make merry together. They are great lovers of Crocodiles Flesh; and when any Frank has got one for the Skin, they come and beg the Flesh, which they dress with a pretty good Sauce. When these blades have scraped together ten or twelve Piastres, they return home again wealthy to their own Country, provided they escape being Rob by the Arabs upon the way, who many times serve them so, therefore they commonly return in companies, as they came. The King of Dangala pays his Tribute to the King of Aethiopia, in Cloth. The Provinces of Aethiopia, are Govyan, (where the King keeps a Viceroy.) Beghandir, Dambia, Amara, (which is a great Province full of Mountains and good Castles) Damoud Tegre, and Barnegas. Besides, there are several Provinces Governed by Princes, who are Vassals to the King of Aethiopia. In short, the Kingdom of Aethiopia, comprehends twenty four Tambours or Vice-Roys. The Capital City is called Gonthar, and is in the Province of Dambia. Aethiopia, (as the Ambassador told me) is as cold as Aleppo or Damascus, only the Countries near the Red-Sea, and the Country of Sennar are hot. The King of Aethiopia has above an hundred Wives, and keeps no Eunuches to look after them, because they look upon it as a Sin to Geld a Man; so that the Women have the same liberty there as in Christendom. He is a King of very easy access, and the poorest have the freedom to come and speak to him when they please. He keeps all his Children on a Mountain, called Ouohhni, in the Province of Oinadaga, which is a Mountain two days Journey distant from Gonthar; there is a place like a Cistern on the top of the Mountain, into which they are let down every night, and taken up again in the daytime, and suffered to play and walk about. When the King dies, they choose out one of the wittiest of them, and make him King, without any regard to Birthright: and when he comes to have Children, he sends his Brother's Prisoners to some other place, and places his Children at Ouohhni. The place where the Kings are Buried, is called Ayesus, and is a kind of Grott; where the Aged are laid in one side, and the young in the other. Heretofore there was a Church there of the same name, in time of the Jesuits; and in the same place, there is an excellent Library, where are all sorts of Books in all kinds of Languages in great plenty, and may be seen by those who have the Curiosity. The Ambassador assured me, that he had been in that Library, and I fancy it is the old Library of the Ancient Aethiopians. Aethiopia is a good and fertile Country, producing Wheat, Barley, etc. The greatest Deserts of it, are not above three or four days Journey over; and nevertheless, when the King makes any progress, he always lodges in Tents. The Houses of the great Lords, are like those of Cairo, that is to say, very mean in respect of the Houses of Europe, and the rest are only of Mud. The Country affords men of all Trades, except Watch-makers. They have no Camels there, but Mules, Asses, Oxen and Horses. All the people of this Country eat raw Flesh, except the King, who has it dressed, and drinks Wine of Grapes; the rest drink only Wine made of Millet or Saracen wheat, but as strong as ours, and Brandy made of the same Grain. They are Clothed after the fashion of the Franks, and wear Cloth, Velvet and other Stuffs imported to them by the Red-Sea. They have Harquebuses from the Turks, and of those People, there are not above three or four hundred, who serve in the Wars with Harquebuses. In Trading they make no use of Coined Money, as the Europeans do, but their money are pieces of fifteen or twenty Pics of Cloth, Gold, which they give by weight, and a kind of Salt, which they reduce into little square pieces like pieces of Soap, and these pass for Money. They cut out that Salt upon the side of the Red-Sea, five or six days Journey from Dangala, as you go from Cairo, and the places where they make it, are called Arho. Among them is the Nation of the Gauls, whom in Aethiopick they call Chava, and are a Vagabond people in Aethiopia, as the Arabs are in Egypt; these Gauls are rich in cattle, and are always at Wars with the Aethiopians, They have no Harquebuses, nor other Fire-Arms, but make use of Lances and Targets. After all, they speak so many different Languages in Aethiopia, that the Ambassador said to me, If God hath made seventy two Languages, they are all spoken in Aethiopia. I asked his Excellency if he knew any thing of the Source of the Nile, and this he told me concerning it. The head of Nile is a Well that springs out of the Ground in a large Plain, where many Trees grow; this Fountain is called, Ouembromma, and is in a Province called Ago. It makes that a very delightful place, casting up Water very High in several places: And this Ambassador of Aethiopia assured me, that he had been above twelve times with the King of Aethiopia to spend several days about that Fountain, which is twelve days Journey from Gonthar, the Capital City of Aethiopia. This Spring sends its Water Northwards through a long tract of Land, which having passed seven Cataracts or Falls, that are very high places, from which it falls plumb down, making a roaring noise at every one of these Cascades, and having run through all Egypt, it discharges itself into the Mediterranean Sea, by the two mouths of Rossetto and Damiette. Now the cause why Nile overflows so regularly in the Summertime, is only because when they have Summer in Egypt, it is Winter in Aethiopia, where for three months' time, the Rain that continually falls running by Torrents into the main River, makes it to swell extraordinarily, and nevertheless, there are no Mountains near to that Spring head; for the Mountains that are nearest to it, are the Jews Mountains, whereof I shall make some mention hereafter, and these are three Weeks Journey from it. It is a Vulgar error then, that this River has its Source from an unknown place; 
The source of the Nile is not unknown.  as also that those who live near the Cataracts of Nile, are deaf; and a greater still what some say, that the Grand Signior pays Tribute to the King of Aethiopia to let the Nile run in its usual Channel; for it is not in his power to divert it. The Mountains of the Jews are but two in number, of which the one is called Semain; and the other, Sallemt. 
Semain. Sallemt.  They were heretofore Inhabited by Jews, who became powerful under the command of one called Ghidhon, which the King of Aethiopia perceiving, marched out against them, reduced them to duty; 
Ghidhon chief of the Jews.  and at length that they might attempt no Innovation for the future, he dispossessed them of the Mountains, and brought them down into a Plain Inhabited by Christians, whom he sent into their Mountains; on which there always lies a great deal of Snow.   

CHAP. LXX. Of the Esine that was kept at Cairo in my time.  
IN the month of November there was an Esine kept at Cairo, that is to say, 
Esine.  a public Rejoicing, because the Turks had taken two Castles in Hungary. It was proclaimed on the eighth of November after noon, there being a man who cried it in every Quarter; and the chief Cryer went in a Caftan to advertise the Beys and Consuls, and got money in the Streets: They Cried it for seven days, to begin on Saturday the ninth of November, at the hour of Evening Prayers, though it used not to last above three days. This Saturday morning the Guns were fired from the Castle, which continued to be done every morning as long as the Esine lasted, and then all fell to work before their doors, the poorest Man that is, being ready on such occasions to lay out somewhat on Lamps and Stuffs: It is a very pleasant thing to be seen, especially in the Nighttime, when one may go abroad with greater safety and freedom than in the day at any other time; for by Lamp-light they cannot tell whether your Turban be white or of any other Colour, and so they know not whether you be Christian or Turk. All the streets are full of Lamp-lights, but especially some, wherein there are a vast number of Lights, not only before the Gates, but within the Houses of the Beys, and other Persons of Quality. Besides that, the streets are hung with lovely Hang of Cloth of Gold, and other rich stuffs; among others, there are some Streets wherein all the Shops are hung with Cloth of Gold, and rich silk Stuffs flowered with Gold. In many places also, you may see pleasant figures of Christian Franks, which to them is a great Diversion. Besides the Tapistery and Lamps which are to be seen in the Houses of the Beys, they make a show also in the entry of all sorts of Arms and Armour; as Headpieces, Corslets, Coats of Mail, Muskets, Swords and Targets, etc. which are ranked in very good order. The Consuls are likewise obliged to act their parts in the Solemnity, though it were even a rejoicing for a Victory obtained by the Turks over their own Country, else they would have an Avanie put upon them, and therefore when they keep an Esinie for a Victory over the Venetians, the Consul of Venice is obliged to do as others do, if he had not rather pay the next day a swinging Avanie. There they expose, besides Lamps and Tapestry, several excellent Pictures, which the Turks look upon with a great deal of pleasure, especially when it is some good Face; thinking it impossible that we should have such Beauties in Christendom, nay, that there can be any such in the World. The Women came also, being allowed then, as at Bairam, to go abroad and see the Festival, yet not the great Ladies, as those of the Bassa's, Beys, and others of higher Quality, but only those of an inferior Condition. This is very expensive to the Consuls, and to all that would make any show; for besides some hundreds of Lamps, and the Tapestry which must be hired; it is the custom to treat all those who come to see what is before the House with Coffee, and if they be People of Honour and Fashion, they must give them Sorbet also, nay, and Sweetmeats too. And for that end, every Consul had before his House a piece of Tapestry, hung out on each side of the Street, and Hang all round, leaving only a Passage between; under these kind of Pavilions on each side of the Street, there were some hundreds of Lamps, and a great many Pictures, as likewise at the Avenues of the Street, with Chairs and rich Cushions for those that come to see, to sit on. And no sooner did any come, how mean soever he was, but he had Coffee and Tobacco brought to him, so that the Expense went high; for betwixt morning early, and three a Clock after Midnight, many thousands of People came. This Festival ended on Friday Morning, the fifteenth of November, so that the Esine lasted but six days, though it had been cried for seven, because the Inferior sort of People were at too great Charges, and got nothing, for during that time, no Man was suffered to Work.   

CHAP. LXXI. Of the Deserts of St. Macharius.  

The Journey to the Deserts of St. Macharius.  ONE should also see the Deserts of St. Macharius, where there are four Monasteries, to wit, of St. Macharius, the Syrians, Balsarion, and of our Lady. I did not see them, having still put it off from day to day: However, I will here give you a Relation of them, which I got. You must take Water at Boulac, with a Janisary or two, and fall down as far as a Village called Terrana, where there is a Cachef, to whom it will not be a miss to make some small present of Sweetmeats, or the like, that you may be the better protected by him. Then the Janissaries wait upon the said Cachef, and inform him that their Company have a desire to go to the Deserts of St. Macharius: Immediately the Cachef gives orders to two of his Men, and to Arab Scheiks, to make ready to attend the Travellers, and provides Beasts to carry them. For the price, you must endeavour to agree as cheap as you can, and it must be made in presence of the Cachef, before you set out, for if you delay till you come back, they'll exact the more. The hire commonly for going and coming is two Piastres for each Horse or Camel, and one Piastre for each Ass, besides three or four Piastres for every Horseman that accompanies you, which pays both for Man and Horse. Such as would spare Charges, should at Cairo strike in with one of the Monks of some of the Monasteries of the said Desert, who will oblige himself to Conduct them thither and back again to Cairo, 
Dris.  and they are to go down the River with him, to a Village called Dris, where these Monks have a House. There the Monk will do well to take with him an Arab that is known in the Mountain, and every one being mounted on an Ass, they may begin their Journey.  
First, They go to the Manastery of St. Macharius, 
Monastery of St. Macharius.  a days Journey from Terrana, and lies right West. This is a very ancient Monastery, the Walls are very high, but it is much decayed. There are many holy bodies in it, but only one of these approved of by the Church of Rome; to wit, that of St. Macharius, as also five or six Altar-Tables of lovely Marble. Within the Precinct of this Monastery, there is a kind of a big square Tower, into which you enter by a Draw-bridge; and wherein there is a Church, a Well, and all that is necessary for the Service of the Church, and the sorry sustenance of the Religious, who sometimes retreat into it. For when they find themselves abused, and pursued by stranger Arabs, they betake themselves to this kind of strong Hold, and pull up the Draw-bridge after them, keeping there whatever they have of Value in the Monastery, especially all their Books which they so esteem, that no Monk dares to Sell, or put out of the way any of them, under the pain of Anathema. In this manner, all the three other Monasteries, (of which we shall speak hereafter) have Towers in them. This Monastery is the greatest, but also the most ruinous, and especially the Church that seems to have been very fair in times past. There is no Garden belonging to it, and the Water which the Monk's drink is somewhat brackish.  
From St. Macharius, you go to another, called Ambabichoye, 
Ambabichoye.  lying Northward of the former, three or four Hours journey only. Upon the way thither, you see a great many little Eminences, or Rise, about a step over, which cut the way, and reach far into the Western Desert: The Religious say, and find it Recorded in their Books (which are very ancient,) that this Rising was made by Angels, to serve for a path to the Hermit's, who many times lost their way, when on Sundays they were coming to Mass in the Monastery, and therefore they call it Tarik el Melaike, that is to say, the Angel's Way. 
Tarik el Malaike.  By the way also you see many old Walls, which are the ruins of several Monasteries that heretofore have been there, and as the Monks say, to the number of three hundred, round that Mountain; but the Ruins which remain at present, make it not appear that the number has been so great. It is true, one must not think, that they have been perfect Monasteries, but only little Houses built by Seculars, who had a mind to retire into the Desert, and lead a Religious Life there; being obliged on Sundays and all Holy Days, to come to Mass in the next Monastery, there to assist at Divine Service. And in that Monastery there was an Abbot, with a certain number of residing Monks, who when they had a mind to lead a more austere Life, and were found to be sufficiently qualified for that, by their Superior, were suffered by him to leave the Convent, and go live more solitary further off in the Mountain, where they built little Hermitages, and there spent their lives in great Austerity, Silence, and continual Meditation; and this is the account the Religious give. It is not good to follow that Angel's way, nor to be too curious in ask questions of the Arabs about it, for than they would presently conclude, that you were come to the Mountain to search for some Treasure hid in it, which they fancy the Franks know of. Among these old buildings, you see the ruins of a Monastery, built in honour of St. John the Little, and is called Juhhanna el Kasirs, where there is still a Dome, and the dry Rod, which being watered by that good Hermit, at the command of his Superior, was changed into a fair Tree, which is to be seen at this day, as a monument of the merit of Obedience. The Monks call this Tree Chadgeret el Taa, that is to say, 
Chadgeret el Taa.  the Tree of Obedience. The Monastery of Ambabichoye, is the pleasantest of all the four, for it has a fair Church, a lovely Garden, and good Water, with a big Tower in it, as in that of St. Macharius. There were a great many holy bodies therein, which on Palm-Sunday, in the Year 1656. were burnt by a spark that fell from a Taper that had been left burning there; whereupon the Monks being vexed that they had lost their Saints, gave it out that they had been carried away by a French Merchant, who came into those Quarters to buy Natron. But finding that the device would not take, though it cost the Merchant Money, (for the Turks would not let slip that occasion,) they raised some dead bodies and brought them into their Church, publishing that they were the bodies of their Saints, which had escaped out of the French Ships, and were come back to their Church. From Ambabichoye you go to another Monastery, 
The Monastery of the Syrians in the Desert of Macharius. The Staff of St. Ephrem.  called the Monastery of the Syrians, a quarter of a League distant from Ambabichoye; it is but small, but very pleasant, has good Water, and is the best in order of all. There you see two fair Churches, one for the Syrians, and another for the Cophtes, in which are many Relics. In this last is the Staff of St. Ephrem, who being come to visit another Hermit, and having left his Staff at the Door, whilst he was in discourse with the other whom he came to see, his Staff took root and blossomed, and is now a lovely great Tree, and the only in Egypt of its kind. From the Monastery of the Syrians, you go to the Mountain of the eagle's Stones, and by the way you see the dry Sea, which was dried up (as the Monks say) at the Prayers of the Hermit's who at that time lived by it, and chief of St. Macharius; because the Pirates of that Sea much infested them, 
Bahr el Malame.  it is called Bahr el Malame, that is to say, Mare Convicii. There you may find a great many petrifications of Wood, and some Bones converted into Stone, which are pretty curious. On the side of that Sea to the West, 
The Mountain of eagle's Stones. Dgebel el Masque.  is the Mountain of eagle's Stones, called Dgebel el Masque; where digging in the Earth, and especially in time of heat and drought, they find several Eagles Stones of different bigness, so called, because the Eagles carry them to their Nests, to preserve their young ones from Serpents; they have many Virtues, and the Monks say, that there are commonly many Eagles to be seen there. You must make as short a stay there as you can, for fear of the Arabs. From the Mountain of eagle's Stones, you go (making a Triangle) to the fourth Monastery, and all the Journey from Ambabichoye to this Monastery, 
Dir el Saydet.  is performed in one day: This Monastery is called Dir el Saydet, that is to say, the Monastery of our Lady; it is very spacious, but a little ruinous. It hath a fair Church and Garden, but the Water is brackish, and nevertheless, there are more Monks in this Monastery than in the other three, because the Revenue of it is greater, and they have some Relics also. From this Monastery you go to the Lake of Natron, 
Birquet el Natroun.  called Birquet el Natroun, only two Leagues distant from it; this Lake is worth ones Curiosity to see, and it looks like a large Pond frozen over, upon the Ice whereof, a little Snow had fallen: It is divided into two, the more Northern is made by a Spring that rises out of the Ground, though the place of it cannot be observed; and the Southern proceeds from a great bubbling Spring, the Water being at least a Knee deep, which immediately as it springs out of the Earth congeals, and makes as it were great pieces of Ice; and generally the Natron is made and perfected in a Year by that Water, which is reddish. There is a red Salt upon it six or seven Fingers thick, 
Natron.  than a black Natron, which is made use of in Egypt for Lie, and last is the Natron much like the first Salt, but more solid. Higher up there is a little Well of Freshwater, which is called Aain el Goz; and a great many Camels come daily to the Lake, to be loaded with that Natron. From this Lake you go to another, where there is Salt at Whitsuntide, made in form of a Pyramid, 
Pyramidal Salt. Melhel Mactaoum.  and therefore is called Pyramidal Salt, and in Arabic Melh el Mactaoum. From the said Lake you return and Lodge in one of the Monasteries, and next day come back to the Nile, where you must stay for a passage to Cairo, or Rossetto, if you have not retained the Boat that brought you.   

CHAP. LXXII. Of Egypt, the Nile, Crocodiles, and Sea-Horses.  
AEGypt called by the Hebrews Mistress Raim, 
Egypt. Masr.  and by the Arabs at present Masr, and in Turkish Misr, is bounded on the East by the Red Sea, and the Deserts of Arabia; on the South by the Kingdoms of Bugia and Nubia, 
The borders of Egypt.  on the West by the Deserts of Lybia; and on the North by the Mediterranean Sea. This Country lies so low, that the Land cannot be seen till one be just upon it; and therefore those that sail to it, aught to be upon their Guard. Egypt has no Ports on the Mediterranean fit for Ships, except Alexandria and the Bouquer, which is rather a Road than a Port: 
The course of the Nile in Egypt.  The River of Nile runs through the length of it, and having its Course from South to North, discharges itself into the Mediterranean by two mouths, upon the sides of which, stand two fair Towns, to wit, Rossetto to the West, and Damiette to the East, two miles below which, it mingles its Waters with the Sea, and by that division makes a Triangular Isle in Egypt: This Triangular Island was by the ancient Greeks called Delta, because in Figure it resembles the Character Δ. 
The Delta of Egypt.  One side of that Triangle is beat by the Mediterranean Sea on the North, and the other two are bounded by the two branches of the Nile, which divide at the point of this Triangle; so that the three points or angles of this Triangle are, the first at the place where the Nile divides itself into two; the second at Rossetto, and the third at Damiette: The first Angle is at an equal distance from the other two, to wit, from Rossetto and Damiette, and from that Angle it is five or six Leagues to Cairo, so that the Nile has only those two mouths which are Navigable for great Vessels; for though there be some others, yet they are no more but Rivulets. 
The breadth of the Nile.  This River is broader than the broadest part of the Seine, but it is not very Rapid, unless it be at its Cataracts, where it falls from so great a height, that (as they say) the noise of it is heard at a very great distance. When it overflows, it seems to be a little Sea. The water of it is very thick and muddy, but they have an Invention to clarify it: For in that Country, 
An invention for clarifying the water of the Nile.  they make use of great Vessels of white Earth, holding about four Buckets full of Water; when they are full of Water, they rub the inside of the Vessels with three or four Almonds at most, until they be dissolved, and in the space of a quarter of an Hour, the Water becomes very clear; and for that end, most of those who bring Water to Houses, have a Paste of Almonds, wherewith they rub the Vessels, as I have said. After all, this Water is so wholesome, that it never does any harm, though one drink never so much of it, because it comes a great way over Land, to wit, from Ethiopia. So that in so long a course, and through so hot a Country, the Sun has time to Correct it, and cleanse it from all Crudities, and indeed, it is sweated out as fast as one drinks it. In short, 
The number of Villages upon the Banks of the Nile.  they have no other Water to drink in Egypt, and therefore most of the Cities, Towns, and Villages are upon the sides of the River, and there are so many Villages, that you no sooner leave one, but you find another, and all the Houses in them are built of Earth. This River abounds not much in Fish, and we had but one good Fish of the Nile at Cairo, which they call Variole, and that is rare too; 
Variole. Crocodiles.  but there are a vast number of Crocodiles in it, which perhaps is the cause of the scarcity of the Fish. Crocodiles are Amphibious Animals, for they live both in the Water, and upon Land: They have a Head flat above and below, the Eyes indifferently big and very darkish, which has made many say, that they always weep after once they are taken, but it is a fable. They have a long sharp Snout, full of long and sharp Teeth, but no Tongue. The Body is large and all of a bigness, the Back covered with high Scales like the heads of the Nails in a Ourt-gate, of a greenish Colour, and so hard, that they are proof against a Halberd; they have a long Tail, covered over with Scales like the Body, their Belly below is white and pretty tender. They have four short thick Legs, there being five Claws in each of the Fore-feets, and only four in the Hind-feets. In a word, a Crocodile resembles very much a Lizard, and grows as long as it lives; some of them are above twenty Foot in length, but I have seen little ones half a Foot long. This and the Hippopotamus are the only Animals, who in eating move the upper Jaw, and move not at all the under. The Crocodile is very strong, and one day as I caused one of them, which was eight Foot long, to be skinned, four Men stood upon it, whilst they were slitting up his Belly, but it stirred and struggled with so much force, that it threw them all four off; it is also very strong lived, for when they skin it, after they have cut the Throat and opened the Belly of it, if it catch hold of any thing in its mouth, it will never part from it. As it happened once to a Moor whom I knew, who having skinned one for a Frenchman, (who had a mind to keep the Skin) and cutting the Throat, had separated the Head from the Body, so that there remained no more but the Head sticking to the Skin, all the flesh being taken out; he untied the Snout, but immediately thereupon the Jaws opening, caught hold of one of his Fingers, which with its Teeth, it cut clear off. The flesh of a Crocodile is not bad, but it is somewhat insipid, and not at all poisonous, as many believe, for I have tasted of it, and found it to be good; the Barbarians eat hearty, and make a great Feast of it. These Creatures are great lovers of men's flesh, and therefore they are very terrible all along the Nile, not only to little Boys, whom they frequently devour when they come to the Riverside to do their Needs, for these cunning creatures hid themselves; but also to Men, whom they surprise sometimes in their Boats. For in the Nighttime they rise upright, and thrusting their Snout into the Boat, endeavour to catch hold of a Man, and if they can but pull him into the Water, they quickly master him; and that is the reason that no Body will willingly venture to Swim in the Nile. It is another most erroneous fable also, that a Crocodile will weep like a young Child, to draw People about it whom it may devour; 
How Crocodiles are taken.  it is a thing altogether unknown in that Country. To catch these Creatures, they make a great many Pits by the Riverside, which they cover over with Sticks, and such other things, and so when they come to pass over these Ditches, (especially when the Water increases, which is the time when most of them are taken, because than they venture farthest out) they fall into them, and cannot get out again. They let them fast there for several days, then let down some Gins with running Nooses, wherewith they muzzle their Snout, and so pull them up, and carry them to the Quarters of the Franks. The Moors say, That at old Cairo there is a Talisman against the Crocodiles, which makes that they never pass beyond old Cairo; but that is false, for there are of them at Rossetto and Damiette, and they are to be seen upon the way to Cairo, not indeed, in any great number, because commonly they keep off from the Sea; but there some at least to be found there. They never come into the Khalis, because (as I think) it is narrow; but if they did, they might do a great deal of mischief, for when the Water runs in it, it is full of Swimmers.  

Hippopotamus.  There are Hippopotamuses, or Sea-Horses, also in this River, and there was one taken at Girge, in the Year 1658. which was immediately brought to Cairo, where I saw it in the Month of February, the same Year. This Creature was of a kind of Tawny Colour, the hinder part of it was much like to a Buffler, however its Legs were shorter and bigger; it was about the bigness of a Camel, and had a Muzzle like an Ox. The Head of it is like to a Horses, and very great, but its Eyes small. It had a very thick Neck, a little Ear, wide and open Nostrils, thick large Feet, and almost round, with four Toes in each, like a Crocodile, a little Tail like an Elephant, and little or no Hair upon the Skin, no more than an Elephant. In the lower Jaw it had four great Teeth half a Foot long, two whereof were crooked, and as big as the Horns of an Ox, and one on each side of the Jaw; the other two were straight, and of the same bigness as the crooked, but standing out in length. Many said at first, that it was a Sea-Buffler, but some others and I, knew it to be a Sea-Horse, because of the description that is given of it by Writers. It was brought Dead to Cairo, by some Janissaries, who shot it on Land, where it was come to feed; they fired several shot at it, before it fell, for the Bullets hardly pierced through its Skin, as I observed, but they fired one shot which hit it on the Jaw, and made it fall. For many years before, such an Animal had not been seen at Cairo.  
But to return to the Nile, this River causes all the fruitfulness of Egypt, and if it failed to overflow one year, there would be a Famine in the Land; nay if it did not rise sixteen foot, there would be great Scarcity; as also if it grew four and twenty foot, it would likewise occasion a Dear 〈◊〉; because the water covering all the Land too long, Seedtime would be lost, when it ebbs off; it leaves a fat nitrous slime upon the ground, which so fattens the Land, that it would produce nothing, through too much Fatness, if they did not sow Sand upon it, before they plant or sow any thing therein; so that they are at the same pains to put Sand on their Land to unfatten it, as we are to Dung ours. Not that it never reins there, as many Dreamers would have us believe in Christendom, squeezing their Brains to give a reason for that which is not in Nature, for it reins much at Alexandria, and Rossetto also; but at Cairo, which stands higher, it reins less; and yet I have seen it rain very hard every year for two days together in the Month of December, and at the same time, it Thundered so much, that the eleventh or twelfth night of the said month, a man in the Castle was killed by Thunder, (though it had never been heard before that Thunder had killed any body at Cairo. It is cold weather also in December, which I found by experience, but it is never so cold that one stands in need of a Fire. In the other Seasons it is extreme hot, but especially in Summer. From January till March, they catch Snipes in Egypt, in May, yellow Birds or Nitrials, 
Fowling in Egypt.  which are nothing but a lump of Fat, and wild-Turtles, which are very good, but for the house-Pigeons they are good for nothing: In September also yellow Birds and Turtles, which come again, and at the same time Larks, that last till the years end. This Country indeed, is not only most fertile, but also very pleasant; and it is not without reason that I said elsewhere that Egypt is an Earthly Paradise, inhabited by Devils: but certainly, the oppression the people lie under from their Governors, abates much of their Pleasure, as I shall say hereafter.  
This Country produces a great deal of Corn, and Herbs of all sorts, but no Fruits nor Wine, for it yields but very few Grapes, which are of those great red Grapes, that have a very thick Skin, and little Juice in them. 
Trees of Egypt.  Many fair Trees grow there, which we have not in this Country, and especially Palm-Trees, and the Sycamores or Figtrees of Pharaoh, which differ from those Trees we call Sycamores, for those of Egypt are the true Sycamores; they bear Figgs that stick to the stock, which are not good, and yet the Moors for all that eat them; there are also Cassia-Trees there, which are very lovely; they bear always both Blossoms and Fruit, the Blossoms of them being yellow, and having a very pleasant Scent, which may be smelled at a great distance.  
I wave many other plants, as the Colocasse and Papyrus, etc. which are described in Prosper Alpinus.   

CHAP. LXXIII. Of the Manners of the Egyptians; the Woman who pulls Worms out of children's Ears, and of the Arabic Language.  

Cairo. Masr or Misr.  CAire the chief City of Egypt, called in Arabic Masr, and in Turkish Misr, as the whole Province of Egypt is, (whereof it is the Capital) is peopled by several different Nations, 
The Nations that Inhabit Cairo.  who may be reduced into some kinds, for there are the people of the Country, who are either Musulmans or Christians; the Musulmans of the Country, are the Moors the Christians, and the Cophtes. Besides these, there are the Stranger Christians, Turks and Jews; the stranger Christians are either Franks or Greeks. I shall here speak first of the Moors, after I have said a word or two of the Egyptians in general. The People of the Country, 
The manners of the Egyptians.  (generally speaking) both Musulmans and Christians are all swarthy, they are exceeding wicked, great Rogues, Cowardly, lazy, Hypocrites, Buggers, Robbers, treacherous, very greedy of Money, and will kill a man for a Maidin; in short, no vice comes a miss to them: they are Cowards to the highest degree, and are very loath to fight, but when they fall out, they huff, scold, and make a terrible noise, as if they would cut one another's Throats, and nevertheless, they refer their controversy to the next man they meet, who makes them good Friends again; then Spectators and all together, (for they soon gather to a crowd) lifting up their Hands, say the prayer which they call Fatha, (I mean when they are Moor's) and then they are better Friends than ever they were before. These wretches are used by the Turks like slaves, or rather like Dogs, for they govern them with a Cudgel, and a Turk will knock a Moor on the head, and he not dare to resist, and indeed, when they speak to a Turk, they do it with great respect. They labour and cultivate all the Land, and yet the Bread they eat, is very bad, and have not their Bellies full of that neither, though it be a most plentiful Country; and indeed, they are of so bad a nature, that they want to be well beaten, and love those the better for it, who beat them like Dogs, serving very well when they are sound drubbed, whereas they are insupportable, and will do nothing when they are gently used. 
Dgibn Halum  They live a wretched life, their most ordinary Diet being salt Cheese, which they call Dgibn Halum, with very course Bread; their Bread is as broad as our Plates, made like thin Buns, and consists only of two round pieces of paste, and as thin as Parchment, clapped together and showed to the Fire, so that one of them may very well be eaten at three mouthfuls; but it is so bad, not only for the blackness of it, but as being ill kned, worse baked, and full of Coals and Ashes, that I could never accustom myself to it: It is cheap enough indeed, for you may have eight of these Cakes for a Maidin, which is worth about three half pence. For their Desert or aftercourse, they suck Sugarcanes; they are also great eaters of ordinary Melons, water-Melons and the like, whereof they have great plenty, and many sorts which we have not, yet all cannot attain to them, though they be extraordinarily cheap. They are Apparelled like the Turks when they are able; I mean the Moors, (for the Christians wear neither any green, nor the white Turban) but most part of them are half naked, and many have no more but a blue shirt upon their body. They are a very ignorant sort of people, and yet have Secrets which surprise the most knowing, many thinking them to be knacks of Magic; for to see a man take up a Viper in the Fields, handle and stroke it, open the mouth of it, and put his Finger therein, without the least hurt, seems very strange to me. They bring whole Sacks full of them into the City, and sell them to the Apothecaries: They come often to the Quarter of the French, and boldly thrusting their hand into their Sacks, pull out a whole handful of them. One day one of these blades handling his Vipers in this manner in the quarter of the French, they brought a Pullet and made one of the Vipers by't it, which immediately thereupon died; so that it evidently appeared, that the Moor had something about him which preserved him against their Poison. But I cannot tell what to say of a Moorish Woman who lives in a corner close by the quarter of France, 
A Moorish Woman that pulls Worms out of children's Ears.  and pulls worms out of children's Ears. When a Child does nothing but cry, and that they know it is ill, they carry it to that Woman, who laying the Child on its side upon her knee, scratches the Ear of it, and then Worms like those which breed in musty weevely Flower, seem to fall out of the Child's Ear; then turning it on the other side, she scratches the other Ear, out of which the like Worms drop also; and in all there may come out ten or twelve, which she wraps up in a Linnen-Rag, and gives them to those that brought the Child to her, who keep them in that Rag at home in their House; and when she has done so, she gives them back the Child, which in reality cries no more. She once told me that she performed this by means of some words, that she spoke. There was a French Physician and a great Naturalist there, who attentively beheld this, and told me that he could not conceive how it could be done; but that he knew very well, that if a child had any of these Worms in its head, it would quickly die. In so much, that the Moors and other Inhabitants of Cairo, look upon this as a great Virtue, and give her every time a great many Maidins. They say, that it is a secret which hath been long in the Family. There are children every day carried to her, roaring and crying, and such as would see the thing done, need only to follow them, provided they be not Musulman Women who carry them, for than it would cost an Avanie; but when they are Christian or Jewish Women, one may easily enter, and give a few Maidins to that Worm-drawer. The Language that is spoken in Egypt is the Arabic, which is a dialect of the Hebrew, but very copious, 
The Arabic Language.  and the most ample Language that ever I heard spoken, and is indeed used in a great many countries'; it is very difficult to be pronounced, because it has many guttural words; and therefore when the Turks at Constantinople would make themselves merry, they make Arabs speak that Language before them, and yet it is their holy Language for their Alcoran, and all their Prayers are in Arabic; it is a common saying with them, That the Turkish Language serves in this World, the Arabic shall be spoken in Paradise, and in Hell the Persian, which nevertheless is a fine Tongue, and makes the greatest part of the Turkish Poems and Songs; but seeing they extremely hate the Persians, they revile every thing that concerns them.   

CHAP. LXXVI. Of the Circumcision of the Moorish Females; and of the Santo 's of Egypt.  
THE Moors are Mahometans, but they have some Superstitions, 
Circumcision of Moorish Girls.  which the Turks have not, for the Moors Circumcise their Daughters, cutting off a little bit of that which is called the Nymph, and that Circumcision is performed by Women. The Turks do not do so, they only Circumcise their Boys. As the Moors are great Hypocrites, so have they many sorts of Santoes among them. They have dancing Dervishes, of whom I wrote when I was at Constantinople, but they have a great many others besides these, whom they much honour; among the rest, there are some as horrible as the Dancers are pleasant; I saw none of them at Constantinople, because they perform their Ceremonies too late, (though there be some of them towards Tophana) but at Cairo I have often seen them very easily, because they have a little Mosque in the quarter of France. They are clothed much in the same manner as the Dancers, and have felt-caps after the same fashion. These men say their prayers much oftener than the other Musulmans do, but chief on Tuesdays and Thursdays about ten or eleven a clock at night. They all meet at the Mosque at the call of him who goes up to the top of the Tower, than they fall a singing some verses of the Alcoran, which they often repeat, so that they have enough to last them till day, clapping their hands now and then against one another's, playing on certain Drums and such like Instruments; but about the middle, after they have long sung the Alcoran, they all rise upright and put themselves into a Ring one behind another; then he who is the chief, sings some prayers very loud; and in the mean time the rest instantly say over and over, almost without fetching breath, Allah, which is to say God, making at every time a very low bow: so that their straining to pronounce that word, which they draw out from the depth of their Breast, without intermission or taking breath, with the frequent bending of their Body in these inclinations, make them look like men possessed, and especially towards the end, when being quite out of Breath, one of them beats his Drum as fast as he can and the rest pronounce the word Allah as fast, and almost as often as he strikes upon his Drum; so that they foam like mad Dogs, and some with the violence of straining, void Blood at the Mouth. This lasts about half an hour; but towards the end, they say no more but How, that is to say, he, which is as good as if they had said God, because they want strength to pronounce Allah; insomuch that to hear them about the end, one would think he heard so many Hogs grunting, when that is done, they sit down as before, and take a little rest, singing other Prayers; then towards the end they start up and begin their sweet Music again, which they do three times, and then continue on singing as before. I have often been stun'd with this at Rossetto, where I fancy they do it more than in any other place, for my Chamber-Window looked into their Mosque: I lodged in a Han because I would not part from the Chiot Gentleman, with whom I came from Chio. But at Cairo they have a little Mosque in the quarter of the French, in which every Tuesday and Thursday they fall to that Catterwouling about ten a Clock at Night; there they may easily be seen from the street, standing over against the door of their Mosque; for one must have a special care not to enter into it, nor indeed to set foot upon the threshold of the door. These are a sort of men that take a great deal of pains to damn themselves. In their Processions you always see some of these fools, who foam at the mouth like mad Men, and with shut eyes pronounce the word How, having a man on each side, to support them for fear of falling; and they who can keep longest in that Ecstasy, (for they think they are in an Ecstasy) are the greatest Saints: There are Santoes also in Egypt who go stark naked, many of whom I have seen without the least rag to cover their Nakedness, either in Winter or Summer, but it is not very cold there, and they suffer all their Hair to grow as long as it can, for greater Mortification. These men are highly honoured, and going to the Houses of the chief Persons of the City at dinnertime, they sit down at Table, dine, and so go their way, and that is looked upon as a blessing to the House, they are very lascivious Rogues, and that for both Sexes; and it is no fiction, that many Women who cannot be got with Child, kiss their Priapus with great veneration, nay sometimes they procure a Great-Belly by them. There was one of these blades hretofore carried a great Stone hanging at his Glans, and the Women hearty kissed it for a Big Belly. Others eat Serpents, and in my time there was one of them at Cairo, whom they called the Scheik of the Serpents; this Man had always a great train of Scheiks and other people after him, when he went out, or returned home to his House. I did not see him eat Serpents, but several who have seen him assured me of it, and it is a thing no body doubts of. I saw also at Cairo a Santo who had a Turban as broad as a Millstone, and weighed above half a hundred weight; it was all patched up of several little pieces of different colours: Every one came and kissed his hand with great respect, the weight of his Turban making him walk very softly, and with a great deal of Gravity. There are many other sorts of Santoes, and in a word, enough in Egypt to man out several Galleys. The Turks who are nothing near so superstitious as the Arabs, have no such esteem for them; and formerly there was a Bassa who sent as many of these lazy Lubbards as he could find to the Galleys. They have also dead Santoes to whose memory they bear a singular Reverence; some of them are Interred upon the Highways and upon Bridges, and when the Moors find any of these Sepulchers, they ask leave of the Santo who is within, to go that way, or cross over that Bridge. But I think the chief of the dead Santoes whom they reverence in Egypt, is Sidi Ahmet el bedovi; for being at Cairo on the ninth of July, I saw a great many people go to a certain Fair that is kept at a Village called Menitegamr in the Isle or Delta of Egypt, on the side of the Channel of Rossetto. 
Sidi Ahmet el bedovi. Menitegamr.  That Fair is held there, because the said Scheik is Interred in that place, where they pray at his Grave, and from all parts of Egypt People come to this Fair and Devotion. They say that at that time, this Sidi Ahmet el Bedovi, yearly delivers three Slaves out of Malta, and three Moors fail not to be there, and affirm that the night before, they were brought from Malta, where they had been Slaves. One day a Turk of Quality, who had been a Slave in Malta, went thither, and finding these Rogues to assert a Lie with so much boldness, put so many questions to them, that he convicted them of the Cheat. They relate a great many virtues of this Hellish Saint, of which it was none of the least, that he never knew Woman, only lay with his own she Ass They also tell how this Santo having some privilege granted him by a Bassa, and that another Bassa offering to take it from him, he went on a time to the apartment of that Bassa, and being brought in before him, told him that he had had that privilege a long time, and prayed him to let him enjoy it; but finding after much entreaty, that the Bassa was inexorable, he turned up his cap a little that the point of it might incline to one side, and said to the Bassa, thou wilt not then suffer me to enjoy my privilege? and the Bassa answered him no; then turning his Cap a little more to one side, thou wilt not then, (said he to the Bassa) let me enjoy my privilege; who replied no; then turning his Cap a great deal to one side, the Bassa perceived that the Castle leaned all to one side, and was ready to fall, for the Castle turned side-ways proportionally as he had turned his Cap, whereupon the Bassa in a great fright assured him that he would preserve his Privilege unto him, and prayed him to set the Castle upright as it was before, which he did, by setting his Cap by little and little to rights again. They have so much Devotion for that Saint, that when the Caravan of Mecha sets out in time of that Fair, many leave the Caravan and Pilgrimage of Mecha, and pay their Visits to that Saint. This devotion lasts a fortnight, and all Persons Moors, Christians and Jews, are suffered to go to that Fair. When they have visited that Saint, they go to another not far distant, then to another, and so to four or five; in short, they spend a Month in these Devotions.   

CHAP. LXXV. Of the Cophtes.  

Cophtes.  THE Cophtes are Christians, but Jacobites, that is to say, who follow the Heresy of Eutyches and Dioscorus, though some however among them be Orthodox, and are called Melchites. They have a Patriarch in Alexandria, whose Authority reaches very far, for he chooses one of his Clergy and sends him to be Patriarch to the Abyssins' in Aethiopia, as I said before. The Cophtes are so very ignorant and unpolished, that they have much ado to find a man among them fit to be their Patriarch, and so in my time, the Patriarchate had been vacant for some years; the truth is, there was another reason for it also, for they could not raise a sum of Money that must be given to the Bassa, for the admission of every new Patriarch. They retain a great many Fabulous stories taken out of Apocryphal Books, which they have still among them. We have no History of our Saviour's life during his Minority, but they have a great many relations of it; for they say, that every day an Angel brought him Victuals down from Heaven, and that he spent his time, in making little Birds of Clay, which afterwards he breathed upon, and so throwing them up into the Air, they flew away. They say, that at our Lord's Supper a roasted Cock was served up, and that then Judas being gone out to sell and betray our Lord, he commanded the Roasted Cock to rise and go after Judas; which the Cock did, and afterwards brought back word to our Lord, that Judas had sold him, and that therefore that Cock was admitted into Paradise. They say Mass in the Cophtick and Arabic Tongues, and when they sing the Passion, and come to the place where it is said that Judas betrayed our Lord, all the people cry Arsat, that is to say, Horned Beast, (Cuckold) in this manner avenging our Lord, by reviling of Judas. And when they read that St. Peter cut off the ear of the High-Priest's Servant, all the People cry Asia Boutros, that is to say, well fair you for that, Peter, as if they would encourage St. Peter by their Applause. The Cophtes serve for Clerks to the Divan of the Beys and Villages.   

CHAP. LXXVI. Of the Franks that live in Egypt, and the Avanies which are put upon them.  

Of the Franks in Cairo.  THere are Franks who live in several places of Egypt, to wit, in Cairo, Rossetto, and Alexandria; but the Consuls live at Cairo, because the Bassa resides in that City; they have Vice-Consuls in Rossetto and Alexandria, and sometimes in Damiette. 
Consuls of Franks at Cairo.  There is in Cairo a French Consul, a Venetian, an English, and a Dutch; all other Nations that Traffic in that Country, or in any part of the Turkish Empire, go under the Banner of France, as the Messines, Geneose, etc. and the French Consul protects them.  
The Consuls in Egypt have from the Grand Signior a yearly Pension of six thousand Maidins, which amount to two hundred Piastres; but the Consul of Venice, has only two thousand Maidins, and yet is obliged to make a Present of about two thousand Piastres to every new Bassa, whereas the rest are excused for about a thousand; for it is the custom when a new Bassa comes, or a new Consul enters into Office, to send the Bassa a present of so many Vests, and so many besides to some other Officers, which are rated at above a thousand Piastres, 
The Consul's expense towards the Bassa.  not reckoning a great many other Vails that are to be given every day almost to the Sousbasha and several other Knaves. When the Consul hath sent his Present, he demands Audience of the Bassa, who having assigned him a day, he goes to wait upon him, and the Bassa makes him to sit down over against him in a Chair or Couch, or else near to himself upon a Divan, and when the Consul takes his leave, the Bassa gives him a Vest of Cloth of Tissue to put on, and one to the chief Trucheman, on whom also he bestows a small Pension, and raises the pay of the Consul's Janissaries. Herteofore the Consuls had the honour of Beys, but at present they are pulled down very low, and so little regarded, especially in Egypt; that a Bassa makes no scruple to put Avanies upon them when he pleases; and while I was in Egypt I knew the Turks and Jews squeeze from the French Nation above fourscore or an hundred thousand Piastres in one year, because the Jews are very powerful in Egypt, and govern all the affairs of that Kingdom; the Customs being in their hands, and they being the only Serats or Bankers. Besides that, they enjoy some Offices about the Bassa, which make them have his Ear; and they daily put new inventions into his Head, for raising of Avanies: He has three principal Officers, to wit, the Bassa's Schelebi, which is an Office instituted within these few years; the Saraf Bassa, and the Saraf of the Bassa, who set their Wits continually a devising, and think of nothing else but of ways how to persecute the poor Franks. A Turk told me one day, that the Jews were the Turks Hounds for catching Money from the Franks; for the Turks of themselves are neither malicious nor cunning enough, to chase the Prey; but when once the Jews have made sure of the Game, the Turks come in and carry all away. I have known the Consuls several times put in Prison, and always most unjustly. An English Merchantman bound for Egypt was met and pursued by six Turkish Ships coming from Candie; 
An Avanie upon the English Consul.  in the Chase he fired several Guns. and killed three Janissaries; but so soon as the Ships arrived in Egypt, and this was known, the English Consul was put into Prison, and for some days kept there; but this is nothing, in respect of what happened some time after:  
The Turks having freighted two French Ships with goods in Alexandria, 
An unlucky business for the Franks in Egypt.  the one commanded by Captain Durbequi, and the other by Captain Civilliers, and one English Ship, to all which they gave a good Freight; Captain Durbequi instead of going to Constantinople, (as he ought to have done) went to Legorn, with a design to make the best of his Cargoe; Captain Civilliers and the English Captain followed the Example; upon this, Ships durst not come from Christendom to Egypt, fearing the loss might be revenged upon them; but in the mean time, the Jews having had advice from Legorn that the Ships were arrived in that Port, presently acquainted the Bassa with it, who at that time dissembling his Indignation, sent an Aga to assure the Consuls that the Ships of their Country were in no Danger, and that they might come as freely and with as much safety as they did before, entreating the Consuls to send this advice into Christendom; each Consul presented the Aga with a Vest to the value of fifty Piastres; for it is a general rule that Aga's never come in Message to any person whatsoever, Consul or private man, Christian or Turk, but they must be presented according to the merit of the business, whether good or bad. A few days after, when they thought that the Consuls had sent Letters into Christendom, according to the orders sent to them, on which the Consuls did really rely; one morning an Aga with a Chiaoux and such other Rogues, came to their several Houses, and haling them out like Thiefs and Robbers by force, put them upon ugly Horses without allowing them time to dress themselves, one being in his Slippers, and another in his Nightcap, and with all imaginable rigour carried them Prisoners to the Castle, being even in danger of being knocked on the Head in the Streets, for the Villains speed about a report that the Franks had rob the Grand Signior's Money, which much incensed the People. The Dutch and Venetian Consuls were carried away in the same manner, though they were not at all concerned in the business, but they were no sooner come into the Castle, when they were sent home again to their Houses; though for all that, it cost them an hundred Piastres a piece to the Aga's and Chiaoux, as a reward for the pains they had been at. The other two Consuls lay several days in Prison, nay, and were for the first day put in Chains, and at length were not released, till their Nations paid great sums for their liberty, and promised the Bassa to pay within a few Months, the value of the Ships Loadings; for which all the Merchants were obliged under hand and Seal. If the Capitulations made by Monsieur de Breves, were observed, such violences would not be used, as I myself have seen practised by the Sousbasha, who sent his Officers one night into the quarter of the French, some Merchants walking then in the open place, which is at the end of their Quarter, having perceived them coming, retired to their homes, but the Villains pursuing them to the very tops of their Houses, halled them out, and with all the speed they could dragged them to a nasty Prison, upon pretext that they had found them abroad at unseasonable hours, for it is prohibited to walk abroad in the streets in the Nighttime; but the French are excepted by the Capitulations, which specify that the Sousbasha is not to enter into their Quarter: They ran away with them in all haste, for fear they might be taken from them; and to make them run the faster, each of them was led by two Cowas, one holding one Arm and the other the other. 
Cowas.  These Cowas are Moorish Recors or Officers, tall strong fellows, who wear no other clothes but blew-Shirts, sewed close like women's Smocks; they carry staves as long as themselves, and as big as a Man's Arm; and when they carry any man to Prison, they give him now and then a blow with their Cudgel, which they hold in both hands by the end, that they may lay on the better. Thus were these Gentlemen dragged away, each of them by two of these great Devils, who emptied their pockets by the way, and pulled even the Rings off of their Fingers: but what was worst of all, other Cowas followed them at the back, who so banged their fides with their poles, that they were forced to keep their Beds for some days after. In the mean time the other Merchants, who thought that if they let them alone till next day, the Charges would be the greater, went immediately with the Consul, (though it was eleven a clock at night) to the Sousbasha, and presented him with a Purse, in consideration whereof he released the Prisoners, and let them go home with the rest. Two days after, the Bassa threatened to Imprison the fame Merchants, under pretext that the Sous-Basha's Officers had found them with Women, though it was false, and though they could draw no evidence of the matter from some Barberins whom the Sous-Basha's men found at the same time in the French Quarter, and purposely clapped into Prison when they apprehended the French Merchants; however it cost them three Purses more to take up that affair. Monsieur Honore de Bermond, in whose Family the Consulship of Egypt continued for many years, had a design to remedy all these Disorders, who being a man of Resolution and very well beloved in that Country, purposed to raise his Office to as high a pitch as ever it had been, and for that end, sent his Chief Trucheman to Constantinople, with instructions to solicit the Grand Signior for several Orders, and among the rest, for one to have two or three of the chief Jews Hanged before their own Doors in Cairo, thereby to terrify the rest from putting their tricks upon the French: and another of no less importance, to wit, that the Jews should not demand from the French, repayment of the money they had lent them, because they had received double the principal in Interest, (for they take one percent Usury a month, adding the Interest to the Principal every month, which amounts to considerable gains, doubling almost the debt in twenty six months' time.) He spared not Money to accomplish these things, and would easily have obtained them, if Monsieur de Begue had not come at that time, for his coming broke all the others measures, bred a confusion among the Nation, and cost them above threescore thousand Piastres, for he promised the Bassa great sums of Money to admit of him to be Consul, and to send off Monsieur de Bermond, who for some time was obliged to give way to that violence. Had he obtained these orders from the Port, they might have contributed somewhat to the preventing of so many Avanies; but the best course that could be taken, would be, to have the Capitulations made by Monsieur de Breves with Sultan Amurat, at that time Grand Signior, renewed at Constantinople: It is true, that would cost a round sum of Money, for the Turks do nothing gratis, but than it would exempt from Indignities, such as go into those Countries, that are remote from Constantinople, as Cairo in Egypt is.  
When a Frank goes along the streets, you shall have one rascally Moor spit in his face, another give him a blow with a Cudgel, and in the mean time he dares not so much as look them in the face, for fear of a present Avanie; for many times after they have beaten a Christian, or it may be, given him a stab with a knife, though the Christian hath not revenged himself, they'll go and complain to the Cady, saying that the same Christian hath beaten them, and to lift the hand against a Turk, is a Crime that deserves (with them) the cutting off of the hand; but the matter must presently be compounded for Money, and the longer it is delayed, the more it will cost; nay, you shall see a Turk, who having killed a Christian that did him no hurt, go and complain to the Cady, that that Christian had beaten him, or blasphemed against the Law of Mahomet, which is a Crime for which a Christian must be burnt, or turn Turk; and though commonly the Cady knows very well that all is false, yet he still Condemns the Christians, that he may get money; and if the party who is so unhappy, have nothing to give, they Charge the Nation with it, and exact it from them by force.  
I saw also a Woman, who passing by a French man, purposely josled him, 
Divers sorts of Avanies.  and then went and complained that he struck her a blow on the breast, and that she had a big Belly, which cost him an hundred Piastres.  
There are likewise Rascals, who will inform against a Christian, that they saw him with a Woman, but that they could not apprehend him, because he made his escape, and they want not false Witnesses for that; if it be a Turkish Woman with whom he is accused to have been, he must turn Turk, or Burn for it; if it be a Christian or Jewish Woman, the rigour is not so great; but whether Turk, Christian, or Jew, that (as any other Vanie) is compounded for Money.  
In short, they'll do any thing to suck Money from the poor Franks, obliging those who live near to them, even to keep their Windows always shut, pretending that they would not have them look upon their Wives, but in reality, to get some Present from them.  
I could make a whole Book of the Avanies, which I have seen practised when I was in that Country, but it is sufficient to have mentioned some, to show how much these Rascals despise and insult over us. I wave this among others, that all Christians (whether they be Franks or not) must have a care to alight from their Asses, 
Mehkieme.  not only when they pass by the Mehkieme (which is the Hall of Justice,) but also when the chief of the Scherifs passes, or when they meet several Persons of Quality, and especially the Black Eunuches coming from the Grand Signior's Seraglio, who are Men of Power; now seeing these Devils are very proud, they have always a great Train with them, and make the Christians render them that testimony of Respect, which nevertheless is not their due, but a Custom abusively introduced; but if a Christian did not alight as they passed by, their Cowas would dismount him, and drub him sound with their Cudgels.   

CHAP. LXXVII. Of the Vestments which the Greek Patriarch of Alexandria wears when he Celebrates.  

A Greek Patriarch in Alexandria.  I Have but little to say of the Greeks in this place, having spoken of them elsewhere. There are many of them in Egypt, and have a Patriarch there, who (aswel as the Primate of the Cophtes) carries the Title of Patriarch of Alexandria, but he resides commonly at Cairo. I saw him Celebrate Mass at Cairo on a Holy-Thursday, and shall here relate in few words, what I observed of that Ceremony. This Patriarch, when he Celebrates, is clothed in the same Vestments as the other Patriarches are, 
Ceremonies at the Greeks Mass, on Holy-Thursday.  except that he has a Stole over these Vestments, which the others have not, and which was given to a Patriarch of Alexandria by a Pope. Over that Stole he wears the Pallium, which is bigger and longer than that of the Latin Arch-Bishops; then he puts upon his head a lovely Tiara, or Cap of Silver gilt, set thick with fine Pearls, some of which are pretty big, with many large Rubies, Emeralds, and other such Precious stones, but it hath not three Crowns, as the Tiara of the Pope's has. This Cap was presented to him by the Duke of Muscovy, who is never omitted in all the Prayers of the Greeks: It is certainly a very rich Cap, though it come far short of the riches of the Crown of the Popes, which is kept in the Castle of St. Angelo. The Patriarch Celebrates Mass as all other Greek Priests do; only after the Epistle hath been read in Greek, it is also read in Arabic; it is the same with the Gospel, and some other Prayers, which the Patriarch says aloud in Greek, and then repeats in Arabic.  
As to the Communion, when the Patriarch hath consecrated some pieces of Bread, than the Wine in a very great Chalice, because of the great number of Communicants; he crumbs some pieces of that Consecrated Bread into the Chalice, then having publicly asked Forgiveness of all that are present, he Communicates of the Lord's Body; afterwards taking the Cup, and having said some Prayers, he says, In Name of the Father, and takes a little of the hallowed Cup; then having said, and of the Son, he takes a little more; and lastly, and of the Holy Ghost, he takes a third sip. When that is done, he Communicates the Priests, giving each of them the Bread, which they receeive in one hand, and holding the other under to receive any thing that might fall, they go to the side of the Altar, where after some Prayers, they ask Forgiveness of the rest, and then Communicate; after that, they go to the Altar, where the Patriarch gives them the Cup at three times, as he took it himself, saying, In Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.  
The People Communicate without the Chancel from the hand of a Priest, who taking the Chalice, goes to one of the side Doors of the Chancel, where in a gilt Silver-Spoon he gives of the Consecrated Bread crumbled into the Wine (as I said before) to all who come to receive; but the truth is, they go to the Communion with far less reverence than the Latins do.  
Mass being over, the Patriarch went in the body of the Church, to a place Railed in, raised about three foot from the ground, at the end whereof there was a Chair for him, and on each side, six Chairs, for twelve Priests that followed him; and there being all in Copes, they sat down. These twelve Priests represented the twelve Apostles; then a Priest went to the Chancel-door, and turning his back to the Altar, read the Gospel for Holy-Thursday in Greek: In the mean time, the Patriarch put off his Patriarchal Ornaments, without the assistance of any, and putting on again his Tiara, he tied one Napkin about him, and put another by his side; then setting a great Basin and Ewer upon the ground, he poured a little Water into the Basin, making the sign of the Cross, giving the Ewer to a Clerk, who poured water upon the foot of the first of the twelve Apostles, whilst the Patriarch washed and rubbed it well with his hands, than wiped it with his napkin, and offered to kiss it, which the Priest would not suffer. He did so to the rest, pouring always out water for every one of them, with the sign of the Cross; but when he came to the twelfth, that Priest (who represented St. Peter) rose and made as if he would not suffer the Patriarch to wash his Feet, in imitation of St. Peter, who was unwilling that his Master should render him that service; but at length, after he had spoken a little, and that the Patriarch had made answer, he sat down, as St. Peter did, who being told by Jesus Christ, That he could have no part in the Kingdom of Heaven, if he suffered him not to wash his Feet, said, Not my Feet only, but my also Head and Hands.  
During this Ceremony, nothing was to be heard in the Church, but the groans and lamentations of Men and Women, which were so loud, that they moved even the most obdurate almost, to shed tears also, and yet the subject of all this weeping, was, only to see the Patriarch wash the Feet of these Priests. After this, the Patriarch put on his Patriarchal Habits again, and the Ewer and Bason were carried away; then came such a Crowd about him that carried them away, that I thought they would have stifled him, every one strove to dip a Handkerchief into that Foot-laver, and came on so fast, that before the Clerk had made six steps, the Basin was as dry as ever it was. Then the Gospel was read, the Heads whereof the Patriarch explained in a Greek Sermon, and so the Ceremony ended.   

CHAP. LXXVIII. Of the Jews and Turks that are in Egypt.  
IT remains now that I speak of the Jews and Turks who are in Egypt. 
Jews in Cairo.  As for the Jews, I have spoken of them before, and shall only add here, that there a great many Jews at Cairo, who have a Quarter where they all live by themselves; this is a large Quarter, and contains a great many Streets, but all short, narrow, nasty and stinking. The Jews manage all the Customs in Egypt, and all the Serafs are Jews. Egypt is Governed by a Bassa, 

Egypt the second Bashaship of the Turkish Empire, and Buda the first.  
The Profits of the Governor.   sent thither by the Grand Signior, and it is the second Bashaship of all the Turkish Empire; that of Buda is the chief, but it is only in Honour, for it yields no Profit; on the contrary, the Grand Signior is obliged to send Money thither for maintaining the Garrison: But this is a profitable Government, for the first day the Bassa of Egypt arrives at Cairo, he hath an Hundred thousand Piastres, and every Month after, seven Purses, not reckoning the many casual Profits which he has on all occasions. And indeed, he buys this Government, paying for it sometimes two or three hundred thousand Piastres; and besides that, he must furnish vast Sums from the Revenue of Egypt, before he put a Penny into his own Coffers, paying yearly five Hazna. Now a Hazna or Treasure, 
Hazna in Egypt.  consists of 1200. Purses, which make thirty Millions of Maidins, that is Nine hundred and nine thousand and ninety Piastres' Royals, and thirty Maidins; so that five Haznas are fifty millions of Maidins, or Four millions five hundred forty five thousand, four hundred fifty four Piastres Royals, and eighteen Maidins. One of these Hazna is sent to the Grand Signior in Money, another in Provisions, a third is employed in paying the Soldiers, and all Officers in Egypt; the fourth is for the Present of Mecha, and the last for the Bassa. He is besides all this, obliged now and then to give great Sums, for securing himself in his Place, at least till he be reimbursed the money that he hath laid out. For instance, One at Constantinople, may perhaps, offer the Grand Signior Two hundred thousand Piastres, to be made Bassa of Cairo; this is made known to him that is in place, who (if he have a mind to keep his place) must give the same sum that the other hath offered, and so has the Preference. I believe the Grand Signior often imposes upon them in this manner. So in the Year 1658. on the first of July, an Olak arrived at Cairo from Constantinople, who brought the Bassa a Sword and Caftan from the Grand Signior, as a Testimony that he continued him in the Bashaship of Egypt. It was thought at first, that the Olak was come to make him Mansoul; because it commonly happens, that at the end of the Ramadan, when they have sent the Hazna to Constantinople, they are made Mansouls. But this Man, (that he might be beforehand with his Enemies) had ordered three thousand Purses to be given some time before at Constantinople, for his Confirmation in the place; for which the Grand Signior continued him in the Government. 

The cause of the Avanies of the Bassa of Egypt.  
Officers of Egypt.  
Charavalla. The Seraf of the Bassa. Seraf Bassa. Cadilesquer of Egypt.   This Olak entered the Castle in the Morning with the Caftan and Sword, and then the Guns went off for joy. It is not to be thought strange, that this Bassa so tyrannically oppresses People, but rather that he does not do it more. Every Bassa brings with him from Constantinople, the Charavalla, who takes care to Collect all the Customs of Egypt, which wholly depend on him, and he Lodges in the Seraglio of the Bassa. Every one brings with him also his Seraf, who manages his Money: As for the Seraf Bassa, who is another Jew taken at Cairo, he takes care of the Grand Signior's Revenue. Then there is at Cairo the Cadilesquer, or chief Judge, who is at Cairo what the Mufti is at Constantinople, and is Independent of the Bassa, being sent or recalled immediately by the Grand Signior: After them, 
Sangiack Beys of Egypt. Charkish Beys of Egypt.  there is in Egypt Twenty four Sangiack Beys, and of those who are called Charkish Beys, there are above forty. The Charkish Beys were Instituted before the Sangiacks, and their care is to Guard the City; yet they are inferior to the Sangiack Beys, whose province is to keep the Country. Each Bey has a Purse a Month, and to procure the place, it costs at least an Hundred thousand Piastres, 
Beys of Egypt.  partly given at Constantinople, and partly in Egypt. Most of these Beys are Renegadoes that have been Slaves, who endeavour at their own cost, to make some of their slaves Beys, in their own Life-time, that they may have them at their devotion. These Beys are the Lords of the Country, and are very powerful; some of them can command Ten thousand Arabs in the Country, at an hours warning. There is one of these Sangiack Beys always at old Cairo, who keeps Guard there, and another upon the Road from the Matharee to Boulac, and at some other places of Cairo, for fear of the Arabs; and these Sangiack Beys mount the Guard by turns, and stay on every one his Mouth. 
Custom-Houses in Egypt.  There are two Custom-Houses belonging to Cairo, to wit, one at Boulac, for what comes from Rossetto and Damiette; and another at old Cairo, for what comes from Said, or the Thebais. There is in Cairo also a Sousbasha, who is as it were a Mayor or Provost; he hath three Officers under him, 
Asar Bassa. Devedar.  to wit, the Asar Bassa, who is a Chorbagis, the Devedar, who is his Lieutenant, and the Oda Bassa. There is a Sousbasha also at Boulac, and another at old Cairo. 
Paid Soldiers in Egypt.  As to the Militia, there are Twelve thousand Janissaries in Egypt, of whom there is Seven thousand in Cairo; besides Thirty five thousand others, who are under pay in the Country. When the Janissaries march in body, about ten in Front, a Janisary carries a Borachio full of Water, with several Cups, to give his Comerades who are dry, Water to drink; and this charge is so Honourable, that when they are removed from it, they are made Chorbagis. 
Basch Chaousch Alai Chaousch. Koutcbu Chaousch. Chorbadgi. Oda Bassa.  The Officers of the Janissaries are, the Aga, who is General, the Kiaya, who is his Lieutenant, the Basch Chaousch, who is Ensign, the Beitulmal Chaousch, the Alai Chaousch, who is Sergeant Major, the Koutchu Chaousch, who calls the Chorbadgi, that is Captain of a Company, the Oda Bassa, who is the chief of a Division. To rise to any of these Offices, one must have been Saradge to the Kiaya or Aga, than they mount up from the lowest to the highest of these places. The Chorbagiss are made either for Money, or some signal piece of Service; 
No Moor Janissaries.  Oda Bassa's are presented according to Seniority. No Moor are made Janissaries, and they exclude them, that they may keep them always under. Nevertheless, the strength of Egypt consists chief in the Arabs of the Country, who will get together into a Body of several thousand Horse, in the twinkling of an Eye.   

CHAP. LXXIX. Of Punishments in Use in Egypt.  
THE usual Punishments in Egypt are Beheading, 
Punishments in Egypt.  which they dextrously perform: For the Sousbasha finding a Robber, or any one that looks like such, seizes him, and making him kneel, one of his Men cuts off his Head at one blow with a Shable, and yet not striking with great force neither; but drawing towards him the Shable, and so usiing the whole length of it, he never fails at the first blow to sever the Head from the Body. 
Impaling.  Impaling is also a very ordinary Punishment with them, which is done in this manner. They lay the Malefactor upon his Belly, with his Hands tied behind his Back, than they slit up his Fundament with a Razor, and throw into it a handful of Paste that they have in readiness, which immediately stops the Blood; after that they thrust up into his Body a very long Stake as big as a Man's Arm, sharp at the point and tapered, which they grease a little before; when they have driven it in with a Mallet, till it come out at his Breast, or at his Head or Shoulders, they lift him up, and plant this Stake very straight in the Ground, upon which they leave him so exposed for a day. One day I saw a Man upon the Pale, who was Sentenced to continue so for three Hours alive, and that he might not die too soon, the Stake was not thrust up far enough to come out at any part of his Body, and they also put a stay or rest upon the Pale, to hinder the weight of his body from making him sink down upon it, or the point of it from piercing him through, which would have presently killed him: In this manner he was left for some Hours, (during which time he spoke) and turning from one side to another, prayed those that passed by to kill him, making a thousand wry Mouths and Faces, because of the pain he suffered when he stirred himself, but after Dinner the Bassa sent one to dispatch him; which was easily done, by making the point of the Stake come out at his Breast, and then he was left till next Morning, when he was taken down, because he stunk horridly. Some have lived upon the Pale until the third day, and have in the mean while smoked Tobacco, when it was given them. This poor wretch carried the Scales and Weights, of those who go about to visit the Weights, to see if they be just, and he had so combined with such as had false Weights, that he brought false ones also with him; so that the Searchers not perceiving the change of their own Weights, thought the other to be just. When Arabs, or such other Robbers are carried to be Impaled, they put them on a Camel, their Hands tied behind their Backs, and with a Knife make great gashes in their naked Arms, thrusting into them Candles of Pitch and Rosin, which they light, to make the stuff run into their Flesh; and yet some of these Rogues go cheerfully to Death, glorying (as it were) that they could deserve it, and saying, That if they had not been brave Men, they would not have been so put to death. This is a very common and ordinary Punishment in Egypt, but in Turkey it is but very rarely put into practice. The Natives of the Country are punished in this manner, but the Turks are strangled in Prison.   

CHAP. LXXX. Of the Inconveniencies and Ordinary Distempers at Cairo.  


Ordinary Inconveniencies that happen at Cairo.  
Heat in Egypt. Drink in Egypt.   THE first Inconvenience to be felt at Cairo, is the excessive Heat, which is so intolerable, that one can scarcely do any thing, and what is worse, there is no sleeping hardly there in Summer. For when you go to Bed, you'll find the Sheets full of Sand, and so hot, that I think they could not be more, after long warming with a Warming-pan. What you drink there, is commonly as hot as your Blood, for you must not think of Ice, Snow, or a Well there; all that can be done, is to put the Water into certain Pots of a white Earth, that Transpires much, and leave them abroad in the Nighttime, having done so, the Water is indeed pretty cold in the Morning; but in the Daytime they put those Pots in Windows, which receive any little breeze, and there the Water cools a little, or at least loses somewhat of its heat; and it is a great happiness in that Country, to have a Window that lies well for a breeze, and a Bardaque, or Pot, that is Transpirable. Besides these Inconveniencies, there is that of little Flies, or Muskettoes, which I reckon the greatest of all. No Man can believe but he who hath felt it by Experience, how uneasy and troublesome these Infects are in Egypt; there are always swarms of them buzzing about People, and continually pricking of them, so that they make themselves fat and plump with Man's Blood. There is no other remedy against these Gnats, but to have a very fine Cloth all round your Bed, which shuts very close; and for all that, some always get in, when you go to lie down.  
A pain in the Stomach is very common in that Country, and all Newcomers are subject unto it, who finding themselves in a hot Country, leave their Breast and Stomach open, and will not take Counsel. Nevertheless, the Air (which is subtle and penetrating) chills their Bowels, and causes dangerous Fevers and Bloody-Fluxes, especially in Autumn when the Nile overflows, and therefore one must always keep the Stomach warm and well covered. There is another Distemper that reigns there also, and that is a swelling of the Scrotum, and to some (I may speak without Exaggerating) their Cod swell bigger than their Head, which is occasioned by the Water of the Nile; and I myself was troubled a little with it, for the space of eight days, but than it went away of itself. To cure this Distemper, they make Incision with a Lancet in the swelled Scrotum, and let out the Water that is got into it. Sore Eyes are very common there, and very dangerous in the Summertime; that is caused by the burning heat of the Sun, which reflects from the Ground upon the Eyes, and scorches them, as also from the Dust, which is very subtle and salt, and is blown into the Eyes by the Wind, which is the reason that there are many blind in that Country. Whilst I was in Egypt, a French Merchant lost an Eye so, and I have known other French troubled with that Distemper, who for a fortnight or three Weeks could not sleep, because of the sharp pain they felt, which made them cry out and roar both Night and Day. In the Summertime you hardly see any abroad in the Streets, but who are afflicted with that evil, and carry pieces of blue Stuff before their Eyes, and certainly, you shall find nine of ten whom you meet, with such defensives before their Eyes: Every one threatened me with that Distemper, and yet (thanks be to God) I never had the least touch of it; perhaps, I took care to prevent it, because in that bad Season, every Morning and Evening I washed my Eyes with fair Water, and when I returned from Abroad I did the like, to wash out any Sand that might have got into them. Pains in the Legs are very bad at Cairo, and a great many have their Legs swollen to a prodigious bigness. There is also another Distemper, or rather inconvenience, for it is more uneasy than dangerous, which happens when the Water of the Nile gins to rise; there is a kind of Inflammation, or Wildfire, that runs over the whole Body, which exceedingly torments People by its pricking and stinging; and when you drink to ease and refresh yourself, whilst you are drinking, and after, you feel such sharp prickings, that you would think there were an hundred Needles stuck into you all at once; the Provencials call that Des Arelles, and it is an Inconvenience that lasts almost three Months. 
Arelles.  In March, 1658. after some days of high Winds, a certain Distemper broke out, which began with a Headache and Fever, and continued with a great Rheum: The Fever lasted not above two or three days at most, but it rendered Men so feeble, that all the Limbs seemed to be broken, and if Preservatives were not used, the Patients relapsed into a Fever, that held them three Weeks of a Month, all in Cairo from the highest to the lowest, both Aged and Young were seized with it, and there was nothing to be heard every where but Coughing; this Distemper was so contagious, that it infected by the Breath. They called it Above Chamaa, 
Above Chamaa.  because of a certain Song made some Months before, which began with Above Chamaa, and ended with Ha', ha', ha'. Now seeing that Distemper caused great Coughing, it was thought every one sung Ha', ha', ha'; wherefore the Bassa prohibited the singing of that Song with so much Rigour, that when the Sousbasha found any one singing it in the Streets, though it had been but a Child, he ordered him to be laid down and Bastonadoed; because they fancied that the Song was the cause of the Distemper, which spread so far, that afterwards we learned at Jerusalem, and in other Places about, that they had been troubled with it at the same time, nay, the Corsairs who took us, had all had it at that time. I was told at Cairo, that ten Years before, such another Distemper had raged there, which they called Makassa, that made those who were troubled with it, think all their Limbs to be broken; and they were Cured by eating of Oranges, which made them so dear at that time, that an Orange was worth half a Piastre, so long as that Disease lasted. Once every seven Years they have a Plague in Egypt, making (during that time) the Circuit of the Turkish Empire, and yet it had been there a little before I came, two Years one after another, sweeping away each Year, (as I was told) an Hundred thousand Souls. All Diseases in Cairo are more dangerous during the Hhamchin, than in any other time. 
Hhamchin.  Hhamchin, is as much as to say a Cinquantine, because during fifty days time, bad Winds blow. In the Year 1657. the Hhamchin began the seventh of April, and it gins every Year much about the same time. During these fifty days there blows a hot Wind, which brings a great deal of Sand into the Town; so that it gets not only into the Chambers, but also into Trunks, let the Windows and Trunks be never so close shut; and when you go to Bed, you'll find the Sheets full of it. These Winds are so hot, that they stop the Breath, and kill many People in the Caravans; as I said before. Whilst this Hhamchin lasts, all Diseases are dangerous, and continue to be so commonly from that time until the 13, 14, 15, 16, of June, 
The Dew or Drop of Egypt.  when the Drop or Dew falls infallibly in the Nighttime, after which, Diseases are not Mortal. This Drop is a Dew which falls in one of the aforesaid Nights, and after that the Plague itself is no longer Mortal.   

CHAP. LXXXI. Of the Remedies used by the Moors in their Sicknesses.  
THE Moors make no great deal ado about Physicking when they are Sick, and they never think of sending for a Doctor, not only because it would cost them Money, but also becave they look upon it as a Sin to make use of a Physician, admitting of none other but God Almighty; they make use of very Plain Receipts. And one day I saw a Moor, who had his Face all bruised and broken, with blows of a Cudgel, as if he had been cut with a Sword, apply to it (in my presence) Gunpowder, with Cotten over it; and when I saw him again two days after, no marks of it appeared. When they are stung by a Scorpion, they eat a Radish, and then all their apprehension of danger is over. They let blood in the Forehead, 
Bleeding in the Head.  to make them more watchful; and some, to cure their sore Eyes. I have seen many Barberins let blood in the Forehead, for a pain in the Head, and for sore Eyes; they bind a Turban about the Neck, but not so straight as to strangle them, than he who lets Blood, feels for the Vein in the Forehead, which being found, he puts the cutting end of a Razor upon it, and giving the Razor a philip, opens the Vein very neatly, and easily stops it again after it hath bled a good deal, with a little Cotten or some such thing, nay, sometimes with Camel's dung.   

CHAP. LXXXII. Of the Money and Weights of Egypt.  

A Purse.  IN Egypt, they reckon Money by Purses. A Purse consists of Five and twenty thousand Maidins, which make an Hundred fifty seven Piastres Ryals, and nineteen Maidins, or Eight hundred thirty three Boquells, and ten Maidins. The Turkish Chequin, which they call Scherif, is worth seventy Maidins, and the Venetian, seventy five. The Piastres are worth Thirty three Maidins, the Boquelles, thirty. They are by corruption so called, for their name is Above Kelb, that is to say, that hath a Dog, because on one side of it there is a Lion, which they take for a Dog; nay, the Jews call them in Spanish Perros. They have other pieces of Money besides. 
Maidin.  The Maidin is of Silver, about the bigness of a French Double, but very thin, with some Arabic Characters upon it; it is worth two Aspres and a half, which is somewhat more than three Halfpences English. In a Maidin, there are eight Forles or Bulbes, which are pieces of Copper, 
Forles. Quintal. Rot. Quirat. Medical. Oque.  as big as French Doubles, but thicker, and are in value somewhat less than an English Farthing; there are half Forles also.  
The Weights of Cairo, are as at Constantinople; the Quintal, contains 150. rots, the Rot 12. Ounces, the Ounce 12. Drachms, the Drachm 16. Quirats, the Quirat 4. Grains; the Medical, a Drachm and a half, the Oque, 400. Drachms, so that the Oque contains three rots, two ninths less.   

CHAP. LXXXIII. The History of Don Philippo, Prince of Tunis.  
HAving Sojourned a pretty while in Egypt, and found no Company to Travel with farther, some other Considerations likewise prompting me, I resolved to return into Christendom. I took the occasion of a great English Ship, called the Recovery, which lay at Bouquer, ready to set sail for Legorn; there were good French Ships at Alexandria, where I might have been very well Accommodated. But for greater Security, I chose rather to go in an English Ship, because the English were at that time in Peace with those of Barbary. I also chose that Passage, as having a great desire to see Tunis, where that Ship was to touch, to land Don Philippo, with several other Barbary Men who were on Board of her; and because I had got a pretty familiar Acquaintance of him during this Voyage, I think it will not be amiss to give here a short view of his History, according as I had it from himself by pieces, and a certain Sicilian, who had waited upon him ever since he arrived in Sicily.  
Don Philippo, whose Turkish name is Mahomet, is the Eldest Son of the late Dey Ahmet, fourth Dey of Tunis, who was a very austere Man, but yet fond of this Son, that was the Eldest of several other Boys he had. This Prince Mahomet being very young, was made General of the Galleys of Biserta, and made an Expedition with them; after which, (being as yet but seventeen or eighteen years of Age) his Father Married him to the Daughter of the Bassa of Tripoli, against his Inclination, who loved not the Lady, though she was very Beautiful; but he was forced to Dissemble, for fear of provoking his Father, who was so violent a Man, that his Anger was always Fatal. The Marriage was Celebrated with all imaginable Magnificence, and for the space of three days, there was nothing but Feasting, Plays, Tilting, and other Diversions, the Father sparing no Charges in Celebrating the Solemnity of the Wedding. In the mean time, though this Prince was greatly Respected, yet he resolved to quit all his Hopes, and escape into a Country where he never had been, and was unknown; he carried on his Design so cunningly and secretly, that nothing of it was suspected till he was gone. Pretending one day to go take the Air in some place beyond Goletta, he went into a little Boat with four or five Christian Slaves, and some Moors, to row them. When he was past the Goletta, and got a pretty way from it, he put ashore some of his Moors upon pretext of sending them for something, and then going off to Sea, and a little after, making a sign to the Christians, that it was now time for them to declare themselves, and begin; he shot one of the Moors that remained with an Arrow; and the Christians assisting him, all the rest were quickly killed, or forced to leap into the Sea, of whom some swum ashore. They then directed their Course towards Sicily, and succeeded so well in it, that in two days time they arrived at Mazara. The Viceroy of Sicily was no sooner informed of it, but he sent for the Prince to Palermo, where he was lodged in the Profess-House of the Jesuits, and being there instructed in the Christian Religion, he was afterwards Baptised in the Cathedral Church, by the Archbishop of Palermo, the Viceroy being Godfather, and the Vice-Queen Godmother, who named him Don Philippo. He went from thence to Rome, where he was well received and much honoured by the Pope, who gave him good Presents. He went to Spain, where the King allowed him a Pension, and retiring to Valentia, he fell in love with a Spanish Lady, of no great Fortune, but very Witty, who played very well on the Lute, and Sung to admiration (which was enough to engage the Prince, who is a passionate lover of Music) he Married her privately, and was at some Charges about it. In the mean time the King of Tunis being informed that his Son was fled into Christendom, fell into such a Rage, that he put about twenty to Death, Slaves and others, and among the rest, the unfortunate Wife of this Prince Mahomet, (whom for the future we shall call Don Philippo) whom he caused to be strangled, as having favoured the flight of his Son. But then, it being out of his Power to Chastise his Son in Person, he Disinherited him, leaving him not so much as one Farthing. Now the Mother of Don Philippo, who was no less afflicted for the loss of her Son, (whom she passionately loved) bethought herself of all ways how she might recover him, and prevailed so far with an English Captain, that he promised to bring him back. This Traitor in execution of his design, came to Valentia, where having soon got acquaintance of this Prince, he found that he wanted Money, and supplied him. Don Philippo having got Money, made an Equipage, and soon squandered away two or three Thousand Crowns, that were lent him. But some time after, the Captain demanding payment of his Money, put the Prince to a great plunge: He offered the Captain a Letter to his Mother, who would pay him all that he had Borrowed of him; but the Captain would not have it. Saying, That he was no more owned in that Country, now he was turned Christian, but that he advised him to return to Rome, where he had been well received, that his Holiness would still receive him in the same manner, and quickly put him in a condition to repay him; offering him at the same time to carry him thither in his Ship. The Prince embraced the offer, and taking his Wife and some Christian Servants on board with him, put to Sea; but the Captain in stead of directing his Course toward Rome, stood away for Tunis, so that the Prince was all in amaze when he knew Goletta. He had had intelligence in Sicily of the death of his Father, and therefore finding himself betrayed, he made a Virtue of Necessity; and writing a Letter privately to some Friends that he had at Tunis, he sent it ashore by some of the Ships Company, who secretly brought him an answer. He acquainted those his Friends with his arrival, and asked their advice what way he should enter Tunis. They sent him back an answer, That they would come next day with a Brigantine, and carry him away as by force. Wherefore next Morning he went out in the Ships Boat, that he might go Fish near the shore, and took with him the Sicilian I mentioned before, who hath always served him. This Man, who was made believe that they were cast upon Tunis by foul Wether, would have dissuaded him from that Fishing, telling him that he might be known: But he answered, That he was so much altered, that he did not at all fear that, for he had now been several Years absent. They were no sooner got off from the Ship, but a Brigantine full of Armed Men came up towards them, who having fired some shot in the Air, entered the Boat, and with great respect saluted the Prince. But the poor Sicilian (who steered the Boat) was much surprised, not knowing what to do. Immediately they were carried to Tunis, where being arrived, Don Philippo went to see the Dey first, and then his Mother; who expected him with great impatience. The Dey ordered him, as a Punishment for his flying into Christendom, to walk through the Town in the Spanish Apparel he then wore, so that he was a Laughingstock to all the People; but if he had not had good Friends, he had lost his Head for his flying. After he had seen his Mother, they put him into Turkish Apparel: But when they came to cut off his Hair (which was very lovely and long) he told me, he had much ado to consent to it, and thought that he could more willingly have suffered Death, than parted from his Hair. Nevertheless, having sent for direction from his Confessor concerning the matter: His Confessor sent him this Resolution, That the Christian Religion consisted not in Hair, and that therefore he should suffer it to be cut off. Then he sent for his Wife to Tunis, (she being with Child) but he had much ado to preserve his Servants liberty; for the Dey and Aga of the Divan, would have had them made Slaves, nevertheless they retained both their Liberty and Religion. Two years after, he would have sent his Wife back again into Christendom, but they would not suffer him; however after many difficulties, she went away attended by a Servant of the Princes, leaving a Son behind her, and came to Genoa, where she put herself into a Nunnery, and hath since continued.  
Now Don Philippo having been Disinherited by his Father, had nothing to Live on but what he had from his Mother, who is very fond of him: Nor is he put into any Place, because they still believe him to be a Christian, there being none great nor small in Tunis, but knew him by the name of Don Philippo; for my part the first time I went to his House when I was at Tunis, having asked for the House of Don Philippo, every body told me the way to it.  
Now to dispossess them of the belief they have that he is still a Christian at Heart, he resolved some years after his return, to undertake the Pilgrimage of Mecha, and so wheadled a Brother of his own, that he engaged him in the Journey, who bore Don Philippo's Charges and his Sons, whom he took with him. So soon as he came to Cairo, he made acquaintance with the Franks, and then hired a House in the quarter of the French, where he came two or three times a week to drink Wine and make merry with the Franks; and the time being come that the Caravan parts for Mecha, he traveled thither in company of the Megrebins, and upon his return, the occasion of this English Ship presenting, he resolved to return by Sea to Tunis.  
This Prince is a tall and handsome well shaped Man, and was not then above thirty years of Age, he has a great deal of wit, and speaks Italian and Spanish naturally well. He is a lover of Music, and therefore has several Slaves, who played some on the Harp, others on the Flute and Lute. His Son was then a little Boy about seven years old, handsome and witty, like his Father.  
This same Don Philippo for all he is so poor, makes his Brothers so stand in fear of him, that there is none of them dares to look him in the Face.   

CHAP. LXXXIV. Our Voyage from Cairo to Alexandria. What the Hhovames are.  
FRiday the third of January, 1659. I parted from Cairo, and embarking at the Gissiere, which is a pleasant place, upon the side of the Nile. where many go to divert themselves, and where our Boat stayed for us, with a fair wind we sailed as far as Tono, which is half way from Cairo to Rossetto: Some hours after we parted from Cairo, we met the Boat of Don Philippo, which we Saluted with some Volleys of our Fowling-pieces: We arrived at Tono Saturday the fourth of January after Midnight; 
Tono.  but there the Wind turned contrary, which put us to a great deal of trouble, and a main Rope of our Tackle breaking, we had almost been cast away Boat and all, but having quickly recovered it out of the Water, and refitted it with all haste, we continued our course, making still a little way, though the wind was full against us; at length perceiving that the Wind was like to continue so, we put ashore at Derout Tuesday morning the seventh of January, and went by Land to Rossetto, six hours Journey distant from Derout; 
Derout.  we arrived the same day, Tuesday the seventh of January, at Rossetto.  
Upon the way from Cairo to Rossetto there are some pretty Towns, which I had not observed as I went from Rossetto to Cairo, as Foa, Sewdion, Derout, 
Foa. Sewdion.  and some others. We stayed for our Boat wherein our luggage was at Rossetto, where it arrived on Wednesday morning the eighth of January, and Thursday the ninth, we parted from Rossetto, about two a Clock in the Morning.  
Betwixt Rossetto and the Seaside, there are eleven Pillars fixed in the Ground, and a Palmtree, at some hundreds of Paces distant one from another; they are put there to mark the way, because it is a Desert, and besides, the ways most commonly are covered with Rain-water; and if a Man should miss his way in that Desert, it would take him above a day to find it again. We followed then these marks by Moonlight, and being got to the Seaside, came to Casa Rossa, 
Casa Rossa. Media.  which is half way betwixt Rossetto and Media, where we arrived about three hours after day. Media is above half way from Rossetto to Alexandria.  
Having rested there about an hour, we crossed over in the Ferry-boat, paying a Maidin for our Houseroom and passage; and after we had traveled a good way, about two a clock in the Afternoon we came to Alexandria, twelve hours Journey distant from Rossetto, betwixt which two Towns there is no other Inn but Media, where you have nothing but Water and Houseroom, so that what you eat and drink, you must carry with you.  
From Cairo to Alexandria it is about an hundred and fifty miles by Land, which is commonly traveled in three days, because they travel day and night, resting a little in the Morning and Afternoon. I saw nothing in Alexandria but what I had seen the time before, when I was there, only they shown me a Hhovame, 
Hhovames  and told me that these Hhovames are a sort of Vagabond People among the Arabs, who lodge as they do, under Tents, but have a certain particular Law to themselves; for every night they perform their Prayers and Ceremonies under a Tent without any Light, and then lie with the first they meet, whether it be Father, Mother, Sister or Brother; and this is far worse than the Religion of the Adamites. These People though, sculk and keep private in the City, for if they be known to be Hhovames, they are Burned Alive.   

CHAP. LXXXV. Our arrival at Bouquer; a Ship cast away in the Port of Alexandria. A description of Bouquer.  
I Stayed at Alexandria till the Ship was ready, whereof the Purser having given us notice, we sent away our Goods and Provisions, which we had prepared before hand, for one must not delay those preparations till the Ship be just ready to sail. When a man is alone it is no bad way to agree with the Captain for Diet, especially with the English, who treat well, but besides that, one must still have some small provision for himself in private. For our parts being five in company, to wit, three Marseillese, myself and my man, we provided all things for ourselves.  
We took Boat then on Thursday the thirtieth of January, to go on board the Ship, which was at Bouquer, (but not before we and our Goods had been searched at the Customhouse) where we were encompassed with an Army of Rogues that begged something of us, and to say the truth, it is no easy matter, for a Stranger to Embark there, for there are so many of these Rascals to whom some Maidins must be given, that one is quite Stunned with them. At length being in the Boat, we went to the Block-house to give in our Cockets, to show that all our Goods had been searched at the Customhouse; and there it behoved us also to pay three Maidins a piece; but those that are at Bouquer, cannot be searched, for they are without the reach of Cannon shot.  
From the Farillon or Block-house, we went straight to Bouquer, where we arrived about six a Clock at Night, but it blew so hard, that we durst not go a board the Ship; so that we put ashore and lodged in a Coffeehouse, keeping our Boat with us, for there was none to be found there, and that was the reason we came by Sea, and not over Land, knowing very well that we should find no Boats there; besides it is more convenient and cheaper to go by Sea, than over Land, when one has any quantity of Goods. We stayed then some days ashore, waiting for a fair wind to carry us on Board; during which time, I observed that place as well as I could, though it signified no great matter.  
Bouquer is a Castle built upon a point of land, 
Bouquer.  that runs out a little into the Sea. It is square, having on each corner a little Tower, mounted with some small Guns, a Dungeon or great Tower in the middle, with a light House on the top of it, and a Mosque. The Castle is like an Island, there being a gut of Sea-water two steps over, betwixt it and the main Land, to which it is joined by a wooden Bridge, that joins to one of Stone; it is beside encompassed all round with Rocks, but they have no other water, but what they fetch from a Well at a pretty distance from the Castle. Heretofore there was an Aqueduct that brought water from a Fountain, at the old port of Alexandria, to this Castle; and this Aqueduct is still to be seen.  
The Castle has in it a great many Soldiers, commanded by a Muteferaca, but it does not seem to be well provided of Cannon; for while I was at Cairo, Papachin a famous Corsair, came with Spanish Colours and took both an English and a French Ship, that had put themselves under the protection of its shot, the Castle firing only two Guns; but the Aga was made Mansoul for it. It has some Guns however, and two among the rest, whereof the one has the Arms of France, and the other of Marseilles; the Turks, (who are very bad Historians) say that they are as old as St. Lovis, who left them at Monsour near to Damiette.  
There is about a score of Houses near to this Castle, and a little farther off, as many more; but the French are not suffered to water at Bouquer. Friday, Saturday and Sunday, there blew so violent a North wind, that on Friday night or Saturday Morning a Dutch Ship, called the Soldatero, was cast away in the port of Alexandria: The evening before, that disaster happened, the Aga of the Block-house, sent word to the Captain of that Ship, that he should have a care of himself, that he thought his Ship made too much travel, and that he had best put out another Anchor, but he slighting the advice, and his Cables firing in the nighttime, the ship struck against the Rocks, with so much Violence, that she broke into small bits no bigger than one's hand, (as Don Philippo who saw it told me) and eight Men Perished.  
The same night, a Ship of Messina which arrived at Bouquer two days before, broke her Cables, and having quickly got under Sail, to save herself, was forced in by the Storm, near to Madia, not without danger of being wracked there, for it is almost at the Mouth of the Nile, where there is no Water for a Vessel of any Burden. Our ship had also some share in the danger, occasioned by that Storm, for she lost two Cables, and saved only one that held out; The chief Mate also going in the Evening to the head, to see if it was not like to Fire, was thrown over Board, but five and twenty or thirty Ropes being immediately thrown out to him, he caught hold of some of them, and so was pulled in. The Captain would have reckoned his Ship as good as lost, if that Mate had been cast away, for he confided much in him, and indeed, he was a skilful Seaman. In short, if that Cable had given as the other two did, the Ship must unavoidably have been lost, for they had not one good Cable more, having lain three or four Months at an Anchor.   

CHAP. LXXXVI. Our departure from Bouquer, and our getting on Board the Ship.  
MOnday the third of February, the Wind flackening a little, (though it blew still a strong gale from West) we went into our boat and put out from Bouquer about eight a Clock in the Morning: In a good hours time we came to the Ship, and immediately after Don Philippo came. This ship carried thirty Guns, of which the greatest eighteen pound Ball, the smaller twelve Pounders, except two little Brass pieces in the Cuddy, which carried but five pounders a piece.  
There were two of these Guns in the steerage, which were charged with Bunches of Grapes, that is to say, clusters of little leaden Bullets, split in the middle, that yet stick all together, but when they are shot, scatter into so many pieces: In this place there were two portholes to run out the Guns, if the ship were attacked, and came to a close Fight: so that there being two also in the Forecastle, and two more in the Cuddy, charged in the fame manner, they would so scour the Deck fore and aft, that I believe if two hundred men should have come on Board, they would all have had their share. 
Scopa Coperta.  These Guns in the straits are called Scopa Coperta, that is to say, a covered Broom, and when they fire them, they ring a little Bell, that those of the ships company who are at the other end of the ship, may fall flat on their Bellies, and receive no hurt.  
Our ship had sixty four men a board, she was very great, had fair large Cabins, and two Decks. In the lower Deck they had a very convenient Pump; it is an Iron-Chain in form of a Chaplet, that reaches down to the Sink, having little pieces of Leather about half as long as ones hand, and somewhat hollow, and fastened to it at every half feet distance; this is turned by two Handles, one on each side, and it is incredible how much water it will raise; insomuch, that if a ship were full, she might be emptied by such a Pump in two hours' time. So soon as we were come on Board, we hired every one of us a Cabin to lie in; for my part I hired one for six Crowns upon the Deck in the Ships Waste. These Cabins are like presses made along the ship side: I put my quilt into mine, and crept into it by a little hole, but being within, I neither felt cold nor the tossing of the Vessel, for I was in the middle of the Ships length. There were so many such Cabins in this Ship, that not only the Officers, but all the Seamen likewise, had every one his Cabin; some also lay in Hammocks, made fast to the Deck above, which is very commodious, for let the Ship toss never so much, it is not to be felt in these Hammocks which hang always perpendicular. The English are very good Seamen, and observe excellent order on board their Ships, not dismayed at all at bad Wether, and so exact in keeping account of the ships way every day, that during all our Voyage, I never knew them six miles out in their reckoning. They measure the Ships way with a Log or little flat and very thin piece of Wood tied to a line, and when they throw it into the Sea, they turn a half minute Sand-Glass, (there being an hundred and twenty of them in an hour) and then drop the Log from the Stern, letting the line run off, till the Glass be out; then they pull in the line and reckon how much of it hath been in the water, every seven fathom of the line making a mile in an hour; this they did every time the Wind increased or abated, never grudging their labour, and the four Mates were always present when they heaved the Log, who after it was done, went to their several Cabins, and set down how much the ship had run, for every one of them keeps a Journal. This is very useful to know how far the ship is from Land, and to prevent running ashore in the Nighttime; in short, the English are very expert in that. That which only displeased me in this Voyage, was the great number of Candles, that were lighted in the Night time betwixt Decks, and in the Cabins, for there were above thirty Barbary Men on board who had been at Mecha, and were returning into their own Country; all these Men lay upon the lower Gun-Deck, (there being a rank of Beds on each side, and a passage in the middle betwixt them) and had all their lighted Lamps stuck to the Deck, and burning in the Nighttime, which made me always extremely afraid the Ship might be set on fire; and besides that, since the least glipse of light, is in the Nighttime seen a great way off at Sea, I was apprehensive it might have directed some Corsair, or some Ship of the Venetian Fleet towards us: For I had smarted already, and knew very well what Blades they were, nay more, I fancied that they were not careful enough in smoking their Tobacco. However they told me still, that there was no danger in what I feared.   

CHAP. LXXXVII. Our Ships sailing from Bouquer.  
TVesday the fourth of February, the Purser who was still at Alexandria, came on board with some Provisions, and then having taken in our Boats, we set sail from Bouquer. Wednesday the fifth of February, we steered our course North, with an easy West-wind; it was a calm in the Evening, but in the Night it blew hard from West, with several storms of Rain and Wind, which lasted till next day at Noon, Thursday the sixth of February: All that while we bore away North-north-west, in the Evening the Wind shifted about to Northwest, and lasted till next day the seventh of February, when after Noon the Wind turning North-north-west, we tacked and stood away West-south-west, lest the Wind might force us too near the Isle of Rhodes. The night following the Wind slackened, and Saturday the eighth of February, we were becalmed from Morning till Noon, when we had a little Gale from South; then we steered away West-north-west, but the Wind lasted not. After that (to our great trouble) we were becalmed for several days. Saturday-night, or Sunday-morning, the sixteenth of February, there fell a great deal of Rain, which lasted till day, when we were still becalmed, and about eleven a Clock in the Morning, with a breeze of Wind from West-north-west, we stood away South-west, the Wind blowing fresher in the evening until Midnight; during that time, we tacked and stood away towards the Isle of Candia, and the Night being very dark, we ran so far till we saw a Light close on Head, which the Men could not discern whether it was ashore, or in a small Pinnace, which in the daytime we saw making for Candia; at length, for fear of striking on Ground, they tacked about again before Midnight, bearing away South-west. Monday the seventeenth of February, after Midnight the Winds so chopped and changed, that we had all sorts of Winds, and about Morning it blew so hard from West-north-west, that we were forced to furl all our Sails, except the Mainsail, and tie the Helm to Midships; this Wind brought with it many storms of Rain, that lasted not long. About one a Clock after Noon it Hailed, which changed the Wind to the North, but seeing it blew harder than it had done in the Morning, we could not carry high Sails, but continued the same Course. If the Wind had not been so violent, we would have steered our Course West-north-west: This Wind lasted till Tuesday the eighteenth of February, when about an hour before day it slackened a little, and then we spread our Foresail, the Wind being still too high to carry our Maintop-sail, however we stood away West; the Wind abating a little after, we spread our Maintop-sail, and shortly after that, the Mizzain and Foretop-sail: After noon the Wind chopped about to Northwest, and blew so fresh, that we were forced to furl our Foretop-sail, and steered away West-south-west, till Wednesday Morning, the nineteenth of February, when the Wind changing to North-north-west, we put abroad our Foretop-sail again, and stood away West, and a little after, we spread all our Sails. About two hours after day we made Cape Rasaxarra, 
Rasaxarra.  in Barbary, and stood in within almost thirty Miles of it; it is a very low Land, than we tacked about again towards the Gozo of Candia. About two hours before night we were becalmed, and about two hours after Night was in, we had the long looked for East Wind, but it was easy; however with it we steered our course West-north-west until Thursday Morning, the twentieth of February, when after a little Rain that fell, the Wind chopped about to South-south-east, whilst in the mean time we made all sail, and stood away North-north-west; a little after, we turned our Ships-head to West-north-west, running above eight Miles an hour upon a Wind, which we would have continued to do, had we not been afraid to have been embeyed within a bad Gulf, 
Hihal.  called Hihal, that runs out into the Sea, and therefore we stood away before the Wind, till we had weathered it; all this while the Foresail and Spritsail did us no service. We ran at a great rate in this manner for the space of three hours, than the Wind turned West, which brought us a Flurry, with a great scud of Rain, for half a quarter of an hour, but the main Wind was easy enough, and with it we bore away Northwest; in the evening the Wind freshened a little, and we steered the same Course, till about ten or eleven a Clock at Night, that we tacked and stood away South-west. About midnight we had a sudden gust of Wind, with Hail and Rain, which was so violent, that it laid the Ship on her side, and if she had been a small Vessel, would certainly have overset her; it tore the Mainsail in pieces, and blew so very hard, that the Seamen could not furl their Sails, but at length all Hands coming aloft, they made a shift to furl them, till the storm was over. They saw the Flurry a coming, and then they should have minded their Sails, so that we needed not to have feared any damage, but through Laziness, they let them alone, saying, that perhaps it might pass over them. In fine, we spent the Carnaval in this manner, dancing more than enough, in spite of our Teeth, and without Music. When the storm was over, we spread all our Sails, and tacked about again Northwards, with the same West-north-west Wind, until Friday the one and twentieth of February, that the Wind turning South-west, we bore away West-north-west, till after Dinner, that the Wind got into the North-north-west, and we stood away West. This lasted till Saturday, the two and twentieth of February, when we were becalmed, and in the Evening the Wind turned Northwest and by west, but an easy Gale, and we steered South-west till Sunday, the three and twentieth of February, that the Wind turned Northerly, but so gently, that it looked like a Calm, and we steered our course West-north-westward; we were afterwards becalmed until Evening, when we had an easy North-east Gale, which freshened a little in the Nighttime, and in stead of steering away West (which was our Course) we stood away North-north-west, to bear in with the Gulf of Venice, where we hoped to have found a Northwind, that would have carried us straight to Tunis. We kept that Course till Tuesday, the five and twentieth of February, when the Wind blew so hard, that we made nine or ten Miles an hour, always Northwest, for fear of being carried to far to the Leeward, and losing the Wind: This Wind lasted all Wednesday, the twenty sixth of February, and Thursday morning, the twenty seventh we made Malta, which we left to the Starboard, running betwixt Tripoli and Malta, leaving Lampedosa and Linosa to the Larboard; 
Linosa.  Linosa is about seventy Miles distant from Malta. We saw them not, because we passed them in the Nighttime. Our Lady of Lampedosa is well known and Reverenced both by Turks and Christians; and though I had not the satisfaction to go ashore there, yet I will say two or three words of it.   

CHAP. LXXXVIII. Of Lampedosa and Pantalaria. Of several Corsairs we met with, and our Arrival before Goletta.  
LAmpedosa is a little Isle, or Rock of small Circumference, 
Lampedosa.  about an hundred Miles distant from Malta. It is an Island that produces nothing, and is only inhabited by Coneys; but because there is good Water upon it, and a good Harbour, Ships put in there for Freshwater. In that Isle there is a little Chapel, wherein there is an Image of the Blessed Virgin, which is much Reverenced both by Christians and Infidels, that put ashore there; and every Vessel always leaves some present upon it. Some Money, others Biscuit, Oil, Wine, Gunpowder, Bullets, Swords, Muskets, and in short, all things that can be useful even to little cases; and when any one stands in need of any of these things, he takes it, and leaves Money or somewhat else in place thereof. The Turks observe this practice as well as the Christians, and leave Presents there. As for the Money no body meddles with that, and the Galleys of Malta go thither once a year, and take the Money they find upon the Altar, which they carry to our Lady of Trapano in Sicily. I was told that six Christian Ships having some time since put into that Port, and that when they had watered, the Wind offering fair, they all sailed out of the Port, except one, which having set sail with the rest, could not get out; at which the Master was strangely surprised. However, taking patience, he waited for another more favourable Wind, which offering, he attempted to get out again, but as yet he could not, which seemed very strange to him; and therefore he resolved to make a search in his Ship, whereby he found that one of his Soldiers had stolen something in that place; which being carried back again, he made sail, and got easily out of the Harbour. Many Miracles are wrought in that place, at the intercession of our Blessed Lady, which are not so much as doubted of, neither by Christians nor Turks. We passed that Island then, with the same Wind, which lasted till Friday the eight and twentieth of February, when we were becalmed about three a Clock in the morning, the Wind leaving us pretty near Pantalaria.  
Pantalaria is a little Island, about twelve or fourteen Miles in Circuit; it is distant from Malta about an hundred and thirty Miles, and is fruitful in Wine, Fruits, and Cotten. It belongs to the King of Spain, who keeps a Spanish Governor in it, that lives in the Castle; which (as the Turks told me) is so strong, that two hundred Galleys could not take it. About two a Clock in the Afternoon, we had a Gale at North-north-east, and we stood away West. About three in the Afternoon, we made two Ships to the Windward, which bore down upon us with full sail; they were got already so near us, that we wondered we had not made them sooner. We made ready to receive them the best way we could, in the short times warning we had. Immediately we launched our two Boats, then cleared the Gun-Deck, of Chests, Hammocks, and of all incumberances, that our Guns might have freedom to play, so that in a trice, the Deck looked like a great Hall; all the Goods and Baggage were laid aloft on the Poop, and upon the upper Deck, but betwixt the Masts, that they might not hinder the execution of our Guns, Scopa Coperta. The Main-yard was chained to the Mainmast, all the great Guns loaded, every one took his Musket and Bandeliers, and all with so much expedition, that by that time they were got within Cannon shot of us, we were ready. The headmost Ship put out Red Colours, and then all took them for Spaniards, because we were so near Sicily. For though we perceived the Turkish Colours, yet we knew that Corsairs have all sorts of Colours on board, and put out many times false ones, that they may the more easily surprise. We put out English Colours, which they saluted with a Gun without shot, and we answered the like. Being come within Musket shot, we heard their Trumpets sounding French Levets, which made the Turks who were on board of us, take them for Ships of Tunis; being come nearer, they again saluted us without a Bullet, which we did not answer, only furled our Mainsail, to show them that we resolved to Fight, and not to Run for it. We were then on board in all an hundred and fifty Men, and expected to spend the Night in fight and not sleeping, for the Sun was set, and we had no Light but from the Moon, which shone out very clear. Our Mate hailed them from the Poop, and demanded who they were? Who having answered, They were Friends. The Mate then called to them, 
The meeting of two Ships of Tunis.  That if so, they should fall to the Leeward; which they did, sailing so near our Stern, that our Turks easily spoke to them. And having asked who they were? They answered, they were Ships of Tunis. An English Renegado, called Solyman Reys, commanded them, and they belonged to the Dey. The biggest and best Sailer of the two Ships, carried thirty six Guns, and the other which was less, five and twenty, having each two hundred Men on board. When they knew that the Prince Don Philippo was on board of us, they saluted him with three Guns, and our Captain ordered the salute to be rendered, but to the Windward, because all our Guns were loaded with Shot, and these Gentlemen were to the Leeward of us, the Gunner fired two Guns to the windward, but the third missing fire, he ran in all haste to that which was nearest, (without considering what he did) and it happening to be to the Leeward, and they just off and on with us, he fired it, and shot a Bullet into the middle of the biggest Ships side. This put our Captain into a great Passion against the Gunner, who ran away and hid himself: Immediately they came on board of us in their Boat, and complained highly of that Action, demanding him who had fired the Gun, to be delivered unto them; because they said they had a Man killed, and two wounded by the shot. Which we believed to be false: Because one said, one man Killed, and two wounded; another, two Killed; another, two wounded; and another, three. Our Captain told them, That it was an Accident, and that many times Ships upon their entering into a Port, intending to salute the Town, have by Inadvertency, shot Bullets into the place. But they still persisting in their demand, he told them, That if they would needs have him, they should go on board their Ship again, and then come and take him. Which perhaps they might have attempted, had we not had Turks on board, who would have suffered for it. For it was an Article in their Peace, that he that first shot a Bullet, broke the Peace. When they found that there was nothing to be done, they drank a Cup or two, and returned to their Ship, giving us two Letters for Tunis. After that, they bore away Eastward, and we held on our Course till towards Midnight that we tacked about, but then the Wind turning West, 
Cape Bon. Galippa.  we tacked again, standing away North-north-east, and sailed by Cape Bon, and the Castle of Galippa.  
Saturday the first of March, we tacked, and leaving the Castle of Galippa to the Leeward, bore away Northwest, but the Wind chopping into the North, which blows full from Tunis, we stood away West-north-west, and coming close up with the Castle of Galippa, (which is a small square Castle upon a Hill) we left it to the Leeward, and then tacking again, bore away East-north-east, that we might also weather Cape Bon, and so get where we desired to be. We kept beating in this manner a pretty while, the Current carrying us always off of Cape Bon, and the same day had sour gusts of Wind and Rain.  
Sunday Morning the second of March, we made a Corsair near to Pantalaria, whom we waited for without breaking our Course, and so soon as he was come within Masquet shot of us, we halled up our Main sail, he putting out Red Colours, and we the English. Then he came under our Stern, and we informed ourselves that a Turk, called Ahmet Reys, commanded the Ship that belonged to private Men of Tunis. She was a small Ship, that two years before had been taken by them from a Captain of Marseilles, she carried then fourteen Guns, and had about two hundred Men on board; having saluted one another each with a Gun, we steered on our several Courses.  
Monday Morning the third of March, we had another kind of Alarm, when a Seaman on the Maintop-mast head cried, he saw four Sail, which proved only to be Rocks; that day we began to sail farther upon a Tack, to wit, from Pantalaria to Sicily, and were got very near to it in the Evening, when we Tacked about and stood back again for Pantalaria. We had so bad Luck, that when the Wind was fair, some Corsair or other, made us lose the occasion of it for doubling the Cape, for than we must make ready to Fight, and by that time they knew us to be Friends, the Wind was gone. Or otherwise, when we were in one place, a Wind offered that would have been very good for us if we had stayed where we were the day before; and when the Wind was good, we had a high Sea on head, as on Tuesday the fourth of March, when with a Northwind, we were got above twenty Miles to the Windward of Cape Bon, but making no way forward, (because of a high Sea we had on head) we found ourselves in the Evening to the Leeward of the said Cape, and tacked about for Sicily; from whence standing off again, next day the fifth of March, and with the same Northwind bearing West-north-west, we were got so far to the windward of Cape Bon, that we were in hopes to have weathered it; but a high Sea on Head, the Current and contrary wind drove us so to the Leeward, that being within a League of the said Cape, we could not double it, though we wanted but a little of having done it. We therefore stood off again towards the East-north-east. Friday night and Saturday morning, the seventh of March, we had storms of Rain, and all sorts of Winds, and yet were so fortunate, that in the Morning we found ourselves forward enough in our Course to have doubled the Cape. The same Morning we had the Wind at North-east, which made us bear away West-north-west, and freshening a little, put us in hopes of doubling the Cape, but half an hour after, it shifted about to the West, and that made us bear away South-west: An hour after, it chopped about to North and by East, and blowing pretty fresh, we made all the Sail we could, standing away West-north-west, and so about two a Clock in the Afternoon, with much joy we doubled Cape Bon, called in Turkish Kara Bouroun, 
Kara Bouroun.  having been eight days beating about it, all the while with West-north-west, and North-winds. Our Mates told us, that they were always a long time in doubling that Cape, and sometimes spent three Weeks about it. About five a Clock in the Evening, we Sailed betwixt the Isle of Zimbre, and an Isle or Rock, that is almost midway betwixt the Main-land and Zimbre. 
Zimbre.  Zimbre is Inhabited, has convenient Anchorage by it, and good Water in it. From Zimbre it is but forty Miles to Goletta. Having passed Zimbre, we stood off from Land, intending not to enter Goletta till next day, because of the many Flats that are on that Coast. Friday night and Saturday morning, the eighth of March, we had greater gusts of Wind and Rain, than before; and if we had not doubled the Cape, we must have been a long time still before we could have done it, considering the Wether that happened afterward. During these storms, a Moor on board of us died, who had been ill of a Bloody Flux, almost ever since the beginning of our Voyage, and next morning he was thrown overboard. At length, on Saturday the eighth of March, about seven a Clock in the Morning, we came into the Port, or rather the Road of Goletta, for it is not a Harbour, but a Road that lies open to the South east Wind; and in all Barbary, there are but two good Ports, to wit, Porto Farina, 
Porto Farina. Porto Stera. Biserta. Utica.  and Porto Stera. The Harbour for the Galleys of Tunis, is Biserta, a little Town threescore Miles from Tunis. Biserta was formerly called Utica; and here it was that Cato killed himself, wherefore he was called Cato Vticensis. We came to an Anchor near a Point of Land where the Sepulchre of Dido is, 
The Sepulchre of Dido. Marabout.  and a Marabout or Sheick is Interred there. So soon as we had dropped Anchor, Don Philippo sent ashore one of his Men, who having informed a poor Moor whom he met, that Don Philippo was arrived, the poor Man ran with all the speed he could to the Town, to carry the news to Don Philippo's Mother, who was overjoyed thereat, and gave him twenty Crowns for a Reward; he was no more expected at Tunis, and it was thought he was gone back again into Christendom, having been absent almost two Years. Sunday the ninth of March, we went ashore, and when Don Philippo left the Ship, they fired fifteen Guns. He found several Men on Horseback, and amongst them all his Brothers, who were come out to receive him.   

CHAP. LXXXIX. Of Goletta, and our Arrival at Tunis.  

Goletta.  GOletta is no more but two Castles, whereof the one was built by the Emperor Charles the fifth, and the other by Ahmet Dey the Father of Don Philippo, who perceiving that the Galleys of Malta came and took ships in the Road, without any damage from the Guns of the Castle, built this last, which is very low, and has seven or eight great Gun-holes two foot above the Water, by which the Guns play level with the surface of it. This Castle is round on the side next the Sea, and that of Charles the fifth is almost square; Between these two Castles there are three Houses, one belonging to the Family of Don Philippo, the other to the Bey, and the other to Schelebi the Son of Hisouf Dey, who is called barely Schelebi, because he was Born during the time his Father Reigned.  
When we had refreshed ourselves a little in the House of Don Philippo, we took Boat and went to Tunis, by the Canal or rather Lake, which in the beginning is very narrow, there being many Canes fixed all round in the bottom of the Water, for catching of Fish, afterwards it grows very wide. It is not commonly above five span deep in Water, than it was very shallow, and had many dry places in it, which with the least Wind are quickly covered, and that very high with Water.  
Don Philippo went by Land with his company mounted on a stately Horse that was brought him. The first thing we saw upon that Water, was a Hill to the left hand very near the Seaside, where there are natural Baths of Water almost boiling hot: There is a Bagnio built there, and it is called Hamarmulf; 
Hamarmulf. Zagovam.  then a little further on upon the same side, they shown us a high Hill called Zagovam, which is a great way from this Lake, and a days Journey distant from Tunis, there there is a little Town of Tagarins, or Andalaous, called also Zagovam.  
When the Christians possessed that Country, there were Aqueducts that brought Water from thence to the City of Carthage; at present they are broken, but some Arches with the Fountains and Cisterns still remain to be seen. As we came near to Tunis, we saw a great many Olive-Trees, and abundance of other Trees, which denote a good Country. In four hours' time we arrived at Tunis, though with a little wind they go it many times in two hours, but we were many times embayed.  
By Land it is eighteen miles from Goletta to Tunis. If they pleased, they might make a good Port at Tunis, but then the Town would not be so strong, or at least not so secure. From the place where you Land, it is a mile still to the Town, where being arrived, we went to lodge at the House of Monsieur Le Vacher, a Perisian Priest, and Father of the Mission, who was then Consul for the French, and he received us very Affectionately.   

CHAP. XC. Of the Country-houses and other places that are to be seen about Tunis.  
TWO days after our arrival, Don Philippo sent for us to show us a Countryhouse he had half a League from the Town. The Country about Tunis is full of these Country Houses, which are built like the Bastides about Marseilles. Don Philippo's is very pretty, it is built in form of a square Tower, and higher than any about it; from the Hall to the top of the Tower, there are an hundred and eleven steps up, and from thence there is an excellent Prospect, which discovers on all hands a lovely Plain reaching out of sight, full of Olive-Trees. In it there is a great Hall open above with covered Galleries round it, which have the Roof supported by several Pillars. In the middle of this open place, there is a great reservatory of Water, which serves for several Water-works. All this place is adorned with Marble, as also all the Halls and Chambers, which are beautified with Gold and Azure, and very pleasant Plaister-work, there being Fountains every where, that play when one pleases. One should also see the Bards, which are three Houses built by the Bey for his three Sons, a League from Tunis. This Bey is as it were the Bassa's Farmer, to whom he gives so much of the Revenue due to the Grand Signior in the Country, which he gathers, and the rest he keeps to himself. He was not at that time Bey, but Bassa, and his eldest Son was Bey. In these Houses there are a great many Fountains with lovely Basins of one entire piece of Marble, brought from Genoa; and as in the House of Don Philippo, an open Hall, with a great reservatory in the middle, and walks all round it, roofed over, and supported by several Pillars; this, as also all the Rooms, are paved with black and white Marble, adorned with Gold and Azure, and that kind of Clay or Plaister-work. There are several fair apartments in all these Houses, which have lovely Gardens full of Orange and several other Fruit-Trees, planted in as good order as in Christendom, with many neat Beds and borders of Flowers at the ends of Walks, all made by Christian slaves. These Houses are called Bards, from the Moresco word Beard, that signifies Cold, because there is a fresh Air about them. Near that place, there is an Aqueduct built by a Dey, which brings Water four or five miles off to Tunis. A few steps from that, there is another Aqueduct somewhat older, yet still modern, which is parallel to the former, and carries Water also to Tunis. Another day I went to see the Cantre, which belongs to Schelebi, whom I mentioned, 
Cantre.  the Son of Hisouf Dey, and is four leagues from Tunis. As you go thither, you pass by the old Aqueducts of Carthage, which are about half way; they are at that place very entire still, raised high, and built of very great stones. From Tunis to the Cantre most of the way is over large Fields planted with Olive-Trees, some steps distant from one another, but in so straight a line, that they look like Walks, which would be very pleasant, were it not that these ways are always full of Rain-water and mire, as all the Country about Tunis is, because it lies upon a level. We came then to the Cantre, so called from a Bridge, which Hisouf Dey, the Father of Schelebi, built over a River called Magerda, 
Magerda.  for Cantre in Moresco signifies Bridge. This River Magerda is neither very broad nor rapid, but enough to deserve the name of a fair River; it runs near to the House of Schelebi, and his Father built a stone Bridge to cross over it, the spaces betwixt the Pillars of the seven Arches, being built up from the bottom to the surface of the Water, with huge pieces of Freestone; so that the water passing through the Arches, and finding it lower on the other side, makes at every arch a very pleasant Cascade two foot high, where the Water falls with a great noise. Upon that River there are several Iron-Mills, as also for grinding Corn, and fulling the Caps called Fez-Caps, which are made at Zagovaro by Tagarins. All that work in these Mills are the slaves of Schelebi. At the end of the Bridge is the House of Schelebi, built in form of a Castle; it hath one very large Court and other smaller ones; the Rooms (as in other Houses) are beautified with Gold, Azure, and Plastering, with Fountains every where, and all paved with Marble; so that they are more magnificent than those I had seen before. There are lovely Pictures in those Rooms, for formerly this Schelebi was very rich, his Father having left him a vast Estate, and among other things eighteen hundred Slaves, but he hath run out a great deal in his Debaucheries; he is a man of a generous Heart, and if he were once in Christendom, he would never leave it again. He keeps open table for all Franks that come to see his House, and is so courteous, that he never refuses any thing, and if he have not what is asked from him, he uses means to procure it at any rate, that he may freely give it. When I went to his House, he was not there, for he was then at Tabarque, a little Island in the Kingdom of Tunis, within a Musket shot of the main Land, but three days Journey from Tunis. That Island belongs to the Genoese, who have a very good Fort, and drive a great trade there, and among other things, in Horses, which are called Barbes. The Schelebi was gone thither to buy Timber for building of a Galley. About three Leagues from the Cantre, there is a place called Tabourbe, where there are some ancient ruins, and chief an ancient Temple, but I went not to see it, because than I must have lain there, or at the Cantre, and I had not time to spare, for our Captain put us in hopes daily that he would sail next day. That was the reason also that I went not to Suze neither, which is a long days journey from Tunis, it is the place where there are more Antiquities than any where else in the Kingdom of Tunis, and I believe that thereabouts there are ruins of Churches and other things, relating to St, Augustin, to be seen.   

CHAP. LXXXXI. Of Tunis, and of the Slaves that are there.  
TUNIS the Capital City of the Kingdom, of the same name, lies in a Plain; it is pretty big, and the Houses are indifferently well built, though they make no show, but they are all Marble, Gold and Azure within. The Suburbs of this City are as big as the City itself, which is all paved, but dirty as heretofore Paris was, so that after rain, there is hardly any going in the Streets. There is a Castle upon an Eminence within the Town, which commands it, and it makes a very pretty show: There are some Guns before the Gate, and the front of it looks well, which is all that I could see of it, nor indeed durst I eye it attentively; for I had warning given me, that it was dangerous for Christians to be curious in viewing that Castle. I passed by it then, but very fast, and hard by over against it there is a Buryingplace. Not far frem the Castle there is Bazar for Drapers; it is a long broad street with shops on both sides, all which have the fore part supported by four Pillars, two on each side; none but Drapers keep shop there; but there are several other Bazars also for other Commodities.  

Baths for Slaves at Tunis.  There are thirteen Baths in Tunis, where all the Slaveslodge, except those that are kept in their Master's Houses, and (as several Slaves told me) there may be there in all ten or twelve thousand Christian Slaves, who carry every one a great ring of Iron at their foot, 
Knights of Malta at Tunis  but the Knights of Malta have besides that a huge Iron-Chain above five and twenty pound weight, which is fastened to the Ring, that Chain is very troublesome to them, for they must either turn it quite round their Leg and make it fast there, which is very heavy when they walk, or hang it by a hook that they have by their side, which commonly gives them a pain in the side, or else must carry it on their Shoulders. In these Baths there is a great Hall where they are shut up in the Nighttime, there they lodge as well as they can, some having little Rooms made of wood, to which they go up by Ladders, and are stowed three or four together in one, the rest lie upon the Ground, but all horridly bad, for being very numerous, and locked in in the Nighttime, they do their needs where they are in Pots, which raises a noisome stench; besides when one has a mind to sleep, some fall a talking, and others a quarrelling and fight, making constantly a hideous din, which seems to me a Hell upon Earth.  
In the morning this Prison is opened, and those that are to work, are let out, who are conducted to their Labour by men that take care of it; they are employed in building and other works of that nature; and I have known Knights of Malta of noble Families there, who have been made serve as Labourers, some carrying Sand and others Stone, and they were thus used to oblige them to ransom themselves the sooner, and at the higher rate. They who can get any thing by their own industry, pay so much a day to their Master, and so are not forced to work. Many of them keep taverns, and these live the best of all, for they get money, and work not, but yet they must give their Master part of their Profit. None but slaves sell Wine at Tunis, it is all white, and grows in great plenty in the Country about, but they put Lime to it to make it intoxicate. They sell their Wine cheap, and it is the custom, that if you go to a Tavern and call for a quart of Wine, they will set Bread before you, and three or four dishes of Meat or Fish, with Salads and other appurtenances, and when you are to go, you only pay for the Wine, and at a reasonable rate too; besides, these Slaves have power to beat the Turks if they are rude and insolent in their Taverns, and to pull of their Turban and keep it till they have paid their reckoning, if they refuse to do it.  
The Slaves who neither work nor gain any thing, cannot step out of the Bath, without leave from the Keeper thereof who gives them a man to wait on them, to whom they ought (at least) to give three pence for his pains, and he is to answer for them. Our Knights were of the Number of those last, for having written to Malta that they were forced to work, the Turks that were slave at Malta were severely Bastonadoed, who immediately wrote to Tunis, that if they continued to make the slaves of Malta work at Tunis, they would be Cudgeled to death in Malta, and since that time, they are no more put to work.   

CHAP. LXXXXII. Of the Dey and other Officers of Tunis.  
MVstafa who was Dey in the year 1657. was the sixth Dey: Before they had Deys, the Bassa commanded in name of the Grand Signior, and lived in the Castle, but has been turned out ever since the Moors made an Insurrection, and made one Osman their first Dey. This Dey is almost absolute, 
The Dey of Tunis absolute.  Coins money, (which consists in little square pieces of Silver of the value of Maidins) and obeys the Grand Signior no farther than he thinks fit, nay, and sometimes puts to death those whom the Grand Signior sends, if the business they come about displease him, as it happened to a Chiaoux sent from the Grand Signior, a little before I was there: And indeed, when the Ambassadors of the Franks complain to the Grand Signior of the Corsairs of Barbary, all the answer they have is, that they must make reprisal upon them, and that they are Subjects whom the Grand Signior cannot command. At present the Bassa of the Grand Signior is so much a slave there, 
The Grand Signior Bassa can do nothing at Tunis  that he cannot stir abroad out of his House, without leave from the Dey, of whom he must send to ask it every time he goes out, which costs him besides above an hundred Piastres, that he must give to the Deys Guards, and that is the reason he goes seldom abroad. They have a Bey there also, made by the Grand Signior; his business is to go into the Country, and gather the Caradge and other the Grand Signiors Dues, which he pays in to the Bassa, who sends it to Constantinople; but this Bey has a part in it himself, gives part to the Dey, and the rest to the Bassa.  
When a Dey dies, his Children conceal his Death, lest another Dey should be chose against their will, and in the morning every one coming (as the custom is) to wish the Dey a good day; his eldest Son tells them how his Father before his Death, 
The establishment of the Dey. The death of the Dey.  declared to him such a one for his Successor, who is commonly his Kiaya, or some other Friend of theirs, for they make a compact with him whom they would have to be Dey, before they make any Declaration; then his friends join with him, and immediately the Imam going up to the top of the Minaret of the Mosque in the Castle, publishes the death of the Dey; he never goes up thither but at the usual hours, unless it be at the death of a Dey; and therefore whenever he is seen there at an unusual hour, it is known that the Dey is dead, and then a man speeds through the City on Horseback, crying God save Dey such a one, and all shut up shop, and stand to their Arms, until the Forts be put into the hands of the Officers of the new Dey, for fear some other in the mean time should usurp the Dey-ship.  
When it is generally known who is Dey, all the Cadies and others, who stand in need of his favour, bring him Presents, (but in the Nighttime) and in great Dishes covered with Fruit or Meat, under which there may be five, six, seven or eight Purses; so that the first night he receives above two hundred Purses in Presents. They bring them in the nighttime, that they may not be perceived, lest it should be said, that he was corrupted by Bribes; and if they were brought to him by day, he would refuse them, and fall into a great Passion against him that should offer to bring him a present; they come then in the Nighttime, and only kiss his Vest, having one or more Servants carrying dishes of Fruit or Meat, with the present at the bottom, and as they kiss his Vest, they whisper to him, what they have brought in these Dishes. After all, the Dey keeps no great Court, nor carries it out with any great Majesty, but shows himself familiar enough with every Body; I saw him once as he was coming back from a Mosque in the City, he walked on foot, was clothed in a scarlet Justacors lined with Samour, and had but a small Retinue The Dey cannot procure that his Son should succeed him after his Death; having asked Don Philippo the reason of that, he told me, it was because when Youngmen find themselves all of a sudden advanced to so great power, they fall into such debauched courses, that they render themselves insupportable to all People, forcing all the Women and Boys they meet with; so that if a Dey would have his Son to succeed him, he must get him made Dey in his own Life-time. 
The Aga of the Customs at Tunis. Gillet.  They have at Tunis also an Aga of the Customs, who has a vast Revenue, and is a man of great Authority.  
The Moors of Barbary are not altogether Apparelled like the Turks, for instead of a Doliman and a Vest, they wear a Waistcoat, which they call Gillet, and over it a Justacors, which reaches down to the knee, girt about with a large Girdle; on their head they wear a Fez-cap shaped like a Bell, and a thick Turban round it. They are all Apparelled after this manner, except some Officers: as for instance, there are six Chiaouxes of Justice, who wear a sharp pointed Cap with a Turban about it, and a kind of Hanging-sleeve that is interlaced with it behind their back; the Oda Bassa's go much after the same manner, but there is this difference, that their Hanging-sleeve ends as it were in a pair of Horns. They have no Janissaries, but men of pay, and generally all Renegadoes; so that Italian is very commonly spoken at Tunis, and if a Christian would say any thing that he would not have known, he should not speak French neither, for he might easily be understood, and pay dear for it.   

CHAP. LXXXXIII. Of the Punishments which are in Use at Tunis.  
THE Punishments used at Tunis, differ according to the quality of the Persons. When a Turk in pay deserves Death, he is Executed in a Chamber, and not Publicly. They make him sit down in a Chair, and two Christian Slaves pulling each an end of a Cord, that is put about his Neck, quickly strangle him. The Turks of mean condition, or Moors, are Hanged upon the outside of the Walls; they set them upon the Wall, put about their Neck a Halter, made fast in a hole purposely made in the Wall, and then pushing them down, they are also soon dispatched. As for Maids or Women, that have deserved Death, they choke them in the Oaze by the Seaside, putting their Head into it, and a Man setting his Foot upon their Neck. They have other very cruel Punishments for the Renegadoes, that turn Christians again: They wrap them up in Pitched Cloth, put a Cap of the same upon their Head, and then make a Fire round them. Or otherwise they put them to a crueler Death: For they wall them up so, that there is nothing but their Head without the Wall, and having rubbed over their Head and Face with Honey, leave them so exposed for three days, and as many nights, to the discretion of the Flies, which pain them to Death within less time. The Slaves are punished with Bastonadoes, or they cut off their Ears or Nose, according to the quality of the Offence. But if a Slave kill his Master, or any other Turk, they break his Legs and Arms, then tie him to a Horse's Tail, and after they have dragged him so about the Town, strangle him, giving the Body to the Franks to be Buried; but most commonly the Boys take him from the Executioner, (as they did a French Man a little before I came to Tunis) for there are no wickeder Boys in the World, than in that Town. They snatched that dead Body out of the Executioners hands, in spite of the Mezoar, 
Mezoar.  who is the Officer whom in Turkey they call the Sousbasha) and having dragged him about for some time longer; they Roasted him a little with Straw, which they kindled under him, and then threw him into the Ditch, out of which the French afterwards took him, and buried him in their Burying Place, called St. Anthony; for the English have one by themselves. When I was at Tunis, the Franks lived severally, in the Houses which they Hired; but they were a Building a pretty commodious Oquele, where they must all Lodge with their Consuls, as in other places of the Levant.   

CHAP. LXXXXIV. Our Departure from Goletta, and the Continuation of our Voyage.  
AT length our Captain having done all his Business, and the Wind offering fair, it was time for us to leave Tunis. We parted from thence on Wednesday, the six and twentieth of March, 
Carthage.  about eleven a Clock in the Morning, and went by Land on Horseback, that we might see somewhat of Carthage. We went close by the Ruins of it, which are above three Leagues from Tunis, and there saw the remains of stately Aqueducts, which conveyed water from Zagovan to Carthage, many of the Arches whereof are still standin the Road to the Cantre, as we said before. The Ruins of Carthage signify but little, being only heaps of Stones, and some places under Ground, where there are great Cisterns; nay, from these Ruins they daily carry away Marble and other Stones, for their Buildings in Tunis, and the Country Houses about. We came to the Seaside, about three a Clock in the Afternoon, and being got on board, we stayed still there all that day, because our Captain had some Business to do with him that Commanded at Goletta, concerning the deuce that he is to have from every Ship. Next morning, Thursday the seven and twentieth of March, we set sail with a good Southeast Wind, steering away North-north-west; but about Noon the Wind slackened a little, and the night following it turned Northerly, which made us put back again to the Road of Goletta, where we arrived on Friday the twenty eighth of March, about ten a Clock in the morning.  
Saturday the nine and twentieth of March, the Wind veered about to North-east, and the night following we had all sorts of Winds: At length, Sunday the thirtieth of March, we had a gentle Gale from South-west, and an hour after day we set sail, steering our course North, but about ten a Clock we were becalmed, and about Noon it blew a breeze from North, which within an hour after changed to North-east, and an hour after that to East; so that we still kept on our Course. Two hours within Night, the Wind turned South-south-west, and we stood away North-north-east.  
Monday morning, the one and thirtieth of March, we were becalmed, and continued so till Tuesday, the first of April, when about ten a Clock in the Morning, we had a small Gale from Northwest, and we steered away West, towards Sardinia. In the Evening, two hours after Sunset, the Wind turned Easterly, and we stood our Course again North-north-east; in the nighttime we had a calm, which lasted all next day, Wednesday the second of April: However, it always blue a little breeze, sometimes one way, sometimes another, though the Sea was still smooth and calm. In the Evening, from the Maintop head, we made a Sail off of Sardinia, which followed its Course, as we did ours Northward, with a gentle Gale from East. We were becalmed in the nighttime, and continued so till next day, the third of April, when about nine in the morning, it blew a breeze from South-west, which within half an hour after, changed into a stronger Gale from East; and we continued our course Northwards. We had a calm again about Noon, which lasted till next day, Friday the fourth of April, when about eight a Clock in the morning, it blew a gentle Southeast Gale, which about Noon turned full South, and about three or four a Clock next morning, it blew a good fresh Gale from West; half an hour after, we discovered a Polaque a-stern, and close up with us, which made very quick way. We called to him Alarga, and turned all out and stood to our Arms. At length he sailed by to the Windward, within a Pistol shot of us, which our Captain observing commanded a Broadside to be fired at him, but the chief Mate dissuaded him, telling him that if he was a Corsair, his Consorts (who probably could not be far off) would hear the noise of the Guns, and so come up with us; in the mean time, he made very great way. Hereupon various Judgements passed: Some said they were Spaniards, who would have surprised us. Others, that it was one of the Polaques, that Trade betwixt Legorn and Sardinia for Cheese, and such like Commodities, and carrying but three or four Men, they might have been asleep, and so did not see our Ship. But most part thought it was a Prize taken by the Barbary-men, which they sent into Barbary; seeing when they passed by us, they called Cbaban, who was Reys of a Tunis Man of War then out at Sea, taking our Ship (perhaps) for Chaban Reys his Ship. About three a Clock in the morning, we passed Sardinia, and all that we could see of the Land, for two days space that we sailed along the Ghost of it, were only very high Mountains. And now we were got into the entry of the straight that is betwixt Sardinia and Corsica; there the wind blew so fresh, that we made above seven Miles an hour, which was a great deal for such a heavy Ship as ours. We kept our Course still Northward, and about ten a Clock in the Morning made Monte Christo, a little after Elba, and on the other side Corsica, and then we steered North-north-west About eleven a Clock in the Forenoon, the Wind changed to South-west, and blew pretty hard, and about that time we made a Sail, which strove to get the Wind of us; about Noon he was got to the Windward, and being within Cannon shot, put out English Colours, and we did the like; but he still bearing down upon us, we halled up our Mainsail, and waited for him. When he was come up with us, our Men knew it to be a Flemish Pink, commanded by an Englishman, who had bought it. He told us that he came from Legorn, and was bound for Tunis, that the Palaque we met was a Prize, taken by a Caraveve, and Bark of Tunis, that were Consorts; that he had met with them, but that he had seen no Spanish Ship, which much rejoiced us. After that, he drank our Captain's health, and fired a Gun, which our Captain having answered, he went his way, and we followed our Course. The Wind slackened much in the Afternoon, and about five a Clock in the Evening, we made two Sail near the Land of Corsica, which strove for the Wind of us. We thought they had been the two Barbary men they told us of, however we stood upon our Guard. About six a Clock at night, we were almost becalmed, and we discovered Fires ashore in Corsica, which (as I think) they made because of those two Corsairs. About seven a Clock the Wind turned Easterly, and we held on our course North-north-west, leaving Monte Christo a-stern of us. About nine a Clock, the head-most of the two Corsairs, sailed by a pretty way to the Windward of us, and continued his Course. I believe they were afraid of us; however we were all night upon our Guard. We were then becalmed till next day, Sunday the sixth of April, when about five a Clock in the morning, an easy Gale began to blow from East, which by little and little freshened, and we stood away North-north-east. About six a Clock in the morning, we made a Sail coming upon us afore the Wind, and we kept on our Course to meet him; when he was come within a League, or thereabouts of us, he put out White Colours, and we looked upon that to be but a Trick of a Spanish Corsair: In short, we showed the English Colours, and he continued following us, till eight a Clock in the morning, when he Tacked about, and stood away the way that we came. Perhaps he was afraid, when he saw our Guns out, and that we did not run for it. Some thought that it was one of the two Corsairs, whom we had seen the day before: Others, that it was a Spaniard: And others again, that it was a Frenchman. In the mean time we made way still, and within a little passed the Isle of Elba, of which the Spaniards have one half. 
Elba.  It hath two good Ports, the one is called Porto Ferraro, and belongs to the great Duke; and the other Porto Longone, and belongs to the Spaniards. The French took it in the Year One thousand six hundred and forty six, but lost it again One thousand six hundred and fifty. About ten a Clock we were becalmed, about two in the Afternoon, we had an easy Gale from North-north-west, and steered our course West-north-west. An hour after, we made a Ship and a Bark a-stern and another Ship on head of us. About four a Clock, we saw the Ship a stern give chase to the Bark, and afterwards take her. About six a Clock, we passed the Isle Caprara, leaving it to the Starboard, 
Caprara.  because of the contrary Wind. When we were come near to it, they made a Smoke upon the Tower, to give warning to the Coast; and there we put out our Colours. From that place we made a Ship at the point of the Island, and on the other hand a Fisherboat. This Isle belongs to the Genoese; it is small, not being above ten Miles in Circuit, but fruitful in good Wine. On the Southside of it there is a little Tower, and a Castle on the North-side, which has fifty Soldiers in Garrison, and about an hundred Inhabitants, who are so much given to Shooting (there being great store of Game upon the Island); that for five or six pound of Powder, they'll give you a Barrel of Wine, and thanks to boot. 
The Anchovy Fishing.  There, and before the Isle Gorgona, they fish for Anchovies, and in Fishing-season, so many Boats come there upon that account, that about the Month of May, there are above five hundred Souls lodged in the Castle.   

CHAP. LXXXXV. The Relation of an Engagement we had with three Spanish Corsairs.  
SVnday night, and Monday morning, the seventh of April, the Wind was fickle, sometimes Westerly, sometimes Easterly, but blew always fresh, and we still kept on our Course; but Monday the seventh of April, (which was Monday in the Holy Week) about four a Clock in the morning, we made two Ships and a Bark, or Sloop, that bore up towards us, there being so little Wind, that it was almost a Calm. About eight a Clock, having perceived the Spanish Colours abroad upon the Ships and Bark, we put out the English Colours, and furled all our Sails but the Maintop-sail. This put them to a stand, when they saw with what Resolution we waited for them. So that being within Cannon shot of us, they all three came to Counsel together, and we prepared to make a vigorous Defence, for it was too late for us now to flatter ourselves with the hopes that they might be Friends; the storm had hovered so long, that it must needs break at last. I could not then but reflect upon my Luck, that I should be Shipwrecked in the Harbour; for having been now almost seven Years absent out of France my Native Country, when I thought myself (as it were) sound and safe at Home again, I saw myself upon the point of losing at least my Liberty. I made no doubt but that we should be worsted in the Engagement, where the Match was so unequal. However, we were all in good heart, and I looked upon the Isles of Caprara and Gorgona, as two Theatres, wherein the Inhabitants were to behold (at ease, and out of all danger) the engagement we were about to enter in, like Gladiators destined for their Diversion; for we were at an equal distance from both these Isles. In the mean time we made all things ready, that were necessary for our Defence, all the Chests, Hammocks, and other Goods and Clothes that were in the Cabins, and upon the Gun-Deck, were carried aloft upon the Poop, that they might be no hindrance to the Traversing of our Guns, and that produced a good effect. For the Enemies being busied in plundering them, were in the mean time killed, and besides, it hindered them from breaking in with their Hatchets to the Cabin where we were; which they must have done to master us. A hole was made in the Floor of the Master's Cabin to go down to the Gun-Room, and so all through the Ship, where there was occasion; and in case the Enemies should have rendered themselves Masters of the great Cabin, we would quickly have got down into the Gun-Room, and having made fast the Passage, blown up the Poop, and all that were upon it. The Main-yard was Chained to the Mast with a great iron-Chain, which no Hatchet could easily cut; for if the Enemies could have brought the Main-yard upon the Deck, they would have made a great clutter in the Ship, and we should have been half overcome. All the Guns were Loaded, and the six Scopa Coperta Pieces were charged with bunches of Grapes, (the small shot, I mentioned before). Water was put in all places of the Ship, to put out Fire, if it should happen any where. All things being thus prepared, our Captain gave the necessary Orders, than made a short Speech to his Men, and gave them all a drachm of the Bottle, and then all cried, God save the Captain. So bidding one another farewell, every one went to his several Post; some to the great Cabin, others to the Gun-Room, some to the Gun-Deck, and others to the Forecastle, there being a Man to command in every Post: For my part, I stayed with the Captain in the great Cabin. 
An Engagement with three Corsairs.  The Chirurgeon went down into the Hold, where he prepared his Medicines, and stayed to take care of the Wounded Men that should be brought down to him. After these Gentlemen had been in Counsel almost two hours, their Boats carrying Men often from one to another, they came up with us. The English Mate who spoke French, told me, that we should have the Honour to fire the first and last Gun; and immediately we let fly three or four great shot at them, the first of which would certainly have sunk the biggest Ship, if the Bullet had been but half a foot higher, but it fell in the Water close by the Ships side; which seemed to put Courage into them, for they thereupon made loud shouts. And the biggest Ship making a great Noise and Bravado, with a Trumpet he had, having fired some great shot among our Rigging, which only grazed upon our Masts, about ten a Clock laid us on board, and grappled with us on the Starboard side, lying along our Quarter, from the Stern to the middle of our Waste. Immediately we shut ourselves into the great Cabin, and then the Guns went off Pell Mell on all hands; the Patache and Bark came up and fired their Broadsides, endeavouring chief to shoot our Masts by the board, which would have been a great advantage to them. They fired also several Petreras, charged with Musket shot, which would have done great Execution, if we had been Aloft; but our Walls were Musquet-prooff, and we could hear showers of Bullets batter against the Ships sides. Presently several of their men came on board of us, who ran up the Shrouds to endeavour to let fall the Yards; and we brought them down with small shot, which we fired through holes purposely made. When they found themselves so well plied with Musket shot, and that all who were above Decks (both in their own Ship, and on board of us) were fallen, for we fired out of the Portholes and Skuttles, upon all that appeared on board of them, and cleared the Deck fore and aft, of all that came on board of us; many of them got up to the top of our Masts, thinking that the securest place they could find, and no man was more to be seen upon the Deck, or any other part of the Ship, they who were aloft hiding themselves the best way they could. The Bell rung twice or thrice from the Forecastle, and presently we fell upon our Bellies, but they who were upon the Poop hearing the Bell, got immediately upon the Shrouds, so that there was no hitting of them; but some being perceived one time upon the Poop, (without ringing the Bell) they fired a Scopa Coperta from the Forecastle, which killed three or four of them. In the mean time, we kept firing with great and small shot, and if any of the Enemy attempted to get upon our Poop over the Skuttles of the Cabins, we easily pricked them, or run them through with our Swords. At length, about three a Clock in the Afternoon, finding that the Enemies fired no more, we came out with our Swords and Pistols, and saw the Patache and Bark, towing off with their Boats, and the great Ship grappled with ours, but no body appearing upon the Deck. We sent some great shot after those that fled, and had we fired but as many more, perhaps they would have struck Sail and yielded themselves. So we had the Honour to fire the first and last Gun. Then we offered Quarter to those who were aloft upon our Masts; and as fast as they came down, we disarmed them, and clapped them down into the Hold. The Captain was for sending Men on board their Ship, but it seeming to me strange that they should so lose their biggest Ship, I told the Captain, That perhaps they only pretended to fly, to tempt our Men on board of that Ship, where lying in Ambush, they might Blow them all up, that so coming back again, they might have less trouble to take us. He had some regard to my advice, and sent no body. For my part, I would not suffer my Man to go, though he had a great mind to it; not only because I was afraid he might come to some harm, but also that it might not be said the French had Plundered any thing. At length, perceiving that the Enemy's Boat carried several out of that Ship on board the Vessels that fled, and was coming back for more, And being told by a Man who had leapt into the Sea, to save himself by Swimming, (but was taken up) that there was no danger; though we assured him that he should die for it if he told a Lie: Our Men boarded the Enemy's Ship, and presently took down the Spanish Colours. They easily afterwards made themselves Masters of the Men that remained, whom they brought on board of us; most part all Bloody, and more than half dead for fear, for they expected no Quarter. Among the rest the Captain was taken, who was a young Dutchman in the Spaniards Service; he had two Musket shots in his right Side, and right Arm His Ship was called the Great Alexander, and was the very same which Papachin. had taken by Surprise and Treachery, from the Chevalier de Bious, and this Fleman had bought her from Papachin. She carried eight and twenty Guns, and sixteen Petreras, and the Captain told us, that the Patache which was gone with the Bark, carried sixteen Guns, and six and twenty Petreras, and the Bark four Guns, and twenty four Petreras; and that among them, they had in all betwixt three and four hundred Men.  
He then gave us an account, how the day before, they put to Sea out of Porto Ferraro, that having made us, they had born up towards us, and that next morning (which was the same day of this Engagement) being come up with us, they had held Counsel, and resolved that the Great Alexander should lay us aboard, and the Patache and Bark shear along our side, and fire their Broadsides into us; that afterward the Bark should fall a Stern and rake us from Stern to Stem, to beat our Men from the Guns, whilst the Patache lay by our side, and kept continually firing, and therefore they had put Two hundred and twenty men on board the Great Alexander, an Hundred and fifty into the Patache, leaving thirty remaining in the Sloop or Bark. Their resolution was in part executed, for the great Ship laid us aboard and grappled with us, but when the others as they sheared by us, saw no Man above Deck, but only six Guns to scour the Deck, and many of their men fell, they fired their Broadsides according to their promise, and then made the best of their way, leaving the great Ship engaged, who finding themselves worsted by us, would have been gone also, and therefore sent several Men to cast lose the Grapplings; but their design being unknown to us, we knocked them down as fast as they shown themselves, so that no more of them durst appear. He also told us, That about the end of the Engagement, his Boat went three times to the Patache, or smaller Ship, and carried away from him every time, as many Men as she could hold, it being out of his power to hinder them; and that several attempting to save themselves by Swimming, were Drowned. He seemed to be enraged against the Captain of the Patache, who had so abandoned him, and said, That he would willingly give Three thousand pieces of Eight, that he might kill him. We killed on board the Great Alexander, threescore and five Men, and wounded above fifty.  
We were since informed at Legorn, that (by their own confession) they lost and had disabled in the Engagement, an Hundred and fourscore Men, partly killed on board their Ships, partly dead of their Wounds ashore; among whom was the Lieutenant of the Great Alexander, and partly Maimed. The Great Alexander had four or five shot betwixt Wind and Water, which would have sunk her to the bottom, if our Men had not speedily stopped the Leaks; and the Patache that ran for it, had also three or four shot betwixt Wind and Water, which would likewise have sunk her to our view, if there had been any rough Sea. We took Ninety three Prisoners, among whom were some French, who having taken on, some with Captain Lantier, a Fortnight; and some with Captain Fugane, eight days before this Engagement, had left the Ships of these two Captains at Porto Ferraro.  
We lost but two Men, both killed by one Cannon Bullet, that going through and through the Gun-Room where they were, carried off one half of their Head, and dashed their Blood and Brains against the Tillar. We had also two Men wounded in the Leg with small shot. The Prisoners being searched and riffled, they untied their Hands, and clapped them down into the Hold, where they had Victuals and Drink given them, and the Wounded were carefully dressed; so that our Chirurgeon had none but Enemies to dress. And the Chirurgeon of the Great Alexander told us, That he had never had so much Practice as that day, for they brought him down Wounded Men, faster than he could well turn to. In short, all the Prisoners were so civilly used, that they wondered at it, and said, that they lived not so well on board their own Ship: But there was a good Guard placed at the Hatches, both to hinder them from attempting any thing, and to hand down what they wanted; as for the Captain he was lodged in the great Cabin with our Captain, where he was well looked after, and wanted for nothing. I prayed our Captain to give the French their Liberty, which he presently did very generously, saying, That the French might command any thing on board of his Ship. The chief Mate and some Seamen, were sent to sail the Prize. The two other sail with much ado rowed off to the Isle of Elba, and went back to Porto Ferraro. When all things were put in order in our Ship, I went along with the Captain to see the Prize; we found that poor Ship sadly shattered, our Cross-bar-shot had made great Havoc in her, one of them had split a Petrera in two, and another so mangled a Gunner, that we found an Arm, a Belly, and two Legs, and no body could tell what was become of the rest of him. These Cross-bar-shot are round Bars of Iron, three Fingers thick, and a Foot long; having at each end a round knob of Iron, all of one piece, they are put long-ways into the Gun, but when they come out, they fly cross-ways, every way doing terrible Execution. There were dying Men still on board that Ship, who could not be removed, because of their Mortal Wounds; and the Dead were thrown overboard, so soon as we were Masters of the Ship. We found on board a great many Bales of Stuff, fine Cloth, and other things, which they had taken some days before in the two French Ships, I formerly mentioned, and four thousand pieces of Eight in ready Money.  
We observed that that day was St. Alexander's Day, and the Ship which we took, was called the Great Alexander. After we had rejoiced a little, and hearty praised God for our Adventure, we made the best of our Way; about seven a Clock at night, we had the Wind at South-west, and stood away North. Tuesday the eighth of April, about two a Clock in the Morning, we sailed by Gorgona, a little Island belonging to the Great Duke; 
Gorgona.  leaving it to the Larboard, and steered on our Course, with the Prize a-stern of us. About five a Clock in the morning, from the Maintop we discovered the Light of Legorn. About seven in the morning, we spied a Sail to the Starboard, bearing towards us, but shortly after it steered away its first Course. About two a Clock in the Afternoon, we came into the Road of Legorn, and entered in Triumph, having on the Poop, and Maintop-mast head, the Spanish Colours under the English, and the Trumpet of the Prize sounded, whilst the Prize came after us without any Ensign abroad. So soon as we came into the Road, the Prize fired all the Guns and Petreras with shot, and then our Ship fired seven Guns, and came to an Anchor. All the People were come to the Harbour to know what the matter was, for they had heard the Guns when we were Engaged; and besides a Bark having set out from Legorn, and seen our Engagement at a distance, came back again, alleging that they were obliged to do so, because they had seen four Ships engaged, two against two. When we were come in, and that from shore they saw a Ship without Colours, they soon concluded it was a Prize, but when they saw the Spanish Colours under the English, their Affections were much divided. So soon as we were quiet at Anchor, all the English Ships saluted us; then the Health-boat came, and put Waiters on board of us, to keep the People of the Town from mingling with us. To these we gave a full account of our Engagement, which they punctually wrote down, how many Prisoners we had taken, and how many were Killed and Wounded, that they might send the news of it to the Great Duke. After that, all the English in Legorn, and several French, came in Boats on board to visit us, and congratulate our Victory, we saluted them all with three Guns a piece; so that our Ship fired above two hundred Guns that day. Then they went to see the Prize, which the Captain called his Child. Every Body was astonished at this Victory, for it had never been known before, that a Merchantman took a Man of War, which had two others to assist her. Our Captain was so Just to us, as to tell all that came on board of him, that the French had had a great hand in saving his Ship, which the same day went over all Legorn, and afterwards all over Italy.  
It is certain enough we had our share in that Victory, though we were but five Frenchmen in all, to wit, three Merchants of Marseilles, myself, and my man. For the English are very nimble in Charging and Discharging their Guns, and will Fire three shot, before others can do two, and all the Officers of the Ship fought very well; but the Common Seamen were in such a Maze, that they knew not what they did, and were put in heart much by the French, who fired without intermission: So that my Man, called John Guillerval, with thirteen shot, killed so many Men, (as all that were on the same Quarter affirmed who easily saw what Execution every shot did.) Hardly any Guns but those in the Poop were used, and every time they were to be Traversed, the French must lend a hand to it; for the English Seamen seemed to be a sleep, and laughed to see the French tug at it. My man also served there so eagerly, that he crushed one of his Fingers betwixt a Rope and a Poultry of a Gun which he was bringing to, and I was afraid he should have been maimed by it. I thought myself obliged to say of him in this place, what all the men of the Ship have every where published, seeing it is all the Reward he had, for though the Captain promised him his share in the Booty, (as in right it did belong to him as well as to all who fought); nevertheless he gave him nothing, nor to any other of the French, nor indeed, did we ask any thing. In the mean time, (though we were in the Port) yet we kept good Guard aboard in the Nighttime, having all our Guns loaded with shot, because we had a suspicion that some Dutch Ships, that were also in the Port, had a mind to take our Prize from us, and the Great Duke seemed unwilling to allow us his Protection. Our Captain told me, That if the Great Duke would not receive him into Protection, he was resolved to kill and throw overboard all the Prisoners, and then set sail for England with his Prize. This design wrought horror in me, and I was much in fear they might put it in Execution; for I perceived they were inclinable enough to do so: But at length, on Good-Friday, about four a Clock in the Afternoon, the Health-boat came aboard of us, and gave us Prattick, entering the Ship and mingling with us, which was a singular favour; for we expected at least to have made a Week or a Fortnight of Quarantine. All the Prisoners were set at Liberty, and put ashore, and next day, Saturday the twelfth of April, we also went ashore.  
Laudate Dominum de Caelis, laudate eum in excelsis, quonian confirmata est super nos Miserecordia ejus, & veritas Domini manet in Aeternum.  
There is come into my Hands, a Relation of the taking of Babylon, otherwise called Bagdat, by Sultan Amurath, Translated out of Turkish into French, which I here give the Reader in the same Terms as I had it.    
FINIS.   

A RELATION Of what past at the Taking of BABYLON, OTHERWISE CALLED BAGDAT, BY SULTAN AMURATH Emperor of the TURKS; Translated from a Letter written from the said City by the Grand Signior's chief Falconer to Mustapha Bey, one of the Sangiacks of Egypt, at Cairo. After the giving of God thanks, and other Ceremonies used by the Turks in their Letters.  
THE eighth of the Moon of Regeb, which was the eleventh of November, 1638. the Grand Signior pitched his Camp before Bagdat, in the same place where (above an hundred years before) Sultan Solyman had pitched his: And the same day he went to the Sepulchre of the blessed Iman Azam, and called together all the Viziers, Bassa's, and other chief Officers of his Army, commanding them to Draw up their several men in Battle-array, and after that, allotted the Posts to all the Principal Commanders, encompassing his Camp with Horse, and placing all his Foot round himself. Then he road on Horseback round about the whole Camp, and came into the middle, which was so well shut in, that no body could go out or in, without giving an account to Generals that were posted on the Flanks. The same day he caused great heaps of Earth to be cast up in all places, where the Cannon of the Town could annoy us, and ordered great quantities of Wood and Faggots to be brought, which being mingled with he Earth, made three Hills in as many places, higher than the Walls of Bagdat, and upon each of them he caused twenty pieces of Cannon to be mounted, which began to play next day by break of day. And at the same time, he caused a high Tower to be raised before his Pavilion, on the top whereof his Majesty mounted, and saw (as out of a Gallery) what was done in his Army, and within Bagdat, out of danger of the Enemy's Guns, and there he sent for all the great Men of the Law, Justices, and Militia, to whom he said: You Mufti, Viziers, Beillierbeiss, Bassa's, Sangiacks, and all the rest of you, whom God hath put under my Obedience, think not that I am come hither to return back again without taking this place: No, I am come with this great number of Soldiers faithful to the Law, to Conquer or die here, and therefore all and every one of you, aught to make the same resolution. For I am resolved with my own hand to kill the great men that shall not do their Duty, and cause the Inferior to be put to death one by another, or by the hands of the Enemy, and then will die myself; that it may in History be transmitted to Posterity, that a Successor of the Great Ottoman died here with a Million of men in defence of the Faith.  
After that, softening his Voice a little, and treating them with less sharpness. Look you, (said he to them) the World is but a small matter, or nothing at all; he that dies in well doing, is well after Death, but he who dies killing an enemy of the Faith, is more happy in Paradise. Look you, Fathers, (for so I call the Old) and you Brethren who are of the same Age with me, for we are made of the same Matter, let us do somewhat that may oblige our great Prophet Mahomet to be our Advocate, and that at the day of Judgement he may present us all before the Tribunal of God, saying to Him, Here are the Faithful who have fought valiantly for the greatest Glory of your holy Majesty, and of all your Saints; and in the mean time, that it may be said in time to come, that we have had rest in this World, and glory in the next. To attain to which, it is expedient to labour, and not to fear dangers. But why should you fear them, being called to this Engagement for the sake of our great Prophet, who promises us so much favour before the Majesty of the Great God? No, I do not think you do, and if I find that any of you go not willingly to fight, I'll kill him with my own Sword.  
This being heard by all that were present, they put their hand upon their Head, and answered all unanimously, That they were ready to obey his Imperial Commands: And even from thence they began to fight without losing of time, and the Grand Signior caused the Pavilions of all the Surgeons of the Army to be pitched near to his own, ordering all the Wounded men to be brought thither to be Dressed, which was done, and he himself comforted them with very good Words, and good Deeds; giving to every one forty or fifty Chequins. And it was found that in one day, he gave to seven hundred Wounded men, from whence you may judge, whether or not the fight was furious; and caused the pay of those that died, to be given to their Children, or their nearest Relations. And during the thirty nine days that the Siege lasted, the Town being taken on the fortieth, his Majesty made his Prayers every day, and every night upon his Knees, prostrating himself upon the Ground, with Tears in his Eyes. And seeing every evening, we Carted away a little of the same earth, whereof Ramparts had been made to secure us from the Enemy's Guns, in making our approaches to the Town: We were got on the tenth of the Moon of Chaban, close by the first Ditches, and the Sultan commanded a great many sacks of Earth to be thrown into them; which was done with so much diligence, and in so great quantities, that in four days time they were filled up, and three other Mounts were made, to the top whereof the Cannon which were mounted on the former were brought, from whence we battered down one half of the Walls of Bagdat, the other half being buried under heaps of Earth all round, where the Cannon could not make a breach. A thousand shot were fired into the Town, which hit against certain Towers or Steeples that resisted the Bullets, and made them rebound without any damage from them. At the Post of the Salictar Bassa, which was by one of the Mounts, there were twelve Guns, and three great Cannons Royal, which continually played into the Town, and battered down a great number of Houses. The Grand Vizier had his Post at another Mount with the Romalis, from whence they made an assault into the Town, and took three Bastions; but there he was killed by a Musquet-shot in the Head, and three Beillierbeiss were Wounded, to wit, Chus Casinader, Hibraim Bassa, Beillierbey of Sirrah, Var Varally Bassa, who was Beillierbey of Anatolia, and Queusse Chaban Bassa, and seven Alaibeys, that is to say, Camp-Masters, and a great many others killed.  
The sixteenth of the Moon of Chaban, the Grand Vizier died, the seven-teenth Mustapha, Bassa, who was Bassa of the Sea, and Caymacan was put in his place, and the Grand Signior gave him the Seals. The eighteenth there fell so much Rain, that we could not keep our Matches lighted, and we entered the Town with so great Fury and Impetuosity, that the besieged begged Quarter, veiled their Standards and Colours, as a sign that they submitted to the Discretion of the Sultan. At the same time the Kiaya, (as if one should say) the Captain of the Arms, or Lieutenant and principal Officer of the Governor of Bagdat, went to the Grand Vizier with a Scarf about his Neck, and his Sword wreathed in it, which is an Ignominious mark of Submission, and begged both in his own and Master's name, Aman, that is to say, Pardon or Mercy; and having obtained it, the Governor, named Bektachkhan, came also, and the Grand Vizier leaving them both there, went to wait on the Grand Signior, to whom he related what had happened, beseeching him to save the Lives of those two poor Penitents, which he obtained. And forthwith, the Emperor commanded all to draw up in the best Equipage they could, to make a fair show, and with great Pomp and Magnificence, caused Bektachkhan to be brought into his Pavilion: Where being come, he was so confounded at the Lustre of so great Majesty, as appeared in all the Court of the Grand Signior, that his Blood was chilled, being able to say nothing, but God be praised, God be praised. The Sultan sat on his Throne, and Bektachkhan fell upon the ground demanding Pardon, and imploring his Mercy, which he obtained. The Grand Signior commanding him to rise up, and draw near his Person, asked him many Questions, which he having answered to his satisfaction, he gave him a Vest lined with Sables, with a Dagger and Girdle set with precious Stones, and a Plume of Herons-top upon an Ensign, of great value; sending him back into the Town, with orders to send out to him all the chief Commanders and Officers: And to tell the People, That they who would continue in his Service, should be welcome, and the rest dismissed without Arms; or if they would obstinately stand it out, they should all be put to the Sword. Then Bektachkhan prostrating himself again upon the Ground, most humbly thanked his Majesty, promising to be his Slave, not with one, but with a thousand Souls. Which is a way of speaking, that takes very well in Turkish, and returned to the Pavilion of the Grand Vizier, from whence he sent his Kiaya into the Town, to make known the Grand Signior's pleasure.  
But before he was got there, the Soldiers in the Grand Vizier's Post, entered at the same instant by the Gate, called Himan Azana, and began to plunder the Houses. Six Cham's that were in the Town, (who are in Persia, what the Bassa's are in Turkey) seeing this, could not endure it with patience, but cried out, that they had satisfied their word to them, saying, That after they were received to Mercy, they were used with Rigour, and got together as many Soldiers as they could, at the Gate called Cara Cape, and they who would not follow them, asked Quarter. But our men were so hot upon Slaying and Plundering, that they would not hearken to them, and killed all they met, during the whole night that this Sacking lasted; and God knows what a vast number of Persians died in this Action. Morning being come, the said Cham's with fifteen thousand men they got together, set their Soldiers to the Wall, and with their Swords courageously defended themselves: Which being told the Sultan, he commanded all the Soldiers of the other Posts to enter the Town, and put all to the Sword; but being entered, some submitted themselves to the will of the Grand Signior, and the rest stood it out till they were killed. Of the last there were Ten thousand who were killed, and Five thousand of the others, and the six Cham's were made Prisoners; whose names are Napte Cham, the Grand Viziers' Prisoner, with the Governor Baktachkhan, Mirfalta Allibeikhan, and La Ella Mahemet, Ossein Cham, of the Saliktar Bassa, and Aleph Cham, with twelve other great Men, one with Ossein Bassa, heretofore Bassa of Cairo. The Five thousand Persians who asked Quarter, were guarded by a Beillierbey, till they were past the Army, to hinder our Soldiers from injuring them. But the Grand Vizier seeing them pass by his Pavilion, assembled all the chief Commanders who were near him, and said to them: Why do we give Quarter to those Dogs who have no Faith, and never keep their word? They have not rendered voluntarily, but we have constrained them to do it by force, God having for that end strengthened the Arms of our valiant Soldiers. Are not they the same whom we overcame at Revan, to whom the Sultan shown so much Goodness and Clemency, who having given them Quarter, sent them away with their Arms and Baggage, but they unthankful for that Favour, cut in pieces Ten thousand of our men, whom they took at a Disadvantage? What shall become of the blood of the Faithful whom they have so cruelly Massacred? Mercy was granted them on condition that they yielded without fight: But having since obstinately resisted, they have rendered themselves unworthy of it, and be it as it will, though the Grand Signior hath pardoned them, yet I pardon them not. And all of a sudden, he commanded Nauvy Aully, Adrevis Mahemet Bassa, Varvarally Bassa, Chus Casanadar, Hibrahim Bassa, Bassa of Sivas, to fall upon them, and cut them in pieces. Which at first they refused, alleging for excuse, that the Emperor had pardoned them. But for their Justification, he gave them the Command in writing, taking the blame (if any were) upon himself; by virtue whereof, they went and executed his Orders. Which made the Grand Signior send for him in great Rage, ask him, Why he had given such Orders contrary to his Promise, and violated the Faith he had given? To which the Grand Vizier replied Irreverently, That if he had showed them Mercy, for his part he would not, for the reasons afore mentioned; which he repeated to the Sultan. Who having considered, and reflected a little upon what he had heard, pulled off the Vest he had on, and gave it to the Grand Vizier, praising him for what he had done.  
In short, There were in Bagdat, One and thirty thousand picked and choice Soldiers, and Twenty thousand Volunteers, all whom we have put to the Sword, not one having escaped to carry the news to the other Towns of Persia. We have made the supputation by the Muster Rolls of the five Cham's that are Prisoners. And there has been no such Battle fought against the Persians, no not in the time of Khaldivan, when the Battle was fought betwixt Sultan Selim, the Father of Sultan Solyman, and Cha Ishmael, King of Persia; wherein above an Hundred thousand men were killed on both sides.  
The eighteenth of the Moon of Chaban, being Friday, the City of Bagdat was entirely delivered up to the Grand Signior, with the Grace of God, and the Benediction of the People, who seem to have got new Life. When the Besieged saw that they could no longer resist the Will of God, who visibly favoured the Arms of our great Emperor. They killed all their Wives and young Children and Ham-strung four or five thousand Horses of great value, that they might not be serviceable to us. Bektachkhan (to whom the Sultan made such fair Presents, as you have seen before) having entered the Town, Poisoned himself one Night, and was found dead in the Morning, and buried like a Dog. Before the Grand Signior set out from Constantinople, there came an Ambassador from the King of Persia, who was Arrested by command from the Sultan, and he hath been under Guard to this present. The Grand Signior caused him to be brought before him, and said to him, Go tell your King, that he send me Bostan Bassa, Memy Bassa, Jan Bassa, Gart Ibrahim Bassa, Chopour Biqueri, whom he keeps Prisoners in Persia, with all he took at Bagdat and Revan, both Money, Arms, and Ammunition; and that he restore to me Tauris, Inuschivam, Cherisul, and all the other Provinces and Places, that my Great Grandfather Solyman took, and that he give me the Tribute and Presents, which he made at that time, and with that we will set our Limits; that if he'll hold to, and observe these Conditions, I will be Content, and we shall end our Controversies. Otherwise I declare to him, that though he hid himself in the Earth like a Pismire, or fly in the Air like a Bird, he shall not escape my hands. And I will reduce his whole Country to such a state, that there shall not be a House standing in Ispahan, Gasbin, and Erdebil, nor in any of his Towns, Burroughs, or Villages, that there shall not a pile of Grass be left within his Kingdom; and that I will afterward Chase him before me, as a Hunter does his Prey, and let him well consider, that Repentance will not stand him in stead, after the Fault is committed. That if he will be obstinate still, let him make ready against the Spring, when (with the help of God) I shall be in his Country; and than though he should a thousand times ask my Mercy, there shall be none for him.  
And having caused a Letter to be written to the same effect, the Sultan gave it to the Ambassador, and dismissed him. And hath since caused the Sepulchre of Himan Azam to be rebuilt, and hath adorned it with several Golden Lamps set with precious Stones, and covered the Floor with Silk Carpets; having likewise beautified the Sepulchers of the other Saints. By what can be judged, it is the pleasure of the Grand Signior to expect the Answer of the King of Persia, and then to return Constantinople, and all his Subjects will be in repose. God bless him, etc.  
Written at Bagdat, the 22. of the Moon of Chaban, 1048. which was the 19 of December, 1638.  
The End of the First Part.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT.  
The Second Part.  
WHICH (Besides many Singular and most Curious Remarks of Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, the Rivers of Euphrates and Tigris) CONTAINS A Description of the States, Dominions, and Court of the King of PERSIA; Of the Religions, Governments, Manners, Forces, Languages, Sciences, Arts and Customs of the People of that Great Empire. TOGETHER WITH The Antiquities of Tehehelminar, and other Places about the Ancient PERSEPOLIS: And Particularly, A most Exact Itinerary as well of the Journey by Land, through TURKEY and PERSIA, as of the Voyage by Sea, in the Mediterranean, Gulf of Persia, and the Indian Seas.  
By Monsieur DE THEVENOT.  
Now made English.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year 1687.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT. PART. II.  

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I. The Author's departure not only from Paris but Marseilles, and his Voyage to Alexandria.  
THOUGH I had spent seven whole years of my younger days in former Travels; nevertheless the same passion which had already carried me so far into the East, still prompted me with a desire of seeing Persia and the Indies. I had not long rested at home among my Relations and Friends, when that desire began to exert its power over me, and if it was not strong enough at first to force me from those who were so dear unto me, at least it busied me in taking necessary measures for second Travels, and that with greater profit than I had performed the first, if I should chance to set out upon them. In that thought I employed four years in the study of the Sciences, which I judged most useful to a Traveller, who would make advantage of his Travels, and communicate the same to others. In short, having (during all that time) wavered, betwixt the design of travelling, and that of settling at Paris, when I saw myself so well prepared for the former; and considered besides that to defer the other, would be in some manner to comply with the Times, I easily gave way to my first inclination: So that having, as secretly as I could, taken orders for all things I stood in need of, not only for accomplishing my design, but also for avoiding those inconveniencies which might have been too difficult for me to support; I left Paris the sixteenth of October 1663., 
The Authors departure.  pretending a Journey with a Friend for some weeks into Burgundy. The sixth of November I came to Marseilles, and on the twelfth about ten of the clock at Night, I embarked there in a Galley of Legorn, which had arrived at that Port three days before. 
His Embarking at Marseilles. Rocca Tagliata.   
That Galley parted from the Chain next Day being Tuesday a little after midnight, and about five in the Evening, came to an anchor at Rocca Tagliata, an hundred and ten miles from Marseilles, from whence it set out again on Wednesday after midnight, and about five of the clock at Night, came to an anchor at St. Remigio, 
St. Remigio.  seventy five miles from Rocca Tagliata. St. Remigio is a pretty Town belonging to the Genoese, with a little Fort, and convenience to make a good Harbour; but that Republic will not suffer it to be done: it is covered by a Mole, and wants only to be dug. The Country is all Garden, produces plenty of all things, and especially of Wine, Oil, Cedar, Oranges and other Fruits.  

Genoa.  We parted from thence on Thursday the fifteenth of November after midnight, and about six of the clock at night came to an anchor before Genoa, fourscore and ten miles distant from St. Remigio. Friday about midnight we left that place, 
Porto Venere.  and came to an anchor again at Porto Venere, threescore miles from Genoa. Porto Venere is a small Town, but the Houses fair and well built. It hath a Fort very advantageously seated upon a Rock that commands the mouth of the Harbour. This Port, or Gulf rather, is on the one side covered by the main Land, and on the other, by a fruitful Island, which lies before it towards Lerice, 
Lerice. Golfe della Spetie.  between which and that Island is the gulf Della Spetie. This is the last place of the Territories of the Genoese: we saluted it with four Guns, and were answered with three. This Country is fruitful in Vines and Olive-trees. From Marseilles to Porto Venere we had all the way fair weather. 
Legorn.  At midnight following we weighed anchor, and with a fair Northwind about eleven of the clock in the forenoon arrived at Legorn, threescore miles from Porto Venere, and this was on Saturday the seventeenth of November.  
Tuesday the four and twentieth of January 1663/4 about half an hour past eleven in the forenoon, I went on board the Ship of Captain Richard de la Cicuta, a man commendable for his piety and civility; that Ship was called, N. Dame de la Grace, carrying about two hundred and fifty, or three hundred Tun: she had on board thirty Seamen, four great Guns, and six Brass Petreras. So soon as we were on board she made sail with a Northwind, and steered a course South-South-West; about six a clock at night, the Wind chopped about to North-West, 
Capraia. Elbe.  and we passed betwixt Capraia and the Elbe; in the nighttime the Wind blew very fresh.  

Monte Christo. Corsica.  Next morning we were got an hundred and fourscore miles from Legorn, and saw Monte Christo a great way a-stern of us; we coasted along the Island of Corsica, and because we were too near Land, about ten of the clock in the morning we stood away South-South-East, the Wind slackening much. All that day we had Sardinia to the Starboard, 
Sardinia.  but at a pretty good distance: In the beginning of the Night the Wind blew a little fresher, but far less than the Night before.  
Saturday morning the six and twentieth we had lost sight of Sardinia, and being fair before the Wind, so that no Sails but the Main and Main-Top-Sails could bear, we put out our Stutting Sails. About noon, the Wind shifted about to the North, and two hours after to the North-East: and therefore we took in our Stutting Sails; and kept on our course South-South-East: In the evening the Wind abated so, that all night long we were becalmed.  

Maretimo.  Next day being Sunday, we made the Island of Maretimo a-head: and about eleven a clock in the morning, we stood away Southeast: about two a clock afternoon, we made a Sail a great way off to the Leeward; all that day we had a Calm till night, when the Wind blew so fresh again, that about midnight we passed betwixt Maretimo, 
Levanzo. Favignane.  Levanzo and La Favignane, leaving the first of these Islands to the Starboard, and the other two to the Larboard: then we steered away East. Southeast; shortly after the Wind so slackened that we were becalmed.  

Sicily. Capo Boco. Marsala.  Monday morning about break of day we were got very near the Land of Sicily, to the Wind-ward of Capo Boco over against Marsala: it is five hundred miles from Legorn. We made still some way in our course East-South-East, notwithstanding the Calm which lasted till noon, when the Wind blowing fresher, we coasted along Sicily pretty near the Shoar, about four a clock afternoon the Wind increasing a little, we stood away South-South-East, and this fair weather beginning with the New Moon, made the Captain repent that he had not passed through the Phare of Messina, 
Phare of Messina.  which would have saved him fifty miles in his course; but then he told me that he durst not venture through so dangerous a passage in the Wintertime when Storms are so frequent, and the rather about New Moon, when commonly the Winds change. Towards the evening we were becalmed, and had a breeze again in the beginning of the night; and in that manner the Wind fell and risen several times during the night. That day, 
Murenes.  we took two Murenes or Sea-Eeles which were in the Fisher men's Wells; this Fish is dainty Food, but the Skin of it is Slimey, and is so full of small bones, that if one have not a care, he may be choked by them; it is shaped like a common Eel, and dies so soon as it is out of the Water.  
Tuesday a very fresh East-North-East Wind risen with the Sun, and we continued our course South-South-East; about ten of the clock in the morning the Wind ceased and left us in a Calm, over against Monte Gibello, 
Monte Gibello.  which we saw so plainly, that we could easily perceive it was covered with Snow. A little after, we made a Ship on head, but because it stood in to Shoar we thought they were afraid of us. The Calm lasted till night; during which we had sometimes Breezes of Wind, and sometimes Calms, with which we made a little way.  
Wednesday morning we were got in sight of Malta, 
Malta.  seven hundred miles from Legorn, and about two hundred from Sicily, which we had not yet lost sight of. He that looked out, made a Sail towards Malta. At first we were in a dead Calm, but a little after we had a very great Sea from the West, which tossed us sufficiently, though there was not a breath of Wind: we therefore furled our Sails, and that rolling Sea lasted till one of the clock at noon; when there arose a gentle North-North-East-Breeze, which made us spread our Sails, and stand away East-South-East, that we might make Candie, 
Candie.  seven hundred miles from Malta. That Wind lasted not above an hour; so that we were becalmed till about eleven a clock at night, when we had a stiff North Gale, with which we still continued our course East-South East.  
That fresh Gale lasted all Thursday till night, and then we had a strong gust of Wind with some Rain: when that was over, we had fair weather, the Sea becoming Calm in a moment, though before the Rain it was exceeding rough: but half an hour after the weather and Sea began to grow rougher than before, and then Calmed again, which happened twice that night. During these gusts the Sea was so rough, that it was not possible to stand upright in any place of the Ship, so strangely was she tossed, because of a rolling Sea that came upon us on poop and on both sides; the roughness of the Sea in poop was occasioned by the violence of the Wind, and on the Starboard by the currents of the Gulf of Venice, off of which we were, 
Gulf of Venice.  and nevertheless we made betwixt eight and ten miles an hour. About midnight it blew fresh from North-West, with which we bore away East and by South, that we might not stand too far off of the Gozo of Candie.  
That Wind lasted all Friday the first of February; 
Gozo of Candie.  about night we had smother Water, the Sea on poop only remaining, which with the Wind that shifted about to the West, and blew fresh made us run above twelve miles an hour: but about ten a clock at night we had a swelling Sea again which made us roll all night long.  
Next day we were troubled with the same weather, and strong gusts of Wind by fits. About night, since we had not made the Land of Candie, as we expected, by reason of the cloudy dark day, it was consulted what course we should steer; every one brought forth his observations, and all agreed in general, that our course was to the Windward of the Gozo of Candie; but because one amongst them, according to his account, set off our course betwixt Candie and the Gozo; though it was known he was in a mistake, seeing according to his own account, we must then have been very near, and almost upon the said Gozo: nevertheless for greater security, it was thought fit to spare Sail: and therefore all the Sails except the foresail, were furled, and the Ships head turned due East-South-East, lest we might run too near the Shoar, the Watch looking out sharp all night long, during which the Wind was very high and stormy, which exceedingly tossed us.  
Sunday about break of day, we tacked about and stood North East, that we might make Candie; after two hours sailing the Seamen made something dark on head which they believed to be the Land of Candie: we steered our course that way all day long, but could not make it plain because of Clouds We continued the same course still, till eleven of the clock at night, and then began to tack and beat to and again, that we might bear in with the Land of Candie. It blew very hard all that night, and we had a violent storm.  
Monday by break of day we had the Wind at North, which being quite contrary for Candie, made us resolve to quit our design of standing towards that Island, which we had made but very obscurely, and to bear away towards Alexandria in Egypt, 
The distance of Candie from Alexandria.  four hundred miles distant from Candie; and therefore we steered our course Southeast. Towards Evening the Wind abated, and we were becalmed until Tuesday Morning; when there blew a gentle breeze from Southeast, which made us turn the ship's head towards the North: we were obliged to keep so upon tacks that we might not over shoot Alexandria, from which we were not above two hundred fourscore and ten miles: Then did every one blame and curse the Seaman, whose error was the cause that we were not in the Port of Alexandria. About six a Clock at Night we tacked about, and stood away South-South-West; it blew so hard, that our Vessel shipped the Sea on both sides, one after another.  
Wednesday Morning February the sixth, the Wind was so violent, that we were afraid we should sail our Masts, because the Stays were very slack being loosened by the force of the Wind the day before; (the Stay is a great Cable that holds the Mastraunt, each Mast has one: the main Stay which is the biggest, is made fast, one end to the ship's head, and the other to the round top of the main Mast.) To prevent that disaster, all the Sails were furled the ship's head turned North-East, and a quarter of an hour after, the Stays being well bend, we bore away West-South-West with the missen and foresail: the Wind being a little fallen after dinner, we spread the main Sail, and about six a Clock at Night, having tacked about, we stood East-North-East, the Wind then slackening more and more.  
Thursday Morning we were almost becalmed; but about ten of the Clock, a Southeast Wind blowing again, we tacked and bore away South-South-West; about six a Clock at Night we tacked again, and stood East-North-East.  
Friday about two or three of the Clock in the Morning, immediately after the Moon was set, the Southeast Wind ceased, and the so much desired West, and North Wind came in place of it, which made us turn the ship's head Southeast, and make all the sail we could; but we made but little way for all that, the Wind being so easy that it was almost a calm: It continued so till about five of the Clock at Night, and then the Wind changed to North-West, but was so easy that the Sea was very smooth; about ten a Clock at Night the Wind chopping about to the North-West, in five or six hours' time we made a great deal of way, there being very little or no Sea going, but the Wind freshened afterwards, and then we spared sail that we might not run to the Lee-ward of Alexandria; the ship's head in the mean time lying still Southeast.  
Saturday Morning the Wether was very hazy, and a little after we were almost in a calm. About eleven a Clock he that looked out made a sail, and shortly after another, which were known to be Saicks coming from Egypt. About two a Clock after Noon the Wind turned Southeast, and we stood away North-East; an hour after it shifted about to the North-East again, but was so easy that the Sea was smooth, and we steered our course South: a few minutes after it turned Southeast again, but so gentle, that the Sea was as smooth as a Looking-glass. We sailed South-South-West, till six at Night, when having tacked, we stood away East-North-East. About midnight the Wind turned West-South-West, and we steered our course South-South-East, after an hours sailing, we found the Water to be whitish, which made us think we were not far from Egypt, 
The Land of Egypt.  that being the only mark that can be had; for the Land is so low that one cannot make it till he be just upon it, especially when it is dark, as it was then, and that whiteness is occasioned by the Nile, which carries it a great way into the Sea.  
Sunday the tenth of February, about break of day, it was thought we had seen the Light of Alexandria, but it proved only to be a Saick; and because we were apprehensive that we were to the Lee-ward of Alexandria; about nine in the morning we tacked about, and stood North-West, and about three a Clock after Noon, tacked again and bore away South-West; we had afterwards several Flurries that brought great showers of rain with them, which were soon over. About five in the Evening the Wind turned West-North-West, and we tacked about that we might get to the windward of Alexandria, from which we were still about an hundred and ten Miles distant, and therefore we bore away North. In this manner we plied to and again against our will; and it was our misfortune that we knew not where we were, only because we had not made the Island of Candie, 
An error of calculation in the sailing.  from whence with that Wind we might easily have come to Alexandria in two Days and one Night's time; and the reason why we made it not plainly, was that the Ship had run two hundred Miles more than we had reckoned, and that when we thought ourselves to be at the beginning of Candie, we were almost quite past it, as we since observed. The Wind blew hard, and we had several gusts in the Night time.  
We held on the same course still until Monday, when about eleven a Clock in the Forenoon we tacked, and bore away South-West: In the Evening, the Moon three hours after the full was eclipsed: I cannot tell at what hour that Eclipse began, of how many parts it was, nor how long it continued; because she risen overcast with Clouds, so that we could not see her but when she was coming out of the Eclipse; as near as I could guests she had then been up near an hour, and the Sun had not been set half an hour, at which time she was almost half eclipsed. The Eclipse decreased from the time we perceived it, and ended half an hour after: The Almanacs of Marseilles foretold it to be very great about two or three a Clock after Noon, and by consequence affirmed that it could not be seen: In the Night the Wind abated much, and so did the Sea, which in the day time had been very rough and high.  
Tuesday morning the twelfth of February, we perceived the Sea very white about us, and he that looked out cried Land, some thought it to be Damiette, and others Bouquer; In the mean time that we might not fall to the Lee ward, we continued our course South-West. About eight of the Clock we tacked and stood North East; and a quarter of an hour after the Wind turning North-West, we bore away West-South-West: after an hours sailing we found the Water to be so little brackish that it was almost fresh, and he that looked out thought he made Rossetto: Wherefore thinking that we knew where we were, we tacked about and stood away North-North-East. About Noon the Wind freshened, and at Night turned Northerly, but was very gentle; about ten of the Clock at Night we tacked, and bore away West.  
Wednesday about four in the morning, we tacked and steered our course East-North-East, and two hours after, the Wind blowing fresher, we tacked again, and stood West-South-West. About seven a Clock in the Morning, we saw to the Lar-board, land very near us, which we all took to be the Land betwixt Bouquer and Rossetto, so that we continued our course, hoping quickly to see the Bouquer; and that till eleven in the Forenoon, when having discovered the Masts of several Saicks, we thought ourselves to be off and on with Rossetto, and so we found ourselves far out in our account; wherefore having tacked about, we bore away East-North-East; about ten of the Clock at Night we tacked again, and stood West-South-West, and after midnight we had several Flurries.  
Thursday morning the fourteenth of February, the Wind slackened a little, but we had several gusts till Noon: about eleven in the Morning he that looked out made the Bouquer, 
Bouquer.  and an hour after we easily saw it upon the Deck: a little after we made the Farillon or Light-house of Alexandria, where we arrived about three in the Afternoon, when we entered the Haven by the South.   

CHAP. II. Of some Curiosities observed during the Voyage, and in Alexandria.  
IN this Voyage I was convinced of one thing which I had read in the Travels of Monsieur de Breves, but could hardly believe it, because I had never heard it mentioned by any but him; and that is that when sounding upon the Coast of Egypt, one has only forty fathom water, it is certain he is just forty miles from land, 
Marks for knowing how near one is to Land upon the Coast of Egypt.  the depth of the water from forty fathom, downwards to one, marking exactly the number of miles from the place where one sounds to the Land: But under the name of the Coast of Egypt, we are only to understand the Land from Damiette to Rossetto, betwixt the two Branches of the Nile; for this rule is only for that extent of Land.  
Besides the Murenes I mentioned before, we took two other fish in our Voyage; 
Porpess.  to wit a Porpess which was taken with a Fish-gig above Malta over against Cape Passaro; 
Cape Passaro.  it was about five foot long, and almost as big as a man, without scales, blackish in the back, and white in the belly; the head of it was about a foot and a half long, and a large foot over; its eyes as large as a man's; and betwixt the two eyes, it hath a hole like the mould in the head of a man, by which it sucks in and spouts out the Water, making it look like a Crown; it hath two Cheeks which are only of fat two Inches thick, they begin at the eyes of it, and end almost round at the snout, which from the Cheeks to the point is about five Inches long, and is shaped much like the beak of a Goose, the Tongue of it is white a finger thick and two fingers broad, it had an hundred threescore and sixteen Teeth, all very small: Its tail stands another way than the Tails of other fish which are forked upwards and downwards answering to their back and belly, for the Tail of this is forked cross ways parallel to its two sides: it hath the Yard and Testicles as big and long as those of a Boar, and its Entrails wholly resembling those of Swine; its skin is all fat a finger thick, of which lamp-oil is made, the flesh of it is like to that of an Ox, and very good; I have tasted it, and by the sight and taste, one would always take it for Beef; it hath only great Bones and no small ones, abounds with blood, which is as hot as that of a Beast; it moans and sighs like a man, and dies not presently when it is out of the Water, but beats furiously with the Tail, wherein its greatest strength lies.  

A Fish called Fanfre.  The other Fish which was also taken with a Fish-gig, is by the Provincials called Fanfre, and is probably the same which the English call the Pilot-Fish; there was two of them then together, but one escaped the stroke. This Fish is shaped like a Mackerel, and is of the same length and bigness: I found nothing singular in it; all the back of it is begirt with streaks two fingers broad, the one of a dark purple almost black, and the other blue, which interchangeably reach from the head to the Tail, and the belly of it is white. The Seamen say that this Fish coming once up with a Ship, never leaves following till the ship come to harbour; another being taken two days after, they all assured me that it was the companion of the first which had not left off following the Vessel. After all, to my taste it is an excellent Fish, and so it seemed to all those who had eaten of them formerly, and also tasted these.  
Seeing there are but few things in Alexandria which I did not observe in my former Travels, I gave myself not great trouble to charge my Memoires with them at this time. This Town lies exactly in the one and thirtieth degree of latitude, and Rossetto is one and thirty and a half, at least, a Dutch Captain who had taken the height of them assured me of it. The most considerable piece of antiquity that still remains there, 
The Pillar of Pompey.  is that famous Pillar of Pompey, whereof (as I remember) I have already written: Nevertheless as I took pleasure to view it over and over again, so, possibly, the Curious will not take it ill that I impart to them my observations. I measured the shadow of it, at the time when shadows are equal to the bodies which cause them, and I found the body of it to be threescore and fifteen foot high, without reckoning the Pedestal and Cornish; but the shadow was upon a very declining ground: Another day when the shadows were the double of the Bodies, I found near an hundred and threescore foot, only of the body of it, and eight foot of diameter or breadth; and I observed that the Pedestal is near twelve foot high. All know that the Cornish of this Pillar is of the Corinthian order.  
The same day also I saw something very remarkable, which I had not sufficiently considered in my former Travels. Being abroad with some others by the gate Del Pepe, which looks betwixt South and West, about a thousand paces from that gate, as we went betwixt South and West, straight towards the Palus Mareotis, leaving the Pillar of Pompey to the left, 
Burying places of the ancient Egyptians.  we saw Grottoes cut in the Rock: we entered into one of them, stooping and leaning upon our hands, with lighted Wax-candles; being within we found that the Roof was above ten foot high, cut very smooth, and on all sides we saw Sepulchers made in the Wall, which is the Rock itself; and of these there are four Stories, one over another, and from one range to another, and from Story to Story, there is but half a feet distance; so that the intervals seem to be so many Pillars, which support those that are over them; their depth reaches to the bottom of the Sepulchers, and so they serve for Walls to separate the one from the other. In these Sepulchers we saw many dead men's Bones which we handled, and found them to be as fresh and hard as if the men had died but the day before: There were some lying upon the ground at the Entry into the Grotto, which had been thrown out there; I handled and broke some of them, and found that they were rotten in the air, but they crumbled not into ashes, only broke longways like rotten Elder, nay they were also moist, and had a kind of marrow within.  
Coming out of that Grotto, we entered into another opposite unto it, where we saw Sepulchers as in the other: at the bottom we found a way that led very far in, but because we must have gone double, in the manner as we entered the first Gotto, and marched in that posture at least as far as we could see by the light of our Wax-candles; we thought best not to enter in, and be contented with the Relation we had, that it reached above two French Leagues in length. This was all that we could learn from the Turks who were with us, and who told us besides that the Ancient Inhabitants of Alexandria had dug those places to lay their dead in; there is a great deal of probability of the truth of that, and that it has been some buryingplace. I then considered the Palus Mareotis: it reaches in breadth out of sight, 
Palus Mareotis. Khalis.  and is but some hundred of paces distant from the Khalis, which hath its course betwixt the same Palus Mareotis and the Pillar of Pompey; but they have no communication together.  
Another day I went up to the Hill, where the Tower is, wherein there is commonly a Watchman, to put out the Flag so soon as any Vessel appears: 
A Watch-Tower.  from thence I easily discovered all the City and the Sea, with the Palus Mareotis, and all the Country about: Being come down I went on Foot round the Ancient Walls of Alexandria, beginning at the Water-gate, 
The circuit of Alexandria.  that looks to the North, and for some time going straight North, till the Wall turns off in a right Angle, towards the East; and after fifty paces length, turns again towards the North, making there an obtuse Angle: it continues so towards the North, till you come over against the Palace of Cleopatra, 
The Palace of Cleopatra.  which stood upon the Walls opposite to the mouth of the Harbour, having a Gallery running outwards supported by many fair Pillars, of which some remains are still to be seen on the Seaside: That Gallery (they say, and not without probability) reached even into the Palace, so that one might embark there.  
In a Tower hard by, are to be seen three Pillars standing, which support a little Dome, that in former times stood upon four, but there is one wanting; I cannot conceive for what use that little Dome was, being in a place where there is no light; perhaps it stood over some Cistern which at present is stopped up. Ten or twelve steps from that Tower, there is a Cistern, where there are two Stories of Pillars, and in many other places there are Cisterns supported in the same manner; 
Cisterns upon Pillars. Obelisks.  so that it would seem that most part of the Town hath stood upon Pillars.  
A few steps from thence there are to be seen two Obelisks of Thebaick Stones, one of which lies buried in the Earth, nothing of it but the foot appearing; the other is standing, but the Earth must needs be raised very high in that place, for in all probability that Obelisk is upon its pedestal, of which nothing is to be seen, nay not the foot of the Obelisk itself.  
Opposite to this place, the Wall turns again towards the East, and with the other plane makes almost a returning right Angle, and after a considerable space doubles inwards, making a square; but an hundred paces farther it runs out again a pretty way towards the North-East, and stretches Northwards; then making a sharp Angle, it points betwixt East and South-Eastward, as far as the Gate of Rossette, after which it maketh an obtuse Angle and reaches along betwixt the West and South-West. Along that side runs the Khalis; and a little farther is the Palus Mareotis parallel unto it, which is so broad that one can hardly see Land on the other side of it. When we come over against the Pillar of Pompey, which stands to the South of the Town on this side the Khalis, we find the Gate del Pepe or Sitre, which looks to the South-West and West; and then the Wall which is doubled inwards in this place, to make the Gate, continues on towards the South-West and West, as far as a New Castle, which seems to be very strong, and near to which, a little from the Gate del Pepe, the Khalis enters under the Wall into the conduits of the City, from which all have Water into their Cisterns by means of Pousseragues.  

Aqueducts.  Afterwards the Wall turns straight North, and passes along the old Harbour, opposite to which, on the right hand, are to be seen the Aqueducts, which heretofore conveyed the Water of the Khalis from the Castle of the old Harbour, to Bouquer. Then the Wall runs straight betwixt North-East and North to the Water-Gate. We were two hours in going the compass of Alexandria, which reaches in length from East to West, but is very narrow.   

CHAP. III. Of what happened in the way from Alexandria to Said, and from Said to Damascus.  

Departure from Alexandria.  I Parted from Alexandria on Thursday the twenty eighth of February about nine of the clock in the morning in a Germ or open Boat; but seeing the Wind was easy, and that we were becalmed in the afternoon, we put in again to the Harbour of Bouquer, which we had passed. On Board of that Germ there was a Corsar of Barbary who had long followed that course, and had a Ship of his own in Alexandria; That man who had seen a great many French men, nay and had had several of them in his power, would not believe that I was one; but assured me that one would always take me for a Levantine, rather than a French man: I was not at all troubled to find that I was so well disguised, for in travelling through Turkey, it is good to have so much of the Air of the Country, that we may not be taken for strangers, unless we please. Next day about five of the clock in the morning we set out, and about ten of the clock entered the Channel of Nile, where we found a man in a Boat, who put us in our way: 
The Channel of Nile.  though there be Canes fixed at several distances to show where the Shelves are, yet there is need of such a man for a guide; because the River bringing a great deal of sand with it, the passages are daily choked up, which were navigable two hours before; and on the contrary, washing away Islands, which it had made, and which appeared to be out of reach of the Water, it makes ways for Vessels, in places where before one might have walked dry shod; and this man's business is to sound every hour of the day, that so he may be able to show the right Channel; and the Masters of the Germes pay him for his pains.  
At noon we came to Rossetto, where I saw manner the of making Sorbet, 
Rossetto. The way of making Sorbet.  whilst I stayed there. They made use of an hundred and fifty rots of Sugar broken into small pieces, which they put into a great Kettle over a Fire, with a little water to dissolve it, when it was ready to boil, they skimmed it, and poured in five or six quarts more of water, to make the scum rise better; they put it in by spoonfuls, and wet the sides of the Kettle to cool them. Half an hour after they mingled a dozen whites of Eggs, with four or five quarts of water, and having beat them a little with the water, all was poured into the Kettle at four or five times, and then they began to skim again, till a little after, they strained it through a Cloth, and that they call clarifying of the Sugar. Afterwards they divided that Liquor into three parts, of which they put a third into a great Kettle or Cauldron over the fire; and seeing that Sugar from time to time was like to boil over, they made it settle, by throwing in two or three Eggshells full of Milk. When they knew it to be boiled enough, after it had been an hour upon the fire, they took it off; it looked then very yellow, and two men set a stirring of it with wooden peels; so that the more they stirred it, as it grew cold it became the thicker and whiter. When it was a little thickened; they put into it about two glassfulls of the juice of Limon boiled; as I shall tell you hereafter: Then they stirred it again to mingle all well together, and a little after they put into it about two spoonfuls of Rose-water in which some Musk had been dissolved, several adding thereto Ambergreass. Then again they stirred it till it became like a Paste, and afterwards put it into Pots; the same they did with the other two parts. With an hundred and fifty of these rots they filled twenty nine Pots; therein they spent a little Bottle of Rose-water, with Musk which cost a Crown. When they have a mind to make it of a violet-Colour, after the juice of Limon, they put of the Syrup of Violets into it, which is made by pounding Violets with Sugar, which they clear from the dregs. To make the juice of Lemons, a great many Lemons are pressed, and the juice expressed, boiled in a Kettle; but the Kettle must be full, and boil along while until the juice be reduced to the quantity of six or seven quarts; In the mean time they burn above an hundred weight of Wood, and cannot boil above two Kettle-fulls a day, that is, above ten or twelve quarts; it is of a blackish red colour, sharp and bitter.  
In the Desta, over against Rossetto and as far as Damiette, 
Desta.  there is plenty of fine Fowl, which the people of the Country call Garden-Cocks, 
Dic elgait, Garden-Cocks.  that is in Arabic, Dic elgait: they are as big as ordinary Pullet's, having the Belly and Wings of a violet-colour above and black below, the Head and Neck of a violet-colour, the Back greenish brown, a Tale like a Woodcock, which is white underneath, a long Beak like a Parrot, and a little crooked, but of a lovely red colour; it reaches from the Crown of the Head, where there is a kind of a flat Plate of the same stuff, and all looks like Horn; their feet are as big as Pullet's feet, but longer and are red, but of a paler red than the Beak; they keep in the Marshes.  
At Rossetto I found a bark bound for Baruth, but because there were Soldiers ready to go to Candia, they suffered no Sail to put out, lest the Christians might have advice of it. At length the Soldiers being gone for Alexandria, our bark; wherein the Aga of the Castle of Rossetto had a share, 
Departure from Rossetto.  was suffered privately to departed: So that Monday the nineteenth of March about nine of the Clock in the Morning we put out. When we were almost at the mouth of the River, we were forced to send out the Boat on head to drop an Anchor several times, that so we might tow ourselves, till about Noon being got out of the River, with a West-South-West Wind we made all the sail we could and bore away North-East. Three hours after we steered an East and be South course, the Wind having shifted about to South-West, though it was so small that we were almost becalmed. In the Nighttime we saw a great deal of Lightning at a distance from us, and then the Wind blowing fresher from South, we stood away East-North-East. It is uneasy to me to give a relation of this Voyage, 
An Idle ship's Crew.  so much it vexed me, our Crew consisted of fifteen men, who did nothing but sleep till Noon, and after they had quarrelled together at Dinner, fell a singing and playing, and would not vouchsafe to stir, too look out aloft, pump the ship, or to do any other service. All that I could get of them during the whole Voyage was once to pump the Vessel. They had nothing to throw out the Water with but the Neck of a Bottle, and if the Vessel made but the least Travel, they thought themselves lost. One Night wheh we had bad Wether, the Vessel rolling to and again, three or four times they were upon the point of launching the Boat, and forsaking the Vessel, which stood in need of nothing, but a little Vigilance. They had no Sea-Cart to set off their Course by; and when I asked them where we were, they made me answer, that they could not tell, after so much tacking. At every turn they said to me Allah Kerim, that's to say, God is great, telling me with all that once they had made that Voyage being but one Night out at Sea. Amongst them there was no distinction of Master, they jeered and abused one another openly, and no body could hinder it. The Reis never commanded any thing to be done, but with tears almost in his Eyes, and stamping with his foot like a Child; so that we seemed to be utterly lost; and indeed, they all made a fool of him, and imitating his voice bid one another do what he ordered, without stirring in the least. In short I believe these Blades had never been at Sea in a storm, going and coming commonly, as they told me, in fair Wether.  
Tuesday and all Wednesday almost, we had successively East and Southeast Winds, which made us bear away North-North-East: at length on Wednesday about ten of the Clock at Night the Wind turned Westerly, and we bore away East-North-East.  
Next day being exactly mid-lent, the same Wind blew tempestuously, and the Sea being very rough, we rolled so as every moment we were like to be overset: The sky was extremely overcast on all hands, and amongst other fierce gusts which we met with from time to time, we had one about half an hour after five in the Evening, wherein we had like to have been cast away. Seeing these lazy Lubbards saw it a coming, they took the pains to furl the main sail, and left none abroad but the spritsail, whilst that storm lasted we were darkened, as if we had been under some great Vault, it lasted almost half an hour with great violence, and in the mean time all were very silent. To what hand soever we looked, we saw nothing but stormy Clouds, and this was still following us, nevertheless when it was almost spent, we made Mount Carmel: 
Mount Carmel. Acre.  Immediately we bore away East, and sailed with Wind in poop towards Acre, but having no more but about half an hour of day, and it being impossible, all the diligence we could use, to come up with it, before it were an hour after Night, we tacked about and stood North, for fear of running a ground. In the Nighttime we had many furious gusts, and a great deal of Lightning. A little before that great storm I have been mentioning fell, we saw about two hundred paces from us a Flock of little red Birds flying, 
Red Birds.  I thought at first that the reflection of the Sun made them look to be of that Colour; but seeing it continued so long as they were in sight, and that the Sun was overcast, I concluded that it must be their natural Colour.  
Friday morning the two and twentieth of March we had still several Flurries; however (the Wether clearing up a little,) we steered our course East-North-East, and about Noon passed by Said in our way to Baruth which is twenty miles distant from it. 
Baruth.  But when we were near the Cape of Baruth, the Wind chopping about to North-West, we were forced to tack about and stand away South-South-West that we might put in to Said, since we could not get to Baruth, and that was lucky for us; for we were told at Said, that there was a Corsair about Baruth, into whose hands we must have fallen if we had continued our course that way. So soon as I came ashore the Customer who was in his Office, called me to him, and having asked me who I was, I told him I was a Frank, which he would not believe; until a Turk who understood Italian, having asked me what I was, and I answered him in the same Language that I was a Frenchman, he acquainted the Officer of the Customhouse with it. I went and lodged at the house of the Chevalier D' Ervieu; who made me very welcome, and took the pains himself to go and see my things brought a shore which he cleared at the Customhouse without any cost to me: I received so many Civilities from him during my stay in that Town, that I wish I were able to publish all the World over, that he is one of the most gallant and obliging Gentlemen living.  
Said is a small Town very ill built, 
Said.  having a good Castle standing upon a Rock in the Sea, opposite to the Town; it is an Island and separated from the Land by a Bridge of ten or twelve Arches. The Port which is at the side of that Castle is inconsiderable, and there is another better close by the Town; But the Emir Eecardin being one day at Said, and fearing that the Galleys which came for the Grand Seignior's money might serve him some ugly trick, he caused the Entry of it to be stopped up; to the end the incommodiousness of the other Port might oblige them to hasten their departure. A few steps from thence in a Garden, there is a little Chapel, in which there is a Tomb with two Stones erected over it; the People of the Country say it is the Sepulchre of Zebulon, and that the distance of the two Stones shows the length of his Body; if it be so, he must have been a very proper man, for these Stones are about ten foot distant one from another. It is but three years since there was a Bassa at Said, formerly it was governed by a Vaivode, but the Sangiacat of Sefet hath been annexed to Said and its dependences, and both together erected into a Bashaship. The day that I departed I saw the Bassa enter the Town, he was attended by about three hundred Horsemen well mounted and armed, some with Carabines, and others with Bows, Arrows and Buckler, and all with a shable by their side: in the rear of the company there were a great many Players on Timbrels, Oboes, and such like Instruments; amongst the rest one kept time by knocking two little Plates of Copper one against another.  
The chief Traffic of Said consists in Silk, and therefore there is abundance of Mulberry-trees in the Fields about, and so soon as they can get but a little piece of a Rock, if they can make two fingers breadth of Earth hold upon it, there they plant a Mulberry-tree at Said. I bargained with a Moucre or Moukir to carry me to Damascus. Moucre comes from the Arabic word Kira, which signifies to let, to hire, as one would say a letter out of Beasts to hire. He was to furnish me with a Horse for myself, and two Mules, 
The charge of passage from Said to Damascus.  one for my Servant and another for my Baggage; besides he obliged himself to clear me of all the Caffares, and I paid him sixteen Bockels and a half.  
Tuesday the five and twentieth of March about eleven of the Clock in the Forenoon, I parted from Said; 
Departure from Said.  we came to our lodging at Labatia about five a Clock in the Evening: we traveled all day long mounting through very good Cornfields, and the rest of the ground by the road that was not sowed, was covered over with Daffodils and Furzes in the blossom, 
Daffodils and Furzes.  with other like shrubs that yielded a very pleasant prospect. So soon as we were arrived, a Tchorbadgis of Damascus, encamping hard by under a Tent, being informed of the Moucre that there was a Frank there, sent for me; and having treated me with Coffee, asked me if I had any relation to Monsieur Bermond a Chirurgeon of Marseilles, who negotiated some Affairs at Damascus for the Merchants of Said: I told him I was, without mentioning in what degree, for our Kindred is only derived from the Patriarch Noah. He told me that he was his friend, and made me to understand several times, that if I had a mind to buy ashes, he would be my merchant; but all my answer was that I was too poor to be a Merchant, and that my business was to go to my Kinsman.  
Labatia is a miserable little Village, where we could not find lodging, 
Labatia.  and the best accommodation we had to lie in, was a little place at the end whereof there was a pane of a Wall; our Mules were made fast hard by, and we posted ourselves near the Wall in the open Air.  
Next day being Wednesday the twenty sixth of March; we parted about five in the Morning, the ground being frozen with a sharp cold Wind. Our way was bad and still upwards; and we soon came in sight of a Castle upon a high hill before us, 
The Castle of Skheip. Sefet, a Town.  which is called Skheip, and is pretty large and square; it depends on Sefet which is but two days Journey from it: That Castle is strong by situation, for it is inaccessible, but yet was inhabited. We left it to the right, and went a great way to find out a descent into a place, from whence we saw a very deep Valley, where a River runs, which they call Leitani, 
Leitanis, a River.  that makes many turn and wind; it is at least five fathom broad and very rapid. During a quarter of an hour we descended by a very dangerous way; for the least false step was enough to make one tumble down into the River, and that from a great height too. Being come down we kept along that Water, following the current, and a little from thence crossed it upon a stone-Bridge of two Arches, about three fathom high, which is called Hardala. 
A Caffare at Hardala.  There, Passengers pay a Piastre and a half a head, I mean the Christians, for Turks do not pay so much. Having passed the Bridge, we stood off a little from the Water, still ascending, and had in view the Hill that we had left on the other side, which appeared pleasanter unto us than when we were upon it; for it was very high and straight and all covered over with Trees. After we had traveled about half an hour in ways where it would have been very dangerous to fall; we came just over against the Castle of Skheip, which is upon a very high and steep Hill: Some time after we came into a Plain, and an hour after to another far larger, but uncultivated and full of stones as the former was, though both looked very green. In this Plain we met a Caravan of Camels loaded each with a Millstone; I was told that these stones came from Oran, 
Oran.  which is five days Journey from thence, and that they carried them to Said, to be transported into Egypt. Having past that Plain, we came over bad way to a stone Bridge of three Arches lying over a Brook four or five fathom broad; when we had crossed it, we mounted by a worse way, full of stones bad enough to make Mules that were not loaded to break their Necks: and that lasted till we came to our Lodging at Banias, where we arrived two hours after, during all that way, besides stones we had a great many torrents and such dirty deep ground, that the Mules often stuck.  

Banias.  This Village of Banias is very inconsiderable, nevertheless when heretofore the Christians were Masters of it, it was a good Town: it lies at the foot of a Hill, on the top whereof there is a great Castle uninhabited; this place depends on the Bassa of Damascus. We found no better Lodging here than the Night before, for having crossed a square Court, we entered under a Vault two foot deep of Horse-dung and dust mingled together; our Lodging was appointed us in that place, and seeing the Court was vaulted all round, under which they had put the Mules, and a Caravan of Asses; we were so incommoded there, that so soon as the Beasts began to stir, they raised a dust that spoiled all the Victuals we had prepared to eat; all the pleasure we had, came from a little door that opened towards the side of a River that runs by it, and which is at least three fathom broad, but very shallow, though it be rapid: it is called the River of Banias.  
Next morning about five a Clock, we left that nasty Lodging, and after about an hours mounting upwards, turning by very bad ways, (though the Land about was sowed;) we found ourselves just opposite to our Lodging, having betwixt us and it a very deep Valley, agreeable by its verdure, and the many Trees it is filled with, which are watered by a River that runs through it. A little after we saw the Castle of Banias in its full extent, which is large and strong. We still mounted during the space of an hour by ways that were better than the former; but we had the lovely Valley always in sight, and on the road there were a great many Trees, which by their verdure and shade lessened somewhat of the fatigue: The truth is there was no false step to be made there, because the way being very smooth and sloping to the very bottom of the Valley, one could not stop before he came to the bottom. By the way we found many wild Chestnut-trees withered and without leaves, and yet bearing their fruit. Having descended a little, we entered into a large Plain; and having passed it, and mounted a little amongst Trees, we found stony Plains, where it behoved us to march on until about three of the Clock after Noon, in the worst way imaginable; for they were all great stones, amongst which there was no place for a Mule to set his foot. After Noon it was a little better, but we saw no sowed Land, all the ground about being still full of a prodigious number of stones. Nevertheless our Monkires would needs have me believe that heretofore Vines had grown there: Indeed, in several places there are still to be seen some hovel like to Hen-houses, made of stones piled one upon another, where it might be thought that they who dressed the Vines retired; but since that time some Medusa's head must needs have passed over these grounds; or the Earth hath brought forth stones instead of Grapes. Having traveled in this manner till towards three of the Clock in the Afternoon; we found a Village called Kefarhevar, where, 
Kefarhevar, a Village.  our Moukires being in the humour to tell stories, told me that. Heretofore Nimrod dwelled there, and that from thence he shot Arrows against Heaven. We passed that Village, and having descended into a Valley, and then mounted a little up again, we came to Village called Beitima, 
Beitima, a Village.  where we took up our Lodging in a noble stable, for in it was a place of Earth raised two foot high, to make a separate apartment for the men from the Beasts,  
Next day being Friday the eight and twentieth of March we set out half an hour after five in the Morning: At first we did nothing but mount and descend during the space of two hours, afterwards we entered into a great plain full of stones, except in some places that were sowed, and that plain reaches as far as Damascus. There are a great many Villages in it, 
Many Villages in the Territory of Damascus.  and at first we saw one called Catana, about half a French League to the left of us: Then we passed near to another called Artous; a little after we perceived one to our right hand named Mahtamia, and so a great many more: after that we left the Highway that leads to the Town, and struck off to the left, till we came to a great Village called Soliman, and from thence to another named Salaia, which was the Village of our Moukires, where they would have had me to lodge, had I not kept a great clutter with them; these Blades go commonly to that Village to change their Beasts. We went on then on our Journey, and having passed near to many Gardens, 
Arrival at Damascus.  I arrived at Damascus about three of the Clock after Noon: In all this Journey we saw but four Wolves of a greyish white Colour, they were in company together, and seemed not at all to be afraid of us; for instead of running away, they retreated at a foot pace only: we saw also several Covies of Patridges.   

CHAP. IU. Of the City of Damascus.  
AFter I had rested some days in Damascus, I resolved to view the City, but before I undertook it, I took my necessary measures; and since one must be assisted by some who have power, I failed not to pay a visit to Topgi Bassa, who received me most courteously and civilly; I shall mention hereafter who this is, and the good Offices he did me.  
The City of Damascus has eight Gates; to wit, the East-Gate, 
The number of gates in Damascus, and their names.  or Bab-Charki, that looks on the Southside, along the Walls that are opposite to the East: Bab-Tchiaour, that looks to the South: Bab-Jabie that looks to the West, but somewhat Southward: Bab-choucarova or Bab-Espahi, that's to say the Spahies' Gate, because furniture necessary for Horsemen is sold there, it looks to the West: it is also called the Seraglio Gate, because it is opposite to the Seraglio: Bab-Paboutch, so called, because it is the place where they sell Paboutches or shoes; it looks betwixt West and North; but somewhat more towards the West: Bab-Fardis, that's to say; the Gate of Paradise, which looks betwixt West and North, but more towards the North: Bab-Salem or Gate of Peace, so called, because no deuce are paid either entering in or going out at it, a Grand Signior having given it that Privilege; it looks to the North: Lastly Bab-Thomas which bears the Name of that Saint, because in the outside there is a ruinous Church adjoining to it, dedicated to St. Thomas; which looks to the North.  

The Circuit of the Town.  I went round the City on the outside of the Walls, in an hour and a quarter walking pretty fast; but the Suburbs are as big again as the Town, and amongst others the Baboullah, a Suburbs without the Gate Jabie reaches three or four Miles in length. It is called Baboullah, as one would say the divine Gate; because that way goes the present which is sent from Damascus to Mecha. In surrounding the place I observed that the Walls are not to be seen on the outside, but from Bab-Tchiaour passing before Bab-Charki, and then before Bab-Thomas, to Bab-salem, the rest being covered with Houses from Bab-Tchiaour, to Bab-Thomas the Walls are double, well built and very high, having fair Battlements, flanked at several distances with good Towers, for the most part round; some are square, but of them there are but few. The Inner-walls are about four fathom high: The outer which are at some two fathoms distance from them, are about three fathom and a half high, and the space between ls filled up wlth Earth near four or five foot thick. Before these Walls, there is a Ditch about five fathom broad, and two fathom, or two and a half deep.  

The length of Damascus.  I once measured the length of the City; that's to say, from Bab-Charki to Bab-Jabie which is the Streight-street; I was a quarter of an hour in walking it, and reckoned two thousand one hundred paces.  

The house of Ananias.  Let us take a view of the particular places and things. That which first of all Travellers visit at Damascus, is the House of Ananias, which is inhabited by a Scheik: I went thither with some friends, and for some aspres we were suffered to enter in. Having passed the gate, and turned to the left hand, by fourteen steps we descended into a Cellar, which heretofore was a Church, seeled and paved with Mosaic work, of which some remains are still to be seen in the Pavements; at present it is a Mosque, and light enough to be so deep under ground: that place as they say, was the Chamber where Ananias lodged, when God commanded him to go to Saul; as it is related in the Acts of the Apostles.  

Bab-Charki the East gate. St. Paul's gate The beginning of the Streight-street. The Gate Jaby.  Having visited that house, wherein there is nothing curious besides the Antiquity of it, we went to the Gate called Bab-Charki, that's to say the East-Gate; it is likewise called St. Paul's Gate, because it is near the place where that Holy Apostle was let down from the walls in a Basket. At that Gate gins the Streight-street, mentioned in Holy Scripture, which reaches as far as the Gate Jabie.  
When we were past that Gate we turned to the right hand, and having advanced a few paces; we saw in one of the square Towers, which are in the City-wall, about two fathom high, two Freestones, on each of which there is a Flower-de-luce very well cut; there is a third with an Inscription in Lingua Franca; but the Characters are so worn out, that they cannot be read. Upon two other stones at the side of each Flower de-luce, there are two Lions cut, and near to each Lion a great Thistle. Some will needs believe that the French built that Tower, which is not impossible; but it is more probable that the Turks have brought these stones ready cut and carved from Banias, or some other place which had been possessed by the French, and which the Turks had demolished; for they are lazy enough, to choose rather to bring stones ready cut from a far, than to be at the pains to cut them upon the places. After that we saw in the Fields about some hundreds of paces off, the places where the Christians and Jews are buried; every Religion however having their buryingplace at some distance apart. 
Buryingplace.   

The Tomb of St. George.  Being gone some paces from the Walls, we came to the place where St. George the Porter was stoned by the Jews, who accused him of having saved St. Paul That place is, as it were, a Court, in the middle whereof is the Tomb of that Saint; it is of Freestone, and covered with a little Pavilion in form of a Pyramid, and below there is a little opening, wherein the Christians commonly keep a burning Lamp; their Devotion is great at that place, and is even imitated by the Turks, who affirm as well as the Christians, that Miracles are daily wrought there, and that several sick Turks, having spent a Night in that place, have next Morning come out in perfect health: On that Saints Holy day, many People, Men, Women and Children, aswell Turks as Christians repair to that Tomb. At the entry into the Court where it is, on the left hand, there is a place designed for burying of those who die for the Faith of Jesus Christ; and when any Christian departs, his body is first brought to that place, where having said the office for the dead, it is carried to the place appointed for its burial.  
Being come out of that place we kept straight along by the City-Walls; 
The place where St. Paul was let down.  and shortly after came to the place where St. Paul was let down in a Basket over the Wall. There is a Gate there which the Turks have walled up, because they are persuaded that the City will never be taken but by that Gate; 
The fatal gate.  and over it they have put a great Stone with some lines in Arabic cut on it, intimating that that is the place where St. Paul the Apostle of Jesus came down to save himself from the Jews.  
Afterwards we returned into the City by the Gate called Bab-Tchiaour, 
Bab-Tchiaour.  we went into the streight-Street, and following it, came into a very large fair Bazar, covered with a high ridged Timber-roof, and full of shops on both sides; it is called the Bazar of stuffs because nothing else is sold there; 
The Bazar of Stuffs. Rot of Damascus.  and I learned by the by that the Rot of Damascus is a weight answering to five French pounds.  
Having crossed over half of that Bazar, which is very long, we struck off to the left hand, and through a little street went to the house of Judas, 
The house of Judas.  which is close by; where it is believed in that Country that St. Paul lay hid three days, and that Ananias went to him there. We went into that house, which was heretofore a fair and large Church, and there is still to be seen a lovely Iron-Gate through which we passed; and then came into a little Chamber, where the Tomb of Ananias is, raised against the Wall, 
The Tomb of Ananias.  over which there is a green Cloth, and on it Arabic Letters stitched; I read them, and found these words, Veli Allah, el Ahmed rivan, that is, the Holy God Ahmed sleeping or buried here. The Turks have a great respect for it, and they have taken that house, because of the profit they make on't from the Francs, who give them somewhat when they go thither.  
We then returned into the Bazar of Stuffs, or the Streight-street, and on the left hand from thence, we came near to a Gate, which separates that Bazar of Stuffs, from another Bazar at the end of it, where there is a Fountain, with the Water whereof, (they say,) Ananias baptised St. Paul: Having passed that Gate, we entered into another Bazar, which is still in the Streight-street, the beginning of which is covered with a high-ridged Roof, and the rest with a flat, supported with round joists: They sell stuffs there also. 
Bab-Jabie. The end of the streight-Street.  At length we came to the City-Gate called Bab-Jabie where the streight-street ends.  
Having without it, turned a few steps to the left hand, we were got into a large Bazar, where they sell wooden Boxes. This is the largest Bazar of all; it has a high ridged Timber-Roof, upheld by several great stone-Arches at convenient Distances: 
A Bazar called Sinanie.  That place is called Sinanie from the Name of a Bassa of Damascus named Sinan, who built it, as he did many other fair public Fabrics in several parts of Turkey, and all his Works bear his Name.  
As you enter into that Bazar without the Gate, you see the green Mosque, 
The green Mosque.  so called because it hath a Steeple faced with green glazed Bricks, which renders it very resplendent; it is covered on the Top with a Pavilion of the same stuff, except the Spire of the Steeple which is covered with lead. We passed before the door of that Mosque, and I saw during the short time that I durst consider it, a large Court, paved with lovely Stones, with a Basin or Fountain of Water in the middle; at the end of that Court there is a Portico supported by eight Marble-Pillars of the Corinthian Order, of which the six middlemost are chamfered; these Eight Pillars uphold so many little domes leaded over, that cover the Portico, through which they enter into the Mosque by three doors. It hath a large Dome covered over with lead, and on the West side, there is a Steeple or Minaret faced in the same manner, and covered with a Pavilion of the same matter.  
The Turks say that this Mosque was made in that place, because that Mahomet being come so far, would not enter the Town, saying it was too delicious; and that he might suddenly remove from it, he set one foot upon a hill that is not far from it, whereon there is a little Tower, and from thence made but one leap to Mecha; that's the reason why they have covered that Mosque with green, which is the Colour of this false Prophet. Others confess indeed, that Mahomet came as far as that place, and would not enter the Town, but they say that it was Haly who made that fair leap: However it be, they call Damascus' Chamscherif, that is to say Noble Damascus, because Mahomet came thither.  
From thence we advanced to the City-Walls, and coming along the Seraglio Street; we saw to the left hand a fair Tomb made in fashion of a Dome, several fathom high, and covered with lead, next to that there is a lovely Mosque with a Court; it fronts the North, and at the end of the Court, there is a Portico supported by six Pillars, by which they enter into the Mosque, which is covered with a very large Dome, 
The Mosque of Hasan.  having one less on each side; they are all three covered with lead: Its Founder was a Bassa called Hasan, who at his death left money to build that Mosque, and his own Tomb.  

The Bassa's Seraglio.  Going forward we came to a place of the Street, where on the left hand stands the Bassa's Seraglio, which seems pretty enough. Over the Gate there is a Pavilion in form of a Pyramid, but it is only of Earth and not faced; it is the apartment of the Bassa's Kiaya, and the Castle is on the right hand. 
The Seraglio gate, or of Bazar Espahi. The Castle of Damascus.  The Gate called Bab-Espahi, or Bab-Bazar-Espahi is in this place. We entered the Town, and went along by the Castle, which was on our left hand, the Ditch wherein there is Water being betwixt us: That Castle serves for a Wall to the Town on that side, and it reaches almost to the Gate of Paboutches; it is a large square well built fabric of Freestone Table cut; the Walls of it are very high, and at certain distances there are large high square Towers, built as the rest are, and very near one another. Having walked all along that side, we went along the second side, which serves also for a Wall to the Town: There we saw a stone-Chain made of a single Stone, though it consists of several Links cut one within another; it is fastened very high to the Wall: There was another Chain longer than this, but six years ago it was broken down by foul Wether, and fell into the Ditch.  
From thence we passed by the Gate of the Castle, where we saw some Cannon that defend the entry of it; then we went to the Marketplace of Paboutches, 
Two Mosques, formerly Churches.  and having crossed it, we went through little Streets to one where there are two Mosques, in which are the Sepulchers of some Kings of Damascus, having been formerly the Churches of the Christians. There is no seeing into one of them; but we looked into the other through lovely Grates of well polished Steel. This Mosque is completely round, and covered with a lovely Dome of Freestone, in which there are several Windows all round; it is faced in the inside with Marble of various Colours, from the Pavement to the height of three fathom or thereabouts; and from thence up to the Windows there are several fair Paints of Churches and Trees after the Mosaic way. In the middle of the Mosque there are two Tombs one by another, upon a Floor of Marble raised about a Foot and a half high: These Tombs are of Cedar-wood very well wrought; they are about four or five Foot high, and ridged. They say that the one contains the Body of King Daer, who being a Christian turned Turk, and persecuted the Christians cruelly; and the Turks affirm that no Candle nor Lamp can be kept lighted there; it is certain that both times I passed that way, I saw none. Near to these Tombs there are some Alcorans chained to desks of the same matter the Tombs are of, and though all the times I passed that way, I saw no body at them, yet I imagine there are men hired to read the Alcoran for the Souls of these Kings; according to the Custom of the great Lords of the Mahometan Religion, who commonly at their death leave great Estates for performing such Prayers.  

The great Mosque of Damascus.  Having considered this Mosque as much as we could, we came to another which is called the great Mosque. I took several turns about it to see it by the doors which were open; for a Christian dares not set foot within it, nor stand at the door neither. Some Turks offered indeed, to take me in with a Turkish Turban on my head, but I would not embrace that offer; for had I been known I must have died, since, by God's Assistance, I would not renounce my Faith. On the Westside they enter that Mosque by two great brazen Gates, near four fathom high, which are very well wrought, and full of odd Figures; in the middle of each of them there is a Chalice well cut. By the doors I saw the breadth of that Mosque, which may be about eighteen fathom; it hath two ranges of large thick Pillars of grey Marble, of the Corinthian Order, which divide it into three Isles; and of all these Pillars each two support an Arch, over which are two little Arches, separated by small Pillars, which look much like Windows: The Pavement is all of lovely stones that shine like Lookinglass. That great Mosque which reaches from East to West, is covered with a sharp ridged wooden Roof, and hath a very large Dome in the middle; but on the Noth-side, at the place where that Dome is largest, there are little arched Windows all round; and from these Windows three or four foot higher, which is also their height, it is faced with green Stone glazed, which makes a lovely object to the sight, and the rest is rough cast with Lime.  
On each side of the Front of the Mosque, there is a square Steeple, with Windows like to ours; but the higher and larger is on the East-side; and they say it was made when that Church was first built, which since hath been converted into a Mosque. The Turks affirm that Jesus is to return into this World by that Steeple. There is a third Steeple behind the Dome, 
The Steeple of the Messiah.  which is diametrically opposite to that of the Messiah, and this last is round, and hath been built by the Turks, aswell as the other less square one. One Night of the Ramadan; I went upon the Terrass-walks, to the Windows of that Mosque, which are made like the Windows of our Churches, and have panes of glass set in Plaster which are wrought into Figures. I looked in through a quarry of one of these Windows, from whence I saw the end of the Mosque, which I could not through the others, because on the outside they have wire Lettices. There, by the Lamp-light I perceived in the Keblay which is exposed to the South, a hole grated over with gilt Iron, 
The head of St. Zachary.  wherein they say the Head of St. Zachary is kept, I could see no more of the Ornaments except the Lamps, which are in great Number; and the Pillars I mentioned.  
Besides the two ranges of Pillars which are in the Body of the Mosque to the Number of six and thirty, eighteen to each rank, there are at least threescore more, aswell in the Court as at the Porticoes which make the Entries into the Court. Take this account of what I could observe of that Court, its Porches and of all the outside of the Mosque, having taken several turns round it.  
On the Westside there are three Brazen Gates embellished with several Works; and before these Gates within the Court, there is a Portico divided into two Alleys, by eight great Pillars, of which four are in length and four in breadth; and these Pillars support Arches, over which there are two other little Arches, made in form of Windows separated by a little Pillar. That Portico leads into the Court, which is very spacious and large, and all paved with great shining Marble-stones, as the Mosque and Porticoes are. Towards the end of the Court there is a kind of a little Chapel, with a Dome covered with lead, which is supported by several Marble-Pillars, and they say it was the Font. From that Entry on the West, one may see the East Gate at the farther End of the Court, and on the right hand the Body of the Mosque.  
On the Southside, 
Pick a measure.  at the Bazar of the Pick (so called because Cloth is sold there by the Pick, which is a measure much about two thirds of a French Aune;) there is an Entry into the Mosque, and two lovely Gates overlaid with Brass, with Chalices cut in the middle of each of them.  
On the East-side, there are three Brass-Gates, and a Portico like to that I have been speaking of, and then a Court, towards the end of which, near the West-Gate, there is another kind of Chapel, much higher than that on the East-side, which is supported and covered in the same manner; and from that Gate, one sees the West-Gate, and then the Mosque is on the left hand.  
On the North-side there is also a Brazen gate, by which they enter into the Court, and then have the side of the Mosque opposite unto them: In the Wall of this side there are several Windows after the fashion of the Windows of our Churches; but they begin three or four foot from the ground, and they are glazed and letticed with wire on the outside. There is in that Court also a reservatory of water under a Cupulo, supported by several Pillars, and besides that, a Lantern supported only by two. This is all that I could observe of this Mosque.  

Bab-Thoma.  One day I went out of the Town by the gate called Bab-Thoma, and close by it I saw the Church dedicated to St. Thomas. The door of it was shut, because it is all ruinous in the inside, and looks more like a Garden than a Church, being uncovered and full of Herbs. Nevertheless there still remains a kind of a portal, which is a Ceinture supported by two Pillars; but besides that these Pillars show not above a Foot beneath the Capital, they are sunk into the Wall: Underneath there are three other Ceintures supported by three Pillars on each side, and the lintel of the door is also supported by a Pillar on each side; all these Pillars are of Marble and Chamfered. Over-against that Gate there is a little round Tower made like a Chessboard, for it is built of small Stones about half a foot square, but placed in such a manner, that next to each stone there is a square hole of the same bigness, and so alternately all over. That Tower is called the Tower of heads, because a few years ago several Druses Robbers on the Highway, who were briskly pursued, being taken, were put to death and their heads placed in these holes, 
The Temple of Serapis, a Mosque. The Sepulchre of St. Simeon Stilites.  so that they were all filled with them.  
From thence we turned to the left, and keeping a long the Walls, we came to a Mosque, which, (they say,) was a Temple of Serapis, Nevertheless it is pretended that the Body of St. Simeon Stilites rests there, having been brought thither from Antioch. However it be, the Turks say that the Muesem cannot call to prayers there as at other Mosques, and that when he offers to cry, his Voice fails him; they have a great Veneration for it, and I was told that one day a Venetian having corrupted the Servants of the Scheik who has the charge of that place with money, would have taken away the Body of St. Simeon, to carry it to Venice; but that the Scheik having had some suspicion of it, made that Venetian pay a great mulct of several thousand Crowns; and since that time, they have caused a Grate to be made over the Sepulchre of that Body, besides, there are always Scherifs there reading the Alcoran.  

Spittle for Lepers.  From that Temple we went to a place, where three Rivers that run through Damascus meet at the end of the Town, and turn Water-mills. We went next to the Spittle of Lepers which is betwixt the Gates Bab-Thoma and Bab-Charki, but nearer and almost close by this last; it is but a few paces distant from the City-Walls. The People of the Country say that it is the same Hospital, which Naaman Lieutenant of the King of Damascus built for Gehazi the Servant of the Prophet Elisha, 
Naaman's Hospiral.  whose History is recorded in the fifth Chapter of the second Book of Kings. This Hospital hath great Revenues.  
Being come back again into the Town, in the Tailor's street, I saw through an Iron-grate, a Room where there are two Bodies, which the Mahometans say are the Bodies of two Saints of their Law. A little farther there is another where there is also a Body to which they render the same honours, I could not learn the Names of these false Saints.  
There are a great many lovely Fountains in Damascus, and among others that which is opposite to the gate of the great Mosque that looks to the East, and covered with a Dome almost flat. It is a round Basin, of about two fathom in Diametre; in the middle whereof there is a Pipe, that throws up a great deal of Water at a time, and with so much force that it spouts up almost as high as the Dome; and if they pleased they might easily make it play higher, because the source lies far above it in level.   

CHAP. V A Continuation of Observations at Damascus.  
HAving taken a resolution, whilst I was at Damascus, to see what was most curious and worth the seeing in the Country about it; I made an appointment with some Friends to go to the place which is called the Forty Martyrs. We went out of the City by the Seraglio gate, 
The forty Martyrs.  and crossing the horse-Market, kept our way along, a fair, broad and long paved Street, which does not a little resemble the Avenue of the Porta di Popolo at Rome: It led us almost to the Village called Salain Crache: Having passed this we went up a very rough and barren Hill, being nothing but a natural Rock. It behoved us to alight from our Asses and march on foot, ascending by ways so steep that they were almost perpendicular. With much trouble, at length we came to the place of the forty Martyrs, distant from the City a good half-League; I never in my life-time mounted a steeper Hill. There is a little house on it, where a Scheik liveth, who led us into a Grotto hollowed in the Rock; where he shown us a place, where it is said Elias fasted sometimes, 
Elias' Grotto.  and was fed by a Raven. In a hole hard by, he shown us the place where the People of the Country say the forty Martyrs are buried; but no Tomb, Bones, nor Ashes are to be seen there. He shown us besides in the Roof of that Grott, (which is a natural Rock, very hard, and like to Pit-coal, from which much water drops,) the figure of a hand, which they say is the hand of Elias, but which is indeed, no more but the Veins of the Rock, which represent (but very imperfectly) long and great fingers, to the number of more than five or six; and I cannot tell if ever Elias was there. As to the forty Martyrs, this is the Story they tell of them. A Jewish Child having secretly left his Excrements in a Mosque; the King or Bassa being informed next Morning that such a Packet had been found there, was highly enraged, and caused enquiry to be made after the Author. The Jew who was an Enemy to the Christians, told him that he knew for a certain that they had done it in contempt of his Religion; whereupon he caused them all to be put into prison, and some time after forty of them, out of a charitable Zeal to save the rest, confessed themselves guilty of the pretended Crime; upon which he caused all the forty to be put to death, though he knew very well they could not all have been guilty. Upon the same hill, (but at some hundreds of paces from thence,) is the place of the seven Sleepers, 
Seven sleepers.  as the People of the Country think. There they show a Grotto where there are seven holes stopped; nay some say that they sleep there still; but in relating these things they confound so many Histories, that it is very hard to know the truth of what they believe: We came back to the Town by the Gate of Paboutches.  
To have a full view of Damascus, 
The place for having a full view of Damascus.  one must go to that place of the forty Martyrs. It lies towards the middle of a Mountain that is to the North of the City, is long and narrow, and reaches from East to West: to the East it draws into a point, and at the West-end is the Suburbs called Bab-Ullah, which I mentioned before, reaching in length above three or four Miles Westward.  
This City is in the middle of a spacious Plain on all hands surrounded with Hills, but all distant from the Town almost out of sight; those on the North-side (is where that of the forty Martyrs,) are the nearest. On the North-side it hath a great many Gardens full of Trees, and most Fruit-trees; these Gardens take up the ground from the Hill of the forty Martyrs even to the Town; so that at a distance it seems to be a Forest.  
Another day I went by the Bassa's Seraglio, and having advanced a little North-wards, in the first street to the left hand, I found a Mosque which had formerly been a Church dedicated to St. Nicholas: 
The Church of St. Nicholas now a Mosque.  I entered it, and found it to have been a very large and stately Church, with a spacious Court, environed by a Cloister, whereof the Arches are supported by many great marble-Pillars. All that Cloister and Court, which is still paved with large fair Stones belonged to the Church, with a great space enclosed and covered, which they have changed into a mosque; and they have demolished all the Vaults which covered that which I call the Court, and brought into it one of the Rivers of Damascus called Banias that runs through the length of it. there they load the Camels that are to go to Mecha with Water; and for that end alone they have brought the Course of the River that way: There are a great many Trees also in it which render it a very pleasant place.  

The Dervishes.  Being come out of that Court I went to the Dervishes, which are a little farther on the same side: They are very well lodged, and have several Gardens through which the River Banias runs, before it reaches the Church of St. Nicholas. The Name of Dervish is made up of two Persian words, to wit, of Der, which signifies Door, and Vish signifying Threshold, as if one should say the threshold of the door: Their founder took that Name, to intimate that his design was that that order should particularly make profession of humility, by comparing themselves to the threshold of a door that all People tread upon.  
Having viewed that house I kept on my way, and came to the Green of Damascus that is not far from it. It is a large Field or Grass-plat which they call the Meidan, encompassed on all hands with Gardens, and the River Banias runs through it. About the middle of it there is a little Pillar in the ground, 
The place where God made the first Man.  about four foot high, and they say that that is the place where God made the first Man. It is a very pleasant place, and therefore when any Person of Quality passes by Damascus he pitches his Tents there.  

The lovely Hospital of Morestan.  When I was come into that field, I turned to the right, and entered into the Morestan, which is at the middle of one of the sides of that field. I found myself in a square Cloister, covered with little Domes, supported by marble Pillars, the first bases of which are of Brass; on the side I entered at, and just opposite unto it, there are Chambers for receiving Pilgrims of whatsoever Religion they be. Every Chamber is covered with a great Dome, and hath its Chimney, two Presses, and two Windows, to wit one towards the Green, and one on the other side. The Cloister has twice as many Domes as the Chambers have, the side on the right hand is appointed for Kitchins, where there are many great Kettles, wherein daily, and even during the Ramadan, they boil Pilau, and other such Food, which they distribute amongst all that come of whatsoever Religion they be. On the side opposite to the Kitchins is the Mosque, and before it a lovely Portico, covered with Domes, as the rest of the Cloister is, but they are somewhat higher, and supported by more lofty Pillars. This Mosque is covered with a very great Dome, having a lovely Minaret on each side, and all these Domes and Minarets are covered with Lead. Within the Green there is a fair Garden along the sides of the Cloister, where many Trees are planted; it is railed with rails of Wood on the four sides of it, which are five or six foot high; so that it leaves in the middle a large Square paved with fair Freestone, wherein there is a Basin of an oblong Figure, or rather a very large Canal, through which the River Banias runs. This Hospital was built by Solyman the second who took Rhodes, for the accommodation of poor Pilgrims of all Religions; and when I was there, there were a great many Persons who were already come to perform the Pilgrimage of Mecha. I went out of that Hospital by the opposite side to that which I entered it; and on the left hand I saw the Stables where the Pilgrim's Horses are put, if they have any. Pursuing my way I found to the right hand another Cloister of the same Architecture as the former, and which belongs to the same Hospital; it is for poor Scholars, and hath also its Mosque.  
Being come out of the Morestan, and going straight forwards, I went along a street, where on each side are little Chambers for poor Pilgrims also, and over head Rooms for the Women Pilgrims. Then I came to a great House, which hath a square Court, where they make the Biscuit for Mecha; and there I saw several hundred Sacks full, though it was as yet three Weeks to the time of their setting out upon the Journey; They made this Provision, because it is the custom, that at Damascus two hundred Camels are loaded with Biscuits, and as many with Water at the Grand Signors expenses, to be distributed in Charity amongst the poor Pilgrims on the way.  
Keeping on my way I crossed the Horse-Market, where stands a great stone, between four and five foot high, about three foot broad, and half a foot thick, wherein some lines in Arabic are cut, but so worn out that they cannot be read but with great difficulty; the meaning of them is that when this stone shall be covered with water, than Damascus will be taken. Nevertheless Monsieur de Bermond who conducted me to these places, told me that some years before he had seen so great an inundation, that he believed the stone was covered with water; at least as far as he could perceive from a high place pretty near, from whence he discovered all that Marketplace, and could not see the stone; near to which many Franciscan Friars were here tofore put to death for the faith.  
We came in the next place to the bazar of Horse-saddles; it is so called, because that is the only Commodity sold there; having advanced a little into it, we saw on the left hand the great Bagnio which I shall describe: then we entered into the City again by the Gate of Paboutches; on both sides of that Gate there is a great Flower-de-luce cut in the Stone. 
A Flower-de-luce.  We passed by the Gate called Bab-Fardis which was to our left, on our way to Bab-Salem, with out which, but close by it, is the conjunction of three Rivers; this is an extraordinary pleasant place. Keeping still along the side of the Wall, we entered the City again by the Gate called Bab-Thoma, and returned to our Lodging.  
All the Coffeehouses of Damascus are fair, and have much water, 
Coffeehouses of Damascus.  but the fairest of all are in the Suburbs. Amongst the rest that which is in the Sinanie, and is called the great Coffee-house, because of its vast extent, is very delightful, by reason of the many Water-works that are in Basins full of Water there. That which is near the Seraglio Gate and is called the Bridge Coffee-house, because it is near a Bridge upon the River, is so much the more delicious that the River borders it on one side, and that there are Trees all along before it, under the shade of which they who are upon the Mastabez of the Coffee-house, have a pleasant fresh Air, and the view of the River running below them. The Coffee-house of the two Rivers which is near the Gate of the Paboutches, and where the length of the Castle ends, is also fair and large; two Rivers pass by it, which at the end of a great covered Hall, makes a little Island full of Rose-bushes and other Plants, whereof the verdure and various Colours, with the smell of the Flowers delight at the same time several senses, and give a great deal of agreeableness to a situation otherwise so advantageous: For you must know that these Rivers which I call little, are at least four fathom broad, and commonly five or six. All know what a Coffee-berry is, from which these places take their denomination; I have spoken of it in my former Travels, and shall only add in this place what I learned of the qualities of that drink, to wit, that being drank very hot, it clears the head of vapours, moderately hot it binds up the body, 
The Effects of Coffee.  and cold it is laxative.  
At Damascus there are Capucins, and Monks of the holy Land, whose houses are near to one another in the quarter of the Maronites, and just over against their Church, where also they say Mass: because each of these orders have their Chapel there. There are Jesuits also in that City, but they live a pretty way from thence in the quarter of the Greeks, and celebrate in their own house.  
I stayed four and twenty days in Damascus, but could have been willing not to have stayed so long because of the troubles I was threatened with A false report being spread about the Town, by the malice of some, and perhaps of a Servant whom I had turned away, that I had thirty thousand Chequins with me; all ways were used to snap some of these pretended Chequins: and for that end (as I had information) the Capicoules or Janissaries lay several times in wait to Arrest me upon some false pretext: nay the same Chorbagis whom I met upon the Road as I came from Said, having sent for Monsieur Bermond a French Merchant, who was his friend, told him, perhaps to pump him, that I had told him I was his Kinsman, but that, in short, he knew I was a great and rich Lord, and that I should look to myself, because several threatened me, and that he would serve me, for his sake, if I stood in need of it. This report daily increasing and I being very well known by face, the only remedy I had was to leave Damascus: but seeing there was no opportunity of a Caravan, I could not be delivered by that means, so soon as I could have wished, and I was forced to resolve to keep within Doors, or at least not to stir abroad but as little as I could, whilst I stayed for the occasion of some Caravan; I could not doubt of the danger I was in, especially when I knew that they watched the Reverend Father George a Jesuit, who amongst other kindnesses he shown me, took the pains to come and teach me the use of the Astrolabe, which obliged us for the future to correspond only by Letters: Notwithstanding all these cautions my Quality and Purse augmented daily in the mouths of the people. In the mean time as luck would have it, the night before my departure, I had an express from Monsieur Bertet one of the chief Merchants of Aleppo upon occasion of my writing to him, to give me notice when there was a Caravan ready to part for Bagdad. In a trice all the Town knew of the coming of this Man, though it was in the nighttime, and every one said, that he was come for all the Franks; but next morning the rumour run that it was only for that Frank who was so rich; and a Turk told me, that there were some fools enough, to affirm I was the King of France his Brother. Seeing these honours exceedingly displeased me, and that I understood there was a Caravan ready to departed; I bargained with a Moucre to conduct me to Aleppo, to carry my Baggage and pay the Caffares: we agreed for thirteen Boquelles which was very cheap; and we were to be gone with the Caravan that carried the Hazna of the powder of Cairo to Constantinople, of which there was an hundred and fifty load, of threescore and ten or fourscore Oques a piece, carried on Camels and Mules: That Caravan was commanded by an Aga, and was to be guarded by fifty or threescore Troopers; so that being informed that it would consist of at least, two hundred Men, Masters and Servants, I was very glad I had the fortune to meet with it.  
Having ordered my baggage to be loaded, I went to take my leave of father George, and as I came out of his house, I perceived all the Terraces full of Women gathered together to see me as I passed; then I went to wait on the Signior Michael Topgi to thank him for all the Civilities he had shown me at Damascus, and to bid him far well: That gallant man would needs continue me his favour to the last, and gave me two Letters one in Arabic and and the other in Turkish, in form of a Passport, to all the Lords and Governors from Damascus to Bagdad: In these Letters he said I was his Brother, and called me Francis the Gunner; I cannot tell if I could have answered that Character if an occasion had offered. And being afraid they might stop me or offer me some affront, he obliged me to take horse at his Gate, though I prayed him to let me walk on foot, because Christians dare not ride through the Town on horseback; but he would have it so, and gave me two horsemen to serve me for a guard, commanding them to pass through the City the one before and the other behind me, and so to convey me safe to my first Night's Lodging, which they very civilly performed.  
Since that I had notice by Letters that the Bairam being come, the Bassa's Lieutenant had demanded a present from our Monks, and Monsieur Bermond; but that the Signior Michael having told him that no presents were given, where there was no consul, he rested satisfied; and they all believed that that man had demanded a present, only because he thought that I was still at Damascus.  

The Topgi Bassa.  This Topgi Bassa, though he call himself a Frenchman, is a Candiot, who having rendered considerable services to Sultan Amurat in the Artillery at the taking of Bagdad, that Prince gave him in recompense a good Village in Timar, and many fair Privileges, amongst others that of riding on horseback through Towns, though in several Towns the Christians have not that permission, and he is Peer to the great Lords of the Country. He is obliged yearly to go visit the Fortifications of Bagdad, and he marches over the Desert with colours displayed, having two small Field-pieces with him, to terrify the Arabians, amongst whom he lives at discretion; and at every Town he takes Soldiers entertained purposely for his guard to convey him to the next Town, where he takes others, and so on till he comes to Bagdad: These Arabs cannot endure him, because he treats them somewhat rudely, but when he knows that they wait for him in one place, he takes up his Lodging at another; not but that they could kill him if they had a mind to it, for a Kinsman of his told me, that one day in a little skirmish he had with them, which was only with Stones and Cudgels, though some shot were fired, an Arabian Scheick, presented his Lance three times betwixt his Shoulders, satisfying himself to let him see that it was in his power to have killed him: However they dare not do it, for they know very well that if they did, so many Soldiers would be sent out against them, that they would be utterly rooted out, if they did not fly the Country. These Arabs are notorious Robbers, and have not degenerated from their Ancestors the Saracens, who without doubt were so called, because of the trade they followed. This brave man for whom the Capucins have procured the King's commission to be French Consul at Bagdad, protects them as far as his credit can go, nay and is very willing to be reckoned a Frenchman by the Turks; but he is somewhat haughty, and a Frank that is newly arrived must go and visit him, if he would win his favour, and make him some small present of Europe, which he values more for its novelty and the manner that it is made to him, than for its worth, and then he is wholly at his devotion; whereas if he should fail to go and visit him, he might receive bad Offices from him, it being in his power to do them many ways. He made it very evident in my time that his protection what not unprofitable, not only on my own account, in ordering a Janissary to wait on me, when I went to see him, in the danger I was in of being arrested by the Capicoules, but also upon account of our Religious; for the Capicoules of the Christians quarter, who yearly at Easter pretend to somewhat from the Maronites, 
The poverty of the Maronites.  being unable to raise any thing from them because of their Poverty, (which is so great, that when I came to Damascus, their Curate had been a long while in Prison for three Piastres,) would needs have had that money from the Francs, because they say Mass in the same Church, but the Topgi hindered it, and got the Father precedent whom the Capicoules put several times into prison, always to be set at liberty again, nay he went so far, that the Bull being set upon the Capucin's house, so soon as he came to hear it, he carried the Cady along with him, and caused it to be taken off.  
These Capicoules of Damascus, 
Capicoules. Fifty thousand Janissaries.  are those who elsewhere are called Janissaries, of whom there are three or four thousand at Damascus sometimes more, sometimes less, and there are about fifty thousand of them dispersed over the Empire, of whom there are twelve thousand at Constantinople, six thousand at Bagdad, as many at Cairo, and as many at Buda, and these fifty thousand Janissaries are to be reckoned amongst the three hundred thousand Men, whom, (as it is said,) the Grand Signior keeps in constant pay.  
Before I wholly leave Damascus, I must mention some remarks which I made, though there be no coherence of matter nor order amongst them, for instance: In these Quarters and in the rest of Turkey, they'll suffer no body to ride on Horseback with both Legs on one side, as Ladies did in France, when I left it: the reason of that odd order is, because the Turks believe that the two Giant's Gog and Magog who were Rebels against God, 
A Posture in riding forbidden.  road in that manner; they are so prejudiced with that false Zeal, that so soon as they see any body in that posture they hurl stones at him till he has altered his way of sitting.  
At Damascus and Aleppo, when they would whiten their Walls with Lime, they cut hemp into small bits, and mingle it with moistened Lime, 
The manner of preparing Lime.  which they dawb the Wall over with, where it would not hold without the hemp, because the Walls are only of Earth.  

Holes in Tombs and Graves.  I observed at Damascus, that the Turks leave a hole of three fingers breadth in diametre on the top of their Tombs, where there is a Channel of Earth over the dead body: That serves to cool the dead; for the Women going thither on Thursday to pray, which they never fail to do every Week, they pour in water by that hole to refresh them and quench their thirst, and at the end of the grave stick in a large branch of Box, which they carry with them purposely, and leave it there to keep the dead cold. They have another no less pleasant custom; and that is, when a Woman hath lost her husband, 
The Women ask counsel of their dead Husbands.  she still asks his counsel about her affairs. For instance, a Woman, sometimes two years after her husband's death, will go to his grave, and tell him that such a person hath wronged her, or that such a Man would marry her, and thereupon asks his counsel what she should do; having done so she returns home expecting the answer, which her late husband fails not to come and give her the Night following, and always conform to the Widow's desire.  

The women's Mourning.  It is a pretty ridiculous thing too, to see the Mourning which the Women at Damascus appear in, at the death of their relations, and even the Christian women. I had that diversion one Evening about eight a Clock at Night when I was at the Capucins gate. I perceived several Maronite women returning from the lodging of one of their relations, who died three hours before; there was above twenty of them, and they made a great deal of noise, some singing, and others crying, knocking their breasts with their hands joined together, and two Men carried each a Candle to light them. When they were over against the Maronites Church, which is before the house of the Capucins, they stopped, and put themselves in a ring, where for a long time they snapped the fingers of the right hand, as if they had been Castanets, against one another's Noses, keeping time to the songs they sung, as if they rejoiced, whilst some of them from time to time howled and cried like mad Women: At length having performed that Music a pretty long while, they made many bows to the East lifting up the right hand to their head, and then stooping it down to the ground; having done so they marched forward, with the same Music as before.  

The way of threshing Corn.  At Damascus and almost all Turkey over, they thresh not the Corn; but after it is cut down, they put it up in heaps, and round the heap, they spread some of it four or five foot broad, and two foot thick: This being done they have a kind of sled made of four pieces of Timber in square; two of which serve for an Axletree to two great rulers, whose ends enter into these two pieces of Timber, so as that they easily turn in them; round each of these rulers there are three Iron-pinions about half a foot thick, and a foot in diametre; these pinions are full of teeth like so many saws; there is a seat placed upon the two chief pieces of Timber, where a man sits, and drives the horses that draw this Machine round upon the lay of Corn that is two foot thick, and that cutting the straw very small makes the Corn come out of the ear without breaking it, for it slides betwixt the teeth of the Iron. When the straw is well cut, they put in more, and then separate the Corn from that hashed Straw, by tossing all up together in the Air with a wooden shovel; for the Wind blows the Straw a little aside, and the Corn alone falls straight down: 
The way of feeding Horses.  They feed their Horses with that cut Straw. In some places, that Machine is different, as I have seen in Mesopotamia; where in stead of these pinions round the rowler, they have many pegs of Iron about six Inches long, and three broad, almost in the shape of wedges, but somewhat broader below than above, fastened without any order into the rulers; some straight and others cross ways; and this Engine is covered with Board's over the Irons, whereon he that drives the Horses sits, for he has no other seat to sit upon, they take the same course in Persia; nevertheless in some places they cut not the Straw, but only make Oxen or Horses tread out the Corn with their feet, which they separate from the Straw as I have said.  
Of all the Corn which they prepare in this manner, Barley is the oneiy grain they feed their Horses with: In the Morning they give every Horse an Ocque of that Barley, and four at Night which they mingle with cut Straw, and that's all they have the whole day. In Persia the Horses have Barley only at Night, but in the Daytime they give them a Sack of Straw.  
Let us now see how they make Butter at Damascus, 
The way of making Butter.  which is the same way all Turkey over. They fasten the two ends of a stick to the two hind feet of a Vessel, that's to say, each end of the stick to each foot; and the same they do to the fore-feets, to the end these sticks may serve for handles: Then they put the Cream into the Vessel, stopping it close, and then taking hold on it by the two sticks, they shake it for some time, and after put a little water into it: Then they shake it again, until the Butter be made; which being done, they pour off a kind of Buttermilk by them called Yogourt, which they drink. When they would have this Yogourt more delicious, they heat the Milk, and put a spoonful of sour Milk to it, which they make sour with rennet; and by that mixture all the Milk becoming Yogourt, they let it cool and then use it; or if they have a mind to keep it, they put it with Salt into a bag which they tie very fast, that what is within may be pressed; and let it drop until no more come out: Of that matter there remains no more in the bag but a kind of a Butter or rather white Cheese, of which when they have a mind to have Yogourt they take a morcel, and steep it in water, which they drink with great pleasure; they use much of it to refresh themselves, especially in the Caravans, where they have always good store. This Yogourt is very sharp, but especially that which remains after they have made the Butter.  
I conclude my observations of Damascus with this advertisement, that the Wines there are treacherous and strong; 
Strong Wines Smirnium Creticum.  and that the Smirnium Creticum grows in this Town upon all the Terraces of the Houses.   

CHAP. VI Of the Journey from Damascus to Aleppo.  
MOnday Morning the one and twentieth of April, 
Departure from Damascus.  I parted from Damascus, with the two Horsemen of the Topgis in the manner I mentioned before. We went out at the Gate called Bab-Thoma, and keeping straight Eâst, in three hours' time came to Essair, a small Village, 
Essair.  by which runs a little River, that divides into two, above the Village: There is a Han there that has two Courts, and there we found all the Caravan which was to convey the powder; with whom my Moucre and I encamped. Next Morning about half an hour after five they decamped, and we marched Eastward, in a spacious plain, though near us to the left we had Mountains of white Rocks: About eight a Clock we began to have hills on both hands, with barren plains betwixt them; and three hours after, that's to say, about eleven a Clock we arrived at Cteifa, above which we encamped, over against the Han. 
Cteifa. The Han of Cteifa.   
Cteifa is a large Village, near to which there is a great Han with high Walls of Freestone, well built with Battlements; it hath a great Gate to the South, another to the North, and two little ones on the sides. The South Gate gins a long Entry arched over, on the sides whereof there are shops, furnished with all things that can be necessary for a Caravan, and a Coffee-house and Bagnio. Afterwards you enter into a large square Court, which hath all round it Mastabez, or stone half paces for lodging the Caravan. This Court hath great Gates in the inside, one at each front, of which the East and South are faced with Iron. When you are entered the Court, the door which you find leads you to the Mosque, which hath a fair Dome rough cast over, and a goodly Minaret: Coming out of the Mosque through the Court, by the East-gate, you enter first into a vaulted walk, which hath Mastabez, on each side, from thence into, another Court somewhat longer than broad, which is well paved; in the middle whereof there is a great square reservatory for Water, built of Freestone, that serves for watering the Beasts: That water runs from a little Conduit, which keeps always the Basin full, and I believe it comes from a Brook, that runs behind the Han, on the East-side, almost by the root of the Walls. In this Court there are Lodging-rooms under a vaulted Gallery that runs all round it, and is supported on each side in length, by eleven Arches, and by nine in breadth. Behind that Gallery there is a kind of vaulted Stable, which ranges likewise round the Court, and that Court has its Mastabez to separate the Men from the Beasts; these Mastabez are divided into several apartments, every one having its Chimney, and the Entry to it is by a gate in the middle of each side. This whole Fabric is of Freestone, and well endowed, being founded by a Vizier. The Castle which Pietro Della Valle says is in this Town, with a good Garrison, is not there, and in all probability never was, unless he meant a large round Tower in the Village, which is easily seen from the Han, and upon the road too; because it is much higher than the Walls of the Village, into which I entered not, as not thinking it convenient, besides that, there is a pretty deal of way from the Han to that Village. A Countryman told me, that heretofore that Town was held by the Francs, and that then there was a lovely Church where at present the Han stands.  
We parted from thence on Wednesday the twenty third of April, about three long hours before the break of day, and our departure was so sudden, that so soon as they awakened me, we made haste and loaded, and followed the Caravan that was upon the march before we began to load. I thought that the Moon not rising till a little before day, we should have put off till day; but we went by Candle-light, I having borrowed a Lantern. All that I could observe in the darkness, was that our way was North-East, and that we were entering in amongst Mountains, but with a very easy ascent, they being only near us on both sides, and were all of pieces of sharp pointed Rocks. We went also along the side of a precipice, but that lasted not long. A little after we passed by a kind of a Han, that stood alone by itself: I suffered much cold that Night, though I had on my Capot, for the Wind that blew pierced through every thing. When it began to be day, I perceived the more we advanced the more distant were the Hills from us on both sides, and still lessening in height. By day we were got into a great Plain covered with heath and Abrotonum foemina, 
Abrotonum faemina.  of which there is a great deal on the way from Damascus to Aleppo, but it is very low. We continued our march in that plain as far as Nebk, where commonly they pay ten Piastres a Mule; we passed by a Village before where there is a Han.  

Nebk.  About Noon we arrived at Nebk, which is a pretty good Village built upon a Height, and watered by a River that runs underneath it; upon which there is a little Bridge of three Arches, and by it we encamped: There is a Han made there since, which at that time they were finishing. It is all of Freestone, taken out of adjoining Quarries, which are common in that place, and furnish as much Stone as one can desire. There are Greeks in that Village, and on the sides of the River many Gardens, planted for the most part with Vines.  
We parted from Nebk, on Thursday the four and twentieth of April, three hours before day; our way lay Northward, and at break of day, we passed through Cara, 
Cara.  which is a good Town, having a Rivulet running by it. There are a great many ruins to be seen there, which are a sign that heretofore it hath been somewhat more considerable; and indeed, the People of the Country say, that when that place belonged to the Christians it was a noted Town. There are several Greeks there still, who have a Church beautifully painted. A little after we found a great Caravan consisting of some hundreds of Camels and Mules, carrying Men, Women and Children with their Baggage, who were going to Damascus on their way to Mecha. About nine of the Clock we passed by a little square Castle, 
El-Bouraidgee.  called El-Bouraidgee, of which the Gates are faced with Iron: Upon the Walls I saw two small Falcons or Petreras, appearing out at the Battlements. Then for above an hour, we struck off to the North-West amongst little hills; and half an hour after ten, entered into a great Plain where nothing grew but Heath and Abrotonum faemina. Assoon as we entered that Plain we discovered Assia, 
Assia.  where we arrived about one of the Clock.  
We encamped close by Assia, which is a little very weak Castle, 
The Han of Assia.  but it joins to a goodly Han of Freestone, under the Gate whereof there is a Market kept, as at Cteifa. Along one of the sides thereof, to wit the Westside, there reaches a half pace vaulted and arched over for the Lodging of Travellers; it is so likewise in one half of the two sides that lie to the North and East: The other two half sides are employed for Doors, Shops and Cellars; In the middle of the fourth and East-side; there is a Gate, by which one enters into a Court, where there are several apartments more, two or three Foot raised from the ground, that so the Men may be separated from the Beasts, and each of them has its Chimney; you have the like behind the Arches of the first Court, in a word, it is almost like to that of Cteifa, but not so handsome. In the middle of the Court there is a square Mosque covered with a Dome rough cast, and close by, a little watering place which three little Channels continually fill with fair water that runs pretty near that Han. from the second Court we enter into a place, which, (they say,) is the Castle, built of rough Stone, but it hath no figure of a Castle, and is a bare enclosure of low Walls: Nevertheless several Families for most part Greeks have their abode there. About fifty paces from that pretended Castle, there is a little Village, not to be seen but by chance, as it happened to me when I was walking; for there are about twenty Earthen houses a fathom high, built in a large square Ditch, so deep that the Roofs or Terraces of the houses are two or three fathom lower than the level of the Fields about; so that when one is upon the brink of that Ditch, the houses seem so low, that at first I took it for a Quarry.  
Friday Morning the five and twentieth of April we parted from Assia three hours before day; at the break of day, we met a Caravan of Mules carrying Pilgrims to Damascus, who were going thither on their way to Mecha. A little after we passed by a small Castle called Chemsin. 
Chemsin.   
We than continued our Journey North-wards, through a great Plain full of Daffodils, Crowfeet, Wind-flowers, Willow-herbs, Hyssop, folio luteo, 
Daffodils. Crowfeet. Wind-flowers. Willow-herbs. Hyssop. Dragon-wort. Harmolans. Hams. The Country of Job.  Dragon-wort, and several other Flowers; which by their variety and multitude, yielded a very lovely prospect. In that Country there are also a great many Harmolans, and I saw plenty of them in all the places of Asia through which I past. Before Noon we arrived at Hams, and encamped in a place by the side of the Town near the Buryingplace: The Inhabitants believe that that Town was the Country of Job. In passing I viewed the Castle, which is situated on a little hill of an oval figure, that tapers from the bottom to the top; it is all covered over with herbs, but so steep, that I think there is but one way to get up to it, and that made on purpose too; upon it stands the Castle, which in some places has great breaches: In those quarters all the Castles are built on hills. I perceived very well that the Village was long, but that is all I could observe; because my Moucre made me get under the Tent of one of his Friends, to avoid the Caffare which was of twenty Piastres, and would needs also have me put on a white Turban, before I came to the Town, that so I might pass for a Turk; but I would not do it. In that Plain where we encamped, there are a great many ancient Sepulchers, in form of a Pyramid; and amongst others I saw one, which I judged to be that, on which Belo and Pietro della Valle observed an inscription; but seeing the Sun was set before I went thither, I can say nothing as to that. In that place there is a Cachef, who is placed there by the Bassa of Damascus.  
We parted from Hams, on Saturday the twenty sixth of April, a little while after midnight, and marched still Northwards, and through the same Plain we had the day before. About Eight in the Morning, we passed near a little Village called Restan, 
Restan.  in the middle whereof there is a Mosque covered with a Dome rough cast. Some hundreds of paces from thence we found a fair stone-Bridge, paved with large Stones: In going thither we passed by the Gate of a Han, which reaches along the River's side; at each Corner it is flanked with a round Tower, and in the middle of it there is a Mosque covered with a Dome rough cast over. Then we crossed the Bridge which they call Dgeser Restan, 
Dgeser Restan.  that is to say, the Bridge of Restan. I thought that Bridge had taken its Name from the Village; but I was told that the River also was called Restan, 
Asi.  though its common Name be Asi, that's to say, rebel, because, said one of the Caravan to me, it is a very rapid River; and especially at that place. This Bridge hath ten Arches somewhat more than a fathom broad, 
Orontes.  and a little higher, and it is the Orontes of the Ancients that runs under it. Before it reach the Bridge it makes two little Isles, like to very pleasant Gardens. Over against the middle of the Bridge, towards a Han there is a great square pile of building in the Water; through which the Water passing, makes on the other side lovely cascades or falls; so that there seems to be some mill within; but I heard no noise of any. At that place the River is as broad as the Bridge is long, but then its Channel is streightened to six or seven fathom over, as before, and in some places to less, making many turn amongst the hills where it runs, but the Water of it is thick and muddy. Having crossed that Bridge, we left the River, taking our way Northward, and saw many good Cornfields: Two hours after we discovered Hama, 
Hama.  where we arrived after Noon.  

Apamea.  Hama is the Ancient Apamea of Syria, a great Town seated on the side of a hill, having a Bassa and a Castle. To please my Moucre I put myself, as I did, the day before, under the Tent of a Friend, on the other side of the Buryingplace, where the Caravan encamped; and he went and encamped elsewhere, that so he might save the Caffare. After Sunset he sent for me, and I crossed the Bridge, where the wheels are mentioned by Belon and Pietro della Valle, which draw the Water that supplies the whole Town: It is the Orontes still that runs there; but I cannot tell how many Arches the Bridge has, for I crossed it in the Nighttime: My Moucre was encamped so near, that all Night long we had the music of these wheels, which mingling with the Bells of our Mules as they were feeding; represented very well the chiming of the Bells of a little Countrey-Church, of which the wheels made the base.  
We parted from Hama on Sunday the twenty seventh of April, at break of day, leaving the Caravan of Powder at Hama, where the way to Constantinople strikes off from that of Aleppo; we continued our way still Northwards, going to the right amongst the hills, where hardly had we advanced half an hour; before we entered a Plain, which on all sides reaches out of sight, and abounds in Pasture. About Eight of the Clock we passed close by a Village, 
Taibit El-Hama. Lachmi.  called Taibit-El-Hama, and about ten we found another called Lachmi; but it is forsaken because of the Robberies of the Arabs. At eleven we discovered some Trees, and from Damascus to that place I had not seen one, unless it were in the Gardens of the Towns and Villages; and indeed, wood is very dear on that road, Salisbury-plain not being barer of Trees than that Country is.  

Han Scheikhoun.  A little after towards Noon we arrived at Han Scheikhoun, before which we encamped; finding ourselves better abroad under Tents than within, though that Han which stands alone, be pretty enough. The first entry into it, is by a Gate that looks to the West, which leads into a large square Court, and on the right hand as you enter, there is a little door by which you enter into a Stable, divided in length by a range of Arches that reach from one end to the other, but it is not covered: At the other end of the Court, almost opposite to this door, there is a little house inhabited; and on the left hand in the middle of the Wall, there is a great Gate, which leads into another Court, as large as the first, where there are half paces covered for Lodging of Travellers. Over the Gate of that second Court, there is a great square Building of pretty good work in form of a Tower with a Dungeon before it, and the Dome of the Mosque is in the middle. There the Aga lodges, for this is a Castle depending on the Bassa of Aleppo. Some hundreds of paces Northwards from thence, behind a Hillock, there is a Village of the same Name with the Han. We parted from that place the same day about ten a Clock at Night, and in our way all Night long, we found a great many shallow Cisterns, dug on little Hillocks, for receiving the Rain-water, and at the foot of the Hillock, there is another opening, by which they go down three or four steps to take the Water; we found already the day before some of these, which are made for the Arabs and Shepherds.  
Next day being Monday the 28th. of April, about two in the morning, we passed by a ruinated Han, called Han Hherte, 
Han Hherte.  and at break of day arrived at the Town of Marra, encamping just before the Han. 
Marra.  That Town is at most but a good Village; we could hardly find bread in it, and there is nothing to be seen on all hands but Cellars and ruined Vaults: the best thing is the Han, which is well built of Freestone: it is a large square Court, round which there is a Portico, wherein are Mastabez; seeing I often make use of that Term, which is the proper word of the Country▪ though I have already, I think, made known what it means, nevertheless for the satisfaction of the Reader, I tell him once more; that a Mastabe is a kind of a half pace, that's to say, that the Floor is raised two or three foot from the ground, and there the Travellers lodge. In the middle of the Court of this Han, there is a little Mosque, with a Dome covered with Lead; at the end of it there is a little Court, round which runs a Portico, the Roof whereof is supported on each side by two Arches separated by a Pillar between the two: close by, there is a Bagnio, with a large Dome covered with Lead, but it is shut and useless for want of Water: Next you'll find a covered street, where there is a Coffee-house, and five or six Shops on each side; and at the farther end are four Arches, the remains of an Aqueduct which butted almost in a right Angle upon these four Arches; it was carried thither from a Mosque some hundreds of paces distant in the fields, where there was a Wheel to draw Water out of a Brook that ran by it, which came from the Country towards Antioch. This Aqueduct brought the Water behind the upper part of the covered street, into the Bagnio that is joined on the one side to the Street, and on the other side to the Han; it was built of rough Stone, as the Arches that still remain are, which at the other end are joined to the great Mosque. This great Mosque hath six little Domes, the Roofs rough cast, and at the end of it there is a pretty fair Minaret. The rest of the Town is altogether beggarly: It had also another Han, of which nothing now remains but the Gate, and some Arches which daily run into decay. The houses are scattered here and there, and no better than Owls-nests; the Walls are of Stones two or three foot high, piled one upon another without any Art; on all hands there are great large Freestones, and pieces of Pillars to be seen, some of which still retain some fragments of inscriptions. Amongst these Ruins, I saw a door about four foot high, and half a foot thick, with crosses and roses cut upon it; it is all of one piece with its hooks, which enter into holes purposely made above and below: That door is of a greyish Stone, very hard, as the sides to which it shuts are, and it requires no less than two men to open and shut it; it is still in case and daily made use of. Marra heretofore was a good Town, but the Turkish Tyranny is the cause of its desolation; they say that the Ruins of a Church built by the Christians, when they were Masters of that Town, are still to be seen there; but because it is at some distance in the Country, I did not go thither. The Francs in this place, pay four Piastres for Caffare, and we stopped there all that day, because the Turks celebrated the Bairam, the Moon having appeared the Evening before.  
We parted not then till Tuesday the nine and twentyeth of April at two of the Clock in the Morning, about break of day we passed by a Han called Han Merai, near to which there is a good Village. 
Han Merai.  About an hour after we found another called Han Herb, with a Village close by it; 
Han Herb.  and not far from thence a third. About Eight in the Morning we came and encamped near to another called Han Serahheb. The other three as well as this, are all called Han Serahheb, (that's to say) the Hans of Wells; because in the Fields near to these Hans there are several Wells, whose Mouths are even with the ground; but this last has more particularly the Name of Serahheb. 
Han Serahheb.  It is in bad order, most of the Vaults being ruined; but has a Village close by it. On that road we saw a great many Olive-trees, and that was the second time that we found Trees since we came from Damascus.  
We parted from thence the same day, immediately after Sunset, and about Eleven a Clock at Night, 
Zarbel.  passed by a Village called Zarbel where there is a Han. We had an alarm in that place, because he that marched before with a Lantern, cried out that he saw Horsemen, which made us prepare to receive them, but none came.  

Han Toman.  Wednesday the thirtieth of April, about break of day we passed by Han Toman, and three hours after arrived at the City Aleppo, where so soon as I alighted, I went to the great Han, to lodge with Mousieur Bertet, as civil a Man as lives, and as zealous to serve his Friends, as his Brothers are who were then at Marseilles, who have all showed me particular Kindnesses. Monsieur Bertet who resides at Aleppo had obliged me by his advice and care when I was at Damascus; and therefore I thanked Monsieur Baron who had the goodness to offer me his Lodging, and accepted of the former. Monsieur Baron was at that time Consul for France, and discharged that Office with honour and universal Approbation.   

CHAP. VII. Of Observations of Aleppo.  

Aleppo.  SEeing Aleppo, which I take to be the Ancient Baerea, is one of the most considerable Cities of the Ottoman Empire in Asia by reason of Trade, I will describe what I observed in it as exactly as possibly I can. This town is distant from Alexandretta or Scanderoon, 
Alexandretta.  that lies Westward from it, about two and twenty Leagues; and from Euphrates which it hath to the East, betwixt eight and twenty and thirty.  
This Alexandretta which serves it for a Seaport on the Mediterranean Sea, is the Ancient Hierapolis. 
Degrees of heat at Aleppo.  It is very hot in Aleppo, and the first day of June at Noon I found by my Thermometre, that the heat was at the thirtieth Degree. 
The Air.  The Air is thin and wholesome, so that about the end of May, they begin to lie in the Nighttime upon Terraces, until the middle of September, and that without any fear of danger or hurt; for during all that time there is no Dew, and they say that in the Months of May, June and July, there is no Cloud to be seen; nevertheless whilst I was there we had Clouds often, and Rain too, which all wondered at.  

The circumference of Aleppo.  I went the Circuit of Aleppo twice, once on horseback, and another time on foot; the first time, I thought that in a large hour one might walk round it on foot; and indeed, having undertaken to do it myself with a friend, keeping close by the Walls on the outside, it took us up but an hour and a quarter; and if we had not stopped to look about us, we had certainly performed it in an hour or little more. We left the Suburbs, and went through the middle of Dgedid, 
Dgedid, a Suburbs.  which is a kind of a Burrow or Suburbs, lately built, as its Name implies, for in Arabic, it signifies new. The Christians of the Country lodge in that quarter, but there are several Turks also among them, and the houses are well built. The Maronites, Armenians, Greeks and Syrians, have each of them a Church there. This Suburbs lies betwixt the Gates Bab-El-Feradge and Bab-El-Nasre, and is pretty near the Buryingplace of the Christians. 
The Walls of Aleppo.  The Walls of this City are not strong, though they stand upon a Rock, and there are houses built close by them.  

The Gates of Aleppo.  The City of Aleppo hath ten Gates, to wit, Bab-Antakie, the Gate of Antakia, by which they go to Antakia or Antioch, it looks to the West and North-West; Bab-El-Dgenain, the Gate that leads to a Village called Genain, it looks also West-North-West; Bab-El-Feradge, the Gate of fair prospect, because passing out at it, one has a sight of several Gardens, it looks likewise West-North-West; Bab-El-Nasre, the Gate of Victory, because by that Gate the Turks entered the Town, when they made themselves Masters of it; the Christians call it St. George's Gate, it looks North-East; Bab-El-Barcousa, otherwise Bab-El-Hadid, or Iron-gate, it looks East-South-East; Bab-El-Ahmar, the red Gate, it looks to the Southeast; Bab-El-Atame, the dark Gate, it looks to the Southeast, but it has been stopped up not long since, because much mischief was done there; Bab-El-Nairem, the Gate that leads to Nairem, it looks to the Southeast; Bab-El-Macam, so called from a Santo of that Name, buried hard by; it is also called Damascus Gate, and looks to the South; Bab-Kennesrim, from the Name of a Captain that kept it in time of the Christians; it is also called the Prison-Gate, because the Prisons are near to it, it looks to the South-West. My meaning is, that the City in those places where these Gates are looks to these Quarters of the World, for some of the Gates look along the Walls.  
Without the Prison's Gate, there are a great many fair large Caves cut in the Rock, which are wide, and have a very high Roof; reaching above an Hundred paces into the Rock: They make ropes in the mouths of them, and lay Grapes there also a drying to make Brandy of: This Rock is white and pretty soft.  
Seeing my curiosity led me to see all that could be seen, they took me one day to a place, called Scheik Bakir, from the Name of the Founder; 
Scheik Bakir.  it is a very pleasant convent of Dervishes. You enter into a Court where there is a Fountain with a lovely Basin; on the right hand at the end of the Court there is a fair large Hall, covered with a great Dome, paved with lovely greyish Marble, and on the left hand stands the Mosque, covered with a Dome: The Water they have in that house, is forced by Pousseragues. From thence we passed by the Garden of Sultan Amurat, which signifies but little; and then went to refresh ourselves at the Fish-well, 
The Fish-well.  which is a Court surrounded with Walls, where there are a great many plane-Trees, and a Canal wharfed with Marble, that is filled with Water from a very good Spring hard by, and that Water is very light. In that Canal there is plenty of Fish which none dare take, for the Turks will not suffer it, saying that if any eat of them they fall sick: They may be seen playing in the Water, which is so clear, that one may easily see to the Bottom; this place is shut with a very thick Stone-gate, whose Pivots are of one piece with the Gate, and turn above and below in the Lintel and Threshold.  
The Castle of Aleppo reaches in length from North-East to South-West, and is of an oval Figure aswell as the Town, which must be seen from Mount Angeletti a quarter of a League to the Westward of it: From thence you have a fair prospect thereof; and may perceive that it reaches from North-East to South-West. This hill is called by the Francs, Monte Della Angeletti, because there are many little Birds there, 
Angeletti.  called by the Arabs Meeez, and by the Turks Pendgeali.  
All the Houses of Aleppo are better built, than in any other place of Turkey that I have seen. There are a great many fair Mosques in it, 
The great Mosque of Aleppo.  and amongst others the great Mosque, which is to be seen from the great field from which it bears betwixt North and East. It hath a large Court almost square, paved with lovely black and white Marble; towards the middle there is a great Basin covered with a Dome rough cast over, supported by six Marble-Pillars; and on the side towards the South, there is a Fountain covered with a Dome in the same manner, but less, which is also supported by six Marble-Pillars. A Gallery or very wide vaulted Porch, runs all round the Court; and that Gallery hath seventeen Arches in length, and eleven in breadth under which they who have performed the Abdest or other purification say their Prayers; this Gallery is terrassed overhead. On the North side in the middle of the front, is the Chair or Pulpit of St. John Damascene, wherein he Preached; and it is upon the side of the Terrace. This Chair is of Stone, covered with a Dome of the same, they enter it from the Terrace, under an Arch on each side: before it there is a round Stone-Balcony pierced through, and wrought in the sides, and overhead a Penthouse of Stone, to keep the Preacher from the Rain.  
The Entry into this Mosque, is on the East and West sides, on the West side there is a Court joining the Mosque, into which they go from the great Mosque by a little door; in the middle of this Court there is a Basin, and from the Court there is an Entry into a little Mosque, covered with a Stone-Dome rough cast: This Mosque with the Court, was anciently the Church of St. John Damascene, and there is a Crucifix painted on the inside still to be seen, but the Vaults that covered the Court, have been demolished.  
There is another Mosque near the great Khan, towards the West, covered with a Dome of excellent Architecture; it is of a very great circumferrence, and on the outside hath butteresses of most delicate structure, to strengthen the Walls: 
The Adelie, a Mosque.  this Dome is covered with Lead. The Mosque is called the Adelie from the Name of its Founder, and its Minaret hath been beat down by Thunder. There is also another fair Mosque near the great Khan betwixt the East and South, which hath a lovely Court; where two ranges of Pillars support and make two very good Porticos. This Mosque hath a very high fair Dome covered with Lead, as all the other Domes of the Mosques of this City are.  

The great Khan of Aleppo.  There are many fair Khans in Aleppo, and amongst others the great Khan, where the Consuls of England and France, and many Merchant's lodge. The Portal of it is very lovely, and hath Roses cut upon it as delicately, as can be done in any place of Christendom. It hath two great Iron-gates, covered all over with Nails, and though they be half a foot thick, yet there is a hole quite through, which, they say was made by a Musket-shot, fired by one of the Soldiers of Asan Bassa, when he was in rebellion against the Grand Signior. By these Gates you enter into a very large Court, in the middle whereof there is a little Mosque in figure of a Dome covered with Lead; the truth is this, Mosque does some Injury to the beauty of the Khan.  
There is a vast number of Domes in Aleppo, and it seems that way of building, hath had its Original in this City; for most part of the Inhabitants build all their houses Dome-ways, 
House's Dome-ways.  wherein they succeed extraordinarily well; nay even their Villages are all Domes though they be of Earth, and a little sharp pointed. They also build Stone-minarets very high and slender, and give very good proofs that they are not ignorant of Architecture. To say the truth, the People of Aleppo are very industrious and ingenious, and easily imitate whatever they see, and whatever is brought to them from Christendom.  
There are very fair Bazars, and very beautiful houses in Aleppo, you'll see lovely Halls there, with Fountains in the middle, and three Divans cross-ways, and all of Mosaic work even to the top, or at least built of white Freestone, and certain Blackstones, that are found near to Aleppo, which are laid alternately one after another Checker-ways. There are other Divans encompassed with very high Marble-Pillars; 
Divans.  and most of these Divans have large Windows, before which there are Mats to set on for the convenience of prospect and fresh Air.  
Since Aleppo is a City of great trade, it will not be amiss to say somewhat of the Value of Weights and the Moneys that are most current there. 
Weights and Moneys. Rottle.  The weights that are used in that Country for gross Commodities are the Rottle and the Oque. The Rottle weighs commonly six hundred Drachms, or five hundred Pound weight of Marseilles: The Rottle of Persian Silk, contains six hundred and fourscore Drachms, or five Pound and a third of Marseilles weight; the Rottle of Aleppo, is of seven hundred and twenty Drachms, or five Pound weight and a half of Marseilles: 
Oque.  The Oque contains four hundred Drachms, or three Pounds of Marseilles, and so it is at Damascus. At Aleppo the Piastre of Ryals is worth fourscore Aspres; the Boquelle threescore and ten, the Schaied is worth five Aspres, sixteen Schaieds go for a Piastre, and fourteen for a Boquelle.  
At Aleppo and Damascus they rub all the Roots of the Vines with a kind of Asphaltum, 
A Remedy against Worms in Vines.  which they purposely melt to anoint the Vines with, from the Root a foot and a half high; and that prevents the Grapes from being eaten by certain Worms, which otherwise would destroy all. That stuff is of a shining black, almost transparent, and very light; it is brought to Aleppo from Damascus, and is called Kfr; it is got out of the Earth near Damascus, 
Kfr.  and is by others called Malhomar. Some of it was sent in my time, 
Malhomar.  from Aleppo to Venice for the same purpose, it was sent for by a Merchant residing in Venice, who had formerly lived at Aleppo. I remember that I have read upon that Subject in the History of Stones, written by Anselmus Boetius de Boot, in the Chapter of the Lythanthrax or Pit-coal; that the Boors of the Country of Liege make an Ointment of Pit-coal, wherewith they anoint the Eyes of the Stocks of their Vines, lest the infects should gnaw them. Mixto oleo hic carbo emolliter, eoque unguento Agricolae vites oblinunt, ne earum oculi ab insectis erodantur. I was told that in Cyprus and many other places of Turkey, they use a little drug for the same ends.  
At Aleppo when the Grapes are ripe, they bring them to the Town, 
Grapes.  in Sacks of Goat's hair, without breaking, though sometimes they be brought eight French Leagues from that City. These Grapes have a very thick Skin, are all white, and make a very strong Wine, the best time to gather them is in the Month of May. All buy as many as they stand in need of for making of Wine; for it is the Custom of the Inhabitants of Aleppo, that every one makes his own Wine in his own house after this manner. 
The way of making Wine at Aleppo.  They put the Grapes into a great square fat of wood, where they press them with men's feet; and then the Wine runs into a Pale or a shallow Tub through a hole and strainer at the bottom of the fat: When it is all run out, they put it with the Lees into very large Earthen Jars, where it works for thirty or forty Days; these Jars are covered only with a Board and a Cloth over it, without any fear of its taking vent.  
In this manner they leave it as long as they please, nay sometimes a whole Year, carefully stirring it every day: And when they have a mind to drink it they draw it off, provided the time, at least wherein it was to work, be over, and they put it with the lees again into the fat, where they strain it a second time: When it runs no more, they put the lees into a bag, and press them in the same press with men's Feet, till no more come out, and what comes out runs into the rest: Then they spread the Stalks of the Grapes that have been so pressed in the fat, and pour upon them all the Wine again, and so let it run through a third time: This being done it is clear, fit for drinking and hath no lees. They then barrel it up, and in that manner make Wine at Aleppo all the months of the year; but as I have already said, it is only White-wine; for there are no red nor black Grapes in all those Quarters. The Christians in that City make very good Brandy; but they who sell it, are obliged to put about six Drachms of Alum into a Bucket full of Brandy to make it stronger, for otherwise the Turks would not like it.  
They drink very good Water at Aleppo, observing a great deal of circumspection in the use of it. It is indeed Riverwater, but it is diverted from the River about three Leagues above Aleppo, near a place called Ailan from whence it is brought into the City in open Aqueducts, which coming near the Town, are conveyed under ground to Fountains whence they take the Water: These Aqueducts have been made for purifying the Water, which is very muddy, and also for supplying the City; for the River being low in the Summertime, the Gardens drain all the Water almost with their Pousseragues.  
The Francs have Cisterns also which they fill with the Water of these Aqueducts, by opening a hole in the Cistern through which the Water comes, and then stopping it again aswell as the mouth of the Cistern, which they open not but in Summer; and these Cisterns are made not only to keep the Water very cool, but also to make it pure and clear. They have besides another excellent way of clarifying it; that is, they put the Water into great Jars of unburnt Clay, through which it distils, and falls into Vessels, put underneath to receive it. This River of Aleppo comes from Antab, two days Journey from thence, and loses itself under ground about half a league beyond Aleppo; many think that it comes from Euphrates, near to which it hides itself under ground, and appears again at Antab.  
Though commonly they eat but little Fish at Aleppo, nevertheless they have sometimes great plenty; but only when they are brought from Euphrates: The little River furnishes several Trout, which are not above a Finger's length, and very small but exceeding good. They take good Eels in it, which though they be but small are most delicious: There are also a great many Crabs in that River which are broad and flat, 
Crabs.  and pretty good. They are at no pains to fish for them when the Mulberries are knit; because these Crabs delighting in that Fruit, fail not to ramble about, and crawl up the Mulberry-trees, to feed on the fruit, and then it is no hard matter to catch them.  

Cucumbers.  The Cucumbers are so good in Aleppo, that not only the Countrypeople, but the Francs also eat them green, skin and all, and they do no hurt, though they be eaten in great quantity; it is the same all over Mesopotamia.  
There is no salt used in this City, but what is brought from a place a day and a halfs Journey of Caravan distant towards the North-East; it is made of Rain-water, which in the Winter falls into a spacious low place that makes a kind of a Pond; and that Water having extracted the Salt out of the ground it covers, congeals, and is form into Cubes of Salt, like to Sea-Salt; it is brought to Aleppo on Mules, but is nothing near so good as Sea-Salt.  
There is very good Turkey Leather made at Aleppo. There also aswell as at Damascus they prepare the Sagri, which is that we call Chagrine in France, but much more of it is made in Persia. They are so jealous of their secret in preparing of Turkey Leather, that they suffer no body to enter their houses. The Sagri is made of the crupper-piece Skin of an Ass, 
The way of making Chagrin.  they shave that skin so long till it become smooth, white and thin like Parchment; but what they do with it afterwards, is all mystery; I did all I could to learn it but could not; only I was told by a Jew, who trade's in it and deals much with them, that they put some very small grain upon the skin so prepared, which being pressed, makes at first little dents in it, but these dents afterwards filling up again, they make that grain which we see in Chagrin; but he assured me that he knew not in the least what grain it was they made use of. I came to know afterwards in Persia, that when they make the Sagri, after they have shaved the skin, they wet it, and put it upon a little frame of wood, to which they fasten it by straight cords; then they lay the grain (which perhaps is no more but sand) pretty thick all over it, and so expose it to the Sun; when it is dry, they beat off that sand or grain, knocking the backside of the skin with a stick, and then they wet it again, and put the grain to it a second time, which sometimes after they beat off again in the same manner, and that's the whole mystery.  
They drive a pretty good trade at Aleppo in Cabrons' hair (that is the hair under the belly of some he Goats, which is very fine, and used in the making of hats:) I was told that when they are put on board, great care must be taken that they be not wet, because than they would be in danger of taking fire of themselves in a short time, like Hay that is brought in before it be dry; and some Ships have been burnt by that means, though that happen not always infallibly.  

Blew-Dye.  The Dyers of that Country make a most excellent blew die. They put in it, as we do, Indigo, and Pomgranat-peels, but besides that they have this particular secret. They fill their great fats, that are of Earth with water, and put into it two or three Oques of Indigo, according to the bigness of the fat, and the goodness of the Indigo; and for some time they stir the liquor in the fat until the Indigo be all dissolved and well mixed; afterwards they put into it Dogs-turd prepared in this manner. They take about an Oque of that Excrement, and boil it in water, than they strain that water, and put it into the fat, adding afterwards some of the water of dates. For making of that date-water, there is no more to be done but to put about an Oque of Dates into water, and stir them well, rubbing them with the hands in the water, so that all the substance of the Dates may be dissolved, and nothing remain but the stone; then having passed that liquor through a strainer, which looks then like honey, they put it into the fat. For want of Dates they make use of the Juice of black grapes well stamped, and for want of grapes, they take the Juice of stamped figs. (In Aleppo they use grapes having no dates.)  
Four days after they have put in these waters of Dogs-turd and Date, they add to it about two handfuls of unslacked Lime. The preparation of that dye requires seven or eight days, and sometimes a fortnight, during that time they keep a gentle fire of Camels-dung under the Fat, but so weak that it serves only to keep the die always warm; they put no urine to it, using Dogs-turd in stead of it, which they say makes the Indigo to stick better to the things that are died.  
There is an Indian living at Aleppo, who paints Boxes and Canes of Pipes, on which he makes a great many Circles, and little points of divers Colours; but being the only person that knows the secret, he is so jealous of it, that he will not teach any other, and it was to no purpose for Monsieur Bertet to offer him five and twenty Piastres to oblige him to tell it me.   

CHAP. VIII. The Sequel of the Observations of Aleppo.  
WHilst I was at Aleppo there was a Zineh kept; 
Zineh.  that word literally signifies Ornament, but here it signifies a Festival, or, (if you please,) a public rejoicing. These Zinehs here are more magnificent than at Cairo, where the houses only of the Consuls, Beys and the great Bazar are adorned, and nothing else of any note. But seeing there are many rich Merchants in Aleppo, by reason of the great trade of the place; at all times when there is a Zineh, every one hangs his shop inside and outside, with the finest stuffs he can get, covers the Floor with lovely Carpets, and lays rich Cushions upon them; lights a great many Lamps and Wax-Candles, and so all the Bazars being covered, it yields a glorious prospect. You shall see a Bazar, whereof all the houses are hung with Velvet of several pieces or streaks, another with Cloth of Gold and Silver, another with Cloth, another with wrought Stuffs, and so every Bazar according to the trade of it, and the Wealth of the Tradesmen who live there. The gates of the great men are also adorned with costly Stuffs, lovely Arms, and all sorts of Lamps. During that time they are day and night in their Divans, which nevertheless are only their Shops transformed into Divans: But all the shops in Turkey are raised two or three foot from the ground, and there, as I told you, they spread Carpets, and lay Cushions all round, and on the outside have rails of wood which they also cover with Carpet. They visit each other, and mutually receive their visits in their Divans: and there they entertain themselves with Coffee and Sorbet, music after their way, and their little Lute which they call Tamboura.  
The Zineh which I saw at Aleppo, was appointed for seven days, 
Zineh for the Birth of a Prince.  beginning on Sunday the two and twentieth of June; the reason of that rejoicing was, the Birth of the Grand Signiors Eldest Son; whereupon immediately Agas were sent from Constantinople, to all the Towns of Turkey, to publish the news and appoint Zinehs. So soon as the Aga arrived, the Zineh was proclaimed all over the Town, and then the Guns of the Castle proclaimed it more loudly, which continued Morning and Night all the days following: If any had failed to rejoice, and to adorn his house, of whatsoever Nation, religion, or quality he was; he would have been deeply fined; and if a Subject of the Grand Signiors, Bastonadoed besides.  
During the Zineh all walk freely day and night up and down the City, which in the Nighttime is lighted by a great number of Lamps in all the Streets, where there is constantly so great a Crowd, that one has much ado to pass. All treat one another, and make merry with their friends: Not so much as the Jews but force a public rejoicing, and they are to be seen in troops up and down danceing to the music of instruments. The second day of the Zineh the Musellem being come to the great Khan, to visit the Scheick Bandar (he is the Judge of the Merchants, and Master of the great Khan;) he was received upon a Divan erected before the Gate, where at first he was regaled with Coffee, 
A Comedy after the way of Turkey.  Sorbet and Wine. Then about ten of the Clock he was conducted to another Divan prepared against the Wall at the lower end of the Court, to see a Comedy to be acted by Jews. The Court served for a Theatre, there are only two Cresset-lights of Pine-wood which they took care to keep burning; and that sufficed to light all that great Court; twenty steps from the Divan, four or five Jews sitting on the ground, played on several Instruments and sung to them.  
The Ballet began by the entry of a Turk who danced to the sound of Instruments, and shown a thousand feats of agility of body, but all most infamous and lascivious; next followed two Jewish youths in the Apparel of the Maids of our Country, who acted almost the same postures, from time to time whirling very fast round, and for a pretty long while at a time. Then were several other entries all different, and amongst the rest, one wherein there was a Jew in the dress of a Frank, which extremely pleased the People of the Country, who look upon our habit to be altogether ridiculous. But all these entries were performed with abominable Lasciviousness, not only in gestures but words, acting in presence of all, the most filthy postures imaginable, and at every turn using most obscene and bawdy expressions. Their whole discourse in general was nothing but filthiness, from which if in some places of Christendom the Stage be not altogether free, at least they are not so frequent, and are wrapped up in clean Linen; but these express every thing plainly and down right, which pleases the Turks best, and I observed that fopperies spoken without sense or coherence were sufficient to make them tear their Throats with laughter, provided the words were filthy and obscene: In short, it is horrid and incredible to see how far the impudence of the Turks transports them to lust and especially to Sodomy.  
Besides this ignominious entertainment, several Players upon Instruments, that go about the Town, (every Company consisting of two Oboes and a little Boy that plays on a Timbrel,) stopped before the gate of the great Khan and played, in expectation of some gratuity from the Scheick Bandar who was still on the Divan opposite to the Gate, and who after they had played for some time, sent some half a Piastre, others a quarter, and to some a whole Piastre.  
The finest thing to be seen in the Zinehs, is the processions of the trades. This entertainment began the third day about nine of the Clock, 
The procession of the Shoemakers.  by the Shoemakers who marched in this order. In the first place were a great many little Boys, who wore on their heads sharp pointed Caps of Paper like Sugarloafs; they shouted as loud as they could wishing Blessings to the Grand Signior, 
The Shoemakers.  after them came three or fourscore men of the trade, two and two, attired body and head in different manners, but all very extravagantly, and most of them had on Coats of Mail or Tigers skins; they had all Muskets on their Shoulders, Swords and Targets by their sides, with a Wax-taper in their hands; they were followed by the Ancientest of the trade without any Arms, but all together made a choir of Music after their way, praying for and blessing the Grand Signior; sometimes they cast themselves into a ring, and singing with great action, tossed their heads so violently that it seemed they had a mind to throw them at one another. Immediately came eight men after them, carrying a Divan or Pageant upon their Shoulders railed about, on which were several Tapers, and two little Boys of the trade, one of which cut out Paboutches, and the other sewed them. When they came before the Khan they stopped, and the ancientest of the musical Choir, with a loud voice called to the Scheick Bandar, that they must pray for and bless the Grand Signior, and say the fatah for his sake; and immediately all said it together, and so they went on their way.  
Next day about nine of the Clock at Night, 
The procession of the Confectioners.  the Company of Confectioners marched in the same Order as the Shoemakers had done, save that after the Choir of Music, there came two men who carried each upon their heads a Castle of very lovely Sweatmeats but after their fashion; then came the Divan, carried by several men, on which there was a little Boy standing upright, with his Apron about him, and before him a round Box on a Table full of Sweetmeats, who whilst the rest roared out like Devils, chanted with all his might the songs of the trade.  
Half an hour after, came the Company of Gold-Spinners, 
The procession of Gold-Spinners.  they were all in goodly Apparel; and upon their little Divan, two little Boys sitting at the two ends, the one blew the Bellows to melt the Gold, and the other spun it. Sometime after came the Weavers, 

The procession of the Weavers.  
The procession of the Bakers.  
The procession of the Tailors.   who upon their portable Divan had a Loom, and a little Boy working at it. Then passed the Bakers, most of them all daubed with Flower, and their portable Divan was stuck all round with Ears of Corn; on which a little Boy kneeded Dough in a trey that stood before him. The last who came that Night were the Tailors, in the same order the others did; but many of their Company were covered all over with Furs, having also sticks like fools baubles covered in the same manner, and their Divan (on which was a little Boy a sewing,) was edged all round with Furs.  
The first Trade that marched the fifth night, was the Dyers, 
The procession of the Dyers.  which made one of the finest Shows. After some little Boys wearing horns on their Heads, came about an hundred men covered with Tiger's skins or Coats of Mail; they carried Muskets on their Shoulders, Swords and Targets by their sides, and Wax-tapers in their hands, and roared and danced like Fools; then came three Quires of Music consisting of the ancientest of the company, who singing with all their force and dancing, at least with their heads, said the Fatah for the Grand Signior before the great Khan: After that appeared the Divan carried by some men, on which were spread several pieces of stuff died red; and in the middle there was a little Boy, who singing as loud as he could, took a white Cloth by the two Corners, and spreading it out before all the Spectators, dipped it into a great Pale standing before him, and immediately pulled it out all red; he wrung it, and then spread it abroad. I was surprised at first, and so were all the rest, to see that the Cloth had taken the dye so soon; but I fancy that he left it in the Pale, and pulled out another already died, however it was nimbly done: That Divan was followed by another, whereon a Boy knocked blue Stuffs, to make the water come out of them.  
To this company succeeded the Curriers or Turkey Leather-dressers, 
The Curriers.  who had a great many Youths marching before them attired with Goat's horns of several Colours, four or five foot long; they were followed by several Children, all clad in Turkey-leather, and then marched the Militia, the Old men and the Divan, on which were two little Boys one of which died the Leather red, and spread it upon the rails, and the other smoothing it with a little Rowling-pin, stretched it out upon a bigger.  
After this trade, came the Grocers, or some such trade; for they sell Oil, 
Grocers.  Olives, Fruit and the like Commodities. The Divan was adorned with Apples and other sorts of fruit hanging round it, and below there were several Baskets filled with various things; in the middle stood a little Boy, holding a pair of Scales in one hand, into one of which he put a handful of fruit, which afterwards he threw among the People, sometimes small Nuts, and sometimes Dates, Apples and other Fruit.  
The fourth Company was the Cap-makers both for Men and Women; 
Cap-makers.  these had no Divan, but after the old men came several Boys, attired with very long Horns, some of Velvet, whereof they make men's Caps, and others of Cloth of Gold of which they make those of the Women; some again wore Caps, from which hung behind long sleeves of the same stuff, and seven or eight men amongst them were clothed all over with the same stuffs, some in fashion of a Chasulle, and others in the manner of Cappes, much like to those which the Boys of the Choir of Nostre Dame in Paris wear, but that these drew into a point on the small of the back, and all were attired with great Caps of the same Stuff, shaped much after the fashion of a Mitre.  

The procession of the Coffee-sellers. Target and Scabbard-makers.  The fifth was the Company of Coffee-sellers. There were two Boys upon their Divan, one turning a wheel by the handle, to grind the Coffee, and the other boiling it. The Target-makers and Scabbard-makers followed them; and upon the Divan were two young Boys one sewing a Target, and the other polishing a Scabbard.  

The procession of the Butchers.  Next came the Butchers, whose boys that went before them, having danced a little before our Khan to the Music of their Tabors, advanced to receive the Money which the Scheick Bandar gave them, which was about twelve or fourteen Aspres, for above a score of them; which made me observe that the Turks are liberal at small cost. The Masters followed the men, and their Divan was stuck round with green Boughs, and several pieces of flesh hanging thereat: Upon it was a little Boy whetting his Knives.  

Silk-throwsters.  At the heels of these came the Silk-Throwsters: Upon their Divan was a little Boy who turned a wheel, which make six Silk-Looms to turn, and there was above, a kind of a pair of yarn-Windles, which turned also by one of the strings of these Looms: At each end of an Axletree there were two blades cross-ways, and to every Arm of the Cross two Lamps fastened, which went not out, nor spilt one drop of Oil, though they turned very fast; a little Blackamoor of Wood, held the handle of that Machine, and seemed to turn it.  

Nose-band makers.  The last were the makers of Nose-bands, that part of the Bridle which covers the Nose of Horses, at the end whereof hang Tassels of Silk; their Divan was adorned all round with them, and had two Boys upon it, the one combing and the other sewing them.  

Joiner's, Gardeners and Smiths.  The sixth Evening marched the Joiner's, Gardeners, and the Smiths, but there happened a scuffle amongst them; the last fight with another Company.  

Barbers.  And the seventh the Barbers, and many others marched before the Castle, but not before the Khan. 
A Bonfire.  In fine, all the solemnity was concluded by a Bonfire, that in the evening was kindled before the Castle.  

Harvest-time.  Harvest began when I was at Aleppo, in the beginning of June, and I was told that other years they began it about the fifteenth of May, and ended it in the beginning of June. They reap the Corn as we do, but it is not high, though it be then very ripe.  

Work-beasts always abroad.  From Spring to Autumn, the Turks leave their Horses, Mules and Camels always abroad, exposed to the Sun, Rain and Wind, without any fear of damage, and they shackle them by the four feet, to wit, the two left Legs with one cord, and the other two the same way; and at each end of the cord there is a piece of Girth that goes about the Horse's foot, and a Rope fastened to it to hold it; and besides that the Beast is fastened by a Rope to a stake fixed in the ground. As for the Camels, commonly they are not made fast; only sometimes they shackle their two hind Legs: In the nighttime they cover them with a Cloth of Goat's hair, which in Winter they line with Felt. Whilst they keep the Camels and other working Beasts abroad, they give them no other food but the grass they eat; and that is the reason that they are not so strong then as at other times; 
The Litter of these Beasts.  for Litter they make use of their own dung, for which end they leave it in the daytime in the Sun, where it grows so dry, that it is almost reduced to Ashes, and at Night they have a great care to spread it very neatly and smooth; which cannot be done with us, because of the long straws that are mingled with it.  

Pigeons, Carriers.  At Aleppo they make use of Pigeons which in less than six hours' time bring Letters from Alexandretta to Aleppo, though it be two and twenty good Leagues distant.  
Before I leave Aleppo, I think myself obliged in charity to acquaint our Physicians, that there is nothing for them to do in Turkey, a single consultation of a quarter of an hours time at Paris, is worth more than a long Cure wrought in Aleppo; because the Turks are so covetous, that they will not at all be ashamed to offer twenty Sous (Pence) for a Cure, when they are asked no more than two or three Crowns for it, for which People of ordinary quality would not grudge to pay at least ten in France. Nay, which is worse, if the patiented be not cured, or if he die, the Physician many times is blamed and smarts for it. And I was told at Aleppo, that one day a certain Doctor of that profession, in whose hands a patiented miscarried, was led about the City of Aleppo with little Bells about him, to give notice to the People that they should not employ him. I warn also those that come to Aleppo that they fail not to see the Birds of Grandovilles.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Road to Mosul by by'r and Orfa.  
AFter two Months stay in Aleppo, 
Caravans for Erzerum.  I let two Caravans go which were bound for Erzerum; because one must sometimes wait a long while at Erzerum, for a Caravan to Revan, and at Revan for one to Tauris, and in those parts the Francs have no protection; besides there is much robbing on that road. At length there was one ready to set out for Mosul, and I resolved to go with it, contrary to the advice of all the Francs, who would have persuaded me to stay till the heats were over.  
I agreed with a Turk who had hired several Mules, 
Agreement for transportation from Aleppo to Mosul and Bagdad.  and gave him thirty Piastres, to transport me, my man and baggage by Land to Mosul, and from Mosul to Bagdad by Keleck, and to clear me of all Caffares; some days after he would have three Piastres more, and Cloath-Stockins for four Piastres: I gave him all in hand, as he desired, though I thought it not the safest course, but only that I might not balk a friend from whom I had received many kindnesses, and who had made the bargain for me: Seeing he had never traveled that Journey himself, and that he thought every man as honest as he was, he persuaded himself that he had done very well for me. In the mean time the only way is, to bargain with the Muletors, and not to pay them in hand; for if I had done so, it would not have cost me so much. That Turk paid the Muletor but fifteen Piastres for the two Mules and a half that I had loaded, and all the rest of the Caravan paid no more but six Piastres a Mule. Besides, 
Six Piastres a Mule.  that infidel told me many times upon the road that he had neither agreed for my baggage nor for the Caffares, and would have I know not how many Piastres more; and in fine, I was forced to pay new charges from Mosul to Bagdad.  
I parted from Aleppo on Sunday the nine and twentieth of June, accompanied with several French Merchants on Horseback, who would needs do me that honour, to see me to the Caravan, which was in the Meidan, by the Gardens, close by the City. I went out by the Gate Bab-El-Barkousa, and my Servant told me who had been there with my Goods two days; that the Night before one of my Firelocks had been stolen, 
A Theft.  and some Goods taken from others: It behoved me to be contented since others were in the same condition, and that they told me they had seen the Thiefs and pursued them, but could not overtake them. These thiefs slide cunningly along upon their bellies like Snakes; and therefore in all that Journey, they lie not in tents in the Nighttime; but on the contrary unpitch them at Night, because then, (as they say,) they serve only for spectacles to Robbers.  
Next morning at the break of day we set forward on our Journey, and were at first troubled with cold for some time. We marched till nine of the Clock and then encamped in a Field called Sammaia, 
Sammaia.  near the River of Aleppo that runs by this place, and has a little Bridge over it.  
We parted from thence on Tuesday the first of July about break of day; and about nine a Clock we met a great Caravan coming from Mosul, in which there was a Watchmaker, who came from Persia, where he had long lived with his Wife and Children. After we had discoursed a little together, we parted, there Caravan going on to Sammaia, and ours about ten in the morning stopping in a field called Chetanli, 
Chetanli.  where a little Brook runs among Reeds: From Aleppo to that place we had always kept East-North-East, and from thence to by'r our way lay East.  
Next day being Wednesday the second of July, we parted from Cheranli about break of day, and about ten in the Morning came to a great Village called Mazzard, 
Mazzard.  near to which we encamped. This place hath much wood and water about it which renders it very pleasant, and here you may see a very lovely Cascade of nine or ten Stories which has been made for a Water-mill hard by. We began then to feel it very hot both day and night.  
Next morning July the third we decamped about two Clock after midnight; and at break of day passed betwixt two grounds where a great many Figtrees were planted in straight rows. About half an hour after seven, we marched betwixt two Hillocks, upon one of which to the right hand, there is a Building, with a kind of a Pyramid. Half an hour after we came to the Banks of Euphrates, 
Euphrates.  which seemed to me to be no bigger than the River of Seine; but they say it is very broad in Winter, and the truth is, its bed is twice as broad. This River is called Frat, and Mourat Sovi, that's to say, the water of desire; because, (say they) a Calife of Bagdad, having sent for a little of all the Waters of the Country, 
The Water of Euphrates is very light.  and having caused them to be weighed, the Water of Euphrates was found to be the lightest.  
This River runs very slowly, and is navigable for little Barks as far up as the place where it joins the Tigris; but great Barks go only from by'r to Rousvania, 
Rousvania.  which is a Village distant from by'r, about ten days Journey; and then they unload their Goods, which are carried upon Camels to Bagdad, which is but a small days Journey from it, where they are conveyed by Water upon the Tigris. Thus do the barks loaded with glass (of which I shall presently speak,) go to Baslora. Not that this River is so unnavigable, as some would have it; for whilst I was at Aleppo, the Scheick Bandar hired a bark to carry by Euphrates to Rousvania five or six hundred cases of glass, which he sent to the Indies. The reason why great barks go not beyond Rousvania, is because there are some Rocks in the River which hinder their passage, but are avoided by smaller Boats. Nevertheless I should have taken that occasion to go to Bagdad, had I not been told that the barks stopped some days in certain places where the passage is best, and go but very slowly, and that besides, I could not in the least stir from the bark without danger of being rob by the Arabs, nor stay on board without being much incommoded by the heat, because they have no Deck. I wondered to see that they who baled up these Chests for the Scheick Bandar, tumbled them so rudely that they broke all the glass; but they told me, that it mattered not, though it were all broken into pieces, because the Indian Men and Women buy it only to have little pieces set in Rings, which serve them for Looking-glasses to see themselves in. That glass is all over laid with Quicksilver on one side, and is a very saleable commodity in the Indies, and profitable to the Merchants.  

The Boats of Euphrates.  We crossed over Euphrates in great boats, which have the rudder about three foot distant from the stern of the boat below (as Pietro della Valle reports;) and I think no other reason need to be given for it, but that of frugality; because these kinds of boats cost them less than if they were made like ours; for their rudder is no more but pieces of board nailed cross-ways to the end of Poles, and that would signify nothing; if fastened to the stern as ours are. 
Bir.  We came a shore at by'r, which is a little Town in Mesopotamia, upon the side of the River, the houses of it beginning below at the Waterside, and reaching up to the top of a hill; the Castle which seems to be pretty enough; is also situated upon an ascent. The Walls of the Town are entire, and as the houses are, built of little square Stones, got in the hill, which is all of a soft Rock; but within, there is nothing but Ruins. We encamped on the top of the hill without the Town, and arrived there half an hour after eight; having first paid custom for all Merchants goods at so much a load, so soon as we crossed the River. The Buryingplace of by'r is on the other side of the River in Syria; and they give this reason for it, that our Saviour being come as far as Euphrates, gave a man a Handkerchief on which his Picture was stamped, that he might therewith go and convert the people of Mesopotamia; but that this man being curious to see what it was, and having unfolded the Handkerchief contrary to the commands of our Lord, it flew into a Well, and that our Lord knowing this, said that that Land was good for nothing, and therefore went no farther; this is the cause why they will not bury their dead there: Others tell this story in another manner, which I shall relate when I come to speak of Orfa.  
Friday the fourth of July we parted from by'r, 
Departure from Bir.  about two a Clock in the Morning; and took our way a little different from what we had held till we came there; for we directed our course East-North-East until we came to Orfa. About nine in the Morning we encamped in a Field near to a hill, where heretofore had been a great Town called Aidar Ahmet, at present there is nothing of it to be seen, and a little Brook runs by it among Reeds.  
Next day being Saturday the fifth of July we set forwards on our Journey about two a Clock in the Morning; 
Tcharmelick.  and about five a Clock passed by Tcharmelick which was formerly a little Town with a Castle, built by one Delivar Bassa, who was Bassa of Diarbeck, upon a little eminence, with a Han for the convenience of the Caravans; and that because of the many Robbers upon that road, as there is still at present. All was built of stones taken out of the Ruins of Aidar Ahmet; but there is no more now remaining but a little of a Castle, with a small Village at the foot of it; and part of the Walls of the Town, whereof two gates are still to be seen; the Han which is still entire is very pretty. We went on, and about nine in the Morning, encamped in a place where formerly stood a great Town called Yogonboul; 
Yogonboul.  at present it is no more but a confused heap of stones, amongst which there are some Wells of Rain-water. We parted from thence the same day about ten of the Clock at Night, and ascended by bad ways. Next morning being Sunday the sixth of July, at one a Clock in the Morning, we traveled along a lovely way made in the Rock, two fathom deep, a fathom broad, and eight fathom long, before that way was cut, there was no travelling by that road: Then we went down an ugly descent which continues as far as the Town of Orfa, where we arrived about two a Clock in the Morning, and encamped near the Walls.  
The Town of Orfa which is the ancient Edessa is about two hours march in circuit; the Walls of it are fair and pretty entire, it is almost square, 
Orfa, Edessa.  but within there is hardly any thing but Ruins to be seen, and nevertheless it is very populous. On the Southside there is an adjoining Castle, upon a hill, with large and deep Ditches, though they be cut in the Rock; it is large in compass, but full of Ruins, and has only some pitiful old broken Guns; on the top of the Castle there is a little square Turret from whence one may see a great way, 
The Chamber of Elias.  and the People of the Country say that Elias lived in that little Chamber.  
On the side that looks towards the Town, there are two great Stone-pillars, at six or seven steps distance one from another, and standing upon their Pedestals; they are of Corinthian order, 
Pillars of Corinthian order.  consisting of seven and twenty lays of stone a piece; each lay contains but two stones, and each stone is nineteen Inches high, being two foot and a half in Diametre. The People of the Country say, that heretofore there were two others like to these, and that one of the Thrones of Nimrod was placed upon these four Pillars; 
The throne of Nimrod.  that from this place, to which they bear great reverence, Abraham was thrown headlong into the Furnace that was underneath, and that at the same instant a Spring of Water gushed out, which is running at present, and fills a Canal close by; it is a great many fathom in length, and five or six in breadth: whose Water having washed all the Town, loses itself under ground, at some hours Journey from thence.  
There is so great plenty of Fish in this Canal, that they appear in great shoals, and I take them to be Carp; but they say that if a man should catch any in this Canal, and eat of them, he would not fail to fall into a Fever; and that's the reason they suffer no body to catch them, unless on the other side of a little Bridge which is at the end of the Canal: for they say that being taken beyond that Bridge, there is no danger in them.  
Betwixt the Castle and the Canal, there is another smaller one, distant from the greater about fifty paces, whose Waters join together at the end of the Channel. Seeing the Inhabitants of Orfa fancy all to be miracle in their Country; they say that it is another source, which sprung out of a place into which they threw a slave, who seeing that Abraham received no hurt by his fall, and that Water gushed out miraculously from the place into which he was precipitated; told Nimrod that that man was a true Prophet, and not a Sorcerer as he said; whereupon he caused him also to be precipitated: Had it not been for that, Orfa could not have subsisted so long, but must have perished for drought; for there is no Water in that Town but what comes from those two Sources.  
On the Southside of the Castle there are several neighbouring Hills that command it; and especially one which the People of the Country call Nimrod Tahhtasi, (that's to say) the Throne of Nimrod; because they believe that his chief Throne was upon the top of that hill; there are a great many Grottoes in these hills, where they say an hundred thousand of Nimrod's Soldiers quartered.  
Next day I went out of the Town by the South gate, which they call Eyam-Capisi, and I came to see the Well called the Well of the Handkerchief, about a thousand paces from that Gate. 
The history of Abagarus.  Their History says that Abagarus King of Orfa being a Leper all over, and having heard many wonders spoken of our Lord, sent Messengers to pray him to come and cure him; with orders to assure him in his Name, that he would protect him from all his Enemies, and sent with them a Painter to draw his Picture. They say that our Lord made answer to the Messengers, that he could not go with them, because the time of his passion drew nigh, and that perceiving the Painter drawing his Picture, 
The face of Jesus Christ imprinted on a handkerchief.  he put a Handkerchief upon his face, which immediately received the print of his Countenance; and that Handkerchief he gave them to be carried to their Prince: The Messengers satisfied with their Embassy, returned, but being near the City were set upon by Robbers who put them to flight; and he that had the Handkerchief threw it nimbly into the Well we speak of, and escaped into the Town, where he related all his proceed to the King, who went next day in procession with all his People to the Well, where they found the Water swollen up to the brim, and the Handkerchief floating on the top: The King took it, was immediately cured of his Leprosy, and he and all his People turned Christians: They say that they kept that Handkerchief a long time, but that at length the Francs stole it and carried it away to Rome.  

Job.  A Turk told me in good earnest another story of that Well, he said that Job living hard by, and being fallen into extreme poverty, the Worms eat him up, so that there remained no more of him but the Tongue, which they would have devoured also; but that he having had his recourse to God, cried, What! Lord, will not you leave my Tongue to sing your Praises with? That then God bid him go wash in that Well, from which he returned sound and well, and shortly after recovered great Riches; that the Worms retired into a Grott not far off, and consumed part of the Wall of it, of which they fail not to show the marks.  

The Lepers Well.  This Well is walled in, and many People both Men and Women go thither to Wash: they go behind little Stonewalls, and there stripping themselves, receive upon their bodies the Water of the Well, which runs out of a Vessel pierced through standing upon the little Wall, that they have filled before. I saw many Lepers in this Town of Orfa as well as at Damascus. They look hideously, are black and melancholic; much ado they have to speak, and their body all over pains them; 
Lepers, what they are.  their distemper is much like the Pox, but it is another thing, and they say porceeds from a different cause.  
Whilst I was at Orfa I enquired how they cut men of the Stone there, and a Chirurgeon (the Son of a Frank but born in Aleppo, called Domenico Cabei,) told me that they cut them in the same manner as in Europe; but that there was at that time a Turk at Orfa, 
The way of cutting the Stone.  who seemed to be a dull blockish fellow, and yet cut all successfully in this manner. He thrust up his finger into the Patient's Fundament, and feeling about the Bladder presently found the Stone, which with the same finger he brought down as far as the Scrotum, and this with the other hand, he opened at the place where the Stone was; after that he stitched up the wound, dressed it with an Ointment, and had been successful in all the Cures he had undertaken. The fame Chirurgeon told me that he had found one in the Bladder of a Child, a few days before I came, which he was to cut very shortly. Bragging a little then of the skill he had in curing fleshy Excrescences upon the Privy parts, I told him that whilst I was at Rossetto, a French Physician called Monsieur Sarazin, 
The way of curing Excrescences.  cured these Excrescences in this manner. He took two sticks, wherewith he separated that superfluous Flesh from the parts, so ordering it, that nothing remained under the sticks, but just what he was to cut; then holding the two sticks very fast with one hand, with a Bistori in the other, he cut clear off the superfluous flesh that was under the sticks: That if he chanced to cut any Vessel, which made a great flux of blood, he had his Buttons ready upon Coals to stop it: After that he sewed up the Scrotum, and dressed the wound till it was perfectly cured. This swelling is caused by a Carnosity that grows in the Scrotum, under the Privy parts, with Veins by which it is nourished: And I told him that that Physician had assured me, that at Alexandria he cut from a man a Wen on these parts that hung down to the very ground, and that having weighed it, it was twenty five pound weight. Seeing he had many Patients come to him, because in Egypt, most are troubled with that distemper, some more and some less, I had the Curiosity to see one of them, whose Scrotum reached almost to his heels. Having informed the Chirurgeon Domenico of this way of Operation, he told me that he had one under hands troubled with the same disease, whom he was to cure, but that though his own way was good, yet he would make trial of the method of that Egyptian Physician upon his Patient; and indeed, he proposed it unto him, assuring him with all that there would remain a hanging skin as long as he lived, which would be very uneasy to him, if he made his ordinary operation upon him; whereas if he did it the other way (that I had taught him,) he would be free from all inconvenience; but the Patient would not admit of it, and told him that another Frank had heretofore proposed to treat him in that manner, but that he would not, and that he had rather have the trouble of that Skin, and run no risk, than to be rid of it with the danger of his life. The Patient was a man above five and fifty years of Age; and to cure him, Domenico made an incision cross-ways in his Scrotum, and then stripped that superfluous flesh which he cut off; after that he stitched up the skin, leaving only a little place open, to which he applied his Medicines: this piece of flesh was bigger than ones Fist, and had a great many little veins. Whilst that operation was performing, the old man smoked a Pipe of Tobacco, and made no noise; only he oftentimes recommended himself to Mahomet, whilst the by standers prayed for him: but the Chirurgeon that did the operation was so poor that he had not so much as a Button or actual cautery.  
Wednesday the ninth of July in the Evening, the Officer of the Custom-house came to demand his deuce from our Caravan, and took my Sword out of my Tent, which he left in the hands of the Kervan-Bassa, pretending a Piastre from me as being a Frank; but having spoken to my Moucre, he went and brought back my Sword.  
Next day a Thief stole the Doliman or long Coat of one of our Company; 
A Thief.  but after a very bold, and in some manner pleasant way. We stayed and lay at the house of a Physician who was a Frank, and being asleep in the cool upon a Mastabe of his Court, about an hour before day a nimble Rogue cunningly opened the Gate, and came softly to the Doliman which was near to him it belonged to; he awakening at the noise the Thief made in emptying his Pockets, was not at all startled, on the contrary thinking it was his man, he twice called him by his Name; at which our Thief who, (as I think,) had no design to carry off the Doliman, but only what was in the Pockets, imagining that he was discovered, whipped away Doliman and all. In the mean time the only remedy was not to talk of it; for if the Sousbasha had come to know it, he would have come to the House and seized all that he found in it, protesting that there were no Thiefs in the Town, and that the Theft must be proved, by producing the Thief. At Orfa there is pretty good Wine both White and Claret.   

CHAP. X. The Continuation of the Journey to Mosul by Codgiasar, the Country of Merdin and Nisibin.  

Departure from Orfa.  SAturday the twelfth of July we parted from Orfa at two of the Clock in the Morning; we had put off our departure for two days, that we might learn news of the Arabs; but at length when we were on our way, we heard that there were above a thousand of the Arabs Tents in the place where we were to encamp the first Night. This gave so fearful an alarm to all our Caravan, though it consisted of two hundred men armed with Muskets or Lances, that it was resolved we should leave the Highway which was almost East, or East-North-East, and instead of that we took our way straight North-East, on that side we found some Cuodes, with their flocks, who perceiving us, were themselves in great fear; for they took us for Arabs. Heretofore they rob in Troops on Horseback, but the Arabs having often routed them, they have forsaken the trade, only in the Nighttime they come creeping on their Bellies, and endeavour to snap somewhat in the Caravans, but on the Frontiers of Bagdad and Persia, they are bolder than in those quarters.  

Dgiallab.  Having twice crossed the small River or Brook of Dgiallab, about ten of the Clock we encamped in a plain called Edue, where I cured one of our Moucres of a headache that had held him three days, with a forehead Cloth dipped in Brandy, on which I put bruised Pepper.  

Edue.  The plain of Edue is watered by the Brook Dgiallab, which at this place is as broad, as the River of the Gobelines at Paris; the head of it is an hours march from thence Northeastward, in a place called Povar-bashi, that's to say, the Fountainhead; wherein Sanson is mistaken, who makes it to come from Mount Taurus, 
An error in Geography.  to the North of Orfa, by which he makes it to run, and then fall into Euphrates; and nevertheless it runs not by Afra, but having watered many Villages, it loses itself under ground, some days Journey from Edue. In this plain there is a score of Tombs of Freestone, and on most of them a Stone-figure, that dully represents a Lion, and at the sides of it a Buckler and Sword painted red. They are the Tombs of some brave Curds who have died in the Wars.  
We parted from Edue on Sunday the thirteenth of July, half an hour after three in the morning, as it had been published in the Camp the evening before; all were likewise warned by a public cry to take heed to themselves, because of the many Robbers that were there abouts, and that for that reason they would not load but by daylight. We marched North-East, and an hour after we were engaged amongst Hills, but without any ascending, and there we saw the source of Dgiallab. 
The Source of Dgiallab.  We were not above three quarters of an hour among these Mountains, and coming out from among them we entered into a Plain, where we all found that we were out of our way; however we still kept on East-North East, but a little more to the Northward, that we might find Water to encamp by.  

Turcomans.  About Eleven of the Clock we found a score of Turcoman Horse men, armed with Muskets and Lances, but they said nothing to us, and I believe it was because they durst not; though I was told that they have rob no more since a Bassa of Diurbeck called Dilaver, provoked by the great Robberies they committed, marched out and made a great slaughter of them.  
After that we crossed over a Country full of little hills, amongst which there were some small plains, full of Thistles and Stones which made abominable way, and we were so tired marching from hill to hill, that we were all afraid we should be forced to march so till next day: But at length a quarter after one of the Clock at Noon, we arrived half roasted upon one of these little hills, called Toubangiou, where having found a Well of Spring-water, 
Toubangiou.  we encamped by it, from the top of these hills, we had a view of the Mountains called Caradgia-Daglar. 
Caradgia-Daglar.   
About eleven a Clock at Night we had an alarm from twenty five Curdish Horsemen, who came towards our Camp, who being discovered the alarm was given, for it had been published in the Evening, that we should all watch for one another. Alarmed at the sound of a Flute instead of a Drum, and some of our Men marching out of the Camp, and putting themselves in a posture to fire upon the Curds; they cried aloud praying us not to fire upon them, because they were going a hunting, and so went on their way. We spent every Night in this manner, inciting one another to watch and singing to keep us from sleeping.  
We parted next Morning about a quarter after three, for we marched no more now before break of day, that we might not be surprised. Our way was East a little towards the Southeast; and about six a Clock we found fifteen or twenty of the Curds Tents, made of the hair of black Goats, 
Tents of the Curds.  under which were several Women and Children; about eight of the Clock we found above sixty of them, and three quarters of an hour after we encamped near a Well of Spring-water, in a place called Alaki. 
Alaki.  These Curds came and sold Provisions in our Camp; but most part of them would not take Money, but only Soap, or Tobacco, and chief Soap; and though they were offered Ten pence for that which was not worth Eight pence, they would not take it, saying that they would not give it for a Piastre, but for Soap they would. The Night following we had a very cold Wind, but not so the day after; for than it was excessively hot.  
We parted from Alaki on Tuesday the fifteenth of July, about three of the Clock in the Morning, and marched on East-South East: An hour after we left the bad way full of Stones, which we had constantly had from Orfa, and entered into a great Plain, having always to the left the Mountains Caradgia which are the Mount Taurus, 
The Mountains of Caradgia or Taurus.  that reaches from above Ofra to Diarbeck towards the East; and from thence, Southeast till over against Kinzilken, and till near to Nisibin towards the North-East; and from thence Southeast, till within two days Journey of Mosul.  
About six a Clock I was told that the Town of Diarbeck, 
The Town of Diarbeck.  called in Armenian, Amid, was two long or three short days march to our left hand, and that was the nearest we came to it. Half an hour after seven we passed by a little Chapel covered with a stone-Dome; wherein there is a Tomb, which the People of the Country say is the Tomb of Job, 
Jobs Tomb.  and at present there is a Santo who prays at the back of that Chapel; for this is a famous place of Pilgrimage, and this Santo hath a little Cell near a Well of good Spring-water.  
Half an hour after eight we arrived at the foot of a hillock, on which stands a Village, called Telghiouran, 
Telghiouran.  (Tell in Arabic signifies a little hill) and we encamped in the Plain near a Fountain. This day and the preceding, we found by the way, many plants called Agnus Castus, or Canabis; 
Canabis. Agnus castus.  for they grow three foot high, and have the leaves divided by five, like a hand, the middlemost being the longest, and then the two next to it, the two last are the least; they are jagged in the middle, and white underneath; in short, that plant ends at the top in an ear of several little Flowers of a very bright blue; they grow among the Stones, and may be seen there in great tufts.  
I must here also observe some faults in Sansons' Map of Diarbeck. 
An error in Geography.  Midway from Orfa to Telghiouran; we should have passed a River which he calls Soaid, and makes it to come from Mount Taurus, pass by Caraemit, and a great deal after fall into Euphrates; nevertheless in all our Caravan there was not one who could give me any tidings of that Water; and from Orfa to Telghiouran, we passed no other Water, but Dgiallab. 
Other errors.  Besides he hath made so many faults in the positions of places, and in their distances, as also in the changing their Names, that nothing is to be known by it; and though I named to many of our Caravan most of the Names that he has put in his Diarbeck or rather Diarbekir, the best way I could, yet they knew not above two or three of them. 
Caramid, Amid and Diarbeck are but one and the same Town. Alchabour.  He makes two Towns of Caramid and Amid, and it is but one to wit Diarbeck. He makes the River Alchabour the same with Dgiallab and that of Orfa. That River of Alchabour takes its source about four days Journey from Mardin towards the South, and falls into Euphrates: They say that the Water of this River is so good, that if after a man hath eaten a whole Lamb, he drink of it, he'll not find it burden his Stomach.  

Chabur. Chobar.  But it is to be observed that there is also another River, called Chabur, which is the Chobar mentioned in the Prophecy of Daniel; it is less and has it source below Mosul, on the left hand to those who go down the Tigris, and at Bagdad loses itself in the Tigris; and by what I could learn of an ancient Syrian of Mosul, who hath many times traveled by divers ways, from Mosul to Aleppo, and from Aleppo to Mosul, there are a great many other faults in the Map of Diarbeck, which makes me to think that it hath been taken from bad Memoirs.  

Telghiouran.  Telghiouran is a Castle enclosed with a great many Stones piled up one upon another; in former times it was a great Town, but through the Turkish Tyranny it was defeated. There are about an hundred Houses of Armenians in it, but none of Turks except of the Aga and his Servants, which Aga is also customer and Chorbagis, we found a little thick muddy Claret there, which they bring from Mardin. Under the trees at the foot of the hill, there is a little Chapel, where are Chains that they put about mad men's Necks, and they say that if they are to be cured, they fall off of themselves; but if otherwise, they must be taken off: The Customer of this place came to our Caravan to receive his deuce.  
We parted from thence next day the sixteenth of July, three quarters after three in the Morning, and continued our way East-South-East: About half an hour after five, we saw by the way many stones, and some walls of houses still standing. About six a Clock we had a great alarm, because those who were foremost had espied some Horsemen; all made ready, some lighted their matches, and others took their bow and two arrows in their hand; some run this way, and others that way; and nevertheless it was in vain for me to ask where the Arabs were, for no body could let me see them, because than they were in a little bottom. A little after we came to know that it was the Aga of Telghiouran, coming from some place where his business had carried him, who was accompanied with ten Horsemen, armed some with Muskets, and others with Lances or Darts. About eight a Clock we saw on our left hand near a Well several black Tents of the Curds, who flying from the Arabs came and encamped in that place; and we marching forewards about three quarters after ten came and encamped near a hillock, in a place called Carakouzi, 
Carakouzi.  where there is a Well of good Spring-water, which bears the same Name.  
Next day Thursday the seventeenth of July, we parted from thence about three quarters after two in the Morning, and continued our way East-South-East; we entered among the Mountains, where for almost an hour we did nothing but climb up and down in ways full of great stones; having past them, and got again into the plain, we kept on the same course approaching to the Caradgia Mountains: Half an hour after six we found a Well of good Spring-water; 
Maes, Sarazin Corn. Ricinus, Palma Christi.  at seven we saw a Field sowed with Maez or Sarazin Corn; and another full of Ricinus or Palma Christi, at most but a foot high; a great many draw Oil from it for Lamps, and to rub the Camels with, to make their hair come; for it falls off every year.  
Having then passed by a great many sorry Ruins of houses, and crossed a little Brook, about half an hour after nine we were got by a large round Pond full of yellowish Rain-water, where the Curds were watering a great number of cattle; of which the chief and most common are black Goats of whose hair they make their Tents.  

The Village of Teldgizre. Mount Taurus.  Half an hour after ten we passed by a great Village, called Teldgizre, which was to our left; and then we were got so near Mount Taurus that was also to our left, that it was not above an hours march to the foot of it: following the current of a little Brook, which was on the same side, half an hour after eleven, we came and encamped near a great Village called Kizilken, by which that rivulet runs. I observed on the way that day, that they were but then cutting down their Corn, whereas at Aleppo, they begin to cut about the end of May, or beginning of June. After we were encamped we felt, (notwithstanding our Pavilions) so hot a Wind, 
A hot Wind.  that it seemed to have mustered together, and brought with it all the heat of the Air, and I think that a man standing near a great flame, which the Wind blew upon his face, could not feel a hotter Air.  
Kizilken is a great Village all inhabited by Syrians: we found some Carpous, 
Kizilken.  or water-melons there, which were ripe and good, and these did us a great deal of kindness. In the nighttime there came Robbers several times; but they that watched, making as if they would fire upon them, they made some silly excuses and marched away.  
From Kizilken we parted next day being Friday the eighteenth of July, half an hour after one of the Clock in the Morning, and continued our way East-South East; about four a Clock we saw on our right hand two very solid well built houses, but abandoned, as well as the old Ruins that were to our left. Half an hour after seven, we arrived at a great Village, called Kodgiasar, where the Customer came to take his deuce, 
Kodgiasar.  but not knowing that I was a Frank, asked me nothing. In former times it was a very great Town, and some very high and substantial Buildings still remain; and amongst others a spacious Church rarely well built. First you enter into a large Court, along which stands the Church that hath seven doors all stopped up, except the middlemost which hath a great Nich on each side; over these doors there has been Mosaic work, the place whereof is still to be observed, and at the four Corners of the Court there has been four very high square Steeples covered with little Domes, of which (at present) there are only three remaining, and of these too, but one entire: The other two want only the Dome; they are built of pretty little Freestones, with Ornaments of Architecture, and so is the Church also, the middle whereof is covered with a Dome rough cast over, and the Walls supported by good large stone-Butteresses. The Turks having converted it into a Mosque, have made a Keble in it, and a little Pulpit to preach in. Near to this Town, runs a Water that passes under a Bridge of five Arches; to say the truth, it is not very good, but there are good Wells, and each house has one: There is one in the middle of the Court of that Church, and hard by it, a kind of Dome supported by several Pillars; but for what use I know not, unless it be to wash in, as the Turks do when they go to their Mosque.  
Kodgiasar is over against Merdin that stands upon a hill to the North-East of it; the Castle is on the very top of the hill, and is seen at a great distance, 
Merdin.  being four hours' Journey from Kodgiasar. The Customer of Merdin came to our Camp for his deuce, and demanded of me as a Frank, five Piastres, and therefore made my man Prisoner; but my Moucre brought him out, he was informed that I was a Frank, by a Turk of the Caravan, who was the only man of them all that shown any aversion to me.  
The Castle of Merdin is so strong, that the Turks say no Army is able to take it, seeing they have both Spring-water and Cistern-water. They will have it, that Tamarlan lay seven years before this Castle, who (to show them that he would continue there until it were taken) caused the Trees below it to be cut down, and new ones planted, of the fruit of which, (when they began to bear,) he sent to the Garrison; and that the besieged to make the best show they could, sent him Cheese made of Bitch's milk, as if it had been of the Milk of Ewes, which wrought a good effect; for he was persuaded by that, that they had not as yet spent their sheep, and despairing to force them, he raised the Siege, though he had prevailed in all the other Sieges that he attempted.  
There is a Bassa at Merdin, and almost all the Inhabitants of Kodgiasar are Robbers. We stayed there all Saturday, because the Customer had not as yet agreed with our People what he was to have of every load, having asked too much; at Kodgiasar, there still remain many fair Steeples, and other antiquities standing in several places. The same Saturday the nineteenth of July, there arrived a little Caravan near to our Camp, which came from Aleppo, and was going to Van.  
On Sunday the twentieth of July, we parted from Kodgiasar, about three a clock in the morning; half an hour after five, we passed by a great Village, called Toubijasa, 
Toubijasa.  which was on our left hand, and is only inhabited by Syrians: So soon as we passed it, we came into a great plain sowed with Cucumbers and Melons, 
A Field of Melons and Cucumbers.  of which those of our Caravan took as many as they could eat and carry with them, notwithstanding the Cries of the poor People, Men, Women and Children, who had no better payment than ill words, as if they had been much in the wrong for complaining that their Goods were forcibly taken from them. About nine a Clock we passed a little Water, and after that, found the Tents of some Curds, three quarters after nine, we encamped near a Village called Futlidge, 
Futlidge.  near to which there is a Well of good Water; in Winter they encamp at a Village near the Mountains, 
Caradere.  called Caradere, a little on this side, because there are Grottoes in them to lodge in.  
We parted about two of the Clock in the Morning, directing our way East-South-East; such hot Vapours steemed out of the Earth, that (for breath, and that I might not be stifled) I was forced to fan myself; which made me think of the Sausiel, which I had already heard so much of. Half an hour after five, we saw on the side of the way to the left, the Ruins of a great Castle called Sertschehan, of which several panels of Wall still stand.  
About eight of the Clock we found some Tents of the Curds; and then crossed at least twelve Canals one after another, which discharge their Water at Nisibin, where we arrived three quarters of an hour after eight, and encamped beyond the Bridge, which consists of eleven small Arches, under which a great Water runs, which is divided into three by ploughed Fields, that reach even to the Bridge, and render three of its Arches useless: They call all these the Waters of Nisibin; for ask them the Name of a River in what manner you please, they'll give you no other but the Name of the place it runs by. This water comes from the Mountains, and before it reach Nisibin, they cut it into several Channels for watering of their grounds that are planted with Cotton, rice and other things which require Water. That's a heavy and unwholesome Water, and so is the Air, which is so bad, that I was told that if one sleep in it by day or by night, he runs a great risk of being sick, and that is the reason why the People of the Country are so tawny as they are.  

Nisibin.  Nisibin was formerly a great Town, at present it is divided into two quarters separated by a ploughed field, and both these quarters make but an ordinary Village. 
Mar-Jacob.  Heretofore it had a Church dedicated to Mar-Jacob, that's to say St. James who is called the Brother of our Lord; It was very large, but at present there is nothing to be seen but the Arches of the doors, and a small space, which was, (as I think,) the end of the Church, walled up by the Syrians, where they and the Armenians at present celebrate Mass. The Customer of Nisibin came and demanded his deuce of our Caravan, though Nisibin depend on the Bassa of Merdin, the Customer of which had already taken his deuce at Kodgiasar, but he took nothing from me, because he thought I was a Greek.  
We parted from Nisibin next day being Tuesday the two and twentieth of July, about one a Clock in the Morning by Starlight, and passed another Canal; a strong Northwind blew then, which hardly cooled the Air. About five of the Clock we began to see on our right hand the Mountains Sendgiar which reach from North-West to Southeast, 
Mountain Sendgiar.  but they were about two days Journey distant from us. Half an hour after seven we crossed a water, half an hour after eight, another, and a quarter after nine we passed a third, which was very lovely, 
Dgerrahhi Sovi.  and called Dgerrahhi Sovi: We thought to have encamped near it as is usual, but because the Mules must have been sent to graze on the other side, and that it would have been troublesome to make them cross it back again in the Evening; we went farther, and encamped near to a Spring of good Water, 
Kimarlick.  in a place called Kimarlick, from which we parted about eleven of the Clock at Night, and crossed a great Water, where our Caravan was a long time in passing it, because of the dark, and of the many great Stones that are in the Water; when we passed it, we stood away Eastwards.  
Wednesday the three and twentieth of July, about two a Clock in the Morning, we found another Water, and another again about four a Clock, and three quarters of an hour after, a very pleasant little River, which turns and winds through a small plain encompassed with hills.  
Three quarters after five, we saw by the way to our left a Hillock, on the top of which there is a Dome, under which lies buried one Imam Ahmed, 
Imam-Ahmed.  for whom the Turks have great Veneration, and this is a place of Pilgrimage. About seven a Clock we passed by a sorry Village called Candgi, 
Candgi.  and half an hour after, we encamped near a Spring of good Water, in a plain called by the Name of the Village. The Inhabitants thereabouts are so given to thieving, that they stay not for the Night as others do; but come into the Camp in the daytime, under pretext of selling Corn for the Horses; and walking up and down, (if they perceive any thing not well looked after,) they fail not to lift it.  
We parted from thence, the same day about half an hour after seven of the Clock at Night, and marched East-South-East: It was extremely hot till about two a Clock next Morning, that the Air grew cooler. We marched without finding Water or Habitation, untll half an hour after six, that we came and encamped in a plain called Adgisou, because of a water that runs there among the reeds, and is bitter, according as I had been told, that from Candgi, to Mosul, there was neither habitation nor good water; which made me provide myself before hand; nevertheless having tasted it, I did not find it to be so bitter.  
Friday the five and twentieth of July we parted from Adgisou, half an hour after three in the Morning, for we were not willing to travel in the Nighttime for fear of the Arabs. We marched South, and about eight of the Clock, crossed a Brook of bitter water; half an hour after, we crossed another, whose water was pretty good; upon a hillock close by, there stands a wall, which seems to have been the Wall of a Castle whereof there is no more remaining. Half an hour after nine, we crossed a great Brook of brackish Water, and three quarters after eleven, a small River that runs under a Bridge of four Arches, of which two are broken, and indeed, they seem to be useless, for the breadth of the water reaches but to the two that are whole, and it must needs be very high when it passes through the other two which stand upon a pretty high ground: This Bridge is below a little ruinous Castle standing upon a hillock; it hath been square, but there is nothing remaining but the four Walls, and a little round Tower in a corner. We encamped close by this Castle, all scorched with the Sun, and stewed in Sweat; that place is called Kesick-Cupri, that's to say, broken Bridge, 
Kesick-Cupri.  and the Water is called Cupri-Sou, that's to say, the Bridge-water, and no other Names of Rivers are to be got from them.  
I informed myself of the source of that River, 
An error in Geography.  which Sanson seems to have confounded with that of Nisibin, and I was told that it was another, and that the source is not far from that Bridge. This water is not very good but it is not bitter, (as I had been told,) and close by it there is a Fountain of far worse water. We left that place the same day, three quarters after seven at Night, and took our way Eastward. About eleven a Clock we passed by a Village called Wlhayat, 
Wlhayat.  which is wholly forsaken because of the Tyranny of the Turks. At midnight we had a great Alarm, but we found it only to be twelve Horsemen armed with Muskets, who came from Mosul, where we arrived the six and twentieth of July three quarters of an hour after five in the Morning: A little before we came there, one of our Company having alighted, and returning back to look for his Sword which he had dropped, was stripped of all by the Arabs.   

CHAP. XI. Of Mosul.  

Mosul.  WE entered Mosul by Bagdad Capisi that looks to the South, and at that Gate I paid a Piastre to the Janissaries.  
I went and lodged with the Capucins, who were lately arrived there, to settle a mission, by orders of the Congregation, de propaganda fide, and therefore, as yet they were but very ill accommodated; but a house was a preparing for them, which a Syrian Priest had let them at a pretty dear rate: There were but two Capucins there, to wit, the Reverend Father John, and brother George, who charitably administered Physic to all the People without distinction of Religion: This, with the knowledge he had of all Diseases, dew so many sick People to their house, that it was always as full as an Hospital: They came to him even ten days Journey off, and the most powerful sent and prayed him to come to them from all parts of Mesopotamia.  

Aasour.  The City of Mosul, anciently called Aasour stands upon the side of the Tigris which runs to the East of it; it is encompassed with Walls of rough stone plastered over, with little pointed Battlements on the top, two fingers breadth thick, and four or five broad, much like to wooden Pales. I think that one may walk round this Town in an hours time, there is a Castle in the water, which is narrow, but reaches out in length from North to South, and is almost of an oval figure: towards the River it is all built of Free stone, and the Walls are about three fathom high, on the landside it is separated from the Town by a ditch, five or six fathom broad and very deep, being filled with the Riverwater; and in this place it is about four fathom deep; but is not faced with Freestone above one fathom high, from the foundation, and the rest is only rough Stone. The entry into it is on the side of the Town, and the Gate is in the middle of a great square Tower built upon a strong and large Arch, under which runs the Water of the ditch; and there is a little Drawbridge to be passed before one comes to the Gate, which heretofore was strongly defended by Artillery; for before it on the outside there are six large Guns still to be seen, but one of them is broken, and but one mounted; there are about as many field-pieces, and only two of them mounted; I was told that this Castle was built by the Christians, and that there is a fair Church within it.  
The Tigris seems to be somewhat broader than the River of Seine, but is very deep and rapid; nevertheless it has a Bridge of Boats over it, a little below the Castle, and opposite to one of the Gates of the City called Dgesir Capisi, that's to say the Bridge-Gate: It consists of about thirty Boats, on which they pass to an Isle, the other end reaches not the Land, unless it be by a Stone-Causey, which is as long as the Bridge itself where it ends. In Winter that Bridge is removed, because the River (then overflowing,) becomes as broad again as it is in Summer: A few paces from the Riverside, there are large Ditches which it fills with water, that is drawn out from thence for watering their grounds; and that (I think) by a very silly invention. They have great Buckets of Leather that hold more than a Barrel; and at the bottom of the Bucket there is a large Pipe of Leather, about three foot long; such as I have in former times seen at Paris fastened to Casks full of water, which served to water the Cours de la Rhine. This Bucket is fastened to a Rope, put over a wheel, that turns upon an Axletree whose ends enter into the Penthouses that are on each side of the Well; and there is another Cord fastened to the Mouth of the Bucket, that holds it upright to keep the water from spilling, and this last Cord goes under the wheel; these two Cords are fastened together to a great Rope: and because it requires several men to draw the Bucket full of Water, they fasten this great Rope to an Ox, whom they drive forward about twenty paces in descent, that he may draw more easily and fast. When the Bucket is up, they let the water run out at the Pipe into a little furrow, from whence it spreads over their grounds: When that is done, they bring the Ox back again, and so set him a drawing as before. I cannot tell why in this Country and in Persia they make no use of Pousseragues as in Egypt and the West of Turkey.  
Whilst I was at Mosul the Customer (who learned that I was a Frank,) sent for me and my servant, and having presented me with Coffee, he demanded of me ten Piastres, for the Custom of two load of Goods which he said I had; I pretended not to understand neither Turkish nor Arabic, it being best to do so (when one is known to be a Frank,) for many reasons. I told him then by an Interpreter that I had not two load of Goods, and that they were only Books: By chance there was a Syrian Merchant there, called Codgia Elias, who is very powerful in Mosul and a friend of the Capucins, and he had business with the Customer; this Codgia seeing me, took two Piastres out of his Purse which he threw to the Customer, praying him to let me go for that; but this (generosity of a man whom I knew not) making me distrust him, I bid tell him that if he laid out any thing for me, I could not repay it; this put the Customer into so great a passion, that having abused my servant with his tongue, he sent him away to prison; for my part, I stayed there, and he still treated me calmly and civilly enough. At length Codgia Elias, offering to pull out more Money; I made him plainly to understand by Signs, that I would not repay it; wherefore he put up his Money again, and departed not well satisfied with me; though he brought my Servant back from prison again, to whom the Customer gave leave to go to my Lodging for one of my Books that he might see it; he came back and Father John with him, who ordered matters so that I came off for two Piastres. I thought it might not be unprofitable to relate these things, 
Profitable advice.  which seem to be but trifles, and yet may serve for a lesson to the Francs, who travel in Turkey, when they find themselves in the like Circumstances, and in places where there is no Consul nor Merchants; for where there is any, it is best to let them to whom you are recommended act, because they know the humour of the Customers, and how they are to be dealt with. Not that I pretend that my conduct should serve for a model to others, but I think these are hints that can do no hurt, and may do good; seeing when one is instructed before hand, he may better take his measures as to what he is to say and do upon the like occasions: For my own part, (I thank God,) I came off very well in my own way, and I always perceived, that one must be as slow as he can in putting his hand in his Pocket in that Country: Because when you are known to be a Frank, if you pull out your Money as soon as they demand it, they never leave off as long as they can squeeze one penny more from you. The Name of a Frank so tickles them, that when any such fall into their hands, they drain from him all that they can, imagining that Francs never travel but with Purses full of Chequins. One must likewise have a special care not to let them see Gold, but only white Money, and as little of that too as may be, and in short, one should have the cunning to pass for a poor Man. And therefore in these my last Travels I wore always mean Apparel, so long as I was in Turkey: The best way in the world would be not to pass for a Frank, if it could possibly be done, and I was so well disguised when I parted from Legorn, (that understanding Turkish,) I succeeded in it; not in Alexandria where I was too well known, since the first time I had been there, but at Rossetto, and Said; but from that time forward, (travelling always with those who had seen me with Franks,) they presently blazed it abroad that I was a Franck.  
Mosul hath five Gates, besides that which looks to the South, 
The Gates of Mosul.  called Bagdad Capisi, because that is the Gate by which they go to Bagdad. There is a Mosque by it which formerly was very great, but the Turks have demolished a good part of it, lest if the Persians should besiege that Town, (as they always do when they are Masters of Bagdad,) they might make that Mosque a Castle to batter the Town from. The inside of it is entirely faced, from the top to bottom, with ornaments of Plaster laid upon the Walls, and wrought with the Chisel a good inch deep: These ornaments are not so regular, as those that are to be seen in Europe, nay they are even a little confused, and (being but small) are not easily distinguished, though they escape not altogether the sight neither; and particularly one may plainly observe a great many Roses: But after all, it is an agreeable confusion, and since there is not one bit but what is covered with them even in the Ceiling itself, and that the ground is all azure, it yields a sight that surprises the Eye, and in some sort contents it better than more regular and accomplished Beauties.  

Nineveh.  On the other side of the River at the end of the Bridge, gins the place where in ancient times stood the famous City of Neniveh, which having repent upon the preaching of the Prophet Ionas, forty years after relapsed into its former disorders; wherefore the People of the Country say, that God overturned the City, and its Inhabitants, who were buried in the Ruins with their heads down and their feet upwards: There is nothing of it now to be seen but some Hillocks, which (they say,) are its foundations, the Houses being underneath; and these reach a good way below the City of Mosul.  
A little more up on land on the same side, is the Tomb of Ionas in the Mosque of a Village, but I went not thither because of the excessive heat: For two hours after Sunrising there is no possibility of stirring abroad, till at least an hour after it is set; the Walls besides are so hot, that half a foot from them, one feels the heat, as if it were of a hot Iron; and therefore during the Summer all sleep in the Nighttime upon Terraces in the open Air, both Men and Women: And the last of July I observed in my Thermometre exposed to the Sun, 
The degrees of heat at Mosul.  seven and thirty degrees of heat. In short, the heat in Mesopotamia is certainly excessive; and though (when I traveled there,) I wore upon my head a great black handkerchief, like a Woman's hood, that I might see through (because the Turks commonly use these handkerchiefs upon the road;) nevertheless, I had many times my Forehead scorched; that's to say, it became all over red, after which it swollen exceedingly, and then the skin came off; my hands were also continually scorched. Some also in the Caravan had their Eyes daily scorched; and the remedy for it is a powder made of Sugar and long Pepper beat very small; which being well mixed, is put into a purse, or rather a long narrow bag, and when there is occasion for it, they take a skewer like a bodkin of wood so long as to reach to the bottom of the bag, ad having taken it out full of that powder draw it along betwixt the Eye and Eyelid, where it leaves all the powder that stuck to it; and this must be done to each Eye severally.  
In the City of Mosul there is a Mosque divided into several Isles by means of many arched Roofs; it is adorned with Plaister-work as the former, but much decayed; 
Plaster.  it is at least as big as Nostre Dame of Paris. The plaster, wherewith they emblellish these Mosques, is made of a certain Stone which they burn, and then break and crush with rulers drawn by Horses. The houses of this Town are ill built, and are rather ruins than houses, even the Bassa's own Seraglio, (for Mosul is a Bashaship) being a very sorry place.  
In this Country and in the rest of Assyria the Melons are not rough and in a manner carved, as in Europe; but they are long, have a very smooth skin, and for the most part the flesh white. They are very good, and eat as if they were full of Sugar; but they are gathered so ripe, that one may easily eat them with a spoon; and the Levantines generally eat them so. There are also some little round Melons which are white within and eat very short, but they are not so good. When we came to Paul in Persia, we found some of the same shape; but yet are of a quite different nature, for they are never over ripe, and I have eat of one that looked firm and green, which I found to be very good; and nevertheless all the seeds were already sprouted out an inch long, nay it had a little Melon full shaped of the bigness of a Nut, with a tail, to which the seeds that produced it were still sticking; it was not round, but wanted not much of it, and had the form that it could take in the vacuity it met with: Having cut it I found seeds in it, but so small, that they could not be seen, but by holding it to a Candle and looking through, and then they might plainly be seen; these Melons come in Autumn.  
Whilst I was at Mosul, 
Eclipse of the Moon.  there happened an Eclipse of the Moon on the seventh of August; it began about one a Clock after midnight, and lasted till four in the Morning; during all which time the Moon seemed to be of the colour of blood. All the while it lasted, the Terraces were full of People, who made a continual clashing din with their Kettles which they beat with sticks, and that to frighten a huge Beast which, (the People of the Country say,) would devour the Moon. I learned from a knowing man, that the Author of that Mummery was an ginger, who foretold to a King an Eclipse of the Moon; which stirred up his curiosity to desire to see it: But having waited sometime, (though the moment prefixed by the ginger drew nigh,) he grew impatient, and because the Eclipse happened not so soon as he would have had it, he discharged his choler upon the ginger, as he who ought to have answered for it, and then fell asleep. In the mean time, the Eclipse beginning shortly after, the ginger was in a new perplexity; because on the one hand he durst not awaken the King, and on the other, he was afraid that if he did not awake before the Eclipse was over, he would not believe it, and yet make him feel the bad influences of the same. To be short, that he might come off the best way he could, he invented a tale to the People, and told them that there was a huge Beast which had a mind to devour the Moon, and that to scare it away they must make a great deal of noise, which they did, and by that means awakened the King. Nevertheless, it seems that the Romans had this custom of making a noise with Kettles and Drums to assist the Moon when she laboured in an Eclipse, as may be seen in the sixth satire of Juvenal.  
— Nemo tubas atque aera fatigat  
Unde laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Wind Samiel, the Kelecks, and the Authors embarking in that kind of Vessel.  
WHen we came to Mosul, it was resolved that five Kelecks should be made, because many of the Caravan had a mind to go by Water, to the end they might avoid the Samiel, and I was one of those.  
The rest departed on Wednesday the thirtieth of July, and took their way through Mesopotamia, which is certainly the shortest; but no Village to be found upon the Road, and two days after, we had news that six of them were already dead. Within a few days more came the Hazna, which is the money for paying the Soldiers of Bagdad, and because the Kelecks were long in making, a great many took that occasion, and on Wednesday the sixth of August went away with the Hazna through Curdistan, and crossed the Water upon the Bridge of Mosul. That is the longest way, but there are several Villages upon the Road, and my Moucre had a mind I should go that way; however I would not partly because of the Samiel, and partly also for fear he might play me some trick; because I had refused him some Piastres that he would have had over and above our bargain, though he had been already paid double; and therefore he went away and left me. 
A profitable advice.  This aught to be a lesson never to pay that sort of men before hand. Next day after they were gone, the news came that nine of them were dying.  

Samiel.  But having spoken so much of the Samiel, it is but reasonable I should relate what I have been told of it; Sam in Arabic, signifies poison, and ●iel in Turkish, wind; so that that compound word signifies Poyson-wind, and it may be the ventus urens, or East Wind, of which Job speaks in the one and twentieth Chapter of his Book. Having with much curiosity informed myself of that Wind, all told me the same thing, that it is a very hot Wind that reigns in Summer from Mosul to Surrat but only by Land, and not upon the Water; and that they who have breathed that Wind, fall instantly dead upon the place, though sometimes they have the time to say that they burn within. No sooner does a man die by this Wind, but he becomes as black as a coal, and if one take him by the Leg, Arm or any other place; his flesh comes from the bone, and is plucked off by the hand that would lift him up. They say that in this Wind there are streaks of fire as small as a hair, which have been seen by some, and that they who breath in those rays of fire die of them, the rest receiving no prejudice; if it be so, it may be thought that these fires volant proceed from sulphurous exhalations that rise out of the Earth, which being tossed by the Wind, kindle, (for they are inflameable) and being with the Air sucked in by respiration, consume the entrails in a moment. Or otherwise, if it be no more but a bare Wind, that Wind must be so hot, that in an instant it corrupts the whole body it enters into; and if it kill no body upon the Water, the reason must be, that these inflamed Vapours are dissipated or extinguished by the exhalations that continually rise out of the water, which are gross and humid; or because there is always a cool breeze upon the water. However leaving the discussion of this point to the learned, what I have related of the effects of the Samiel is certainly true, for I have informed myself thereof by many, most of whom have seen and handled those that have died of it, which is very common in Summer: If that Wind reign from Mosul to Surrat (as some say,) it must be along the Waterside; for over land there are many places where it reigns not at all.  
Having been so well informed then of that Wind, I resolved not to run the hazard of suffering by it; but because many were gone with the Hazna, 
Kelecks.  they could hardly resolve at Mosul to make Kelecks, which is a kind of boat, wherein there is neither peg, nail, nor indeed, any bit of Iron; though it be made up of at least of as many pieces as our boats are. It hath neither Mast nor Sail, and nevertheless if it wanted Wind, it would presently sink to the bottom: And quite contrary to our boats, out of which they are obliged to pump the water often, into this water must be thrown. For making of these boats then, they make fast and tie together with ropes a great many Borrachios or leathern Jugs, in a square figure but longer than broad: Ours consisted of twenty Borrachios in length, and thirteen in breadth, which in all made an hundred and threescore. Upon these Borrachios they fasten a train, or hurdle of poles tied together with withies, and upon that bed of poles they place four benches, which are nothing else but bundles of poles, about half a foot thick, they are set at about two foot and a half distance one from another, and are made as high; so that there remains all round without, a border or sideway two or three foot broad. Afterwards they lay poles cross over from one bench to another, and upon them they load the goods and place their passengers every one shifting for themselves aswell as they can upon the things they carry along with them. So these boats are about four fathom long, and three broad below; and above, (when they are loaded) about three fathom long and two broad; and they are loading and all, about five or six foot high. These Borrachios, must be wet every half quarter of an hour, for fear they should squat for want of Wind; which the boat-men do with a leathern pouch tied to the end of a pole. There is neither rudder nor sail, as I said, and the whole crew consists of three Watermen, two of which row the boat with Oars, which are towards one of the ends, on each side one; and these Oars are no more but Poles, having sins about two foot and a half long fastened to the end of them, they are made of several pieces of Cane, six or seven Inches long, and the third Waterman wets the Borrachios. They have neither stem nor stern, and go any way, but commonly side ways, quite contrary to ours: Every evening these Barrachios must be new blowed, which they do with the ends of reeds, and when they are cracked they mend them. These Kelecks put a shore always twice a day, that the men may do their needs. They are necessitated to make use of such boats, because in the Summertime, a small boat of Timber, cannot go upon that River, by reason of the multitude of banks.  
Two of these Kelecks were made, and so soon as they were finished I sent to take a place; but the answer I had was, that they would not receive me, because (some said) I had Wine, and others Musk with me, the smell whereof would heat them too much. However, since I would by no means lose that occasion, the Reverend Father John spoke to some, 
No Wine in a Keleck.  who promised that I should have a place, on condition that I carried no Wine with me; for they fancy that Wine would sink the Keleck: And indeed, I saw some Christians who had a great deal of credit, but not enough to embark Wine. I presently sent my Servant with my things; he stayed on board to look after them, and sent me word, that they would not put off before the next day. I failed not next morning to go thither, but it was in vain, for (our departure being put off till night, and then till next day,) I was persuaded to return back; which I did the more willingly, because I perceived it would be very incommodious to spend the Night in that place. However, having heard the Soldiers of Bagdad (who were to go with us,) threaten to throw overboard the Goods of those that offered to carry Wine, I then resolved not to take any with me.  
Next morning I came to the waterside, where at first I had a proof of the tyranny and barbarity of these people, who putting the passengers Goods on board without weighing them, reckoned them double the weight they were, for one hundred weight setting down two, and doing the like for the provisions; for one must carry every thing with him in this Voyage, wherein, (as they say,) there was neither house nor harbour to be found. We went to the Office, and paid two Piastres for every head, and four for the hundred weight of my Goods. Then I came to keep my place, where I suffered a great deal of heat, for every thing was so hot there, that whatever I touched burnt my hands, and rivers of sweat ran from me on all sides.  
During that time, I saw an experiment of the dexterity the People of the Country have to cross the water without a Bridge. I perceived forty or fifty she Buffles driven by a Boy stark naked, who came to sell the milk of them; these Buffles took the water, and fell a swimming in a square body; the little Boy stood upright upon the last, and stepping from one to another, drove them on with a stick, and that with as much force and assurance, as if he had been on dry Land, sometimes sitting down upon their Buttocks: He went ashore above five hundred paces below the Town, on the other side of the Water. After Noon they demanded a Piastre more of each Person, and I was obliged to Codgia Elias that I paid a little less: But when they came to talk of putting me in the middle of the other Keleck, where I should have been stifled for want of Air, I demanded back my money and goods, telling them that I would stay at Mosul, until the heats were over. In fine, Codgia Elias prevailed so far that they left me my place; and they sent other passengers with their goods out of our Keleck into the other, which was less loaded. From that time they began to show me good countenance, and to assure me that no body should molest me. I think that besides the credit of Codgia Elias (to whom I am much obliged for that good office, and for many more that he did me;) the Authority of Topgi Bassa (whose Kinsman I gave myself out to be in the Caravan,) stood me in no small stead, and I had reason to say I was, since in the Letters he gave me at Damascus he had called me his Brother.   

CHAP. XIII Of the Voyage on board the Keleck, to Bagdad.  

Departure from Mosul.  WE parted from Mosul on Friday the eighth of August about three of the Clock in the Afternoon; at least our Keleck went to the Isle on the other side, where we stayed at least an hour in putting men and goods on board of the other, which was less loaded than ours. There was left on board of ours no more than ten hundred weight of goods, and twenty passengers; then they made me change my place, as a sign they would oblige me, and gave me a better upon the side of the Keleck, all beginning to caress me. We began then to set forward in good earnest, and were gone but a little way, when we found an Island which we left to the right hand; keeping always to the left along by the shore of Curdistan. The side of Mesopotamia is well sowed, but the Curdistan shore is barren and uncultivated; as if the curse of Nineveh were fallen upon it; nevertheless in the Evening I saw great flocks of sheep, and goats a watering.  
The River of Tigris is more crooked and winding than any that ever I saw. It maketh a great many Islands, and is full of banks of stone; when we passed near to any of these banks, all the Turks in Chorus called Mahomet to their assistance. There are a great many Birds on both sides, and amongst others we saw a flight, altogether like Francolines, save that they have an unpleasant smell, though the flesh of them be firm and very good to eat. They were so numerous, that I think a grain of small shot could not have passed through without hitting some of them; and they made a Cloud above five hundred paces in length and fifty in breadth. About six a Clock we began to have little hills on our right hand, which lasted about two hours: And we passed near to one, out of which they have Sulphur, which they purify and melt into Canes. This Sulphur is a very white Earth, for we were pretty near that hill, which is almost wholly of Sulphur. We stopped on the Curdistan shore two hundred paces from thence, about Sunsetting, and rested upon the ground by the Waterside; some of the Company stayed on board to guard the Kelecks; for the Arabs when they see Kelecks, many times come swimming and take what they can, and then make their escape in the same manner. They have besides, the cunning (when they are swimming) to put some branches of trees upon their heads, that it may not be thought they are men. The water over against these hills is no broader than the length of the Pont Marie at Paris. That Night we had a very hot Wind, which sometimes brought with it cold gusts also, and I observed they were not so strong as the others; I was afraid it might have been the Samiel, because it blew from that hill of Sulphur.  
Next Morning being Saturday the ninth of August, we embarked about break of day: 
Hills of Sulphur.  We still saw on the side of Mesopotamia some hills of Sulphur, which we smelled. We met several People, Men, Women and Girls that crossed the Water stark naked, having a Borrachio under each Armpit, and their baggage on their heads, and amongst the rest we saw two Girls who swum over without any help. Half an hour after Sunrising, we perceived on the Waterside to the left hand, 
Houses of Arabs.  several of the Arabs houses, square, and about two fathom high; they were made of Poles, and covered with leaves, their cattle were hard by, and also their Horses which are always saddled: These are their Summer-houses; for in the Wintertime they shelter themselves under their Tents of black Goat's hair.  

Alyhamam. Hot Baths.  About six a Clock we stopped at a Village, called Alyhamam in Mesopotamia; there are a great many natural hot Baths there, and I make no doubt but these Waters run through Sulphur. The People of the Country have dug great Pits in the Earth under little Domes, wherein they bathe themselves; for my own part, I thought it enough to wet a finger therein, and found it very hot, but not scalding. Sick people come there from all quarters, and are cured, but especially Lepers. There are a great many always there from Mosul, which is but a days Journey of Caravan distant. All the Houses of this Village are by the Waterside, they are all about two fathom square, and the Walls and Roofs are only of Canes interlaced with branches of Trees; we rested there about two hours, and then continued our Voyage. The Sun that day was several times overcast with Clouds, that did us a great kindness; after Noon we stopped a little, to stay for the other Keleck which was not come up.  
About three a Clock we came to Asiguir, 
Asiguir.  which is a place where the remains of the Foundation of a Bridge are still to be seen, over which the Water runs with so much noise, that we heard it half an hour before we came to the place. When we were got there, we went a shore on the left hand, because there is only a small passage near Land for the Kelecks; and in the Summertime it is so shallow, that many times they are forced to keep in the middle and go over stones that rise to the brim of the Water, and make a kind of cascade or fall. We all took our Arms, to defend us against the Lions, which are there in great Numbers amongst little Coppises; however we saw none. When the Keleck had passed near the shore the current carried it into the middle of the River; so that it could not stop till it came to an Island which is about fifty paces from the main Land, and thither we went to it up to the knees in water. A little after, we had a great many hills to the right hand; and on the first of them there is still some remains of a Castle, called Top-Calai, that's to say the Castle of Cannons; 
Top-Calai.  they say it was built by Nimrod, as well as that Bridge, which he had built for his convenience in going to his Mistress whom he kept on the other side.  
Besides that, we saw a great many other hills of Sulphur; and one amongst the rest very high, the Sulphur whereof appeared very yellow, and smelled strong. About half an hour after, we saw the end of these Mountains, and had others on the left hand covered over with Trees. A quarter of an hour after, we saw on the left hand, 
River of Zarb.  the place where the River of Zarb falls into the Tigris: It's a great River, more than half as broad as the Tigris, very rapid, and the Water thereof is whitish and cold: They say that it comes very far off from the Mountains of Curdistan, and is only Snow-water. On the same side, about a French League up in the Country there is a hill by itself, on which are the Ruins of a Castle, called Kchaf. 
Kchaf.  Having passed this place (which looks like a little Sea,) we had constantly to the left hand Woods full of Lions, Boars and other wild Beasts. We rowed on till the Sun was setting not knowing where to lie, because we durst not go a shore on the side of the Woods for fear of Lions; and on the side of Mesopotamia we saw Arabs; at length just at Sunsetting, we stopped near Woods, which are all of Tamarisk and Liquourice, and set a guard both against Men and Beasts. From Mosul to this place, they reckon it two days Journey and a half by Caravan.  
After midnight three Robbers stark naked approached, but finding themselves discovered, they dived into the water, and disappeared; nevertheless this gave us a great alarm, for they who saw them, ran in all haste to the Keleck, crying out like men in extreme danger; and the rest not knowing what the matter was, and thinking that they had a Lion at their heels, threw themselves desperately into the Keleck, whilst those that were asleep on board, awaking at the noise, and imagining there was a Lion in the Keleck, endeavoured to get out: In short, so great was the disorder, that no man knowing what he did, it is a wonder we did not kill one another.  
Sunday the tenth of April, about break of day, we put forward again, and half an hour after, passed by the foot of a Hill to the left hand, on which there is a Mosque, with a Building like to a little Castle, called Sultan-Abdullah: 
Sultan-Abdullah.  heretofore it was inhabited by Dervishes, and (at present) serves for a retreat to Arabian Robbers. We saw about a score of them on the waterside, with their Horses and Lances, who sent three of their company towards us. These Blades, having stripped themselves naked, came swimming, and asked Bread of us; they had it, and so returned, carrying each two Loaves, one upon their head, and the other in one hand, which they held out of the water, swimming only with the other hand. We had still Woods to our left, and by intervals some Hills, and shortly after we had Woods also to the right hand. In several places on the same side we saw a great many of the Summer-houses of the Arabs, but no body in them.  
Half an hour after five in the evening, we saw upon a little Hill on the same hand the ruins of a Castle called Toprac-Calasi. 
Toprac-Calasi.  There were some Houses of Arabs there; and the other Keleck having stopped a few minutes near Land, they stole an Abe of Cloth, which is a kind of a Vest, and no body perceived it till they were gone. These Arabs sow Millet thereabouts, of which they make their Bread, eating no other.  
We stopped that day in the morning and at noon to do the needs of Nature, as it was our custom, and then continued our way, having always Hills on the right hand; and about Sunsetting we went ashore at a place on the left hand, where there is abundance of Lions, and where one must have a special care of Arabs; for some time ago the Arabs rob a Keleck in that very place, having on board almost fourscore people, whom they killed, and then over-set the Keleck, that it might be thought it over-set of itself. Hardly were we arrived, when three Arabs came swimming over to us from the other side; we gave them Bread, and so set them going.  
We parted next morning (Monday the eleventh of August) at break of day, and had Hills still on our right hand. About eight a clock we passed near one of these Hills, on which the people of the Country say there is a Castle named Mekhoul-Calaai, by the name of a Frank who built it. About nine a clock we saw the ends of these Hills. 
Liquorice-water.  The Liquorice which I found by the way when we went ashore, was very useful to me; for I infused it in the water which I drank, and that pleased me better than common water, which not only made me sweat excessively (for I voided by the pores as much as I drank,) but also it raised on me several Blisters, that pricked me like so many needles as often as I drank or sat down: whereas when I drank Liquorice-water, 
Sumack.  I felt none of these inconveniences. I had besides Sumack, which is almost like Hempseed, wherewith I made another sort of Drink, by putting a little of that grain into water, and after pounding it; that yielded me a very red Water, but very cooling and wholesome; and if a little Salt be added to it, it makes it much pleasanter. They use a great deal of Sumack; and when it is beat and put into Broth, it is very wholesome, and a good remedy against the Bloodyflux.  
They suffer no man to make a Tent upon these Kelecks to keep out the Sun; nay they would not suffer me to hold a bough of a Tree over my head, because of the wind, which might over-set the Keleck: but I found a way to defend myself against the heat of the Sun, by lying half at length, so that my head was a little higher, almost as if I had been sitting. In this posture I fastened one end of my Abe behind my head, and covered myself with the rest in manner of a Tent, by means of three sticks, of which one that I held between my Legs upheld it in the middle, and was like the main Pile; the other two supported it on the two sides. In this manner I had a pretty convenient shade, and the wind ever almost on one side or other: but notwithstanding all my circumspection, I suffered great heats, especially some days, when there was not a breath of wind. About noon, the Hills began again, and these Mountains run along as far as the Indies; they call them Dgebel Hemrin: 
Dgebel Hemrin. Montes Cordaci. Gioubbar Calai. Altun Daghi.  I believe they are the Mountains called Cordaci by Quintus Curtius in his fourth Book and tenth Chapter.  
Towards two of the clock we passed near to a Castle which is in Mesopotamia, called Gioubbar Calai; and some time after, we saw a little Hill to the left hand, called Altun Daghi, that's to say, the Hill of Gold, because the Arabs digging in it here and there find a little Gold. About four a clock we passed that place, where they that go down the Tigris (as we did,) begin to have the Mounts Hebrin to the left, which till that place they have always had to the right, and on the side of Mesopotamia. It is the tradition, that the River heretofore divided them, and that they go by Ispahan, and reach as far as the Indies; and in that Country they affirm, that these Hills, (which are of a white Rock,) encompass all the World. At Sunsetting we went ashore on the side of Mesopotamia, over against Kizil-Han; 
Kizil-Han.  which is a Han not far from it, and the fifth Lodging of the Caravans that come from Mosul.  
We did not take our Lodging on the other side as the nights before, because of the Lions that are there, and are to be seen in Flocks like Sheep. We kept good Guard, because our station was pretty near to the Houses of some Arabs; besides, there were some Lions also on that side. Amongst the rest, there is one that is in great reputation among the people of the Country: he is called, the Lion of Kizil-Han, and is said to be as big as an Ass, 
A Lion of great bigness.  and of extraordinary strength; who never fails to take a man of every Caravan, and it was very honourable for ours that we paid him not that Tribute. They add, that he commonly sets upon those who straggle in the rear; and (that it may not be thought that it's for want of courage, but only out of cunning, that he does so,) they say he is so bold, that if he see no more but two or three men, he comes confidently up to them, and taking one of them in his Claws, lays him upon his Back, and carries him away. Some Caravanists told me a great many Tales upon that subject, which I shall give as cheap as I had them.  
They told me very seriously, that the Lion never sets upon a man but when he is very hungry, and that he feeds upon him backwards, beginning always at his Buttocks, because he is afraid of the face of a man. That when he takes a Camel or a Buffle, he lays him on his Back, and easily carries that Load; but that he cannot do so with an He-Buffle nor a Sheep; for he dares not set upon an He-Buffle, because he would certainly be killed by him: As to a Sheep, that he can very well take and kill it, though he cannot carry it, but is obliged to drag it; and the reason is, because heretofore the Lion taking a Buffle or Camel, said, I carry it in the strength of God, 
A Fable of the Lion.  knowing that it was above his power; but having found a Sheep, he said, I'll carry this well enough by my own strength; and therefore God punished his Presumption, by disabling him to carry it. This they have got from the Fables of damned Calilve. They affirm moreover, that the Lion understands what a man says, and weeps when a man speaks. The Arabs are not afraid of Lions, 
The Arabs are not afraid of Lions.  and provided an Arab have but a stick in his hand, he'll pursue a Lion, and kill him if he can catch him.  
This evening about nine a clock one of the men of our Keleck, with a Hook took a great Fish; it was above five foot long, 
A Fish as big as a man.  and though it was as big as a man, yet he told me it was a young one, and that commonly they are much bigger. The Head of it was above a foot long; the Eyes four inches above the Jaws, round, and as big as a brass farthing; the mouth of it was round, and being opened as wide as the mouth of a Cannon, so that my head could easily have gone into it; about the mouth on the outside, it had four white long Beards of Flesh, as big as one's little finger; it was all over covered with scales like to those of a Carp; it lived long out of the water, died when they opened the Belly to skin it, and was a Female: the flesh of it was white, tasted much like a Tunny, and was as soft and lose as Flax.  
We embarked again next day (the twelfth of August) in the dawning, and about two a clock after noon came to Tikri, which is in Mesopotamia, 
Tikri.  and the sixth Lodging of the Caravans from Mosul: there we spent the rest of the day. I endeavoured twice to go thither, but could not, because in ten or twelve places there is danger of breaking one's neck; so that I rested satisfied to see the Houses which are to the waterside, and are well enough built for that Country, being all of rough Stone. I understood that heretofore it had been a great Town, but at present it is no more but ruins, and hardly to be reckoned a good Village; and indeed, we had much ado to find Bread in it, and to have a little Meat it behoved me to buy a whole Sheep. It is built upon a very high Rock, because of the overflowings of the Tigris which happens in the Spring; for than it swells so considerably, that it seems to be a little Sea, and is deeper than in Summer by above four or five Pikes length, as I might easily observe by the marks that remain on the Hills. We had no Lions to be afraid of in that place, but Robbers we had.  
Wednesday the thirteenth of August we parted from thence, about break of day, 
Imam-Muhammeddour.  and about eight a clock saw to the left hand a Village called Imam-Muhammeddour, from the name of a Mosque, where they pay great Devotion: all that I could observe in passing, was a square Minaret that spires into a Pyramid. About noon we saw many forsaken houses, some ruinous, and others not; and that during the space of above two hours' way, but at distances one from another; 
Eski-Bagdad.  they call that Eski-Bagdad, the ancient Bagdad. About two in the afternoon we stopped on the left hand, because the wind was high. At that time some of our company having gone ashore to sit under a Tree, they had hardly made one step, when they returned with all speed, because they found that the wind was Samiel, and told me that they felt the Air as it had been fire. We stayed there about two hours, and then went on our way; but the wind still continuing, and being apprehensive that it might force us upon some Bank, half an hour after, we put ashore on the same side. We were presently visited by the Arabs, who told us, that in the morning a Lion had carried away one of their Buffles; I asked one of them, if he run away when he met a Lion: God forbidden, (answered he;) a Man should never fly from a Lion, seeing if a Lion perceive that he is resolute, it will be sure to run first. We kept Guard all night long against the Arabs and Lions, whose roar we heard every minute, as well as the noise of the Karacoulacks, the yelping of the Chakales, and the barking of the Arabs Dogs.  

Karacoulacks.  The Karacoulacks are Beasts somewhat bigger than Cats, and much of the same shape; they have long black ears, almost half a foot long; and from thence they have their name, which signifies black-ear. They are the Chiaoux of the Lions, (as the people of the Country say) for they go some steps before them, and are, as it were, their guides to lead them unto those places where there is Prey, and have a share for their reward. When that Beast calls the Lion, it seems to be the voice of a Man calling another, though the voice of this be a little shriller: I was told that the Karacoulack and the Leopard were one and the same thing. 
Chakales. The Author was in that mistake in his first Travels.  The Chakales are as big as Foxes, and have something of a Fox, and something of a Wolf, but are not Mongrels begot of them, as many have said.  
We were obliged then to keep Guard both towards the Land and Water, as well against Men as Beasts. Several told stories how that many Lions had come to Caravans and carried away men, no body scarcely perceiving it; because when a Lion swims, he hides all his Body under water except the Nose, so that he comes on so softly, that he is not heard; and when he is ashore he snatches a man, and jumping into the water with him, carries him over to the other side. Whenever we heard a Fish stir in the water, we took the alarm, and that obliged us to make a fire, and shoot off several Muskets, because they say the Lion is afraid of fire. About midnight we heard the voice of a Chakale near to us, but when we spoke it was silent; and we all thought it was an Arab who had counterfeited the noise of a Chakale, that seeing him afterwards come creeping upon all four, we might not have been alarmed, for they have the cunning to do so. A little before day a real Chakale came within Musquet-shot of us, but finding itself discovered, fled. These Chakales are very thieving Beasts, not only of what is fit for eating, but of any thing else they find, carrying away even Turbans sometimes; they howl almost like Dogs, one making the Triple, another the Basse, and a third the Counter-Tenor; and so soon as one cries, the rest cry also, so that all together they make a noise which may truly be called Dogs Music.  
Thursday the fourteenth of August we parted from that place at break of day, 
Aaschouk. Maaschouk.  and a little after, saw on our right hand a Village called Aaschouk, and to the left another called Maaschouk. The people of the Country say, that these places are so called because in each of those two Villages there was in former times a Tower, in one of which lived a Man, who was in love with a Woman that lived in the Tower of the other Village, and was in like manner beloved of her. This place is the seventh Lodging of the Caravans that come from Mosul to Bagdad. About half an hour after six we saw to the left hand a Village called Imam-Samerva. 
Imam-Samerva. Hedgiadge. Elhan. Digel.  About eleven a clock we passed by another Village called Hedgiadge, which is in Mesopotamia▪ Three hours after, we saw another on the same side, named Elhan, and besides it, some Houses, all that Land being called Digel. Half an hour past six in the evening we put ashore on our left hand, where I was told of another-guess prowess of a Lion, than what I had been told of that of Kizil-Han. They said then, that not long before, a Caravan passing by that place, a Lion came, who setting upon a young Boy mounted on an Ass, that came after the rest, carried away both Boy and Ass in view of the whole Caravan. After Supper we went upon the water again, about nine of the clock at night, and for the space of half an hour heard on our right hand many Chakales very near us, which called the Lions, and after that we saw no more Woods. We began then to make the best of our way by night as well as by day, because there are no more Banks, and the River is very broad, but also so still, that it can hardly be discerned which way it runs. We passed by several Villages, most of which were on Mesopotamia-side.  
Next day, being Friday the fifteenth of August, we saw about noon many Boats near the shore, which have Masts like Saicks, and serve to carry Corn to Bagdad from the neighbouring Villages. We then discovered several Palm-Trees, and many of those Wheels they call Dollab, which serve to draw water out of Wells, as at Mosul. Half an hour after six in the evening we stopped at a Village called Yenghige on the left hand; there are many Gardens there, where they sold us good Figs, Pomegranates, and very big long Grapes. At that place we were not altogether safe from Lions, seeing the people of the Country told us, that they come often into their Gardens, and that one morning a Lion came to the very Suburbs of Bagdad that lies on the Desart-side, where it seized a man who had risen too early. Nevertheless, betwixt Yenghige and Bagdad there are several Villages, with a great many Gardens. 
Yenghige.  We parted about nine a clock at night, and next day, being Saturday the sixteenth of August, at two a clock in the afternoon passed by a Village called Imam-Mousa, which is on the right hand: It is a place of Pilgrimage, 
Imam-Mousa.  whither people resort from afar, and the Women of Bagdad go thither every Friday, it being only an hours march by Land. A little after we saw another Village on our left hand, called Imam-Aazem, 
Imam-Aazem  which is likewise a place of Pilgrimage; and about five of the clock in the evening we arrived at Bagdad.  
In that Voyage they speak every where Turkish, 
The Turkish Language towards Bagdad.  but it is Persian Turkish which differs somewhat from that of Greece; and the nearer Bagdad, the more the Turkish Language differs from that of Constantinople.   

CHAP. XIV. Of Bagdad, and of the Road from Bagdad to Mendeli, the last Place the Turks have on the Confines of Persia.  
BAGDAD is a long Town lying upon the Riverside; 
Bagdad.  the first thing one sees in arriving, is the Castle on the side of the River to the left hand, which on the outside appears to be pretty strong: It is built of lovely white Stone, but I was told that there was nothing within but Huts. Below that Castle, upon the waterside also, stands the Seraglio of the Bassa, which hath fair Kiochks, from whence they have a good Prospect, and fresh Air. Next you find a Bridge of about forty Boats, on which they cross into Mesopotamia, where there is a Town also, or rather a Suburbs of Bagdad; but the Houses of it are ill built. Every night they undo that Bridge.  
It requires at least two hours to make the round of Bagdad, which is not very strong on the Landside. There are fair Bazars and lovely Bagnio's in this Town, built by the Persians; and generally all that is goodly in it hath been built by them. It is but ill peopled, considering the bigness of the place, and indeed, it is not compactly built, for there are a great many empty places in it, where there's not one Soul to be found; and, except the Bazars, (where there is always a great confluence of people,) the rest looks like a Desert. The Soldiers here are very licentious, and commit all imaginable Insolences, their Officers not daring scarcely to punish them. Some weeks before I arrived there, they had put the Bassa to death by poison, because of his Tyrannies, and, (it was said,) the Aga had a share in it, though he kept not his bed, but was in a languishing condition. Besides the Turkish Militia, there are a great many Christians in the Grand-Signior's Pay, to fight against the Arabs, when they are commanded.  
It is very hot in this Town, and that's the reason the people sleep upon the Terraces. 
The degrees of heat at Bagdad.  The eighteenth of August at noon, the heat was at the thirty seventh degree by my Thermometre, and nevertheless it blew a cool breeze of wind. The Capuchins, (to whom I went as soon as I entered Bagdad,) very charitably practise Physic there.  

The water of the Tigris.  Opposite to Bagdad the Tigris is very broad, the water whereof they draw, and put into great Jars of Clay that is not burnt, and through these Jars the water transpires and percolates into an earthen Vessel underneath, in the same manner as at Aleppo; they call this River Chau-bagdad, that's to say, the River of Bagdad; but wanting skill to make Water-mills upon it, they are forced to grind all their Corn with Horsemills or Hand-mills.  

Mesopotamia.  Mesopotamia is very desert, every thing being ruined there by the Tyranny of the Turks; but the places that are inhabited are well peopled. It bears few or no Trees, unless it be Liquorice, of which there is plenty every where.  

Oil of Naphta. Carrier-Pigeons. An error in Geography about the confluent of Tigris and Euphrates.  They burn at Bagdad more of the Oil of Naphta than Candles, and it is got somewhere in those Quarters. They have Carrier-Pigeons of a better kind than in any other place.  
We must here take notice of a considerable mistake in all Maps, where Bagdad is placed a great way below the confluent of the two Rivers of Euphrates and Tigris, though it be certain that they join not but at ten or twelve days Journey below Bagdad, in the furthermost part of Dgezri: It is true, that in the Wintertime, when these two Rivers break out, they join at Bagdad, but that happens not every year. About eight or nine days Journey below Bagdad, there is a Canal made, which goes from Euphrates to the Tigris.  
Immediately after I arrived in this Town, a Caravan offering for Hamadan in Persia, 
Agreement for the Journey from Bagdad to Hamadan.  I bargained with a Christian, and gave him seven Piastres for every Beast of carriage, and paid nine and twenty Piastres Ryals, for three Horses that I had occasion for, for my own use, and a fourth for Monsieur Jacob, a Watchmaker, who traveled the same way; for which the Christian was to defray all Caffares and Customs as far as Hamadan; for all things generally pay Custom, and that without any regard to the value, but only the weight. The ordinary rate is seven Piastres' Rials for twenty three Patmen; 
The names and value of weights and money. Piastre. Abassi. Chais. Para. Aspre. Boquelle. Turkish Chequin. Venetian Chequin.  a Patman makes three Rottles of Aleppo, or six Oques and three Ounces. The Abassi is is worth there two Chais and a half; the Piastre Ryal is worth eight Chais, and each Chai five Paras, and the Para four Aspres, which are all pieces of Silver; the Boquelle is worth seven Chais; the Turkish Chequin is worth eighteen Chais, and the Venetian nineteen.  
That Caravan consisted of threescore and ten or fourscore men, all bold and fearless Blades, for they had but one Pistol and some few Shables amongst them all; and to show that it was not the number they relied upon, they commonly divided, and marched separately at some distance from one another, without fear of Robbers, and they were almost all Persians. They were as little apprehensive too of the weather as of dangers, for amongst them all they had no more but two or three little sorry Tents, covered with some pieces of old Carpets: For my own part, (since I was not so brave,) I had a good Pavilion to cover me; and amongst three of us we had twelve shot that we could fire without re-charging.  
We parted from Bagdad, Wednesday the twentieth of August, 
Departure from Bagdad.  about five a clock in the evening, and joined the Caravan, which was encamped amongst small Trees without the Gate called Caranlu-Capi, that looks to the East. At this Gate each of us paid a Chai; these Chais are also called Bagdadi, because they are coined at Bagdad; they weigh a drachm apiece. 
Chai. Bagdadi.   
The Caravan marched next day, being Thursday the one and twentieth of August, a little after midnight: We presently entered the Desert, marching Northward, in a great Plain of very smooth whitish ground, glazed over with Salt, where grows nothing but wild Caper-shrubs, and Land-Caltrops. 
Wild Caper Shrubs. caltrop's. Aadgem Coulasi.  An hour and a half after, we saw in the dark to our left a Tower like a little Castle, upon a Hillock; it is called Aadgem-Koulasi, that's to say, the Persians Tower.  
About nine a clock in the morning we encamped by the side of the Tigris, some miles below Yenghidge, near a Village called Locmam-Hakin, or Locman the wise; there we stayed all day, and in the evening we heard several companies of Chakales, which entertained us with their Music. Next day, being Friday the two and twentieth of August, we parted after midnight, and having taken a Guide at Locmam-Hakim, we marched due East, 
Locmam-Hakim. Diala. a River.  and about nine in the morning came to the side of a River called Diala, which we crossed in a Ferry-boat. On the other side we paid each Horseman an Abassi, to a Turk who receives that Toll, and all pay the same, of whatsoever Religion they be. This River is at least as broad as two third parts of the Seine, and at Bassora it falls into the Tigris. Having crossed it, we went and lodged in a great Village called Aacoube, 
Aacoube.  under Palm-Trees which are there in great quantity.  
Next morning by break of day we began to march; our Company would not set out sooner, because they knew not the ways. We continued our way Eastwards; and about seven a clock saw to the left hand a Mosque, which is a place of Pilgrimage. A quarter of an hour after, we passed through the ruins of a desolated Village, and then over a Bridge of one Arch, under which the Channel was very dry. About nine of the clock we crossed a Village called Harounia, and encamped near the Gardens, which are many. 
Harounia.  We made our Journey the shorter, for fear of the heat. We were obliged to keep Guard all night, because of Thiefs and Robbers, yet we heard nothing but Chakales.  
We parted from that place on Sunday the four and twentieth of August, about two a clock in the morning, keeping on still Eastward. About three a clock we passed near to a Village called Adgia, and about half an hour after six, close by another called Imam-Esker, where there is a Bridge, 
Imam-Esker.  upon which they exacted for every Horse, Mule or Ass, an Ahassis and a Mahmoudi, which is as much as a Chai, and a Para, though the Bridge itself never cost six Ahassis, for it is only made of two beams of Palmtree, that reach from side to side, with some planks across, and half a foot of Earth over them; the River that runs underneath being but a Brook no bigger than the River of Gobelines at Paris. They call that due, the toll of bridles. We rested beyond the Bridge, because not only our People were afraid of the heat; but they were besides informed that some Arabs waited for us on the way, and therefore they held a Council to resolve what was fittest to be done: Though they had no certainty of this, yet they were strangely startled at it, and the fear proceeded from some amongst them, who knowing that we were to march through a narrow passage, imagined that an hundred Arabs expected us there; and yet they reduced this number afterwards to fifteen. It was to no purpose to upbraid them with Cowardice, telling them that let them be as many as they pleased we feared them not. Though this resolution gave them some assurance, yet they used their credit to make us stay for some Janissaries, who who were going to Mendeli; and in case they would not accompany them, they resolved to take four Troopers at the Village. They sent one of their number to acquaint us with their resolution, and civilly to entreat us to contribute somewhat to the pay of these Troopers: At first we refused it, yet gave them some Chais after, with a Protestation that it was not for any fear we were in, and that we should not be concerned though there were an hundred Arabs of them, but that what we did was only in a complaisance, not thinking these Troopers to be any ways necessary.  
We parted the same day about eleven a Clock at Night, attended by fifteen Janissaries armed some with Muskets, and some with Arrows and all marching in good order, and at a good rate too, for there was not one of them but was sufficiently afraid, and we continued our march Eastwards. Monday the five and twentieth of August about two of the Clock in the Morning, we met a Caravan of about fourscore or a hundred in company, some mounted on Horses, 
Cunes upon Camels.  Mules or Asses, and the rest in great Cunes, well covered over Arch-ways, each Camel carrying two of them, and in that company I saw seven or eight of these Machine's. This Caravan came from Persia, and was no better armed than ours, which a little lessened our People's fear, who before that, made frequent discharges of two rusty Pistols, which was all the Artillery they had.  
About break of day we passed that dangerous pass they talked of: It was a way somewhat narrow, near to a little Water, but it seemed to me to be no more dangerous than the rest of the Road. We met by the way several Men and Women, some on Asses, others on foot; some in company and others not; which made me think that it was a very good safe Road: For from Bagdad to Mendeli, the way is always full and as smooth as a Looking-glass; but I take it to be very bad in Winter, for there are pieces of ground all chincked and cracked, by the heat, which yielded a little under our Horse's feet, and that made me conclude that in another season it would be very deep. About six a Clock in the Morning we saw to the right, a Village called Nebitarana, 
Nebitarana.  and half an hour after seven, we arrived at Mendeli, near to which we encamped.  

Mendeli the Frontier of Persia.  Mendeli is the outmost bounds of the Turks on that side, it is a little Town built amongst a great many Palm-trees: It has a Castle with some Towers, but all is built of Mud and Clay: Nevertheless, it is watered by a running stream, divided into several Brooks. There we rested all the next day being Tuesday the six and twentieth of August, and paid an Abassi for every load: The same day a Caravan arrived at Mendeli, which came from Ispahan and was going to Bagdad; it was no bigger than ours and had no fire-Arms; yet there were Arabs at Mendeli who looked suspiciously: And I was told that a Turk having asked them, why they had done nothing to us, they had made answer, that it was because we had nothing but Leather, which they did not much care for; they used this Rodomontado, because they saw some Horses in our Caravan loaded with Buffles skins; in the Nighttime we heard several Chakales.    

THE Second Book. OF PERSIA.  

CHAP. I. Of the entry into Persia, and of the Road to Hamadan.  
WE Parted from Mendeli Wednesday the seven and twentieth of August at break of day, taking our way due East; assoon as we were on our way, we entered amongst Hills, where we saw many Rivulets, some of which it behoved us to cross. About six in the Morning we forded over a River, which they call Rogoura, about two or three fathom broad, 
Rogoura, a River.  and the Water up to our Horse's knees. About ten of the Clock in the Morning we had a Rancounter, which we little thought of.  
As I passed within a few steps of three Huts made of Canes; I saw two Men in Persian Habit, of whom he that seemed to be the chief had a close bodied Coat of Silk-stuff with large Flowers of Gold: They came towards us whilst I minded nothing, and spoke to me though I did not heed it: In the mean time finding that I listened not to what they said to me, one of them with a hooked stick, took hold of my Horses bridle and stopped him; which made me pull out a Pistol, and to consider the Men more attentively. I perceived that they made no show of offering any violence, though they were armed each of them with a Quiver full of Arrows, a Bow, an Axe by their side and a Cymetre; and indeed, it had not been their best course, I and they who followed me having our fire-Arms all in readiness, which made me a little wonder at the boldness of the Men. At the same time Monsieur Jacob who saw their action, advanced towards them, with a design to fire, calling them in Turkish an hundred Rogues and Rascals, as if they had been Robbers: My man came also with a Musketoon presented, but perceiving that the men seemed not concerned, and did not so much as lay a hand upon their Swords; but that on the contrary the chief of them calling me Cardash, (that's to say Brother,) civilly asked me to give him the hearing; I prayed Monsieur Jacob to hold his hand, and they very courteously told us that they had orders not to suffer us to pass. That surprised us a little, because we knew not the reason of it; but being informed of that, we would not proceed against their Will, 
Rahdars' guards of the Road.  though we might have done it. These men are Rahdars, (that's to say guards of the Road,) of which there are many in several places, especially upon the Frontiers, not only of Persia, but also of every Khanlick or Province to secure the Highways; and for wages they have a due of some Bistis of every loaded Horse or Mule.  
They stop all that are not in Caravan, if they know them not. And the reason why they stopped us, was because we were not only a little separated from the Caravan, but that a man who went before us, had told them, that in our Caravan there were two unkown Franks: The Kervan-Basha being informed that we were stopped, came and spoke to them; but they told him that they would not suffer us to pass, because if they did they would lose their places. We might have easily forced them, (as I have said;) but it would not have looked well to have committed violence upon our first entry into a Country; for at this place begin the Territories of the King of Persia. At length, (by the Council of the Kervan-Basha) we followed them to their Huts, where they spread a Carpet, on which we sat down together like good friends. In the mean time they unloaded our goods, and several of their men came into the place where we were. Their Master bid us lay by our Swords; which we freely did, and he drew them one after another. We had some thoughts that he intended to be revenged for our offering to fire upon him; but after he had looked upon them, be put them up again: He told us a second time that his office was to suffer no man to enter into Persia, unless he were known, lest some might come and make their escape there, when they had committed Villainies elsewhere; I made him answer that many Franks had past that way before, without being stopped, but he assured me of the contrary; and indeed, I believe that the ordinary way is somewhat more towards the North, than Mendeli. In short, he protested that he would not let us go, unless those of the Caravan would answer for us, wherefore we sent our Muletor with one of the Persians to the Camp, which was half an hours walk from thence. In the mean time, that man complained several times to my Servant, that we should have offered to fire at him, and give him bad language as if he had been a Rogue: Nevertheless, he civilly ordered our Dinner to be brought which consisted of a great Bowl full of Bread; two Bowls of sour Milk, two plates of new made Butter; and a wooden Dish wherein there were about two Eggs prepared with a sauce, which I think can hardly be found in any Book of Cookery; and that was for about a dozen of men. We fed a little, and drank Water in wooden Cups. Then the man must needs see our Trunks, he handled the watches of Monsieur Jacob one after another; I opened also my Sepet; but finding that he had a mind to see all things only out of Curiosity, and to make Tamascha as he called it, I told him that he had no right of demanding custom, nor by consequence of viewing our goods, that it required much time to do them up again, and that therefore he might undo what he thought fit, and do them up again himself; but that if any thing were lost, he should be made accountable for it, and that made him suffer me to make all fast again. Afterwards the man whom we sent with our Muletor arrived, and brought him a Paper signed by several of our Caravan, who vouched for us, and who indeed threatened, that if the least wrong were done unto us, they would complain of it, and that if we went and complained to the Chan, it would certainly bring them into trouble. Immediately they dismissed us, and we turned to the Caravan.  

Isterkil. Rogoura. Roudhhouna, a River.  It lay at a place called Isterkil, which is a little plain amongst hills, through which runs the River Rogoura, perhaps a Word corrupted from Roudhhouna, which signifies a River that runs; for the Persians give that Name to all great Rivers▪ It is hard to describe that Country well, if one be not perfect in the Language, especially because of the Rivers. Near to us there were six or seven Huts of Licurdi or Curds, who so soon as we had pitched our Tents, came and squatted down all round under them, like rustical Clowns that had never seen any thing, which made a Janissary that was with us stark mad; for though he bid them be gone, they would not stir, but laughed at him; and this vexed him the more, to see that in that Country he had not the Authority which those of that body have in all places of Turkey: At length having spoken to them so often, they went away in great dudgeon, calling him a thousand Names.  
We were now free from keeping guard in the Nighttime, for there are no Robbers there, and we saw no more Palm-trees after we were gone thence. We parted from that place next day, being Thursday the eight and twentieth of August, about one of the Clock in the Morning, and presently after we were at a loss, no body knowing the way, which we sought for up and down; it being very dark and the sky overcast with Clouds, that now and then sent us some drops of Rain. Many of our loads happened to fall also; so that we lost above half an hours time. At length we made a shift to cross a little Ditch of Runningwater, and then scrambled up a very high and steep hill, doing nothing all the rest of the Night but climb up and down, go backwards and forwards, looking for the way which we had lost. Once we passed the River Rogoura, or Roudhhouna which runs amongst these hills with a great noise because of the Stones its Channel is full of. About five of the Clock in the Morning we saw the Ruins of a very high Bridge, with two Stories of Arches, one over another; it was built of rough Stone, but one half of it only remains, and that made me think that this Water is sometimes apt to overflow very much. A little after, we passed it a second time, and met a Caravan coming from Hamadan, and going to Bagdad. We continued our way upwards along the side of that River; and about six a Clock in the Morning, saw a little Village of Curds, (that's to say) some Huts made of Canes and Leaves of Trees; and then we crossed that River again seven or eight times, which at the place where we passed it last, to wit towards the head, is seven or eight fathom over. About eight in the Morning we saw the half of another very high Bridge, built of the same stuff as the other is, over the same River, but only of one Story of Arches: About nine a Clock we went near to a Village of Curds called Samsurat, where we made account to encamp, and indeed, a good part of the Caravan encamped there; but we (who were in the front) perceiving that some before us advanced farther on, followed them, and having sufficiently tired ourselves with ups and downs, since our departure from Isterkil; we stopped at length about half an hour after ten in the Forenoon, by a Village of Curds called Nian. 
Nian. Turpentine, wild Chestnut-trees. Agnus Castus. Kerbela. Imam-Hussein.  All these hills are covered with Turpentine and wild Chestnut-trees; and most of the Waters bordered with Agnus Castus and Rose-Laurels.  
After we had pitched our Tent we saw a Caravan that came from Persia, and was going to Bagdad upon a Pilgrimage to a place called Imam-Hussein or Kerbela, where there is great devotion paid; it is the place where Hussein was killed, and where his Tomb is; and is about four days Journey from Bagdad towards Mosul in Mesopotamia. Towards the Evening that day, we had a great shower of Rain, but it was presently over; and it was so cold in the Nighttime, that though I was in my clothes, (for I never stripped in the Fields,) I stood in need of my coverlet, and that cold increased daily the farther we advanced on our way.  
We parted from that place on Friday the nine and twentieth of August, at two a Clock in the Morning, and having marched three hours longer among the hills we came into better Way, though the Mountains still surrounded us, but we mounted only some small Ascents, until marching Northwards, we began an hour after, to have ups and downs again over very high hills, and in worse and more dangerous ways than hitherto we had seen; but that lasted not an hour, and then we came into a Plain encompassed with hills. Standing away Eastwards we came by a Village called Chegiafar, 
Chegiafar.  where there are a great many scattering houses, of which part are built of rough Stone and Earth, and some of Canes and Reeds, covered with green branches; those of Earth serve for the Winter and Rainy weather, and then no body lived in them; and the other of Canes are for the Summer, that the Inhabitants may have the fresh Air. Amongst these houses, there is also a great Mosque built of rough Stone and Earth: We made no stop there, but a little beyond it, came and encamped near another Village consisting, (as the former) in the Summer and Winter-houses, but not in so great Number; it is called Seraou, 
Seraou.  and is distant from Chegiafar, about a quarter of an hours march. We arrived there a little after seven in the Morning; the Village stands upon a rising ground, at the foot whereof runs a lovely Spring-water. Towards the Evening some of these Curds came to our Tent, and bid us take heed to ourselves, because there were Robbers in the hills, who creeping on their Bellies in the Nighttime, came and carried away what they could find: We showed them our Arms, which they seemed to be much in love with; many amongst us believed that they themselves were the only Thiefs, and that they came to give us this warning, that we might not accuse them if we were rob, and also that they might see our Arms.  
We parted from thence on Saturday the thirtieth of August, half an hour after two in the Morning. We went up hill and down hill, over exceeding high and troublesome Mountains until eight a Clock; after that we marched for two hours in a plain environed with hills, where we saw several black Tents; and about ten a Clock we encamped under Trees, in a place called Rengpereng, 
Rengpereng.  near which a Brook runs: There was close by a Village of Curds, who brought us provisions.  
We parted from thence on Sunday the last of August, about four of the Clock in the Morning. At first we marched Eastward, amongst Woods of Chestnut-trees, where there is great plenty of liquorice, as there is all that Country over; we kept going upward still, but in very good and easy way. In the Morning we saw a Field sowed with Rice. About seven a Clock we encamped in a Plain, where there are some Trees, near a Hamlet of three or four Huts of Canes, 
Goaour.  and this place is called Goaour. We parted from thence the same day about seven at Night, and by Moonlight marched Eastward in the Plain or Valley, till past Midnight, that we descended by an ugly way into a very low Plain, where having traveled almost an hour, we passed a little Water. Having marched about another hour, we passed a Stone-Bridge of one Arch, under which runs a little River that I could not learn the Name of; a little after, we passed over another Bridge much alike, standing upon the same River.  
About half an hour after two in the Morning Monday the first of September, we encamped at the end of that Bridge, near to a Village called Arnova, 
Arnova.  where there is a good Kervanserai of brick; there are also several Stone-houses, and as many Huts of Canes; These Bridges seem to have been lately built, and the River that runs under them has no other Name amongst the People of the Country, but the Water of Arnova. There are so many Frogs in that Country, that my Tent was always full of them, though they were continually driven out. We parted the same day half an hour after ten at Night, and marched Eastward, in fair way, till half an hour after one a Clock in the Morning of Tuesday the second of September, when we came to a very uneasy descent, and very dangerous too, especially being in the dark, because the Moon was then set; for three hours after, we had pretty good way. 
Goumedli, a River.  We crossed several Brooks, and a small River called Goumedli, and our way lay Northwards. About half an hour after four in the Morning, having gone down hill a little, we went away Eastward in pretty good way, having for sometime a large Brook of running Water on our left hand. Half an hour after five, we descended into a great Plain where we marched about an hour still Eastward. Then about half an hour after six, we came and encamped near to a Kervanserai built by a Lady: A quarter of a league from that Kervanserai, 
Maidescht.  there is a Village built of stone, called Maidescht, and a little farther off than that Village, 
Scheik-Hali-Kan-Kervanserai.  there is another Kervanserai called Scheik-Hali Can Kervanserai, from the Name of a Chan that built it. We passed by it after we had dislodged from the other, about half an hour after eight at Night. We looked upon it to be very fair and commodious, especially because of a little River that runs close by it; it is called from the Name of the Village Maidescht Sovi. We crossed over it upon a Bridge of one Arch, which is built very steep and sharp as most of the rest are; we then kept on our way Eastward in the same smooth Plain.  
Wednesday the third of September a little after Midnight, we went over a hill, but the way was pleasant enough, and then came into the Plain again. About three a Clock in the Morning we passed a little River, and an hour and a half after, came to a Village, called Paul Schah, 
Poul-Schah.  (that's to say the King's Bridge;) we put ourselves under cover there in a Kervanserai.  
The Kervanserais of Persia are much finer and more commodious than those of Turkey, at least such as are on the great Roads; 
The Kervanserais of Persia.  (for I speak not of those in Towns, the loveliest in all the Levant being in Bursa.) These Kervanserais of Persia are large square brick-Buildings above three fathom high; the entry into them is by a Portico, under which are shops, where all things necessary for life are to be had. Passing through that Portico, one enters into the Court; in the middle of this of Paul Schah there is a Fountain, which is not to be found in others. All round the Court there are great Arches, about three fathom wide, and one and a half or two fathom deep, under which are Mastabez, or stone Divans, about two foot raised from the ground: In the middle of the Front, (or if you will,) at the bottom of the Divan, there is a door about two foot wide, where one enters into a Room of the same bigness as the place under the Arch without, and that Chamber has its Chimney. All together makes a pretty commodious apartment, for the Mastabe serves for a Divan and Antichamber, and the Chamber is for retiring into, when one hath no mind to be seen, and for securing one's Goods. These apartments are separated one from another by a partition Wall about three foot thick. On the backside all round the Han, are the Stables, where the Horses may stand dry under roof, aswell as the Men, and there are besides on one side Arches with Mastabez and Chimneys, where one may lodge, when the apartments of the Court are taken up. They enter into it by four Gates, one at each Corner of the Court. The whole Fabric is covered with a Terrace, upon which one may walk all round, and the way up to it is by two pair of Stairs, which are on the two sides of the Portico I mentioned, at the entry. One may stay in these Kervanserais, as long as he pleases, and nothing to be paid for lodging; but the Chambers are not shut, having neither door nor window, nor is there a bit of Timber in the whole, except at the great Gate. In this Kervanserai we found Apples, Pears and ordinary Grapes, besides another sort which are small and have no stones; they are very good, and are called Kischmisch. 
Kischmisch. Poul-Schah, a River.   
A few steps from that Han runs a River called Poul-Schah, that's to say, King's Bridge, from the Name of a very fair high Bridge which King Abbas caused to be built upon it, near to that Village to which it hath given the Name. This Bridge hath six Arches, whose Pillars are of Freestone to the height of five or six foot above the water: And upon these Pillars, there are as many little Arches more, which have on each hand a good Pillar round on the inside, but sharp towards the Water, for cutting and breaking the force of it when it rises so high; these Pillars reach to the top of the Bridge, against which they rest. This Bridge is in length an hundred and thirty six common paces, from the first to the last Arch, without comprehending the two Avenues, which are paved as the Bridge is, having side-Walls of the same materials, four or five foot high, and each of them about forty paces in length; the breadth of the Bridge is about ten common paces. All that Bridge is of brick except the Pillars with their sharp points and butteresses. It is well built, and kept in so good repair, that there is not one brick wanting, and it seems to be Brannero. There are fair and good Fish taken in that River; and they are commonly taken with Coculus Indicus, much used in that Country; they make it up with Paste, to make the Fish drunk.  
The Town where the Chan resides is about two miles distant from the Village; it is called Kerman Schahon, (that's to say the King's Barns, 
Kerman Schahon. ) because the Country about bears plenty of Rice, which Schah Abbas gave for the Zaret or Pilgrimage of Devotion that was made to the Mosque of Imam Hussein, which I spoke of before: But the Turk being Master of it at present, the Rice is sent to Ispahan. This is but an inconsiderable Town, nevertheless, it hath a covered Bazar well stored with Goods and Provisions for the Belly. There is a Seraglio in it for the Chan or Governor: The truth is, though it make some better show than the rest of the houses, it is indeed of no great worth, at least on the outside; for I entered not the Gate, but saw some Divans for taking the Air in.  
We rested there all that day, and the three following, because the Chans Vizir; (for so they call the Officer who commands in his absence,) would not suffer us to go, 
Watchmakers company inconvenient in Persia.  till first he knew, whether the Chan would buy any Watches: Wherein I observed that it is not good to travel in that Country with Watch-makers, because in this manner they stop all Caravans, till the Chan hath seen whether there be any thing that he has a mind to buy. We parted not then till Saturday the sixth of September about eleven of the Clock at Night, and we took our way Eastwards by a fair Road, having near us to the left, rocky hills very high and steep, and to the right hand other Mountains at a little more distance. We found on this way many People in companies coming and going, which was far more pleasant to us than the ways through the Deserts.  
Sunday the seventh of September about five a Clock in the Morning, we passed by a Village called Schechernow, 
Schechernow.  (that's to say new Town,) where there is a fair Kervanserai, with many stonebuildings, and several black Tents. A little Water runs by it, which divides itself into several Rivulets; it is called Bisitoum; 
Bisitoum.  and has its source an hundred paces from thence at the foot of a hill, near to which we passed. That hill thrusts out pieces of Rock, separated from one another by Veins; and these pieces are somewhat round, sticking on the hill from the top to the bottom; and appear like figures in relief. The People of our Caravan told me that they were so many figures, which Ferhad cut for the love of his dear Schirin, 
Ferhad. Schirin.  who had her Castle upon that hill. This Ferhad was an excellent Sculptor in that Country, who was so deeply in love with Schirin, that he broke his heart and died for her. 
Cosrouve Schirin.  His Amours are described in the Poem entitled Cosrouve Schirin; whereof there is a Manuscript in the French King's Library at Paris. About six a Clock we found a Bridge of four Arches, under which runs a River called the Water of Schechernow, (and that's the Name of the Bridge also;) they say that this Bridge was built by the same Person, who built the Village of Schechernow. Half an hour after, we came to another Bridge of two Arches, 
Chadiar.  under which runs a River called Chadiar; but because it is very ill paved, and has no Rails nor side-Walls, we crossed the Water, which is not a foot deep, a little below the Bridge, and encamped on a Plain on the other side, where we had three Villages round us, about two or three Musket-shot distant: 
Zufear. Calantar. Sagas.  The Village to the North, is called Zufear, that to the West Calantar; and the third which is to the South, Sagas.  
We were obliged to keep guard that Night, for the Inhabitants of those quarters are reckoned so nimble at thieving, (that they'll carry away a man's goods even from under his head, and he not perceive it;) and they are so sharp at it and so obstinate, that they are attentive in watching their opportunity, not only while all things be loaded, but even until the Caravan be gone. We dislodged the same day half an hour after eleven at Night, and kept on Eastwards in a fair Road near hills; we passed by many Rivulets on our right hand.  
Monday Morning the eighth of September, half an hour after five, we came to a great bourg, 
Sahna.  called Sahna: We went through that Town and encamped without, near the Gardens which are about it in great Numbers, from whence they brought us fair Grapes, Apples and Pears; and furnished us under hand with a little Wine, that we had not tasted since we left Mosul, unless at Bagdad with the Father's Capucins, who make some privately for Mass; for it is forbidden either to make or sell any. And a little before I came to Bagdad, an Armenian being catched there making Brandy, had several hundred Bastinadoes, and whilst some beat him, others poured his Brandy upon his head. Now in all those places of Persia where there are no Christians, not only there is none to be found, but even it is a Crime to speak of it; nevertheless, having demanded some of an Inhabitant of this Town, who brought us Grapes, after he had looked about him on all hands, to see if any body heard him, he promised us a Jar, which he brought us a little while after: It was sweet and red, and had not sufficiently purged; nevertheless, it was good and delicious; and so are their Grapes excellent. Here we began to see sowed Lands, and a great many Gardens full of Vines, and of all sorts of fruit; and though it be in Curdistan, 
Sofis.  yet Sofis also live there.  
We parted from Sahna, next day being Tuesday the ninth of September, about two of the Clock in the Morning, and about five, we went up hill and down hill for a little while. Half an hour after seven, we crossed over a Bridge of four Arches, under which runs a pretty broad River, but shallow, and it is called Camoutedona. An hour after, we came to a big Town, 
Camoutedona, a River. Kenghever.  called Kenghever, where we lodged in a Kervanserai. This is a large Town, well built and populous; a Rivulet runs by it, which they call the Water of Kenghever. About it are a great many Gardens, full of Fruit-trees of all sorts, and it must heretofore have been a considerable place, for there are the Walls of a Fortress still standing, almost entire; they are built of Flints and other very hard Stones that are both large and thick, and some Towers still remain, with several pieces of white Marble-Pillars, of which the Capitals are so thick, that it's enough for three men to embrace them. Amongst others at a little distance from a Tower, close by this Fort, there are some Portholes for great Guns, and a Gate towards the Country, where two Pedestals of Marble are still remaining, which formerly carried Pillars, and these Pedestals (which are four or five foot in length,) are placed at three or four foot distance from one another, both upon a very thick Wall of fair Stone, with a very lovely wreath on the outside: So that in all probability these Pillars supported some Pavilion, or Balcony for prospect, or some thing else that was very weighty. This Fortress is built upon an Eminence, which affords a very distant prospect, and the Town is the last place of Curdistan which terminates here. Before I leave it for good and all, 
The utmost bounds of Curdistan. Curds.  I must say somewhat of the People that inhabit it.  
The Curdi called anciently Carduchi, live in the Summertime in Huts made of Canes and Boughs of Trees, and in Winter under Tents: Their Country is so mountainous, and so hard to be passed, that I do not now wonder that the King of Persia, (every time that he went to besiege Bagdad,) instead of taking Cannon with him, carried upon Camel's metal to cast them, obliging every Trooper besides to carry an Oque; for it is absolutely impossible to have Cannon drawn along these ways. Though these Curds lead a life much like the Arabs, nevertheless, they are more warlike, and make very good use of Harquebuses; nay in all places we passed through, there were always some of them who came and cheapened our Arms, thinking they had been to be sold: Amongst others one of them once offered me ten Abassis for my Firelock. These Curds instead of Candle, burn only Oil of Naphta, which is got in a place not far from Bagdad.  
We parted from Kenghever, the same day about half an hour after eleven at Night, and in a very good Road, marched Northwards. About three a Clock in the Morning Wednesday the tenth of September, we passed over a fair Bridge of six Arches, called the Bridge of Scheich-Hali-Kan, 
Scheich-Hali-Kan.  from the name of a Chan that founded it; the River that runs under it is called the Water of Scheich-Hali-Kan Bridge; for to Bridges they give the Name of the Founder, and to the Waters that run under them the Name of the Bridge. An hour after, we went by a Village, which we only saw by Moonlight, but it seemed to me to be big and well built: Having afterwards marched through a great Plain for a long while, about seven of the Clock in the Morning we came to a Town called Asad Abad. 
Asad Abad.   
That Town or rather Burrough is of a vast extent, and well built: There are straight large Streets in it, and in the middle of them a running Brook. The Entries into all the Houses are handsome, though the Doors of many of them be but low, and have many Gardens round them. We lodged in the Fields without but close by the Town, and parted from thence the same day, about ten a Clock at Night, directing our way full East. Immediately after, in very good way, we went up a hill called Elovend; 
Elovend.  (it is so high that it took us a complete hour to mount it, and almost three quarters of an hour in coming down again on the other side:) After that, we went by a little house of Rahdars, where for every horse there are two Cabeghiss of Caffare to be paid. Then we marched above two hours and a half amongst Mountains, and there after came into a Plain, where having passed by a great many Villages, and crossed several Brooks; and half an hour after five, having left a Town called Zaga to the left hand, 
Zaga.  two hours after, we arrived at Hamadan, where we lodged in a Kervanserai, and paid a Bistis, which is worth four Cabeghiss, a day for a Room. We shall speak of the money of Persia in the description of Ispahan.   

CHAP. II. Of the Road from Hamadan to Ispahan.  
HAmadan is a very large Town, but contains many void places, Gardens, and even ploughed Fields within it. The houses are lovely and built only of Bricks baked in the Sun: There is no fair Street in it, but that where they sell Stuffs, clothes ready made, and such like Commodities. It is a straight, long and broad Street, and the shops of it are well furnished; it lies near the Bezestein, which is little, but pretty well built. This is a considerable Town of Traffic, and in former times was very strong; it had a fair Castle, which was a long time ago demolished by the Turks, who much ruined the Town also. The Air is very bad here, and so is the Water too; there is no Wine to be found in this place, but only Brandy. Many of our Caravan fell sick during the time we stayed there; for my part, I was taken with a looseness that soon after was followed by a Fever, which I carried with me to Ispahan, where both held me above a Month, and the Watchmaker that went with me, fell into a Quartane-ague shortly after he arrived at Ispahan. The Armenians have a Church in Hamadan, but kept in bad order. There is commonly a Chan who commands in that place; but at that time there was none there, only a Deroga, to whom the King sent a present of a Vest, 
The ceremony of a Khalat or King's Vest.  while I was there. There was no other Ceremony in it, but that the Deroga went out about eight or nine a Clock in the Morning by the King's Gate, so called, because by that Gate they go to Ispahan; and then advanced to a House about a quarter of a French League distant, where he put on the Vest which the King sent him, being of Cloth of Gold; and presently returned to the Town amidst a Body of fifty or sixty of the chief Inhabitants on Horseback, who marched almost all a breast without any order whilst they were in the Fields.  
Having stayed eight days at Hamadan we bargained with a Muletor, for five Abassis for every saddle-Horse, and for our Goods at the rate of eleven for the hundred Patmen of Tauris; 
A hundred Patmen of Tauris are about six hundred weight.  the hundred Patmen of Tauris, are near six hundred weight, and that was a cheap bargain: But the Muletor, (who perhaps repent what he had done,) resolved to stay for the Caravan with which we came, and was not to departed till eight days after; and we being told that there was an Aga come who guarded Butter and other Provisions that were going to the King; we sent for his Muletor, who furnished us with Saddle-horses for six Abassis, and for our luggage we paid at the rate of fifteen Abassis for the hundred Patmen of Tauris. To this beginning of a Caravan many others joined who were as weary as we of staying at Hamadan; so that all together we made a Caravan strong enough not to be afraid of Robbers: For though they say there are none in Persia, yet at that time there were several gangs of them abroad; because the Chan of that quarter being dead, there was no other as yet sent in his place.  
We parted from Hamadan, on Saturday the twentieth of September, at five a Clock in the Morning, and having passed through a good part of the Town, we went out by the King's Gate, or the Gate of Ispahan, taking our way Eastward. We crossed several fair Waters, and about seven a Clock a Bridge of five Arches, under which runs a Rivulet, that in the Wintertime swells high. Having traveled one hour more over little hills, we found two ways, and not knowing which of the two to take, because we were got a great way before the Caravan, we were obliged, Monsieur Jacob, three Turks and myself to stay sometime for it. After we had waited there above half an hour to no purpose, we thought it not fit to return back, for fear it might have taken another way, and therefore at a venture all five of us took the way to the left hand, 
Nischar.  and continued on till we came to a Town called Nischar, by which we knew the Caravan was to pass: We arrived there about three a Clock after Noon, and took shelter in a wretched Kervanserai without the Town, that was all ruinous. All the furniture we had was a Coverlet which we spread under us, that we might not lie upon the bare ground, and a leathern Vessel which they call Matara, to hold water in; 
Matara.  for my man and all our baggage was with the Caravan. We took patience however, and in the mean time, immediately after the Caravan had passed the Bridge, it held along the Riverside and came to lodge at a Village called Boulousch Kisar. 
Boulousch Kisar.   
Next day being Sunday the one and twentieth of September, it parted from thence. About two a Clock in the Morning, and about six arrived at Nischar: Having there paid a due of four Bistis a load, it went on without stopping, and we having joined it again, half an hour after nine encamped under Trees near a Village called Haran, 
Haran.  where our Moucres gave us warning to keep good guard in the Nighttime. The truth is, in the Daytime several Passengers stopped, and at a distance considered our Arms, and two hours after Night, a man passing near to us, and making no answer when he was asked who came there, my man advanced towards him; but then the Robber (who came only to see how Affairs stood,) said that he belonged to the Caravan, which was immediately contradicted by some of our Company, who told him that if he came that way again, they would fire upon him  
Next day being Monday the two and twentieth of September we parted from that place about two of the Clock in the Morning, and proceeding on still Eastward in good way, we passed by several great Villages, which we found every quarter of an hour almost; and being come to a River above two fathom over, which they call the River of Dizava, we marched up it about half an hour, and then having passed over, entered into a spacious Plain, of which in two or three hours' time we passed over a great part; and came to a Town called Dizava, so hid among Gardens which take up the whole breadth of the Plain, that as a Curtain they not only intercept the view of the Town, but also of part of the Plain which reaches a good way beyond it. An hour before we arrived there, and being very near it, we were fain to fetch a great compass to pass a Rivulet that was broad, deep, and very full of mud, and then came to a little point which gave us a passage into Dizava, where we kept marching on still along great Lanes made by Gardens on both hands, that were well walled, but without any Habitation, and Dizava lies so hid, that not a House of it is to be seen till you be in it, though you were never so nigh; so that he who did not understand the Map of the Country, would think himself near a Forest, for it is of a pretty large extent. We passed through a considerable part of the Town which is very ill built, and about ten a Clock came to a good Kervanserai. The ignorance of our Moucres was the cause of that compass we fetched, and besides, all their Beasts both saddle and carriage Horses were so bad, that it was impossible to make them go faster than Asses; so that we made but very small Journeys. In the Evening we had a shower of rain that was presently over, which was the first, save only a little mizling, that we had seen fall since our departure from Aleppo.  
Next day being Tuesday the three and twentieth of September, about three a Clock in the Morning, we set out again, and continued our Journey Eastwards by very good way. About seven a Clock, we came into a very stony way betwixt rocky hills, but it lasted not long; about eleven a Clock we came to a large Village called Sari, 
Sari.  and resolved to lodge in a very pretty and large Kervanserai, but it was as full already as it could hold of Men and Beasts: Wherefore it behoved us to betake ourselves to another which was less, bad and ruinous, where we lodged very uneasily in the Stable amongst the Horses and Mules. This Village is well built, and I observed that the chief Wall of the Stable where we lodged was wholly built of black square Stones, 
A kind of Marble.  about a foot long, and about three fingers thick, which (when they are broken) split into Tables like slate, but thicker, and I took them for black Marble. The Watc-hmaker that was with us, told me that men of his profession make use of this stone for polishing that which hath been filled, before it be guilt. Of this Marble are all the doors of houses, (as Pietro Della Valle says,) but there are few of them at Sari: Some I saw at Dizava, nay, and I have seen of them in several places of Syria, and I believe they make them of this Stone for want of Timber. At Sari there is four Bistis to be paid a load. This Evening there fell some rain again, and it came to us accompanied with good old White wine, which the Porter of the Kervanserai, underhand sent for to the Village, but his scruples were only in formality: For some Turks of our Caravan who had also bought of it, found it to be so good, that they sat by it merrily all Night, till we were ready to departed; which put them into so good a humour, that for part of the way they did nothing but roar and sing like drunken Francs, as they were, till at length one of the gang tumbled off of his Mule, and had almost broken his Neck, but fell fast a sleep on the place.  
About three a Clock in the Morning, Wednesday the four and twentieth of September, we parted from Sari: About eight a Clock we passed by a Village called Dehile, 
Dehile. Mouclasabah. Machat.  and an hour after, by another called Mouclasabah, and about ten a Clock we arrived at a Village named Machat, where we sheltered ourselves in a little Kervanserai.  
We parted from thence next day, being Thursday the five and twentieth of September at Midnight, and by break of day passed through a Town called Scheher-ghird, 
Scheher-ghird.  which seemed to me to be well built; we than marched forwards till ten of the Clock, through a large barren Plain, there being no Water in it, nor indeed, any habitation that we could find. At ten a Clock we came to a very fair Kervanserai called Bag, 
Bag.  the apartments whereof are very commodious; and under the Gate there lives a man who sells all things necessary for life, and he hath three little Rooms for his dwelling. There are such Porters in all the Kervanserais of Persia, but more especially there is need of one at this, for there is no habitation about it, and the nearest place is a Village to the right hand behind the hill, 
Angovan.  called Angovan, where much Tapestry is made, and if they told me true, is an Agatsch, (that's to say, 
Agatsch. Farsang. ) a league distant: For the Persians count the way by Agatsch, or Farsang, which is one and the same; Agatsch being the Turkish Word, and Farsang the Persian; and it is an hours Journey for a Horseman, but for us it is almost two; nevertheless, near to Ispahan they are so short, that we traveled one an hour: At this Kervanserai, there are three Bistis paid a Load.  
The lintels of the gates of it are made of one entire piece of that kind of Marble which I mentioned to be at Sari, but it is not polished; and without the gate, there is on each side a Mastabe; they are in length about six foot each, and four or five foot high, upon three of breadth; the upper part of these Mastabez, is of one whole piece of that Stone.  
This Marble hath been dug about fifty paces from the gate, out of a Rock a little higher than the ground, at the root whereof there is a little Spring of Water, which is all they have in that place to drink. As I was walking about this Kervanserai, I found little Marble-Stones white, red, spotted and of all sorts of colours: Which makes me think that that place affords Marble of all colours; and indeed, the upper part of the Rock is almost all white.  
We parted next day being Friday the six and twentieth of September, about three of the Clock in the Morning, and went up hill and down hill in pretty good way for the space of three hours. I observed by the ways side several Rocks of black Stone, rising a little out of the ground, 
Black Stone.  which were all divided into Tables, hardly thicker than blue Slates and much about the same colour, but joined very close together. Half an hour after six, we came into a great Plain, where we found Water in three or four places, and there we traveled till eleven a Clock when we arrived at a Village called Nichovan, which we went almost quite through, 
Nichovan.  and came to rest in a great Kervanserai pretty commodious, but ugly, and all built of pieces of unburnt greyish Earth. There are two others in this Village which we passed by, they are small but seemed to me to be neater. We stayed there the day following to refresh our Beasts, and parted on Sunday the seven and twentieth of September, about half an hour after nine at Night: We traveled up hill and down hill by intervals, but still in fair and soft way.  
Sunday Morning the eight and twentieth of September, half an hour before day, we passed by a great Village called Fagasoun; 
Fagasoun.  all that I could there observe in the darkness of the Night was, that having gone over a Bridge of five Arches upon a small Rivulet, we passed along the sides of several great Gardens, where there is plenty of Water. Half an hour after six in the Morning, we came to another Village called Ithova, 
Ithova.  where we lodged in a little Kervanserai, all built of Clods of unburnt greyish Earth. An hours travelling from thence there is a little Town called Ghulpaigan, 
Ghulpaigan.  but we passed not through it.  
We left this Lodging on Monday the nine and twentieth of September, about two a Clock in the Morning, and had pretty good way. A little before day, we went down into a very low and spacious ground, all of white sand, through which, (by what I could judge,) some great torrent must run when the snow melts, for on both sides there are banks of Earth pretty high and steep; we left that way soon after, and going up hill a little, came into a great Plain, where having proceeded a little, we stayed for the Caravan that was behind us, there being none before but those who were light mounted. The reason why we made that halt was, because at a pretty distance we discovered on the Plain near the hills, some Horsemen who kept still on the same ground, and when we passed them they made a great smoke; I know not the meaning of that signal, but we understood afterwards that they were fifteen in company, and had rob a Caravan. A quarter of an hour after, we saw five Antelopes'; and at length about half an hour after nine, we came to a good Kervanserai, near to a Village called Arbane. An hour after we had been there, a Horseman came in, 
Arbane.  and made some turns there, whereupon some of our company saying to one another that he was a robber, and that they ought to lay hands on him, he perceiving it, went out of the Kervanserai, and so put spurs to his horse, and made haste to a Tree where two of his Comrades were. About Midnight some Horsemen bounced at the Gate of the Kervanserai, and because we would not open to them, they made a great noise, till the Gate was opened; they were ten in company consisting of Persians, Curds and Arabs; they were all armed with Lances, and some had hawks upon their Fists; they asked if our Caravan was going to Ispahan, and we asked them whither they were bound: They said to Ispahan, but when we asked them whence they came they would not tell, but only that they were going to Ispahan; which made us think they were robbers, and therefore many of our company slept not one wink, though afterwards we came to understand that they were not robbers  
We set out about three a Clock next Morning, and our ten Horse-men-stayed behind in the Kervanserai, which made some think they only came to plunder the Kervanserai, and perhaps, to cut our Throats. About break of day we entered into a dangerous pass for robbing; for it is a narrow way betwixt high Rocks, behind which several men may lie hid, and fire upon whom they please without being discovered. We expected to have met with ●ouble here, because there had been some Caravans rob in this place, and some said that there was an ambush there of forty Horsemen armed with Harquebuses, the others would not have them to be so many. We had in our Caravan six Harquebuses, and several Bowmen; and besides, the Night before, we were increased by a Caravan of Camels guarded by five or six Horsemen with Harquebuses, and some Bowmen; but we were apprehensive that the Ten Horsemen whom we left behind might come and attack us in the rear, whilst the rest set upon us in the Front: In fine, thanks be to God we found no robbers, and in less than a quarter of an hour, were got out of that pass, the way much enlarging. A little after, we met two great Caravans that were coming from Ispahan, one of Camels, and the other of Horses and Mules, and both guarded by several Horsemen armed with Harquebuses. Afterwards we marched on in a Plain till about half an hour after ten, 
Deha.  that we arrived at a Village called Deha, where we lodged in Kervanserai. A little before we entered into that Village, we saw several Fields of Corn, above a foot high already, and I was told that they would reap it before Winter; for they sow the ground a second time assoon as they have reaped: 
Two harvests.  The truth is, this last crop does not come to maturity, and it is only for the horses to which they give the green Corn to feed on.  

Deha.  Deha is a Village, where there are so many Kervanserais, that it is almost nothing else. It hath an old square Castle, built of rough Stone, with a large Tower at each Corner, and one in the middle of one of the sides, where the entry is: They are all likewise built of rough Stone, and some Bricks. It hath two Gates to enter at, each whereof are of one entire piece of that kind of Marble I mentioned before: These Gates are about five foot high, about four foot broad, and two foot thick, their Pivots which are of the same piece with the Gates turn below in the Lintel. This Castle is all ruinous within, and serves for no other use now, but for a Storehouse for wood, hay and barley. At Deha we found the ten Horsemen whom we left at Arbane; they must have kept very wide of us, for we saw them not all the way. They complained that those of the Caravan which we met, had taken them for robbers, and fired at them. We parted from Deha the same day at six a Clock at Night; about eight, we passed by a very fair and large Kervanserai called Asni, 
Asni.  which has, (what others have not) upon the Terrace on each side of the gate an arched room with a Balcony. An hour after, we found another called Ravat: 
Ravat.  we saw also on our right hand several great Villages; but though they be of large extent, yet there are commonly but few dwellings in them, for the most part of them are Gardens, and sometimes that which appears to be a great Village, is only Gardens with some huts for lodging the Gardeners and their Families.  
Wednesday the last of September, a little after midnight, some of our company who were on head, saw seven or eight Robbers on Horseback pass by on one hand, and a little after, four on the other, who went and lay down at the foot of some hillocks on which the Moon shone. Having fired two Musket shot at them, three of our men went off to go and discover towards the other side of the hillocks on which the Moon did not shine, what they might be: A little after, two Horsemen passed by us, but being at a pretty good distance, we said nothing to them. Immediately we saw near to these hillocks where the Moon did not shine, a great Troop of Horsemen; our fore-riders went to view them, and brought us word that it was the Caravan of Camels, that came with us the day before, and had got the start of us. So that we thought ourselves out of danger, and therefore marched boldly on amongst very high and steep Mountains. Half an hour after, the way began to grow much wider, making a kind of a plain where we found a Caravan of Camels, with several Horsemen. Having traveled in that plain, till six a Clock in the Morning, 
Tchalisiah.  we arrived at Tchalisiah, which is only two Kervanserais, one before the other; we lodged in the greater, which is all built of great thick Flints of several colours, cemented with good Plaster, and the Vaults are of Brick; the different colours of these Flints make a pretty pleasant Mosaic Work. The Water thereabouts is good for nothing, and therefore there is no habitation there. We parted from thence the same day at seven a Clock at Night, and on Thursday the first of October, one thousand six hundred sixty and four, about two a Clock in the Morning, arrived at Ispahan, where I went and lodged with the reverend Father's Capucins. The Reverend Father Raphael of Man's (a person of extraordinary virtue and capacity, and of a most exemplary life,) was their Guardian; 
Arrival at Ispahan.  he had two Religious with him, to wit, the reverend Father Valentine of Angers, and the reverend Father John Baptista of Loche.   

CHAP. III. Of Persia in General.  
BEfore I enter into the description of what I have observed at Ispahan, I think it will not be impertinent to give the Reader a general notion of Persia, which is a Kingdom only strong because environed with Mountains, and barren Deserts, that defend it against the attempts of its most powerful Enemies. And indeed, the forces that are entertained therein (of whom I shall speak in the Chapter of the Court,) or (if you will,) the Armies that have been raised there in our days, are so inconsiderable, in respect of so vast a Country, that the Persians are not to be reckoned amongst formidable Powers.  
The cause of that weakness is the scarcity of money in those countries', which cannot suffice to set on foot great Armies, and far less to maintain them; this want of money proceeds from the small trade the Persians drive, having but few Goods amongst them proper to be exported, to wit, some Silk which is made in the Gheilan and Mazendaran; Carpets and wrought Stuffs, and hardly any thing else considerable: In so much, that it may be said of Persia, that it is as a Kervanserai that serves for passage to the money that goes out of Europe and Turkey to the Indies; and to the Stuffs and Spices that come from the Indies, into Turkey and Europe, whereof it makes some small profit in the passage.  
The soil of the bordering Countries, (speaking generally,) is very bad, 
The soil of Persia in general.  not only by reason of the many Mountains, but also of the want of water and wood in most places thereof; there being no other Trees but fruit-Trees that are enclosed within Gardens; for there are none to be found in the Fields, though the Country People seem to be careful and diligent enough in cultivating, sowing and planting all the Land that is good. It is true, the great pains they take in making Gardens, and cultivating them, for the benefit they make of the Fruit which are exceedingly much eaten in Persia, makes them a little neglect the rest of their grounds; for after we had past Curdistan, I saw in several places very good Land and Hills, which (in my opinion,) would be very fruitful, if they were well cultivated and manured. Nay, in many of these places there is plenty of excellent good water, wherewith (in my Judgement,) they might water their grounds, by making Ditches through them, as they do in other parts: And nevertheless, I cannot tell why they are desert, and full of Liquorice, or such like shrubs, and no Trees growing in them.  
There are so many Brooks in several Countries of Persia, that I believe the ways are very bad to travel in in the Wintertime; for though we were about the end of Summer, yet we passed some which were full of thick mud at the bottom. The Mazandaran indeed, is a very lovely Country, 
Mazandaran.  abounding with Plants, Fruit and Wood as well as Europe; and good reason why; for it is watered by many Springs and Rivers, which having run through the Country, fall into the Caspian Sea that is near it. The chief Town of that Country is called Eschref, 
Eschref.  and in it there is a Royal Palace where one may have all imaginable Recreations: 
Lovely Gardens.  Large Gardens full of flowers with many Ponds and Fountains; in these Gardens lovely Houses and artificial Mounts, for taking the fresh Air, all covered with Flowers, with little Buildings on the top to repose in: In a word, it is a very pleasant place. And indeed, this is the only lovely Province of all Persia, and yet it hath its inconveniences, 
The Air of Mazandaran.  for in Winter it is very cold there, and the ways very bad: In the Summer the Air is so malignant, that most of the Inhabitants are obliged to remove to other Places; and all the People of that Country look yellowish and tawny. 
Venomous Creatures.  The cause of that bad Air is the vast number of Serpents and other infects that swarm there, which in the Summertime dying for want of water, (because most Springs in that Season are dried up,) cause a corruption and infection which fills the Air with contagious Vapours.   

CHAP. IU. Of what hath been observed in Ispahan.  

Ispahan.  ISpahan is the Capital City of the Province of Irac, (which is part of the ancient Parthia) and generally of the whole Kingdom of Persia; for in this Town the King holds his ordinary residence. The Air of it is extremely dry, therefore what the Earth produces for, the food of man is easily preserved there all the year round. I cannot tell but it may be attributed to this disposition of the Air what commonly happens, that all the Bodies whether of Men or Beasts, an hour after they are dead, swell extremely; which may be occasioned by this so dry an Air, that penetrating into the Bodies drives out the humidity, which being extravasated betwixt the Flesh and Skin, endeavours to break out, and so puffs them up until it hath found an Issue when the parts of it have been sufficiently subtilised: The hands and feet likewise swell at the end of all Sicknesses, which continues some weeks before the cause of it be discussed. Nevertheless in time of Rain, there are great damps, so that the effects of the humidity are to be seen on all things, not only at Ispahan, but also all over Persia; in so much, that all Instruments of Iron rust, where ever they may be kept, even keys in one's Pocket, as I several times found by experience. The truth is, it reins there very seldom unless it be in Winter: And whilst I was there, the first Rain that fell was on the eleventh of December: But likewise when it reins the Houses crumble and fall away in pieces, and the Snow rots the Terraces if they be not paved with Bricks, and seeing most of them are of Earth, the Snow must be thrown off assoon as it falls upon them.  
In the year one thousand six hundred sixty and five, there was a great Rain in all that extent of Country, which reaches from Bender Abassi and Bender Cougo, till within three or four days Journey of Schiras, and that rain lasted from the beginning of August, until the middle of September; so that it seemed the Winter of the Indies had shifted into that Country, but that was looked upon as a thing extraordinary.  

The Walls of Ispahan. The Circuit of Ispahan.  The City of Ispahan is walled round with Earthen Walls, which is singular to it, for in Persia most part of the Towns have none at all. It requires about four or five hours to make the round of this City; but there are a great many large Houses that have but few living in them, and which take up a great deal of space because of the spaciousness of the Gardens; 
Great Gardens.  some houses taking up twenty Acres of ground; nay it is not long since there was nothing but Gardens, on the side of the Fort: But now there are many Buildings there, and that quarter is called the New Town, where the Air and Water are better than in the old Town. 
The New Town.  This City hath seven Gates, of which these are the Names, Der-Vasal Lembon, Der-Decht, Der-Mark, Der-Tockhi, Dercha Gerestan, Der-Nasanabad and Der-Vasalchab, which is not far from the Seraglio.  
The City of Ispahan hath also great Suburbs, where many Persons of Quality live. The best built, most beautiful and richest of all, is the Suburbs of Giolfa, that lies beyond the River of Senderu, and the Walls of its Gardens being near that River; in this Burrow or Suburbs live the Armenians, whom Schah Abbas the first, transplanted thither, after he had ruined a Town of that Name in the Upper Armenia: And they thought fit to give to this new Habitation the Name of their ancient Town and Country, to preserve the memory of it; so that to distinguish them from the others, they are commonly called Giolfalu, (that's to say,) one of Giolfa. All round Giolfa there are a great many other Cantons, which are likewise pretty well built, not only of Armenians who have left their own Country to come and live there, but also of other Nations: There are the Cantons of Ecrivan, Nackhuan, Chaksaban, Sirou-Kainan, Gaur, Sitchan, Mekrigan, etc. The quarter of Taurislu called Tauris-Abad, or Abis-Abad, which is opposite to Giolfa, on this side the River towards Ispahan, is much bigger than Giolfa, but neither so pleasant nor so well built. The beauty of the houses of pleasure which Persons of Quality have in the Suburbs, consists in great Divans, having in the middle and before them Basins of Water, and the Gardens which are full of two or three kinds of Flowers, and these commonly Turkey Gillyflowers, Marsh-Mallows, and some other such, all very ordinary Flowers, but yet lasting many Months of the year, give a pleasant prospect: The Persians fit in the cool in these Divans every one with his Pipe of Tobacco, which is the most delightful Employment they have, when they are at home.  
There are many squares in Ispahan, but of all, that which is called the Meidan is not only the loveliest; but I think, that of all regular Piazzas, 
The Meidan.  it is the greatest and finest place in the World. It is about seven hundred common paces in length, and two or three hundred in breadth; so that it is above twice as long as broad: It is built all about, and the Houses are all in form of Porticoes, over which there is another second range of Arches more backwards, which serve for Galleries and a passage to the rooms of some adjoining Kervanserais, and seeing these houses are all of an equal height, they yield a very lovely prospect. All round the place at some little distance from the Buildings, there is a fair Canal of Spring-water, made by the Schah Abbas the first, who for greater embellishment, caused plane-Trees at competent distances to be planted all along, which render that place exceedingly delightful; but they daily decay, because they neglect the planting of Trees in the place of those that are wanting.  
At one end of the place, that is, on the North, over the Gate of the Bazar, there is a Bell, round which is this inscription, Ave Maria gratia plena. 
A Bell.  They say that it was taken out of a Monastery of Nuns at Ormus. On the two sides of that Bell, are great Balconies or Galleries, 
Galleries.  where every Evening at Sunset, and at midnight many men assemble, who make music, some with the ordinary trumpet, some with Timbrels, and others with an extraordinary kind of trumpet, which perhaps has not as yet been heard of in France, and therefore I have thought fit to give a description of it. 
A long copper Trumpet.  These trumppets are made of copper and straight, about eight foot long, the body of it is of an unequal bigness; for the end that is put to the mouth, is an inch in diameter, but about an inch from it the neck is very narrow, 
Hence our speaking Trumpets.  and then enlarges again to the breadth of an inch, and the end or mouth out of which the sound and wind comes, is almost a foot and a half in diameter. These trumpets are taken in two at the middle, and they put the upper part into the lower at the great end, where it easily enters; when they have a mind to sound, they screw the two parts together; but they had need of a strong Arm to hold that long Pipe of copper out right when they sound it. It makes a strong deep sound, so that the music is heard all over the City; but it is not at all pleasant, and is more proper to fright People with an Alarm, than to divert them.  
As you go from that place of the Meidan where these musicians meet, which (as I said) is at the North end of it, towards the South, there are two Banks five or six foot high, and above a fathom distant, which serve for playing at the mall on horseback, and the bowl must go betwixt those Banks. 
The Mall.  About the middle of the Place there is a high Tree or Mast erected, on the top whereof there is a round ball, 
A Mast where they shoot with Arrows.  and there Horse men practice Archery, riding at full speed, and not shooting their arrow till they be passed, which they do by turning themselves quite round upon the crupper of the horse.  

The Gate of Aly.  A little farther to the right, or Westside, is the Gate of Aly, called Aly-Capi, which is a large plane Gate, over which there is a lovely Divan, the roof whereof is only supported with wooden Pillars; and the King comes often to take the Air in this place. Entering in at this Gate you go along a great Alley to another large Gate, 
The threshold of a Gate in Veneration.  whose threshhold is a step of round stone, to which the Persians show great respect, and that is it which is properly called the Gate of Aly. All malefactors that can make their escape into a Court beyond it, 
Three Sanctuaries. Sofis.  as also into the King's Stables or Kitchens, are in safe sanctuary; no body dares tread upon that step, which many in devotion kiss, and the Gate is guarded by Sofis, who are always there in great Numbers. There is an entry into the King's House by the Court that is beyond it, but that is not the principal Entry.  

The Gate of the Palace.  Going back again into the Meidan a little beyond the Gate of Aly, is the ordinary Gate of the King's Palace; it is but an indifferent Gate, and there are hundreds better in Ispahan. Before these Gates upon an Earthen work raised three foot high or thereabouts, there is a great Number of great and small Guns, some mounted and others not, which were all taken at Ormus. Opposite to this Gate, on the other side of the Square, there is a Mosque with a Dome covered with Earth, burnt and varnished green, the Porch whereof is very high, and painted all over with lovely Colours varnished; for the rest it is but inconsiderable, and the entry into it is by some steps.  
There is another Mosque at the South end of the place, which seems to be of the same contrivance, but is far neater, and this is called the King's Mosque, not only because it was founded by Schah Abbas the first, but also because it is near the Palace. Before this Mosque there is a Parvis or Walk of many Angles, and in the middle of it a Basin of Water likewise Polygone; the Porch is all over painted and varnished with blue, yellow and many other Colours in great Flowers, and over each side, there is a Minaret painted in the same fashion, with a very pretty Balcony out of which juts a kind of little Turret. 
The Gates of the Mosque.  It hath two Gates almost three fathom high a piece, and about a fathom wide, which are faced all over with Plates of Silver, with some Curiosities here and there embossed, and there is a step there, just like to that of Aly Capi. Having passed these Gates you enter into a great square Court paved with large smooth Stones, in the middle whereof there is a square Basin of Water, and along the side by which you enter, a kind of gallery, under which there are some shops; there is another over head, where you may see the doors of a great many little Chambers, which, (as I think,) serve for lodging Rooms for the Scholars of the Medrese. 
Fronts to the five Gates of the Mosque.  In the middle of the fourth side of the Court which faces you as you enter, is the Mosque, which hath five Gates and each of them its Porch; the middlemost is at least ten fathom wide, and about ten or twelve high; the other two on each side lessen proportionably as they are distant from the middle. This frontispiece hath a Minaret on each side which surpass it above three fathom in height, and all is built of white Marble about a fathom high, the rest being painted with several lovely colours and varnished over. The entry of the middle and chief Porch, is about six or seven fathom broad on the outside, for on the inside it draws narrower by degrees till you come at the end of it, where there are two doors which are also very high, and are each above a fathom wide. This is the entry into the Mosque which is large and spacious, with a vast round Dome, very well built, and all painted and varnished. It is square and divided into five Isles, by a double range of six or seven great stone-Pillars two or three fathom high on each side. The side Isles have their several entries by these four other Gates, which with that of the middle Porch make all the frontispiece of the Porch of that Mosque, and the middle Isle or Body with its Porch is much higher, (as I said,) then the rest, and the two next exceed also the two remotest in proportion of height. Along the Wall on the left hand, are Windows reaching from the pavement a fathom high; they are all square holes, through which one may see into the Cloister that is on the left side, and which is one of the Courts of the Medrese● that I have mentioned: All the Walls of this Mosque are of white Marble, from the paving a fathom high, the rest, like the Dome, is painted with various colours and varnished. The pavement is all of large and very smooth Stones, but under the Dome, it is covered all over with lovely Carpets; and the outside of the Dome is faced with green Bricks varnished. After all, Christians are not suffered to enter it it, and if one be found there and known, he is driven out with Cudgels like a Dog; and yet that hindered not me from going thither with Monsieur Diagre master of the Dutch factory at Ispahan; for which purpose both he and I put ourselves into the habit of the Country, and received not the least affront.  
At the corner of the Meidan betwixt South and West there is a Street, in which to the right hand is the Gate of the King's Haram, (that's to say his Wife's house,) and on the left hand is his Karchanee, (that's to say his Workhouse;) because all the Workmen of every sort of trade, who are under his pay work there; they all have their shops, and it is like to an Arsenal where all trades are to be found.  
One of the finest things to be seen at Ispahan are the stately Gardens of Hezar Dgerib, the chief building whereof is pleasant, and at the end of the fair Street of Tcharbag or Tcheharbag; but since that Street leads to it, 
The Street of Tcheharbag.  and that it hath particular beauties of its own, I think fit to describe it before I come to the description of Hezar Dgerib.  
Tcheharbag which signifies four Gardens is a great Street, near a hundred paces broad, and above two Italian miles in length. On the side of Ispahan, there is at the head and entry into it, a little Pavilion or Square building two stories high, adorned with many Balconies and painted Windows, to which they come from the King's Palace, by a kind of corridor or curtain, and this Street ends at Hezar Dgerib as we have just now said. It is bounded on both sides by the Walls of a great many Gardens, and at certain distances by little houses of uniform Symmetry, which have all a little Pavilion, and doors that open into the Gardens that belong, some to the King, and the rest to several great Lords, who take their diversion in these places. About twelve steps from the Garden-Walls, there is on each side a row of lovely Plane Trees planted in a straight line which yield a rare shade, and in the middle betwixt those two rows of Trees, runs along the whole Street a current of Water in a Canal of fair Stone, about five foot deep and thirteen over, adorned here and there with Cascades and some rare Water-works, which fall into Basins: The sides of that Canal are paved into the Street, and make a way of Freestone for Footmen, which eases them of the inconvenience of meeting horses that go lower in the Street. In short, this Street is divided by the River of Senderu, on which there is built a very lovely Bridge, 
A Bridge of lovely Structure.  of a pretty singular structure, which joins together the two parts of the Street.  
This (Bridge which is called by the Name of him that built it, to wit, Alyverdy-Chan, and which is also named the Bridge of Julpha,) is built of good Brick with edges of Freestone; and supported by a great many little and low stone-Arches. It is about three hundred paces long, and about twenty broad, but in the middle where Carts and Horses go, it is not above four fathom broad, and is no higher in the middle than at the two ends. On each side instead of a Parapet, it hath a Gallery covered with a platform, both which are very commodious for Passengers. These Galleries are raised above the level of the Bridge above half a pikes height: The going up to them is by so easy Stairs, that horses may without trouble ascend them; men are there secure from bad weather or the heat of the Sun, and yet have an open Air and fair prospect, for these vaulted Walks have a great many Windows that look upon the River. If a man desire a more open passage, he hath the platform over this gallery, that equally reaches from one end of the Bridge to the other: But it is so hot upon it in the Summertime, that the other way is more commonly taken, which serves also many times for a Horse-way in the Winter, that they may avoid the Water that fills up the middle of the Bridge, when the River overflows, which sometimes happens, though in the Summertime it be so low, that there is hardly any Water in it, so that they have been forced to use art in paving the bottom in that place very smooth, that so it may fill its Channel by spreading its Waters equally. This Bridge than hath five passages, one in the middle, and four in the two sides; to wit the two covered Galleries, and the two Plat-forms over them which are above twelve foot broad, with Rails both towards the Bridge and River. Nay there is a sixth passage when the water is low, which during the great heats of Summer is very delightful for its coolness; and that is a little vaulted Gallery, which crosses all the Arches from one end of the Bridge to the other; it is low underneath and reacheth to the bottom of the River; but there are Stones so laid that one may step over without wetting the foot; they go down into it from the Bridge by steps made in the thickness of the Walls.  
There are also two other Bridges upon that River to the right hand; and all the three are at above half a miles distance from one another. The first above this is very plain; but the other which they call the Bridge of Schiras, for one thing exceeds the first in beauty, and that is a Hexagone place which it hath in the middle, where the Water of the River hath a lovely fall.  
Let us now consider Hezar Dgerib, which ends the fair Street of Tcheharbag: The name of it imports a thousand Dgerib, and Dgerib is a certain land measure which the Persians have, as we have the perch, the fathom and other measures.  
Before this house there is a large square Court, at the end whereof stands the Building, which consists of a Divan, only one story high, with Chambers at its four corners, and it hath the same front towards the Garden, which in reality, is very pretty.  

The Gardens of Hezar-gerib.  This Garden of Hezar-gerib hath six stories of Terraces, the Earth of which is supported by stonewalls, and these stories are raised about a fathom in height one above another. There are a great many Alleys or Walks in that Garden both in length and breadth, which reach all from the one end to the other, and are very straight and even, save that in those which reach in length, at every story, one must ascend seven or eight steps. The chief Walk or Alley, that gins at the building is very broad, but that which renders it altogether charming, is a stone-Canal in the middle of it, of the same breadth as that of the Street Tcheharbag, which answers in a straight line to this, and hath no Water but what it receives from it: The Canal of this Walk is far more beautiful than that of the Street, and affords a lovely prospect, in regard that at every two fathoms distance there are Pipes which spurt up Water very high, and that at each story there is a sheet of Water, that falls into a Basin underneath, from whence it runs into the Canal: On each side of these sheets of water, there is a pair of Stairs and a way that leads straight up. I leave it to the Readers imagination, to conceive the pleasantness of that prospect, and the beauty of these Cascades, which are the first object that offers, and surprises the sight of those that enter into this Garden. Walking then along the great Alley, after you have advanced a little, you cross over a Canal a fathom broad, which cuts it as it does all the other Walks that are parallel thereunto, but without breaking them, for it runs under little brick-Arches.  
Mounting up to the fourth story, you'll find a large place where there is a Basin of eight sides, above twenty fathom in diameter, and three foot deep of water; it hath Water-pipes that play all round it, besides one in the middle. On each side of this place you have a large covered Divan, built of Brick, but open on all hands, with a basin of water in the middle. These are really charming places, especially for enjoying the cool, wherein the Levantines' place their greatest delight. Having ascended three stories more, you come to a pretty high Building which bounds the Walk, and on both sides of it there is a wall that separates this part of the Garden from the other beyond it; to the front of this Building, there is a basin of water. Then you enter into a Hall made cross-ways, open on the four sides, at each Corner whereof you'll find little rooms: Over that there is another story which is much the same. From that Hall you enter into the other part of the Garden, and recover the great Walk or Alley again, which is continued in a straight line through the Hall: There you have the Canal and Sheets of Water in the same manner as in the other, save that in this part the basons are above the sheets of water, whereas in the former they are under them.  
Having mounted the sixth story you'll find an octogone Basin of the same bigness as the former, with a Divan or Kiosk on each hand▪ After you have ascended three stories more, you pass over a Canal three fathom broad, which runs cross all the Walks of the Garden that are parallel to this, as the other does which is at the other end: A little farther, you find a basin before a building much of the same contrivance as the others are, which puts an end to the Walk and the length of the Garden.  
All these Waters come from the River of Senderu, by Channels that divert them three or four Leagues above the City, which having watered and embellished this Garden, run and lose themselves in the Fields. Many such Channels are drawn from this River above the City, for watering the Gardens, which otherwise would be barren: For besides that the Wells could not furnish a sufficient quantity of water; their water is not so good as that of the River, which is made very fat by the grounds that it runs through. Every day is appointed for giving Water to a certain quarter, and every Garden is taxed to pay thirty, forty, or sixty Abassis a year, more or less according to its bigness, for the water once a week. None of these Canals return to the River, but lose themselves in the Fields; which makes the River to be much lessened when it comes to the City, so that having run through it, at a little distance farther, it loses itself also in the Fields.  
The Persians are so careful to have water for their grounds, 
The care of the Persians for having Water.  that in many places they make Aqueducts under ground, which bring it from a far, nay, and that many Leagues off. They make them almost two fathom high, and arch them over with Brick: In making of them they dig at every twenty paces distance or thereabouts, and make large holes like wells, in which they go down and so carry on the Aqueduct, because they cannot continue in going on so far under ground; and these Aqueducts cost a great deal of money.  
Although the Garden I have been describing is so magnificent, yet you must not imagine to find such lovely Grass-plats and borders of Flowers as are in Europe: There you have only young Fruit-trees in great numbers, with great Plane-Trees, planted in a row, which are the ornament of it; 
The fruits of Hezardgerib.  so that in fruit-Season it is very pleasant walking there, and since for a little money all are welcome, one may eat as many as he pleases. There is plenty also of Rose Bushes there, and the Gardiner's make money of their Roses. This Garden is the Kings, so are one half of those of Tcheharbag; the rest belong to Chans, and these Gardens are almost all of the same contrivance; (that's to say,) that their beauty consists in long straight walks, and abundance of Fruit-trees, Rose-bushes and Plane-Trees, which yield them a considerable revenue, and therefore they are well kept; so that when I went to the Garden of Hezardgerib, I saw a great many People at work in levelling the walks, which had been spoiled by the Rain and Snow.  
There is no Buryingplace in Ispahan, but they are all without the City, 
Burying-places.  so as all over Persia and the Levant.   

CHAP. V A Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan, and particularly of the manner of ordinary Buildings.  

Materials for Masons.  ALL the Houses of Ispahan are built of Bricks baked in the Sun, daubed over with Clay mingled with Straw, and then white cast over with a very fine and white Plaster, which they get out of the neighbouring hills, from a stone that being burnt, is crushed and broken with a great rowler drawn by a Horse. 
The charges of building a House.  The charges of building a house they commonly divide into three equal parts, one for Brick, another for Plaster, and the third for Doors, Windows, and other timber necessary for a house. However something may be saved in the Brick, for out of the very place where the house is to be built; Earth may be had for making all the Bricks that are necessary, and furnishing Straw to be mingled with the Earth for the making of them, the rest will not amount to above an Abassi and a half the thousand, but the truth is, it will cost three times as much in employing them.  
In the rest of Persia the Houses are only built of that sort of Brick, made of Earth wrought with cut Straw and well incorporated, which is afterwards dried in the Sun, and then employed, but the least Rain washes them away and dissolves all. They make also tiles which they burn in a Kiln, yet they seldom use them, but for their Floors and Staircases; some, but few, pave their Terraces with them. 
The Roofs of Houses.  Nevertheless it were much more profitable to pave them with Bricks, for being only of Earth, they must be repaired once a year, because of the Rain and Snow, which spoil them all; nay and as often as Snow falls, they must of necessity throw it off assoon as they can, else it would rot and by its weight bear down the houses; but seeing for all their diligence, they must needs with the Snow throw a good deal of Earth also from the Terraces, which are loosened by it, it would be much safer to pave them, because then the Snow might be more easily thrown off, and nothing spoiled; but it must be also confessed, that the Terraces cannot always be paved, because of the uneavenness of the Rooms underneath, some being higher, and some lower, nay and some of them having Domes; which make the Terraces very irregular, and all crooked and convex in several places.  

Much water at Ispahan.  There is so much Water at Ispahan, that one may have a Well dug for three or four Abassis commonly; and when it is dug they put down in the bottom one or two Pipes of baked or burnt Clay about three or four foot high, and of the same Diameter as the Well is, to keep the ground on the sides from falling in and choking it up.  
The Walls that go round the Terraces are all pierced through chequer ways, with square holes about four or five inches square, not only to ease the Walls which are only of Earth, but also to let in the Air on all sides.  
The Persians use no Cranes in building of their Houses, but they raise high banks of Earth, on which they drag along, what the Crane would lift: Many times they need neither of the two, for all that they employ is light enough. They make their houses commonly front the North, to receive the fresh Air, and they who can, make them separated and open on all the four sides. They make their little Vaults very quickly, and in building of them use Timber as with us; 
The Masons call for their materials, as if they were singing.  all these Vaults are of brick, sometimes baked in the Sun, and sometimes in the Oven or Kiln, according as they'll be at the charges of it. It it is pretty pleasant to see a Mason at work there, for he calls for what he wants as if he were singing, and the Labourers who are always attentive to the tone, serve him most punctually.  
In Persia, commonly they make the Floors of the Rooms of Joists, 
Floros.  on which they lay planks, and over them a Mat or Store and then a lay of Reeds which they cover with Clay half a foot thick: But they observe to mingle Salt with the first lay of Earth, 
Salt mingled with Clay.  that the Worms may not get into the Timber underneath. They who will not be at the charge of boards or planks, put only in place of Joists, pieces of Timber as thick as ones Arm, and over them two Mats and then the Reeds which they cover with Clay, salting also the first lay.  
The Persians make their Lime of Stones which they burn as we do, and when they have taken them out of the Kiln, they break them into small pieces: When they are to use it they prepare it in the manner following. 
The way of preparing Lime.  They sweep a place very clean to sift the Lime in, and when it is sifted they make it up in a heap sharp at the top like a Sugar-Loaf; then they sift Ashes upon it, and that in almost as great a quantity as the lime; that being done, they sweep the adjoining place very clean and water it, and over the wet, sift a very slight lay of Ashes; then with Iron-shovels they throw upon it their Lime mingled with Ashes, working and incorporating them well together: When they have cast on three or four shovel fulls, one of them throws upon it about a quarter of a Bucket full of Water or somewhat less, and the rest cast very fast upon the wet Lime, other Lime mingled with Ashes, so that they give not the Water time to penetrate through that first lime; then they throw on a good deal of water more, and then another quantity of lime and ashes, and they keep this course, until they have put all the lime which they had mingled with Ashes into a heap; and the water they throw upon it is so little in regard of the quantity of that matter, that it scarcely appears to be wet. After this, they sweep a neighbouring place, and having watered, and then covered it with a few Ashes as before, they turn over again the mixture that they may well mingle and incorporate the Ashes with the lime; and so turn it over from one side to another several times, (that's to say) nine or ten times.  
But it is to be observed that after the first time, they pour no more water upon the mixture; but only from time to time lightly sprinkle with the hand the outside of the heap, to keep it a little humid without appearing to be wet; but every time they cast the heap from one side to another, they are sure first to sweep the place, water it, and then to scatter a few Ashes upon the same, and then with their Iron-shovels they turn the heap. I wondered to see these People when they prepared their lime, that they were not afraid to burn their feet going bare footed upon that Stuff, nor yet to wrong themselves by receiving into their Mouth and Nose, the dust of the lime when they sifted it.  
When they have thus well mingled the Ashes with the lime, they divide the Stuff into several heaps, which they spread a little, giving to each about four foot of Diameter, and one foot in thickness: After that, four of them stand round the heap, and beat the Stuff with sticks somewhat crooked, about two foot and a half long, the handle they hold them by being two fingers thick with a little round knob at the end, to keep them from slipping through their hands, than they grow greater and greater till about the middle where they are as big as one's Arm, and round so far; and from that place where they bend and make an obtuse Angle with the other half, they grow thicker and thicker according as they come nearer the end, and are round on the concave side, but flat on the convex, and about the end are about six fingers broad: These Clubs are of Ash. They beat this Stuff with one hand two and two over against one another, singing Y a allah, Y a allah, and other attributes of God, and keeping time to this tune, which seems to be essential to the trade, they beat as our Thresher's do sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, stooping at every blow, and nothing but the flat side of the Club hits the matter. They beat every heap so about half an hour without intermission; and then go to another which they beat as much, and continue this exercise almost an hour without resting, only now and then shifting their hand; after this, they take breathe a little for the space of half a quarter of an hour or less, and then fall to their business again. In this manner they beat every heap four or five times, and every time they leave it, it is all reduced to the thickness of about half a foot in the middle, falling thinner towards the edges; and then one of the men takes a spade wherewith he breaks the Lumps, and turns it all up again into a heap: cooling it with a little water that he throws upon it with his hands. When every heap is sufficiently beaten they spread it well, so that it be alike thick in all places, and a little hollow in the middle, than they strew chopped Straw upon it, such as they give to Horses; they'll spread upon a heap of lime about a sack full, such as they give their Horse's provender in, so that the lime is all covered over with it; with that, they pour into the middle of it about four Buckets of water, and mingle all together stirring it well with their shovels, that the materials may be well incorporated; and when all is reduced into a kind of soft mortar, they fall a beating it a new, sometimes with their shovels, and sometimes with the end of their Clubs: Then they open it again in the middle making a round hole a good foot and a half wide, so that it looks like a Well raised a good foot above ground; they fill this hole with water, pouring in about two Buckets full, and so leave it, after they have smoothed the outside with the back of their shovels, so that it looks polished and of a bluish colour, (that's to say) like blue Fullers-Earth or Clay to take out grease and spots with; these holes are always kept full of water, till they be ready to use the Stuff. When they are to use it, they work it with a great deal of water, and mingle therewith about half the quantity of Straw that was employed in the first working of it; then they beat it well with shovels and levers, pouring on so much water, that it is reduced almost into a liquid running mud. I have seen it so employed for covering a great penthouse, which was made of sticks or laths laid cross ways, and two Stores over them, upon which they spread a very thin lay of this lime, smoothing it with the Trowel: Then they put upon this lay, three fingers thick of Earth mingled with Straw and wrought into a mortar. In this which I saw prepared, there were four and twenty Ass loads, and four men prepared it: They were near eleven hours about it, and made it up into five Wells or Heaps, which remained so for two days before they were used. The greatest use they make of this lime mingled with Ashes and Straw, 
Lime for fish Ponds, Basins and Fountains.  is for Fishponds, Basins of Fountains, and other things that are to hold water. When that Stuff is well made it lasts above thirty years, and is harder than Stone.  
In whitening of their Walls they use no lime, but make use of a white Earth which is in small pieces like plaster, and immediately dissolves in water: This Earth they call Ghilsefid, 
Ghilsefid.  (that's to say,) white Earth; they dig it out of certain Pits or Quarries, of which there are many about Ispahan. As to their mortar it is usually made of plaster, 
The making of Morter.  earth and chopped straw, all well wrought and incorporated together. At Schiras, to spare the charges of Ghilsefid they sometimes make use of plaster for whitening their Walls, but they have not that bright whiteness which Ghilsefid giveth. They cast their Walls pretty often also with a mixture made of Plaster and Earth which they call Zerdghil, 
Zerdghil.  (that's to say,) yellow Earth, though in reality, it be not yellow, but rather of a Musk or Cinnamon colour; they get it on the Riverside, and work it in a great Earthen Vessel, but they put so little earth in proportion to water, that it remains liquid like muddy water, or at most like strained Juice, and it is altogether of the Colour of that Earth; they make use of it to work the Plaster in another Earthen Vessel, where they mingle this water with plaster, in such a quantity, that it be reduced to the thickness of mortar, which retains the colour of that Earth: With this mixture they cast their Walls, which at first look all greyish, but according as they dry they grow so white, that when they are fully dry, they seem almost, as if they were plastered over with pure plaster. This mixture is used not only for saving of plaster, but also because it holds better than plaster alone, and (in my opinion) looks as well.  
For making of Terraces, they lay, (as I have said) upon the Stores and reeds almost half a foot thick of Earth, 
The way of making Terraces.  but which sinks to far less being trampled and tread upon; when it is well dried in the Air, they lay on more Earth mingled with a like quantity of Straw, which they work well together, stirring it often that they may better incorporate the Straw with the Earth: And when that is well mixed, and reduced to the consistence of kennel-dirt, they trample it a long while with their feet, and spread it very even all over. This second lay is commonly about half a foot thick also; but being dry is hardly half so thick; when it is dry, they lay on a third lay like the former, so that all being dry, it may be about a foot thick. All this is held up by a range of broad burnt Bricks or Tiles which is laid all round the Terrace, five or six high, and levelly with the Earth; in some places they make a little shelving, that the rain-Water may run off into wooden Spouts which jet out for conveying it away. In this manner I saw two Terraces made, which had in surface each about a fathom and a half square; when they laid on the second lay, two men wrought at each about an hours time, stirring the Earth with shovels, and incorporating it with the Straw, whilst another man continually poured water upon it; the last lay requires the same labour and pains.  
At Schiras, Lar, and in other hot Countries, they have upon the tops of their Houses an invention for catching the fresh Air: 
An invention for having the fresh Air.  It is a Wall one or two fathom high, and about the same breadth, to which at the intervals of about three foot, other Walls about three foot broad and as high as the great Wall, join in right Angles; there are several of such on each side of the great Wall, and all together support a Roof that covers them: The effect of this is, that from whatsoever corner the Wind blows, it is straitened betwixt three Walls, and the Roof over head, and so easily descends into the house below, by a hole that is made for it.   

CHAP. VI A Sequel of the Observations of Ispahan. Of ARTS.  
LET us go on in speaking of Arts and Trades, 
Artists of Persia.  since we are insensibly engaged in it. The Artists in Persia, and all over the Levant, use their Feet in working as much as their hands; for their Feet serve them for a Loom, hold fast, and several other Instruments. 
An imposition upon the companies of traydesmen.  Every Company of craft's men pays the King a certain Sum of Money, which is raised upon all the Artists of the several Trades, every one of them being assessed according to his incomes. They have no Loom for turning, (as we have,) but put that which they have a mind to turn upon a Pivot or Spindle, and wrap about it a thong of Leather, leaving two ends: A Boy holds the two ends of this strap, and pulls towards him, 
The way of turning wood.  sometimes the one and sometimes the other, and in that fashion makes the piece to turn, whilst the other labours, whereas with us a single Person does all. 
The use of the wimble.  Nor are the Wimbles of Carpenters and Joiner's so convenient as with us neither: They have a long Iron as thick as two of our Wimbles, but square, and flat at the end like a slice or Spatula, yet drawing into a point, with a side and edge which way soever they turn it: This Iron is in a wooden handle, about a foot long, and above an inch thick, with a weight of lead on the top; with that they have a stick, with a strap of Leather, like a bow, but very slack; they turn the strap of this bow once about the handle of the Wimble, and then leaning the left hand upon the head of the handle, and pulling to and fro the bow with the right hand, they turn the Wimble.  
They have a most excellent Varnish for Painters; 
Varnish.  it is made of Sandarack and lintseed Oil, which they mingle together, and reduce all into the consistence of an Unguent; when they would make use of it, they dissolve it with the Oil of Naphta, but for want of the Oil of Naphta, one may use the Spirit of Wine many times rectified.  
They have a Glue that holds as well as strong white Glue, 
Scherischoun instead of Glue.  and the Shoemakers and other Artisans make use of no other: It is a root they call Scherischoun which they grind like corn betwixt Stones; when it is ground it looks like Saw dust; they steep this powder in water, and make use of it in glewing any thing.  

Soap.  In Persia they make soap of grease or tallow instead of Oil, and that makes it to have a bad scent, and with the least sweeting to breed louse in their Linen.  

Razors.  The Razors they make, have a very thick back, and are very heavy.  

Physicians.  There are many Physicians in Persia, and amongst them some skilful men. When they have visited their Patient, they writ their Bills upon a little bit of Paper which they give to a Woman, who goes to a drugists and buys all the ingredients, which she prepares for a Medicine; for all over Persia the Women prepare the Medicines. 
Remedy for a Fever.  Their most usual Medicine for a Fever, are the cold Seeds which they peel and put into water, giving the Patiented the whole presently to be drank down. 
China.  They make great use of China in several distempers. They put it in infusion in Brandy, and for fifteen days set it in the Sun, they take it for the space of a Month, observing in the mean time a good diet, and especially not to eat any thing that has Salt in it, to abstain from Wine and Women, and not to stir abroad out of one's Chamber; but they use not that Medicine in the Summertime.  

Blood-letting.  They let blood too, and are very dextrous at it; I speak by experience, they tie a ligature of leather very straight about the Arm, and then without rubbing or looking much on the place, they take their Lance, which is very broad and in a handle like a Razor, and prick very skilfully, but they draw a great quantity of blood when they are let alone.  
In this Country of Persia, as well as in Turkey, they whiten, or if you will, tinn, brass and copper otherwise than with us. The Workmen make use of Salt ammoniac, which they set over the fire with a little water to purify and take the grease from it; there they leave it till the humidity be evaporated, so that it be all reduced into a white Powder: Then they wash the Vessel they are to tinn, very clean, with 
* Soudegrise.  grey Saltwort which they have boiled in it; after that a Boy setting the Vessel upon the ground, putteth sand into it, and putting his two feet thereon, turns to and again, until the Vessel be well scoured, and no grease remain: Then the Master takes it, and setting it upon a clear coal fire with the Mouth downwards, leaves it there till it be almost red; when it is so, he takes hold on it with a pair of Pincers, and with the other hand takes a parcel of Cotton, with which he takes a little Salt ammoniac, and therewith rubs the Vessel very well; then he presses a piece of tin on it, which being a little melted, he takes a small portion of Salt ammoniac on his Cotton again, and applying it upon the melted tinn, he therewith rubs the Vessel, until it be all tinned over, and so soon as he hath done that, he throws it into cold water. This they do so fast, that in half an hours time they'll tinn five or six Skillets, and that costs but very little; nay those that have store of vessels, send for them to their houses, and they bring their shops along with them, which consists in a few coals, a little Saltwort, a pair of bellows, the horn of an Ox full of Salt ammoniac, and some small pieces of Tinn: They work in any place they would have them, whether in the Court, Gardens, or any where else, without any need of a Chimney, for they make their fire by a stone, against which they lean their Vessel, that it may not put out the fire when it is set upon it; they cover the nose of their bellows with a little Earth made over it arch-ways, and so their shop is prepared and in readiness.   

CHAP. VII. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of Moneys, Weights and Measures.  
SInce it happens often in the sequel of this discourse, that when I am to speak of things, I make use of the terms used in the Country, without explaining them, for avoiding of prolixity; I have thought fit to do it in a Chapter by itself, where the Reader may be satisfied when he has a mind. I shall only speak here of moneys that are current in Persia, and especially of the pieces of the Country. 
Moneys and Weights of Persia.  The Piastres are commonly worth there thirteen Schais, and when they are full weight they are worth thirteen Schais and a Bistis; the Bisti consists of four Casbeghiss, of which ten make a Schai. The most current money are the Abassis, Mahmoudis, Chais and Casbeghiss. The Abassi is of the value of four Schais, which make about eighteen Sols of our money, and the Mahmoudi contains two Schais, which are nine Sols; the Schai is worth about four Sols and a half, and the Casbeghi five Deniers and a half or somewhat less. The Toman is worth fifteen Piastres, or fifty Abassis: The Boquelle is worth three Abassis or twelve Schais. They have great pieces of silver of the value of five Schais, and weigh two Medicals. The Mahmoudi is also called Yuz-Alton, (which is as much as to say) an hundred Altons; and nevertheless that word Alton which signifies Gold, is commonly taken for a Chequin; but in a Mahmoudi, it is taken for the value of a Denier, and in the same manner five Abassis are also called Min-Alton or Bing-alton, which signifies a thousand Alton, but I could not learn of any a satisfactory reason for that last signification.  
Seeing the Abassis are the pieces that are most current in Persia, it is fit one should know that it is the best money in the World. They are of the finest silver, and the Officers of the Mint dare not coin one single piece, until they have first refined the Piastres and other pieces of silver, that are appointed for the making of Abassis: They are stamped (as all the rest of their money) with the hammer, and not milled, and there is so great equality in their weight, that in great payments, they are weighed after this manner. They put five and twenty Abassis, in one scale of the balance, and as many in the other, and if the one weigh more or less than the other, they conclude for a certain that there are some false Abassis amongst them, and fail not to examine them; in which they are never out, for each Scale ought most exactly to weigh alike. They then put the five and twenty of the one Scale into the other, which by that means contains fifty, and that number makes the Toman; afterward they count no more of the money, but only filling up the empty Scale of the Balance, until it weigh as much as the other wherein the Toman is counted, and when they find that both sides weigh not alike, they examine the pieces.  
The Man of Ispahan is a weight of twelve pounds. 
The Man.   
In Geometry the Persians make use of a certain Measure, which they call the Farsange, and is as much as three Miles; 
Farsange. The Mile.  the Mile contains four thousand Cubits, the Cubit four and twenty Fingers, and the finger six Barley Corns laid side-ways; this account I had out of a Persian Book of Geography. I have measured six Barley Corns with a pair of Compasses, and found that eight times that Measure of six Barley Corns, laid by one another side-ways make eight common Inches: So that the four and twenty Fingers will make eighteen Inches, or a common Foot and a half, which is exactly a Cubit, and so the Mile will be six thousand common Feet, which make four thousand Cubits.  

The Geographers degree.  The same Persian Geography, makes the Degree to be two and twenty Farsanges, or Parasanges, and a seventh Part: I think I have said elsewhere that a Farsange or Parasange makes a French League.   

CHAP. VIII. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of the Nature of the Persians.  

The language of the Court.  AT the Court of Persia, they speak nothing but Turkish, but a Dialect of Turkish so different from what is spoken at Constantinople, that (one may say,) it is a quite different Language. The reason why they speak Turkish there and not Persian, is not only because the Turkish Language hath been introduced by the different Powers of Turks and Tartars, who conquered Persia; but also because that Language (which commonly none speak but those that belong to the Court,) distinguishes them from the rest of the People, and gives them a certain Pre-eminence and Authority which they affect to have on all occasions, 
The nature of the Persians.  as being extremely vain glorious and proud. This gives us an opportunity to say somewhat of the Nature of the Persians.  
By what I could find in them, it may be confidently said, that they are extremely vain, 
The Persians are vain and voluptuous.  and much given to Luxury, which puts them to vast expenses, not only in Apparel and Furniture, but also in Servants whom they entertain in great Numbers; and in their Table too, which (according to their Power,) they fill with Diversity of Dishes. In the Country they carry about with them an infinite deal of baggage, because they will have all their Conveniencies as if they were in the City; and their Tents are not inferior in magnificence to the Tents of any other Nations, which makes most of them to be beggarly, poor and destitute of Money.  
Persons of Quality lead a very idle Life in Persia; in the Morning they come to Court, but at Noon return home, where they spend the rest of the day in smoking Tobacco: If they pay a Visit to any of their Friends, all their Exercise is, smoking of Tobacco, and that is the greatest part of their Conversation. They take their Tobacco in a pretty singular manner; they draw the Smoke of it through Water, by means of a large Vessel full of Water which they hold betwixt the bowl and end of the Pipe, through which the Smoke passes; that Vessel is commonly of glass; when they go a visiting, they fail not to have their Vessel and Pipe carried along with them: They play there also at Draughts and Chess; wherein the Armenians imitate them much.  
There are a great many in Persia, who understand the Mathematics, and they are generally curious of Sciences. 
The Persians are Mathematicians, and Philosophers.  They have all the Parts of Philosophy and Mathematics, and there have been good Authors of that Nation who have written of them, as well as of Ethics and Morality. But with these laudable Curiosities, they are somewhat importune and uneasy, for their Curiosity is in some manner insupportable; they stop at the meanest thing, to do that which they call Tamacha, (that's to say,) to consider and admire it, and if they perceive that you have any little knack, they take a pretext from that to examine all you have.  
They make Astrolabes very well; and have not that aversion which the Turks have to the figures of Animals; 
Not hating the Figures of Animals.  on the contrary they commonly use them upon their Works, both of painting, carving and sculpture; but their Pictures for the most part are as lascivious and obscene as can be imagined; and indeed, 
They are lascivious.  they (as well as the Turks,) are much addicted to impurity, and especially to that abominable Crime, which in France is punished by fire.  
They are subject to quarrelling and fight, which happens pretty often amongst them, and then they bang one another sound with Cudgels, contrary to the Turks, who must stand a trial for a cuff of the hand, but in Persia, if there be no blood spilt, there is no danger. 
A Melefactor that hath killed another man is delivered up to the Prosecutor.  When a man hath killed another, the next of Kin or the Widow of the party deceased, demands her Husband's blood, than the Murderer endeavours to compound with the parties for money, but if they will not, (which happens often enough,) the Criminal is to be delivered over tied and bound into the hands of the Prosecutor, who may do with him what he pleases: Commonly he makes him suffer a great deal of torment, before he put him to death, 
Persian Women cruel.  especially when he falls into the hands of a Woman, but because by delivering up in this manner (the Malefactor into the hands of the Prosecutor,) there is nothing for the Judges to do, they always endeavour what lies in their power, to compound the business for money, of which they take a good share. 
The Persians revengeful.  There are a great many that compound willingly, but the Persians are naturally so revengeful, that notwithstanding their Agreements, the Relations of the party deceased, leave not off seeking for occasion of revenging him, and are not content until they have accomplished it, thinking that their honour is concerned so to do.  
In the administration of Justice, avarice reigns in Persia as well as in Turkey, and all the World over; 
Nothing without presents.  and therefore there is nothing to be done without presents. If any man hath been rob, he makes his complaint to the Deroga, who is as the Sousbasha in Turkey; the Deroga sends abroad his men, causes those he suspects to be apprehended, and to make them confess the Robbery, puts them to the rack: The thing rob being found again, he takes a tenth, and sometimes a sixth part; he takes nothing from the Francs, 
The Deroga takes nothing from the Francs.  but they make him a present, and commonly he shows them some trick, and chouces them of all. To conclude, the Servants and meaner sort of People in Persia, are much given to robbing and thieving.   

CHAP. IX. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of HABITS.  
SInce we have said that the Persians are at great expenses in Apparel, let us now see of what fashion and stuff their clothes are, which are commonly very neat. Their shirt is of Calico, 
Persian clothes.  for there is no linen-cloth in Persia nor the Indies. This Cloth is seldom of pure white, but commonly of divers Colours: Their shirts have no necks but only a hem like women's Smocks; 
The Shirt.  it has a slit above as ours have, yet not before, but on the right side, and it is tied upon the right shoulder with a string on each side; it his slit on the sides below as ours are. Their drawers are like those of the Turks, 
Drawers.  and reach down to the heels. They wear a Waistcoat quilted with Cotton and set thick with Eyelet-holes that comes down to the middle of their thigh; 
Waistcoat. Arcalick. Caba.  that Waistcoat is of white Cotton-Cloath, or of Cloth painted with Flowers and Birds, and they call it Arcalick. Over that they have a Vest which they call Caba, made commonly of very fine Cotton-Cloath, died red, yellow, green, or of any other Colour according to their fancy, and so sleeked, that it seems to be Satin; this Vest is quilted and set thick with eyelet-holes, and reaches down to the Calf of the Leg; it is cut very round before, so that the right side of it reaches over the Stomach, and is tied with strings under the left Arm, the left side flapping over it and fastened with four strings on the right side, with one hanging lose over the rest; and so they have the Stomach well covered and close girt; for it sits very well and is very straight to the Girdle; and from the Girdle downward it grows wider and wider, so that it looks like a Bell below, standing out round as if it had a ring of Iron in it, and that because of the Cotton it is stuffed with. The sleeves sit close to the Arm, but are much longer, and therefore they pleat them that they may not hang over the Wrists: Many have them close at the Wrist and without a Button; but such as would be more at their ease use Buttons, and at present, many both Persians and Armenians, make use of this convenience which they have learned from the Francs; and indeed, by that means the sleeve is fastened close at the Wrist, and hinders the Wind from getting in. These Cabas commonly are of Cloth painted with one Colour only, Persons of Quality wear them also many times of Satin or Zerbaft, which is the Brocart of Persia, and in the Summer many have them of Aladgia, and not quilted. 
The Girdle of the Vest.  This Vest is girt with two Girdles, of which the first, which is the broadest and longest, is a kind of stuff made purposely in form of Brocart, some of Silk with Gold, and others only of Silk, but Persons of Quality have them always with Gold: They double it into many plies, till it be but four or five Fingers broad, and they bring it three or four times about their Body. The other is shorter and narrower, and is commonly of Goats or Camels hair, and only of one Colour; they fold it till it be no more but three Fingers broad at most, and it is put over the other, so that it covers but part of its breadth; and therefore it goes but twice round the Body, so that both are seen.  
Over the Caba they put a Just a Cor of Cloth, which in the Summertime wants sleeves and fur, and reaches down only to the middle of the Thigh; they call that Garment Courdy: 
Courdy a close bodied Coat.  In the Spring and Autumn it is furred; but in Winter they make it with close sleeves, and so long that it reaches down to the Calf of the Leg, 
Cadebis.  and they call it Cadebis: It is not buttoned before, though it hath commonly six long buttons on the one side, and as many loops of the same fashion on the other, but that is only for ornament, and the Courdis have none. This Just a cor is in the Winter commonly lined with Fur; the richer sort do it with Sable, the meaner content themselves with Lambskin, 
Lambskin.  which is very pretty; for the Wool of it is long, finer than the softest hair, and all full of rings and curls no bigger than Spangles: They line their Courdis with another sort, that has short wool, but rings in the same manner; round the Neck on the outside, they put upon the stuff an ornament six fingers broad, that comes down a foot length on each side. These Lambskins come from about Yezd and Kerman, at least the first sort, for these that have the short wool come from about Schiras. 
Stockings.  Their stockings are of Cloth very wide and all alike big; they reach up to the Knee, and are tied under it.  
Their shoes are much like women's slippers; the heel is above two Inches high, and no thicker than the heels of women's shoes, and on them they put a little piece of Iron; these shoes are peaked, made commonly of Chagrine, and are most usually of green Colour, (for any body may wear it in Persia) or else Carnation: The shoes are worn so short, that all the heel almost hangs out, and that the stockings may not thereby be worn out, they sew a piece of red Leather to the heel of the stocking; nevertheless, these shoes or slippers stick close to the foot.  

Head-attire.  The Persians cover their head with a little calot or stuff, over which they wreath a turban of white Cloth, and over that Cloth, a Turban streaked with several Colours, which hath so many casts round, that it appears very big, and they put Cloth under it only to make it the bigger. All, (whether they be Christians or Mahometans) wear these Turbans of what Colour they please, but always streaked with several Colours, and so men are not distinguished by their Turbans, 
Turban.  as in Turkey, unless it be the Moullas who alone wear them white. The rich have them embroadered with Gold and Silver, so that one of these Turbans cost several Tomans: The meaner sort of People wear long and sharp pointed Caps of white Felt, with a little slit before and behind like English Caps, 
Caps.  and turn inside out in the same manner, and many time they put a sorry Turban about this Cap. Within doors they wear no turbans, but only long pointed Caps, lined with Lambskin. After all, they are very exact, in having all the pieces of their attire of different Colours: For example, the Caba of one Colour, 
Every piece of Apparel of different Colours. Turkish habit more commodious than the Persian.  the Just a cor of another, the stockings of another, and the shoes of another.  
The Persian Apparel seemed to me to be more gay than that of the Turks, but it is more clutterly and less commodious. With a Turkish Habit one is immediately dressed, whereas in this, there must always be a Servant ready to tie the strings of the Caba: and therefore the most part tie but one of them, and leave the rest hanging.  
The Persian Habit is likewise dearer, and nevertheless they often change clothes; whereas the Turks wear theirs several years, and the Persians no longer than they find a spot upon them. 
The Persians neat.  To the end they may be always neat, they strip themselves assoon as they come home, and change a Caba every day, and at six months' end take one of those Cabas that they have worn already, which is thought to be new, because men do not remember they have seen it before; they value a man for his neatness and good clothes.  
They wear rings on their Fingers set with precious Stones; but, 
The Persians rings.  (what seems to me to be very odd,) the men, even the King himself, wear no Gold rings upon their Fingers, but only Silver, and none but Women wear Gold rings, the men imagining that they are concerned in honour not to wear them: I know not what reason they have for it, and they themselves can give no good one.  
All, both high and low, rub their hands and feet with Hanna, 
The Persians paint their hands.  and chief in Winter; they say that it is not so much for ornament, but because it prevents the Chaps which are commoly caused by the cold; and for that effect, they work the Hanna in water to the consistence of mortar that is somewhat hard, and having wet their hands a little with fair water, they spread upon them the Hanna wrought in this manner, 
Hanna, a die.  and then wrap them up in linen, which they keep on all Night. They who cannot reach so high as to dawb over their hands with it, apply it at least to their finger's ends and heels. When this stuff hath been well applied to the hands it lasts some weeks, provided they be not washed, for else it will quickly be gone.  
The Persians suffer not their beard to grow long as the Turks do, 
The Beard.  but they do not shave it; they clip it only with Cizzers, leaving it half a finger's breadth long, so that their Chin appears all black, and in a manner prickly, but they take special care to have thick and long Moustaches. They leave a tough of hair on the Crown of their heads as the Turks do.  
When they wear Mourning for any deceased Relation, 
The Persians mourning.  their Mourning consists in a Girdle, the two ends whereof hang down to their Stomach where they cross them. As to the Women when they mourn for their dead, they do it for a long while, as well as in Turkey and all over the Levant: For during several Months, as often as any woman comes to visit them, they renew their lamentations, some weeping, others rehearsing the praises of the deceased, with a low Voice and sighing; but in such a tone, as one would think they were a singing, and others howl and cry as loud as they can; in so much that all these different Voices mingling together make a kind of a Music, that moves those who are not concerned to laughter, rather than compassion, and which by the continuance of it becomes very uneasy to their Neighbours; I have sometimes heard them make a noise in this manner a whole Day and a Night without intermission. Besides that, every time they go to the grave of the party deceased, nay after the year is out, they renew their Cries, as if he were but just then departed: For the men, when any of their Relations die, they rend their Caba before, as a sign of grief, and for the space of seven Days give alms, which the women likewise do.  
All the women of Persia are pleasantly apparelled; 
The Apparel of the Persian women.  when they are abroad in the Streets, all both rich and poor, are covered with a great Veil or Sheet of very fine white Cloth, of which one half like a forehead-Cloath comes down to the Eyes, and going over the head, reaches down to their heels, and the other half muffles up their face below the Eyes, and being fastened with a Pin to the left side of the head, falls down to their very shoes, even covering their hands, with which thy hold that Cloth by the two sides; so that except the Eyes they are covered all over with it. Within doors they have their face and breasts uncovered; 
What the Persian women uncover.  but the Armenian women in their Houses have always one half of their face covered with a Cloth that goes a thwart their Nose, and hangs over their Chin and Breasts, except the Maids of that Nation, who within doors cover only the Chin, until they be martied. It is not to be thought strange that the women are so hid, for all over Persia as well as in Turkey they observe the custom of not showing themselves to men, and that so strictly, that when a man marries, he sees not his Bride until the wedding-day at Night, and the Roman Catholics observe the same Custom. Whilst I was at Schiras, the Carmelites there married a Georgian Widow to a Roman Catholic a Native of Schiras, Nephew to the Signora Maani-Gioerida, the first Wife of Signor Pietro della valle; the truth is, I was a little surprised to see that woman present herself before the Father that married her all veiled and covered over; however she was married in this manner: I cannot tellw hither this method will be liked by our French Ladies, who take as much pans to show themselves, as the Persians do to hid themselves.  

Rings in the Noses of the Persian women. Their way of travelling. Caschaves. Way of sitting. Night-cloaths.  In Persia as well as in the rest of the Levant, the Women put rings through their Noses, which they pierce with Needles. When they travel, it is commonly upon Camels, on which they are placed in Caschaves, that are a sort of covered Panniers, they put on each side of a Camel or Mule; I have already spoken of that Engine in the relation of my first travels, upon occasion of our going from Cairo to Jerusalem.  
Within doors women as well as men sit like the Turks and all the Levantins, in the same manner as Tailors do in Europe. They lie also, (as all the Orientals do,) upon a quilt on the ground, without sheets; they have always on a Smock and a pair of Drawers, and many times also an Arcalick or Waistcoat; 
Bed-covering.  they cover themselves with a quilted Coverlet set with Eyelet-holes, and over it a Cloth painted with Flowers and other Trifles; these they call Indian clothes, 
Indian clothes.  because most of them are made in the Indies, nevertheless, a great many are also made in Persia, and the Flowers and other paints are stamped upon them with a mould besmeared with Colours.   

CHAP. X. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Chief of Eating.  

A Persian Chimney.  ALL over Persia they seldom warm themselves by a Fire in the Chimney which is taken out of the wall, but so little that it is hardly to be seen. They have an Engine in their Rooms which they call the Coursi, 
Coursi.  which is more convenient for use; and renders a milder heat than that of a Chimney. In the Floor of the Room they have a great square hole, 
The way of warming.  a foot deep, and about three foot broad; into that they put clear burning Coals, and over them a little wooden Table, much of the same bigness, and a large foot high, which hath four feet that rest upon Stones purposely set at the four Corners of the hole: They cover this Table with a large pinked Carpet, which on all sides trails on the ground; so that they see no fire and yet receive a gentle heat through the Carpet: Now if they have a mind to have a greater heat to warm them all over of a sudden, they sit down on Cushions round the Table, and put their feet across the frame of it, and then cover themselves with the Carpet up to the Neck, so that their whole body is under it, and nothing out but the Head; which warms them all over without burning their Face, or breathing too hot an Air. Neither do they make use of Candle, but the most part, (even the King himself, 
The Persians use Lamps. ) use Lamps whereinto they put tallow by bits; for they employ not the Oil of Naphta, (which is got in a place near the Caspian Sea,) but only in varnishing of Pictures.  
As to their feeding, the Persians are no greater husbands, 
Their eating.  than in their clothes and Attendants: Nevertheless, they eat boiled meat but once a day, which is commonly at Night, and they wonder that the Franks eat twice. In the King's House they boil Victuals twice a day, though they eat of them but once; 
The Persians eat boiled meat but once a day.  but every one is left to their humour to eat in the Morning or Evening according to their Appetite, though most commonly they eat in the Evening; and the King observes usually that rule. As for the women, they ask them every Morning if they have a mind to boiled meat, which they call the Hazir, in the Morning or at Night, and they who have it in the Morning, have none at Night. Their other meal is of Fruit, Cheese and Sweetmeats. Their boiled meat consists in Pilao or Schilao, 
Schilao.  which is boiled Rice without Butter, but only Water and Salt, till it be as thick as Pilao, which is instead of a Pottage to the Turks, as the Schilao is in Persia, and all over the Indies: (I have spoken of Pilao in my former travels.) When they serve in the Schilao, at the same time they set upon the Table another dish of meat or fish, with a great deal of broth, of which they take several spoonfuls that they put upon their Plates with the Schilao: And that with Saltfish makes their most delicious Food.  
They make also another kind of broth with Rice, which they call Cangi. 
Cangi.  When the Rice is boiled, they strain it, and take the water, and mingle it with a little Flower, as if they were to make broth, and if it be the Flower of Barley it is the wholesomer; they put to it also two Yolks of an Egg with Sugar, and boil all like a thin broth; when it is almost fully boiled, they put Rose-water into it: This is very good food, especially for the sick, to whom they commonly give it, being of easy digestion, nourishing and pleasant, and in that Country they are allowed no other food. A great many who are in health, take a mess of broth every Morning, but it is made after another way.  
They put into a Skillet two or three handfuls of Rice, and boil that with a good deal of water, until the substance of the Rice be incorporated into the water; then they strain it, and drink it fasting, which is very refreshing: Much after this manner they give it commonly to the sick, both in Persia and the Indies; nor indeed, do they take so much pains about it, but only bruise a handful of Rice, and boil it very clear with Water and Salt  
The meat most commonly used in Persia, is Mutton and Lamb; as also Pullet's and Capon's when they are in season: And indeed, it is but of late that they have had the use of Capons; they usually have them boiled, for it is not their custom to roast meat on the Spit, 
The Persians Roast-meat.  and if sometimes they do it, it is only by little pieces, but they bake in the Oven whole Sheep and Lambs in this manner. After they have well heated the Oven, which hath the Mouth in the top, they put into it the meat, and hang it there with an Earthen Dripping-pan underneath to receive the fat: It roasts alike on all sides; and when it is enough they cut it into pieces. There are many shops where they sell all sorts of it, and in what quantity one pleases; and to say the truth, they dress it very well. 
The Armenians way of roasting a Lamb.  The Armenians have another way of roasting a whole Sheep; for having flayed it, they cover it again with the skin, and put it into an Oven upon the quick Coals, covering it also with a good many of the same Coals, that it may have fire under and over to roast it well on all sides; and the skin keeps it from being burnt.  
The Persians have also a great many Ragoes, which though singly they cost but little, yet by the number of them are very expensive; wherein they differ much from the Turks, who spend little on their Belly, 
The frugality of the Turks.  as in other things, to wit, their women and servants, of whom they keep no more than they can conveniently entertain. Above all things the Persians are immoderate in the excessive eating of fruits, and I have been assured that some of them in a frolick will eat three, nay four Mans of Melons; to eat a Man is a very usual thing; 
The Persians eat too much fruit.  and nevertheless, the Man of Ispahan is no less than twelve pound Weight, as I have said already. And indeed, many of them die through their excessive eating of fruit.  

Persian Bread.  Their bread is commonly sprinkled over with Poppy-seed, and for the rest is very good: They make it into large Cakes half a finger thick; some they make also so thin that it looks like fine Paper, and they are obliged to lay twelve or fifteen of them together, which they fold into two or four pleats, and some of that fashion is very good: But in some places it is but half baked, very brown, and all full of bits of Straw, so that it looks more like brown Paper than bread; if a Stranger were not told it, he might be mistaken: And some French when first these Cakes were brought before them, took them for course Napkins.  
They make great use of Earthen ware, which is very pretty, especially because of the lovely Varnish they give it; it is made in Kerman, and I was assured that the Dutch had the invention from thence of making that false porcelain, which we call Holland's porcelain.  

Butter.  In Persia generally they make not use of Butter of Cow's Milk alone, because it is not good; but they mingle it with the Butter of Ewes Milk, which is much better.  
The Yogourt is an ordinary Ragoe in that Country: I remember that I have described it already; and shall only now add how they season it in the Spring; they cut Fennel into small bits, and with Turpentine-seed (which in that season is still green, and gins only to look a little radish,) they put it into the Yogourt to qualify the coldness of it. 
Torschi.  They also make Torschi or a preserve of that seed in Vinegar, into which they put the Berries to be pickled whole.  

The Persians way of drinking Wine.  The Persians, by their Law, are prohibited to drink Wine, as well as the Turks, but they are not so scrupulous as to that point: When they drink Wine, they do it without mixture, after the Levantines manner, who never drink water with it; but when they drink Wine, they have pots of water by them, whereof now and then they take large draughts.  

Bowl of Punch.  The Francs use a Beverage there, which they call a Bowl of Punch, and is cooling: They take a large Earthen Bowl, that holds four or five quarts, and fill it half full of water; then they put in as much Wine, with the Juice of Lemons, Sugar, Cinnamon and Nutmeg, which they drink in full draughts in the Summertime.  

Ice-houses in Persia.  The Persians make great use of Ice even in Winter, but never of Snow; they make not their Ice-houses as in France, and this is their way. They raise a wall towards the South three or four fathom high: Along that wall on the North-side they dig a Ditch about three fathom deep, and as much broad, and Northwards from the Ditch they make several beds six or seven fathom long, and one fathom broad, which are separated one from another by little Dykes of Earth, like Salt-pits; some are two or three foot deep, and others one foot. When it is very cold they bring the Riverwater into these beds, which freezes very quickly, and when it is thick and hard, they break the Ice of the hollowest beds into great pieces, which they carry into the Ditch, where they lay it in very good order: Then they break the Ice of the shallower beds, and having put it into the Ditch upon that which they had laid there before, they beat it into very small morsels with a spade or shovel, and fill up all the chinks that are betwixt the large pieces with them: At night they throw a great deal of water over all; which they do with the skins of gourds cut in two pieces, and fastened to the end of long poles; this water freezes in the Nighttime and joins all the Ice into one piece. In the mean time they bring in more water into the beds that it may freeze there; after which they remove the Ice into the Ditch, where they place it above the former in the same manner, until it be a fathom and a half high; then they cover all with Straw and Reeds two or three foot thick; and when they would take out any for use, they open the Ditch but in one place. This is an easy invention at at Ispahan where the Air is very dry, and where there is but little moist Wether. It would seem some few of these Ice-houses might be sufficient for a whole great City; and nevertheless, there are a great many such made in several places near the Town.  
A good many in Persia take Opium, 
The use of Opium.  but it is a drug that so enslaves those who are addicted to it, that if a man hath once made it customary to himself, and after forbear to take it, no less than his life is in danger; so that if a Tereaqui (as they call them all over the Levant,) go ten Leagues from the Town, and forget to take Opium with him, if he find none in the place he comes to, though he should immediately return back again, and make all the haste he can, yet he would not get to the Town in time enough to save his Life.   

CHAP. XI. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of the Court of Persia.  
HAving treated of the nature of the Persians, of their Carriage Apparel, and way of living; we may now see how their Monarch governs them, whom he makes use of for executing his Orders, and at the same time observe some of his recreations.  
Persia is a Monarchy governed by a King, 
Monarchy of Persia. The King of Persia absolute in all things.  who has so absolute a power over his Subjects, that no limits can be set to it. He meddles in Religion, and they do not begin the Ramadan, nor any Festival, till first they have had his leave, and sometimes he keeps them back a few days according to his pleasure, though the Moon wherein they are to be celebrated hath been seen. His Subjects never look upon him but with fear and trembling, and they have such respect for him, and pay so blind an obedience to all his Orders, that how unjust soever his Commands might be, they perform them though against all Law both of God and Nature. Nay if they swear by the King's head, their Oath is more Authentic and of greater credit, than if they swore by all that is most sacred in Heaven and upon Earth.  
He observes no form of Justice in most of his Decrees, and without consulting any Person, no not the Laws and Customs, he judges of lives and fortunes, as seems best to him, without any regard to those who feel the weight of his power; 
The kinds of punishments not regulated.  and that without observing the kinds of punishments that are in use in the Country, but appointing such as his fancy suggests to him. According to this Principle, two years ago he commanded the Nazer, who had vexed him to be exposed naked to the Sun; and the Nazer is one of the chief Officers of that Court: This was presently put into execution, and he was exposed to the heat of the Sun, and the rage of flies, in the great place from Morning till Night, at which time the King discharged him. Whilst he was thus exposed no body minded him no more than if he had been a Dog, which was a great instance of the inconstancy of fortune, and of the friends she gives; but both counterfeit and real friends have this excuse, that on such occasions it is most dangerous to render good Offices to a Man who is in disgrace with the King. He order many times the Ears and Nose to be cut off: Schah Sefi heretofore inflicted that punishment the upon an Ancient Person of Quality, who had been in great favour with the Great Schah Abbas his Predecessor. This cruel Prince being angry with the good old man who was in his presence, 
Great barbarity.  commanded a Son of his to cut of his Ears, which that unnatural Son presently executed; the King commanded him then to cut off his Nose, which was likewise done; with that the old man finding himself so abused by his own Son, and by order of his King whom he had not offended, but who acted merely in a brutish Capricio, said to the cruel Prince: Ah Sir, after this I ought not to live any longer, cause me to be put to death! He had no great trouble to obtain his desire; nevertheless, that it might not seem to be a favour to him, how inhuman soever it was, the Prince, (as if he feared of being accused this of Clemency in granting him death,) would needs accompany it with this piece of Cruelty, that his Son must be the instrument of that sad Office, and the Executioner of his own Father: He bid his Son then, cut off his head, and told him that he gave him all his Estate: This unnatural and infamous Parricide, without delay, obeyed that unjust order, and cut the head from the Parent who had given him his Life.  
It is remarkable, that the chief Persons of Court are not exempt from those storms, and that commonly they are the Objects of these cruel Sentences, and yet no body murmurs at it. Sometimes he is content to take part of their Estates, sometimes he takes all, and never fails to do so when he puts them to disgrace. His nearest Relations soon feel the effects of this tyrannical Power: For the Kings of Persia are so afraid of being deprived of that Power which they abuse, and are so apprehensive of being dethroned, that they destroy the Children of their Female Relations when they are brought to bed of Boys, by putting them into an Earthen trough where they suffer them to starve; and when they come to the Possession of the Crown and Sceptre, it is their first Care, and first Act of Royal Authority to cause the Eyes of all their Brothers, Uncles, Cousins, Nephews and other Princes of their Blood, barbarously to be put out: which is done with the point of a Cangiar, wherewith the Eyes are plucked out whole; and afterwards brought to the King in a Basin; and seeing the Executioners of this Tyranny, are commonly the first whom the King pleases to send on that errand, some of them are so unskilful at it, that they butcher them in such manner that several have thereby lost their Lives.  

A Prince without Eyes learned in the Mathematics.  At Ispahan I saw one of those Princes at his House whose Eyes had been plucked out; he is a very learned man, especially in the Mathematics, of which he has Books always read to him; and as to Astronomy and Astrology, he has the Calculations read unto him, and writes them very quickly with the point of his Finger, having wax which he prepares himself, like small twine, less than ordinary packthread, and this wax he lays upon a large board or plank of wood, such as Scholars make use of, in some places, that they may not spoil Paper when they learn to design or write; and with this wax which he so applies, he forms very true letters, and makes great calculations; then with his Finger's end he casts up all that he hath set down, performing Multiplication, Division, and all Astronomical calculations very exactly.  

Change of Wives.  Sometimes the King of Persia takes the Wife of one of the Lords of his Court, and gives him another for her out of his Seraglio, whom many times he takes back, and restores the man his own again. It may very well be believed, though, that those whom the King bestows so, are neither Begums which is the Title of Queens and Princesses, nor the chief Khanums or Ladies of his Seraglio: 
Great Jealousy of the King of Persia.  For he is extremely jealous of his Wives though he has a vast number of them, and his Jealousy is so extravagant, that if a man had only looked upon them, he would be put to death without remission; wherefore when he takes them with him into the Country, there are Eunuches who have power of life and death, and with good blows of a Cudgel, order all to keep out of the way, by which they are to pass, from the Palace till they be out of the Town; and then they say there is Courouk on that way, (that's to say, 
Courouk. ) that it is not lawful to pass it; nay, they also pitch tents at the ends of all the Streets that lead into the way, to the end that no prospect may be allowed even to the sharpest sighted, though otherwise these Ladies be well enough covered in Kagia-vehs upon Camels. When the King comes with them to Giolfa, all the men must leave their houses, and fly into the Country, none daring to stay at home whilst the Haram is passing, but the women; and when he is in a tent in the Fields, if the fancy take him to send for them, they fail not to give notice that there is a Courouk, and then all forsaking their tents, run away as far as they can.  
The Courouks are troublesome at Ispahan; and yet the present King made a great many whilst I was there; he hath made no less than forty in three months' time; and nevertheless every man was obliged to leave his house, whatsoever weather it was, cold or hot, and fly to the hills, if he had no friend living at some distance to whom he might betake himself. In former times the Courouk was only for those places where the King passed with his Haram, now they make it for some Leagues round the quarter, comprehending within it even the adjoining Villages. The Kings of Persia exercise also this tyranny, 
Courouk of Provisions.  that they make now and then Courouks of Fish, poultry and other provisions, which they like, and when there is such a Courouk of any thing, no body dares to sell any unless it be for the King's use; in my time there was a Courouk of Fish and Poultry, during which it was impossible to have any for love or money, and that lasted some weeks.  
How great soever the Power of the Persian Kings may be, yet sometimes they moderate it, and submit to reason. 
Familiarly of the Kings of Persia.  They show great familiarity to Strangers, and even to their own Subjects, eating and drinking with them pretty freely, which this Prince often does, as I saw whilst I was at Ispahan; and after my departure he sent several times for the French, and made them so drunk that they fell asleep upon the place, which he suffered with so much goodness, that seeing one of them one time lying in an incommodious posture, he raised him, calling him by his name, that he might lay him more at his ease. Not but that familiarity is many times dangerous; for it is with him as with the Lion in the Fable, with whom it is not good to be too familiar; many Examples happen which teach the Persians, what is made a proverb of with us, that it is not good to play with ones Master; the French there have been witnesses of it, and had their share of the fear. 
The Prince in a Debauch.  For upon a time when they were making merry with this Prince, the Nazer who was almost drunk, speaking to him about the Army that was to be sent against the Tartars, and telling the King, that if his Majesty pleased, he would go and command that Army, and do wonders with four thousand men; a French Harquebuser being drunk, boldly told the King that the best man he could send, was a Georgian of the Moorish Law who was present and drank with them, for that he was a brave General: The King was so incensed at the freedom of that impertinent Counsellor, that he commanded his belly to be ripped up, which was about to be put into execution, and they were already dragging him out by the heels, when the King reflecting perhaps, that the man was not in a condition to be taken notice of, commanded him to be let alone, and set in his place again. Perhaps also he considered that he was a Frank: 
They put no Francs to death in Persia.  For they are very cautious at the Court of Persia in putting of a Frank to death; since the time that one day when the Ambassadors of the Duke of Holstein were there, a Germane Watchmaker that wrought for the King, being put to death, who having well deserved it, chose rather to lose his life than to turn Masulman, as it was proposed to him, and the King wanting a Watchmaker, desired to have him that belonged to the Holstein Ambassadors; but the Example of that Execution being fresh in memory, that Watchmaker refused to serve the King; which made the Eatmad Doulet to say, that he perceived well enough that that Execution was the cause of it, but that for the future no Frank should be put to death. Let us now return to our Wine  

What is done at Audiences.  In the Audiences which this King gives to Christian Ambassadors, or others, there is always high drinking, and there is nothing else done in these Audiences, for affairs are managed with the Ministers of State. Shortly after I departed from Ispahan, there came an Ambassador from the great mogul; I have been informed since, that assoon as he entered to his Audience, the King caused Wine to be presented unto him, which he very humbly refused, saying that he had never drank any; the King having asked him if he smoked Tobacco, he made answer yes; and immediately he caused a Pipe of Tobacco to be brought to him and so dismissed him. After all, this Prince is not well pleased when any refuses the Wine which he presents to them: For his own part, he hath so strong a head, that after a whole days debauch, 
Chah Abbas a great Drinker.  having sent for the French, they found him as sober, and in as good a frame of mind, as if he had not drank one drop; so that he continued it one day more without intermission. Nevertheless, sometimes he gets drunk, and next day his Courtiers tell him all that he hath said or done, for so he will have them do; chief that he may know, if in his Cups he hath given away any thing of consequence, as he did one day, when drinking with some Francs and Moors, he plucked two Rings off of his Fingers, in which were stones of great value, and gave them to a Moor of the Company. However being one day drunk, he gave a woman that danced much to his satisfaction, 
The King keeps his word. One of his Presents.  the fairest Hhan in all Ispahan, which was not as yet finished, but wanted little; this Hhan yielded a great revenue to the King to whom it belonged, in Chamber-rents: The Nazer having put him in mind of it next Morning, took the freedom to tell him that it was unjustifiable prodigality, so that the King gave consent that she should only have a present of an hundred Tomans: The woman refused them at first, saying she would have nothing but what the King had promised her, but being told that if she took not that present, she should have nothing, she accepted it.  

Much Gold, Plate and many precious Stones. The riches of the King of Persia.  The Kings of Persia are very rich in Gold, Plate, and precious Stones, of which they have great plenty, as also of all sorts of Arms set and enriched with them; for they entertain Workmen constantly in pay, who make new pieces, and never sell any of them: Besides, all the Chans and other Lords, make them often presents, and amongst others, regularly once a year in the Neurouz or Spring; nay more, they still increase their Treasures with the wealth of those whom they put to death, which (as I have said,) is wholly confiscated to the Crown.  

The silks belonging to the King.  All the Silks of Persia belong to them; they raise a certain Sum of Money from all the Companies of Tradesmen, and they have many Lands which they farm out to Countrymen who take care to blow and sow them, and pay the King the fifth part of the revenue, and in some places the half. A Moula told me one day, that they never said prayers upon the Lands that belong to the King, because they are Hheram, (that's to say) excommunicated, the King having taken them by force from the poor People; for, (said he,) he hath not bought them, but they only belong to him by Usurpation.  

The forces of the King of Persia. The Corschi.  The chief Forces of Persia consist in three Bodies of Men or Armies, to wit, the Corschi, the Goulams' and the Teufenogi. The Corschi are Inhabitants of the Country, but who are descended of Turks, and live in Tents, as the Turcomans do: They are very powerful, for they can send fifty thousand men into the Field; and therefore Scah Abbas Grandfather to the present King, did what he could to bring them low, raising the Goulams', and preferring them to all dignities. There are about five and twenty thousand of them in the King's service, and their pay is from ten or twelve to fifteen Tomans a year: but for the first two or three years they receive nothing. Their General is a Corschi, and the King cannot put one over them who is not of their Body; he is called the Corschi Bassa, and they have a great many great Lords among them. When the King would put any great man to death, he commits the Execution commonly to a Corschi. These men have vast numbers of Cattle.  
The Goulams' are Slaves, or the Sons of Slaves of all Nations, 
The Goulams'.  and chief of Renegado Georgians; all their male issue to the hundredth Generation are of this body. And there are about fourteen thousand of them in service, who have from five or six to eight Tomans of pay; they have also many great Lords of their Body, and their chief is called Kouller Agasi.  
The Tufenkgis are men raised the Villages, 
The Tufenkgi.  and chief Renegado Armenians; they are about eight thousand, and have the same pay as the Goulams' have, but are looked upon only as Peasants without reputation. They were the last that have been instituted, for the use of the Musket; they march on horseback, but when they are to fight, alight. The Corschi and Goulams' carry bows and arrows, and fight on horseback, yet some of them carry the Harquebuse. 
The Soldiers Sons have pay.  The Sons of Soldiers receive pay so soon as they are seven years old, and it is augmented proportionably as they grow in Age.  
Besides these, the King of Persia has Guards who carry the Musket, 
A new Militia of guards.  but it is not long since they were instituted by an Eatmad Doulet, who made use of that invention to undo the Divan Beghi then in being. The Story is, that a certain Person having one day found the Sister of that Eatmad Doulet, in a debauched place, (before he was as yet raised to that dignity,) carried carried away her drawers; and then talked of it in several places, which extremely nettled the Brother, who at that time dissembled his displeasure. Not long after, being made Eatmad Doulet, he resolved to undo that man who had defamed his Sister; and to compass his designs cunningly, he brought things so about, that the King bestowed the Office of Deroga upon this man: At this he was much surprised, and thought that the Eatmad Doulet had forgot the trick he had put upon his Sister; so that he fell to rob and cheat briskly, and the rather that he was supported by the Divan Beghi. When the Eatmad Doulet found that he had rob enough, he accused him before the King of abuses committed in his Office, and much oppression, who not being able to justify himself, was condemned to have Pegs driven through his feet, to be hanged up with his head downwards, and in that posture to receive a great many Bastonadoes; all which was publicly put into Execution in the Meidan, in spite of the Divan Beghi, who did all he could to hinder it. That offended the Eatmad Doulet, so that he resolved to undo him also; and for that end made a Renegado Armenian Deroga; who put into purses by itself, all the money he got in his Office by fines, and sealed these purses by order from the Eatmad Doulet, who by these purses made the King sensible, that if a Deroga got so much, a Divan Beghi must needs get much more. On the other hand the Divan Beghi (who was not asleep,) brought complaints from all hands against the Deroga, that that might reflect upon the Eatmad Doulet; but these People passing no higher than the Aali Capi, the complaints reached not the Princes Ear. In fine, one day when the King was to go abroad, the Eatmad Doulet armed several men with Muskets, and placed them in guard at the Gate of the King's Palace.  
The King as he was going out observing this new guard, failed not to ask what the meaning of it was; the Eatmad Doulet being there on purpose, answered that it was he who had placed those guards there, for his Majesty's security, because the Divan Beghi stirred up the People to sedition against him; presently the King who was a little credulous, (which is a thing too common to all Princes, who are not acquainted with matters, but as it pleases those who are about them to inform them,) returned back in a great fright, and sent presently to apprehend the Divan Beghi, with orders to pluck out his Eyes, which was instantly put into Execution publicly in the Meidan; and from that time forward this guard hath been entertained in the service of the Kings of Persia.  

Chief Officers Eatmad Doulet. Sedre. Sepeh Salar. Kouroukgi Bassa. Koular Agasi.  The chief Officers of the Crown are the Eatmad Doulet, who is the first of the Kingdom next to the King; the Sedre, the Sepeh Salar, who is a Generalissimo, the Kouroukgi Bassa, the Koular Agasi or General of the Goulams'. In my time there was no Sepeh Salar, and they make none now, but in time of War, which being ended the Office also expires. The Sedre is the chief in spiritual Affairs; he is the high Priest of the Law, as in temporals the Eatmad Doulet is the chief Minister; however this man is more considerable, and takes place of the Sedre: Wherein it is observable that the dignities of the Church are not annexed to the Doctors of the Law, as in Turkey, but many times from being Sedre, one is promoted to the Dignity of Eatmad Doulet.  

Officers of Religion. The Sedre. The Scheick-el-Selom, and the Cadi.  Next to the Sedre in Spirituals, there are two under him who decide all points of Religion, and make all contracts, testaments and other public deeds; they judge also of Divorces and of all civil Debates and Processes: The one is called Scheick-el-Selom, (that's to say,) Scheick of the Law, and the other Cadi: Their Authority as well as Office is almost equal; nevertheless, the Scheick-el-Selom has some preference: They are established in all the principal Towns of Persia and even in Ispahan, and the King nominates them, on whom they only depend.  

Pichnamaz.  In every Mosque, as well as in the King's Household, there is a Pichnamaz, this is the director of the Prayers, who says the Prayers, and makes the rest say them; and therefore he stands always foremost that the rest behind may see him, 
Imam.  and do as he does; in Turkey he is called the Imam. They who pronounce the Prayer aloud, are inconsiderable fellows that have good Voices, who are hired for that, and commonly they are young Boys. There are Mulas who have great Salaries out of Ecclesiastical Revenues for teaching all comers, 
Mulas.  Sciences and the Law, and they are properly the Doctors, 
Hodgia.  whom the Turks call Hodgia: In Persia they all wear white turbans. These Mulas are also in Persia like Clerks or Notaries; they make the deeds of conveyances, of purchases, contracts and other deeds; to make these Writings Authentic they must have the Bull of the Scheick-el-Selom or of the Cady, but many neglect that Circumstance; besides, they are not very willing that the Scheick-el-Selom or Cadi should know their Affairs, and therefore they think it enough to have the Writings drawn by a Mula, with the seals only of the Mula and party concerned. These Bulls or Seals are stones with their names cut on them, upon which they put a little Ink, and then apply them under the Writing; they carry commonly these stones set in a Silver-Ring on their little Finger.  
For temporal Affairs, besides the Eatmad Doulet who is the chief Minister, and those whom I have named before, 
The Nazer.  there is the Nazer, who is overseer of all the goods, furniture, habits, plate, and all the Haras belonging to the King, 
Mehter.  for all which he is to answer. The Mehter is as the first Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber, he may be looked upon also as his Chamberlain. This Mehter hath always by his side a pouch full of Handkerchiefs, which he presents to the King as often as he demands any; for he is almost always near his Person, and has his Lodgings in the Royal Palace. That is an important Office, for he may oblige and disoblige whom he pleases, having the Prince's ear, especially if he be very young, for during a King's Minority, the Mehter is in a manner sole Governor: The word Mehter is a comparative in the Persian Language. There are several other considerable Officers, as the Mirakhor Bassa, who is Master of the horse: The Vakanuviez, who is like the first Secretary of State; Mirchikar Bassa, the chief Huntsman; Ichik Agasi Bassa, who is as Steward of the house, for he hath an Eye over the other Officers of the King's Household: The Mahmendar Bassa, Master of the Ceremonies: The Munedgim Bassa, chief of the Astrologers; Hakim Bassa chief Physician, and many more of that nature.  
The Divan Beghi of Ispahan is another very considerable Officer, he indicts the Chans or other great men of Persia who are in disgrace, and from the Deroga they appeal to the Divan Beghi; that is therefore a very profitable Office, because of the presents that he receives from all parties; for when complaints are brought to Court against any Chan, he lets them come to the King's Ear if the Chan be his Enemy, or stiffles them if the Chan be his friend: This Officer is chief Justice, as the name of his place very well imports which is a Turkish name, and signifies the Lord of the Divan or Council: Besides the Officers I have named there are others inferior, whose places are very well known.  
Every Chan in Persia hath his Nazer, and in every Town there is a Deroga and a Divan Beghi; the Chan puts in the Deroga, and therefore he wholly depends on the Chan; but the King appoints all the Divan Beghiss, and they depend on none but him. 
Deroga.  The Deroga is like the Lieutenant criminal in France; they have recourse to him for all Robberies, quarrrels, assaults and batteries, or murders, and he does them Justice; it is his care to suppress public houses of Debauchery, and if he catch any man in them, he punishes him by Bastinadoes or a fine, but commonly by a fine; and though in the Country these men go plain in clothes and without Arms, yet it is a great Crime to strike them, or do them the least hurt.  
Under the Deroga is the Aatas who performs the Office of a Constable; 
The Aatas or Constable.  it is his duty to go the rounds in the Streets in the Nighttime with his Watchmen, to prevent disorders, and stop those he meets; and in case they can give no good reason why they are abroad at an unseasonable hour, he can commit them to prison and punish them. The Deroga places him, and he is in a manner his man; however he has his Prison in every Town and Village.  
There is also the Kelonter, (that's to say,) the greatest, 
Kelonter.  and is exactly the same with the Tribunes of the People amongst the Romans; for it is his business to defend the People against the Tyrannies of Governors, and to take up their little differences. He has considerable incomes; for they who have any business to do, make him great presents, that he may stand their friend with the Chan; the King alone places the Kelonter in all Towns. Each Chan in the chief Town of his Government, has men who every Evening, at Sunsetting and Midnight make music with Trumpets, Timbrels, and those long straight Trumpets, which make a hollow deep base, in the same manner as at Ispahan.  
The King makes presents now and then to his Chans, nay, and to other inferior Governors: but they are dear presents to them, and if they gain honour thereby, 
The presents of Vests or Kalaats.  the Messengers that are sent with them reap the profit; these presents are called Kalaats. When I was at Schiras the Visier of that place received one, and I saw the Cavalcade that was made at the reception thereof, it was just such another as that I spoke of, which happened to be at Hamadan whilst I was there. 
The Ceremony of the Kalaat.  The Visier went to a house a little without the Gate by which they enter, that come from Ispahan; there he put on a Vest of Cloth of Gold, and in that habit made a procession the whole length of the chief Street, amidst twenty or thirty of the chief Citizens on Horseback, who road all a breast; about two hundred Horsemen went before him, and some others came after pellmell, rich and poor together without any order, because all are free to be present at that Ceremony. He had received another but eight days before, and three days after, he was to receive a third. These presents are very chargeable, for they are not sent so much out of affection to these Governors, as out of kindness to some poor Persians, who having access to the King's Person, and soliciting him for some gratuity, obtain from him a present to carry, which costs him but little, to the end they may obtain a greater: This present is commonly a flowered Silk or Cloth of Gold Vest, which he commands them to carry to such a Chan whom he knows to be rich; it is accompanied with a letter from the King, wherein he appoints that Governor to give the bearer of that Vest the sum of fifty, a hundred, and sometimes two hundred Tomans, according to the kindness he has for the Person: And though the King lets them blood often in this manner, yet he who receives these uneasy presents, must not fail to pay down the Sum in ready Money. But it costs them a great deal more when the Kalaat is complete, (that's to say,) when there is an under Vest, upper vest, turban, drawers, shoes, and a horse with all his accoutrements; for it is commonly a Person of Quality that comes with a present of this nature, and he must have a great reward. 
What a Kalaat properly is.  The Persians call all presents made by a superior to inferior, Kalaat. The King's Kalaat is sometimes only a Vest; sometimes it is an under and upper Vest; and sometimes, (as I have now said,) the turban and accoutered Horse are added to it, but there is no rule for that: When the Kalaat is red, it is a bad sign; for commonly when the King sends a red Kalaat to a Governor, it is a sign he has a mind to put him to death; yet that is not infallible, for sometime before I came to Schiras, the King sent the Visier of Schiras a complete Kalaat, of which all the parts were red, and this made all men think that he had sent for him to cut off his head, and nevertheless it proved otherwise in the Sequel.  

Schaters or Footmen.  Amongst the lowest Officers of the King, are the Schaters who are as the King's Footmen: To be admitted into this Office, besides credit, one must be an extraordinary good Footman, and give proofs of it; and therefore when a man desires to be received into the King's Service, in quality of a Schater, 
The masterpiece of a Schater.  and hath made interest enough to be admitted to his trial, he must run a race, which is to be his Essay. He starts at Hali Capi, and twelve times in one day runs to a certain place towards the Hills, a long French League and a half distant from Hali Capi. At the end of this Carrere there are men who have several Arrows ready, with little pennons hanging at them; and every time the Schater comes, they give him one of these Arrows, which he carries to Hali Capi, so that coming and going twelve times, he brings with him twelve Arrows, and runs about six and thirty French Leagues from Morning to Night. In the mean time there is Kourouk in the Meidan and all along the way he goes: The Elephants and a great many horsemen are ranked in the Meidan, where there is a noise of trumpets and timbrels all day long. All the great men make presents to the Schater, some ten or twenty, and some thirty Tomans, and all this to ingratiate themselves at Court: They who have nothing to give, 
The People are forced to come to the Kourouk of the Schater. A Tax of the Armenians for the Schater.  are nevertheless present; nay, the People are forced to come, in so much that at Giulfa they drive all out of doors with Cudgels and oblige them to come to this spectacle; none but old men, women and children are excused. The Armenians are also taxed in a certain Sum which they are to present to the Schater: When I was at Ispahan there was one of those races, and the Armenians were taxed in thirty Tomans. All bring their presents to Hali Capi, whilst the Race is running. Some of the Country would needs have persuaded me, that the presents which are made to the Schater who runs, might amount in all sometimes to two thousand Tomans; but others who were more moderate, told me two or three hundred Tomans. This permission to run is earnestly solicited for, and he must have favour that can obtain it: He that ran whilst I was at Ispahan had been six Months in suing out the permission. Monsieur Diegre Master of the Dutch Factory at Ispahan, a very knowing man, so curious and exact, that he omits not the smallest Circumstance, as much as possibly he can, in describing all things punctually, measuring even public places, Mosques and Gardens almost to half a foot, and more exactly too, if he can; set out one day from Hali Capi, which is the place where the Schaters start who are to perform their trial, and went to that place where they take their Arrows, keeping pace on horseback with his Footman that went before: He told me that he was an hour and a half on the way, and that having obliged his Footmen to reckon all their steps, and to mark them by hundreds, he found that they had made four thousand Geometrical paces, which make a Germane mile, and is a French League and a half: So that the trial of the Schaters is in travelling thirty six French Leagues from Morning to Night. 
The Schaters make thirty six French Leagues. The Chans' make their Schaters run also.   
The Chans in their Governments make their Schaters also run, and all make them presents, there being no difference but in more and less. When a Schater would be received into the Service of any Lord, he performs his trial, which is to go an Agatsch from the Town, where he finds a man that gives him an Arrow marked with a certain mark, that he may not play the cheat; he puts it through a hole in his coat on the shoulder, and so brings it to the Town, where he leaves it and returns back for another; and in one day betwixt Sun and Sun, he must go and bring twelve, and so run four and twenty Agatsch: At Night they count the Arrows which he hath brought, and if there be twelve of them he is received. He rests not all day long, neither eats; for that would hinder his going, but is continually in motion, save sometimes when he drinks Sorbet. I have been assured that there are some of these Lords Schaters, who in a frolic sometimes will carry on their shoulders four and twenty Mans of Tauris, which make a hundred and forty pound Weight, or thereabouts, and with that load travel thirty Agatsch a day, (that's to say) thirty French Leagues.  
The King has a great many hunting Dogs of all kinds, besides which, 
Hunting dogs. Panthers, Ounces or Dgious. Antelopes'.  he makes use also of the Ounce or Panther, in hunting of Antelopes'. That is a very tame Beast, and does no hurt to men; in Persian it is called Dgious, and is brought from Arabia. They carry it commonly on Horseback behind a Man, who holds it by a Chain about the Neck: When they are to hunt him, they keep a Cloth before his Eyes, until they have discovered an Antelope; and when they come within five or six hundred paces of it, they take off the Cloth and Chain, and showing him the Antelope, let him go. He creeps softly on his Belly towards the Antelope, hiding himself behind the Hedges when he can; and when he is got within about sixty paces of it, he runs at it with skis and great leaps, and fails not with three or four bounds to catch it; and if he catch it not then he pursues no farther, and is so ashamed, that they have much ado to make him hunt any more that day: But to comfort him, the Huntsmen tell one another aloud, that he hath not seen it, and that if he had seen it, he would not have miss, believing that he understands their Compliment very well.  
They keep all the Dogs and wild Beasts too, in a House by the Riverside, near the Bridge, on the right hand as you go to Giolfa: And on the left hand before a Garden on the Riverside, there is a Volary full of rare Fowl, as Estradges, Peacocks and others. 
Volary. Hawks.  The King has also many Hawks, and I was assured that he had above nine hundred, which they feed generally with Fowl, giving them Mutton but once a Week.  
The Persians are very expert in making of Hawks, and commonly they use Falcons to fly at all sorts of Fowl whose Eyes they sile that they may not see, 
How they make Falcons.  and then let fly the Falcon which easily takes them when they cannot see. Amongst these Hawks there are Falcons for hunting the Antelope, which they teach in this manner. 
Hunting of Antelopes' by Falcons.  They have counterfeit Antelopes', on the Noses whereof they daily feed the Falcons, and no where else; having bred them so, they go into the Fields with them, and so soon as they have discovered an Antelope, let fly two of these Hawks, of which one of them fastens just upon the Antelope's Nose, and strikes him backwards with his Talons: The Antelope stops and strives to shake it off, and the Hawk flutters with its Wings to keep its hold, which hinders the Antelope from running fast, or seeing well before him: At length when with much a do he hath shaken it off; the Falcon which is aloft stoops and comes in the place of the other, which immediately points up and keeps above, ready to succeed to its Companion when it is forced off; and in this manner they so stop the Antelopes' running, that the Dogs come in and catch him. This sport is the more pleasant that the Country is open and champain, there being little wood in it. The King hath also a great many Elephants, and many wild Beasts such as Tigers, Lions, and Leopards.  
In the enumeration of the Officers of the Court of Persia, I have spoken occasionally of those who administer Justice, and frame public and private acts and deeds: It remains now that I should add what I have learned of the particular Laws of the Country. 
Civil Laws of Persia.  As for civil Affairs, in the distribution of inheritances in Persia, the Sons have two parts, and the Daughters one. 
Division of Estates amongst the Children.  If there be but one Son and one Daughter, the Son takes two thirds, and the Daughter the other third; and if there be two Sons and one Daughter, the Sons have each two fifth parts, and the Daughter one, if there be two Daughters and a Son, the Son takes two thirds, and the other is divided betwixt the two Daughters; and if there be two Sons and two Daughters, each Son has a third, and the last third is for the two Daughters.  

An unjust law against the Christians of the Country.  But as to the right of inheritance they have a very unjust Law, devised for the propagation of the Faith of Mahomet. And that is, if a Christian turns Mahometan, when any of his kindred dies, all the Estate of the departed belongs to him, to the exclusion of his Children, though he be no nearer to him than in the fifth Degree of Kindred. He who instituted that Law, 
Dgiafer.  gave it out that it was commanded by Dgiafer, one of the twelve Imams, and that Dgiafer affirmed that it was revealed to him from God. Nevertheless, this evil is not without remedy, for the Mahometan Judges (knowing the Iniquity of this Law,) have found out a knack to cause dying Christians to make a pretended Sale of all their Goods to trusty Persons; and when that is done they dispose of all their Estates by Will, and the pretended Purchasers approve before the Judges of all that the deceased hath done in disposing of the Estate which he hath sold to them. The Judges admit of this the more willingly, that they get money by it, which they could not have if a Mahometan carried away all.  

Duschacha. A kind of punishment.  As for Criminals, they use a singular way in binding Prisoners: They put a forked piece of Timber before their Throat, the handle being a foot long, and the two prongs of the Fork go on each side of the Neck; behind there is a wooden bar that joins the two ends of the grains, and is nailed to them, so that the whole makes a triangle; before the throat there is another wooden bar, nailed at each end to the middle of the prongs; and at the end of the handle of this fork which is cut a little hollow, the Prisoner's hand is put, with the Wrist in the hollow, and over it they put another bar half a foot long, which is likewise a little hollow in the middle, and the two ends thereof are nailed to the two Extremities of the handle of the Fork, so that the Prisoner has his hand, as it were, in a Scarff, and can make no use of it: This Instrument may be about a foot and a half or two foot long, and they call it Duschacha.  

The rack for malefactors.  The ordinary Rack to extort a Confession of Robberies and other Crimes, is for men to pinch off the Flesh with hot Pincers, and to give blows on the feet with a Cudgel, 
The rack for women.  as in Turkey: For the Women they put a Rat into their Drawers, so that the Rat being betwixt the Drawers and the Flesh torments them extremely.  

King of Punishments.  The usual punishments they inflict upon Malefactors whom they would not put to death, is to pluck out their Eyes; or else to pierce the Nerves of their Ankles, and then hanging them up by the feet, to give them a certain number of blows with a Cudgel, and sometimes also to cut the Nerves short off. When they condemn any to death, the most usual punishment is to rip open the Belly. One day the great Schah Abbas, causing the Belly of a Malefactor to be ripped open in his presence, observed that the Portugal Ambassadors, that stood by him, turned away their Eyes from beholding that Spectacle, as if it raised horror in them; which made him say, that certainly these torments would be too cruel and horrid, if they were practised amongst Christians who are rational People, but that they were absolutely necessary among the Persians who are Beasts. Moreover it is very difficult for those who have committed any Crime to make their escape, or avoid Justice by flying, because of the good order that is observed: For besides that there are but few passages to get out of the Country; the Roads are so exactly kept by the Rahdars, whom I have mentioned before, and whom I found upon my entry into Persia, that is almost impossible not to fall into their hands, and they suffer none to go out, nor come into the Kingdom, till first they examine who he is, and the occasion of his Journey.  
When I came to Ispahan, there were two Muscovite Ambassadors who had waited there for Audience several Months, and could not obtain it; and the King used them in this manner because an Ambassador of his had not been well received in Moscovy. The design of their Embassy was not known, only it was suspected that they did it for no other end but to gain credit and reputation amongst their Neighbours, when they should know that the King of Persia was their friend. Nevertheless, they had no good success, which was partly occasioned by their own fault. They had made a very false step at first, acting at their first coming what drew upon them the contempt which they met with at that Court all the while they stayed there; for they made a present to the Eatmad Doulet, that they might obtain a permission to sell the Commodities that they brought with them. 
The presents of the Muscovites.  They had pretty fair presents to make to the King, having brought with them a great many fine Furs and other Curiosities of their Country, amongst which there was a Coach and a Falcon, which only remained alive of many more that died by the way.  
In the mean time they were not received; 
An affront given to the Ambassadors of Muscovy.  on the contrary during their abode at Ispahan, they suffered many affronts, and whilst I was there had a very signal one: So soon as they were come, the King being informed that they brought him a lovely Falcon, sent for it: Nevertheless, as it is the custom to carry the presents, when they go to the first Audience, when they were about to have it, they demanded their Falcon, that they might solemnly present it to his Majesty with the Glove, according to the instructions they had from their Duke; but in scorn it was refused them: And the more to insult over them, when they came into the Meidan, and were ordered to alight off of their Horses, they made them take a turn all round the Meidan, as in procession, with their presents, in the view of the King, who was in a Divan to please himself therewith. At their Audience the King complained to them of several things, and amongst others of the Piracies, that the Muscovites, and the Tartars who are their Subjects commit on the Caspian Sea, and of their inroads, into the Dominions of Persia, where they land, and carry away in their Vessels all they find, Men, Women, Children and cattle, and having done so put off to Sea, and send some back in a small boat who coming near the shore, tell the Inhabitants of the Coast, that they have taken so many Persons, and that if they have a mind to recover them, they must send them so much money.  
The Ambassadors made answer that they could not suppress Pirates and Robbers, to which the King replied that these Robbers were not in so great Bodies, and that if the Duke of Muscovy put not a stop to it, he was Master of a passage, by which he would send fifty thousand men that should put all Muscovy to fire and sword. 
The Muscovites are nasty.  These Muscovites left behind them in Persia such a reputation of filthiness and nastiness in their feeding, that a Persian Lord told the Reverend Father Raphael a Capucin, that the Muscovites were among the Europeans, what the Tartars were amongst them.  
The Civilest of these two Ambassadors died at Ispahan, and the other being ready to departed, would needs leave in that Country a memorial of his Avarice: 
The avarice of the Muscovites.  Seeing it is the Custom of the King of Persia to defray the Charges of all Ambassadors, from the time they enter his Territories; they give them daily a certain allowance of Bread, Meat, Butter, Candle, and of all Necessaries, nay and of Money too: This Ambassador who was not ignorant of the proportion that was appointed him, and who found some fault with the distribution of it, presented a complaint to the King against the Meimandar, who is the Officer that takes care of Ambassadors, wherein he declared that this Minister had not faithfully delivered him his allowance, and specified in his Memorial, day by day, how many Casbeghiss or Schais he had received less than the Sum which the King had ordered him. This the Persians looked upon to be infamously base, as well as the sordid and nasty way that the Ambassador and all his train lived in; for so great was his Covetousness, that most commonly he fed his Domestics with bread steeped in water instead of Pottage, which being the best of their Diet, he almost starved them.   

CHAP. XII. The continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of Astrologers, a Comet, an Eclipse; and of the Superstition of the Persians.  
SInce there are Astrologers at the Court of Persia, who have their quality of ordinary Officers, by the name of Munedgim, I thought it might not be amiss to say something of them, after I had Treated of the Court.  
Astrology is in so great vogue in Persia, that there it degenerates in Superstition, and not only the Learned and men of Letters solicitously apply themselves to it, but even the common people and Soldiers tamper with it, and if a man can but Read, he fails not daily to observe the disposition of the Planets, their Aspects, and their Conjunction or Opposition; that he may seem to be somewhat amongst those who have not the same knowledge. In Conversation all their Discourse is of Spheres, Apogees, Perigees, Excentrics, Epicycles; and other such hard names, whereby they pretend to distinguish themselves from the Vulgar. It is very probable that this passion among the people, proceeds not only from the Genius of the Nation; but also from a desire of imitating the Great ones: who are known to have always had in that Country a great propensity to those kinds of Sciences, whether that their mind bend that way, Policy engaged them, or those that professed them, imposed upon their credulity or weakness, for their own interests.  
However it be, The Kings of Persia make great account of Astrologers, and these men who have a chief residing at Court, cost them yearly vast sums of money: and indeed, they undertake no business till first they be informed by them of the lucky minute of some favourable Constellation, when they are to set about it, and if a King hath had bad success in any Affair, wherein he had not consulted them, all attribute the cause of it to the negligence of the Prince who omitted to nick the happy minute of the Astrologers. This custom hath taken such root at Court, that these Gentlemen are become as necessary as any other Officers thereof; and if the King have sense enough not to give credit to all their raveries, yet he must seem at least to rely much upon them; because under pretext of the good or bad minute, he order his Affairs at his pleasure, and no body murmurs at it, no not Strangers, with whom he never wants a fair pretext of refusing or granting their desires, telling them, (if they complain,) that it is the superior power of the Stars which obliges him to act so or so.  
Now I am speaking of Astrology, 
A Comet at Ispahan.  I remember there appeared a Comet whilst I was at Ispahan: The Reverend Father John Baptista, a Capucin, discovered it on Thursday, the eleventh of December, one thousand six hundred and sixty four, about Five a Clock in the Morning, in the Sign of Virgo. It had a Tail, and moved from East to West: I saw it on Monday the fifteenth of the same Month, about half an hour after five in the Morning, when it was almost in the Meridian, and about two degrees beyond the Sign of Virgo: its Tail appeared to the view about the length of a Fathom: Some days after the Tail of it pointed betwixt the West and the North. It passed from Virgo to Libra, and the one and twentieth of December, when it entered into Leo, there was a Conjunction of the Sun and Saturn; after that its Tail pointed Eastward.  
Friday the sixteenth of January, 1664/5. there happened an Eclipse of the Sun, which began a little after eight of the Clock in the Morning, and lasted almost till half an hour after Eleven, and two thirds of the Sun were well near Eclipsed. The Mahometans have no public Superstition for an Eclipse of the Sun; they only say a Prayer made on purpose; wherein they Pray God to avert all Calamities from them: But it is not the same in Eclipses of the Moon, during which, as I have already said, they spare not their Kettles. However it were no great matter, if the Persians were only Superstitious in relation to the Stars; they are so also in a thousand trifles, which concern not at all Astrology. For instance, They will not eat any thing that a Christian hath but touched, thinking it Polluted; and therefore they will not suffer them to touch Flesh, or any thing else that is Eatable, 
A Persian superstition.  before they have bought it: if a Christian drink in their Pot, they break it immediately, and it is very rare to see them lend one to any body: if a Piece miss firing, they are persuaded that some Enemy hath laid a Charm upon it; and to cure the pretended Charm▪ he that is to shoot knocks the muzzle of his Piece against the ground, and then he thinks the Charm is spoiled, and that it will not miss again, though the defect he found proceeded only perhaps from the foulness of the Piece.  

Christians esteemed impure.  They suffer no Christians to enter into their Coffeehouses, nor their Bagnios, because they (say they) are Medgis, that is to say, impure. Whereupon I had a pretty pleasant adventure, when I was coming from Bagdad to Hamadan; being as yet ignorant of that custom, I very fairly went one day to one of their Bagnios▪ they not knowing me to be a Christian, suffered me to strip, and enter the Bagnio, where there were a great many Persians and Turks; but some among them knowing me, presently whispered the rest that I was a Christian; at which being extremely startled, they acquainted the Master of the Bagnio with it, who to dismiss me civilly, came and told me that the Vizir, or Lieutenant of the Chan, desired to speak with me: I, who understood nothing of their intrigue, made him answer that I would wait upon him so soon as I had done in the Bagnio, and though he told me that he stayed for me, I would not go; but at length perceiving that the Servants attended all the rest, and left me to look to myself, I went to my clothes, and quarrelled with the Master, because they had not served me; which he suffered without making answer: whereupon one of those who was in the Bagnio, told me that the Bagnio-Master must wash all the Bath over, as being polluted by my entering into it; and I heard no more of the Viziers Orders. The Persians hate the Turks no less, and hold them to be as impure as the Christians, but dare not tell them so as they do the Christians, to whom there are some Moulas that will not so much as teach the Persian Tongue for love nor money, but there are others who are not so scrupulous.  

The Persians suffer a House that is on fire to burn out.  The filliest of all their Superstitions, in my judgement is this, that if a fire break out in their Houses, they will not put it out, but only save what Goods they can, and let the fire burn down as many Houses as it can, till others, who are not of their Law, put it out. They suffer not Christians to enter their Mosques, and if they catched one there, they will oblige him to turn Mahometan, or at least make him pay a good sum of money, if he were able, and if not, they will give him many Bastonadoes. Nevertheless they will suffer Christians to dispute with them about matters of Faith, which amongst the Turks would be a crime punishable by death.   

CHAP. XIII. The Continuation of the Observation of Ispahan. Of the Religion of the Persians.  

The Religion of the Persians.  THE Religion of the Persians is in substance the same with that of the Turks, though, nevertheless, no Nations in the World hate one another so much upon the account of Religion as those two do: they look upon one another as Heretics; not without appearance of reason, (as some think,) nor yet because the Persians have Translated the Alcoran into Persian; for though it be true, that they have several Alcorans Translated in Persian, nevertheless that is but an interlineal Translation, 
Translation of the Alcoran.  word for word, and without any Sense: and they believe, as well as the Turks, that that Book can not be explained in any other Language but in Arabic. But the true ground of their division is, that the Turks pretend that Aboubeker was the Lawful Successor of Mahomet, Omar the Successor of Aboubeker, Osman of Omar and then Aly: whereas the Persians affirm that Aboubeker, Omar and Osman, were but so many Usurpers of the Succession of Aly, who was the Lawful Successor of Mahomet; and that is the reason the Turks hold them to be Heretics. The Persians believe then, that Aly succeeded Mahomet, or at least that he ought to have succeeded him, and that he was the first of the twelve Imams whom they much honour, and who succeeded one another; of whom the last, 
Mahomet Mehedy.  called Mahomet Mehedy-Sahabzemon, that is to say, the Master of times, was snatched out of the hands of those who would have killed him, and Translated as Enoch and Elias were, and that he will also come at the day of Judgement, but only that he may force the world to embrace the Faith of Mahomet: that JESUS CHRIST shall be his Lieutenant, 
JESUS CHRIST.  and that he will Marry; for they look upon it as a great defect in his person that he was not married.  
Upon these Principles of Religion, the Politics of the Kings of Persia have firmly secured the Crown to all the Descendants of the Race that sits at present upon the Throne: For they have made a strong impression upon the minds of their people, that to have a true Title to Rule over them, one must be Descended of the Race of Aly, by one or other of the twelve Imams. Chah Ishmael Sofi, first King of the Family that Reigns at present, had the cunning to inspire these Sentiments into them; because he derived his Extraction from one Cheik Sefi of the Town of Ardeville, whom he brought down from the Race of Aly, and who besides was held in great Veneration amongst them for his Piety, in the practice whereof he had constantly lived, according to the Rule of the Sofis, of whose Sect he made profession.  
The Persians call themselves Schiai, 
Schiai.  because they think it enough to follow the commands of their Law, and they who follow the Law of the Turks are called Sunni, because besides Matters of Obligation, 
Sunni.  they also follow Counsils of Devotion. For example, a Sunni being asked if he be of the Law Sunni or Schiai, he must say that he is Sunni, whatsoever danger there may be in making that profession; But the Schiais think not that a matter of Obligation, and on a like occasion, they would frankly say that they were Sunni, if they saw any danger in professing themselves to be Schiais, and so in many other things. Not but that the Persians practise some of the Counsils: for instance, it is a Council and not a Precept of their Law, that when they see a Funeral passing by, they turn at least three steps, to accompany the Corpse some time, and that they even lend their Shoulders to help to carry it, if it be needful; nevertheless there is nothing more common in Persia, than to see when any Burial passes, all those who meet the company, lend their Shoulders, at least for ten or twelve steps, to help to carry the dead body.  
The Months are the same with the Persians as with the Turks, 
The months of the Persians.  save that the former begin one day sooner. Not but that they are regulated as well as the Turks by the Moon; but these reckon not the first day of the Moon, but when they see it, which is commonly the second day, and the Persians who are knowing in the Speculation of the Stars, and who fail not to make Astronomical Calculations, regulate themselves according to the course of the Moon; and therefore they begin their Month and by consequence their Ramadan a day sooner.  
They celebrate their little Bairam or Easter of Sacrifices, 
The Feast of the little Bairam called Aidel Kerban. The Sacrifice of a Camel.  in the same manner as the Turks, and Sacrifice some Sheep in memory of the Sacrifice that Abraham would have offered of his Son Ishmael: (for they say that it was Ishmael that was to have been Sacrificed, and not Isaac:) But at Ispahan they Sacrifice a Camel with great ceremonies; they lead him out of the City, and there the King, or in his absence the Governor of the Town, strikes him with a Lance, and then all fall upon him and hack him to pieces with Swords, Axes and Knives. Having vented part of their Zeal upon the poor Beast, they employ what remains of it against one another, fight so furiously, that many are always left dead on the place. The cause of this mad Devotion, is because each quarter of the Town comes to this ceremony, with their Banner, and endeavours to have a piece of the Camel; all are very eager to have it, they quarrel, pull and hale it from one another, and at length fall to downright blows. That which makes the quarrel greater, and gives occasion to bicker, is that each quarter pretends to a certain part of the Camel, which hath at all times been granted them, one the Leg, another the Belly, and so of the rest: and seeing they are not all agreed upon these pretensions, every one strives to maintain his right by force, and there are always some who out of too much Devotion to eat of the Camel, are excused from ever eating more. Moreover, there are two Factions in Ispahan, which always entertain great feuds betwixt themselves, and that is the reason that they never meet in a Body, as in a Procession, but they fight till they kill one another: one of these Factions is called Aideri, and the other Naamet Vllahi, from the names of two men, who commanded severally in the two Villages, 
The Factions of Aideri and Naamet Ullahi.  whereof Ispahan consists. These two Villages that were near one another being increased, have made one single Town, and there is still at Ispahan a Gate called Derdeicht, of which the one of the two Leaves of the Gate belongs to one of the two Factions, and the other to the other. But to return to the Ceremony of the Camel, the piece that can be got, is distributed in each quarter, every Family hath a Portion of it, which they Boil, and then eat with a great deal of Devotion. In other Towns, in stead of a Camel they kill an Ox, but without any Ceremony; for a Butcher kills it, and all the Dervishes and poor people come and take every one a piece; besides every private person in his own House kills some Sheep, most part of which he distributes amongst the poor.  

Differences in Prayers betwixt the Persians and Turks.  There is also some difference betwixt the Persians and Turks, as to their Prayers. In Persia they call to Prayers but three times a day, to wit, so soon as it is Light, at Noon, and at Sunsetting, and they call no oftener on Friday: Nor is the call made from the tops of the Steeples neither, because from thence one might see the women in the Houses; and therefore the call is only made from Terraces. The Turks and Persians make their ablutions both alike; but in saying their Prayers they have this difference, that the Sunni hold their Hands one over another upon their Stomach, and the Schiai observe not that posture: besides, these last in time of Prayer lay down a little grey stone before them, which they always carry about, and every time they prostrate themselves on the ground, lay their Forehead on that stone, 
The Stone of Kerbela.  which is made of the Earth of Kerbela, the place where Hussein, the second Son of Aly, was killed by the men of Yezid; his Tomb is there still, and that place is called after his name, Imam Hussein; it is about four days journey from Bagdad, betwixt Tigris and Euphrates: it is a very famous place of Pilgrimage amongst the Persians, and amongst the Turks also, whither many people of both Sexes, and all conditions resort. They there take of the Earth, which they knead, and make little stones of, and sell them all over Persia.  

The death of Hussein.  This is the relation they give of the death of Hussein, who was the second Son of Aly. After the death of his Father he was called by the inhabitants of the Town of Coufa, who owned him for the Lawful Califfe: but Yezid the Successor and Son of Muavias', and second caliph of the Family of the Ommies, who was then at Damascus, having intelligence that Hussein was upon his march to that Town, with all his Family, sent out a good Troop of Horse to bring him to him alive: these men overtook him at Kerbela, and so straightened him, that they left him not so much as the means of getting water; so that finding himself in that extremity, he was willing to come to a composition, and offered if they would allow him free passage to return with his people into Egypt; but they who would needs carry him and all his Family Prisoners to Yezid, according to the orders that were given them, refused him these conditions. He yielded not for all that, but having suffered Hunger and Thirst for some days longer, resolved, at length, to make himself a passage by force, or to die in the attempt, choosing rather to die with Sword in hand, than to fall alive into the power of his Enemies. He therefore marched courageously towards them, charged into the thickest of them with extraordinary vigour, and did all that could be done to break through: but his party being too unequal, he was overpowered by number, himself and all his men killed, and his Wives and Children made Prisoners, and carried to Yezid, who treated them honourably, seeming to be grieved at the death of Hussein. They yearly perform a great solemnity for that death: I was there in the year one thousand six hundred sixty and five, and was witness to the Ceremony. It began the fifteenth of July, which was the first day of the month Maharram, 
Aaschour or Feast of the death of Hussein.  and that is there New Years day. And seeing that mournful Festival lasts ten days, they call it Aascour, a word that signifies Ten in Arabic: during these ten days, all the Persians are Sad and Melancholic, many being clad in Black, others wearing only a black Girdle, 
What the Persians observe in that Mournful Feast.  and others a black Turban. In all that time no man is shaved, they go not to the Bagnios, nor commit any debauch, and even abstain from their Wives: in short, they express so much grief in outward show, that one would think some great public Calamity had befallen them. The inferior sort of people signalise their Zeal by a thousand foolish pranks, some bury themselves under ground all day long, having nothing out but the Head; nay, and that too is covered with a Pot and Earth over it: others run about the streets almost stark naked, having only a bit of black stuff to hid their Nakedness, and most part of those Fools daub over all their Body and Face with Soot mingled with Oil; others take Bol Armeniack, which they dissolve also in Oil, and with that Dye themselves Red, that they may look as if they were all in a gore of blood: and some who are more sincere, cut and mangle their Bodies in several places; nay, and in the Head too, so that the blood comes running down on all sides: in all these different manners, they run about the streets in companies, most part with a naked Shable in their hands, singing several doleful Verses made upon the death of Hussein, and by fits crying as loud as they can, Ya Hussein, which is the burden of their Song, and all this to the tune of some wretched Music, which some of them make, with two stones in their Hands that they clap one against another. Many public places in the streets are hung with Black, and lighted with several Lamps, and there is a Pulpit where a Moula Preaches at a certain hour of the Night, and relates the circumstances of the death of Hussein, at which the Hearers melt into Tears. They have such Sermons also in the Day time, to which many persons of Quality resort; nay, and at Ispahan the King himself is obliged to come clad in Mourning, at least the last day, which is the Tenth; and indeed that is the day of greatest Ceremony, because that was the day, (say they,) whereon the brave Hussein was put to death.  
Seeing I was at Schiras, when I saw the Festival of that day; 
At Schiras the Feast of the death of Hussein.  it is only what happened in that Town, which now I relate. All the Quarters of the Town went in Procession, and the Processions passed by the Governors' House with all their Colours, the Rabble naked and besmeared in the manner I mentioned before: there came after them a great many Children on Horseback, representing the Children of Hussein who were carried away Prisoners; then they had led Horses covered with black, and all the Armour of a Horseman fastened to the Saddle, marching next, and after them they carried some Coffins covered with black Velvet, and a Turban upon each. This Procession having passed by the Governors' Gate, went out of the Town to Consummate the Festival at a Mosque, where Khatoun, the Daughter of Aly, is Interred: there they had a Sermon, after which they wept, and then all returned to prepare the Alms they were to give, most of which were Rice, and messes of Corn, which they Boiled in great Kettles, and distributed amongst the poor. They say that during these Ten Days the Gates of Paradise are open, and that all Mahometans who die then, get in without any difficulty.  
Forty days after the last day of the Aaschour, that is to say, the twentieth of the month of Sefer, they have another Feast which they call certain, 
The Feast of certain.  that is to say Head Body: because, (say they,) that the Head of Hussein being cut off, was of itself joined to his Body forty days after. They make great rejoicing that day; and there are a great many who do not Shave their Heads from the first day of the Aaschour, until this Feast of certain; wherein for the most part they give the like Alms as we mentioned just now.  
The death of Aly is celebrated much after the same manner as that of Hussein his Son, but it lasts only a day, 
The Feast of the death of Aly.  which is the one and twentieth of the Month of Ramazan: they go in Procession through the Town, wherein they carry Standards, lead Horses covered with Trophies of Arms, and carry a Coffin covered with black Velvet, with a Turban upon it; and having said some Prayers, they all return home, and so the Feast is ended.  
The History of the death of Aly, Mahomet's Cousin, and Son in Law, 
The History of Aly.  according as it is related in Persia, is that having Married Fatima the Daughter of Mahomet, he was killed at Bagdad by a servant of his own, called Ebw-Mouldgem-Mourat, who had been brought up in his service from his infancy, with a great deal of care: this Rogue having at a Wedding seen a young Widow named Quetome, whose Relations and Husband had been put to death by the command of Aly, fell in Love with her, and courted her in Marriage; she who still thought on the Death of her Husband and Relations that went to her Heart, and only expected an opportunity of being revenged, made him answer that she would not Marry him, unless first he killed Aly, which at first he refused, retaining still some Sentiments of Affection towards his Master: but she persisting in her resolution, Love prevailed in the Heart of the Traitor, and one day when Aly was at Prayers in the Mosque, he stabbed him with a Dagger: he was immediately apprehended by those that were present; who would have cut him in pieces upon the spot, if Aly had not forbidden them to do him any hurt, saying that if he were cured of that Wound, he knew how to punish him in an extraordinary manner, and if he died of it, he would only have them to give him one blow, a few days after Aly being dead, his Servants killed Ebw-Mouldgem-Mourat, at one blow of a Sword, therein obeying their Master's orders punctually; and on that day yearly, they publicly burn the Figure of that same Ebw-Mouldgem-Mourat.  

The Feast of Omar Keschdgiade.  They celebrated also the Feast of one Omar Keschdgiade, the Ninteenth of September, which was the Tenth of the month Rebiulewel; that Feast is in honour of an illustrious Miller of that name, whose History I could not learn. Besides the Feast I have mentioned, they have some others, as that of the great Bairam; that of Quamquadir, the place where Muhammed chose Aly for his Successor, in presence of forty thousand men; the Neurouz or New Year, and some others.  

The Formation of man, and where he is to end his days.  The Persians in their Creed have a pleasant imagination concerning the death of men. They say that every one must come and die in the place where the Angel took the Earth of which he hath been made, thinking that one of these Spirits has the care of Forming the Humane Creature, which he doth by mingling a little Earth with the Seed.   

CHAP. XIV. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of Jews, Guebres, Banians, and Armenians.  

Liberty of Conscience in Persia. Jews.  THE Persians give full liberty of Conscience to all Strangers of whatsoever Religion they be, and some years ago it was thought a very strange proceeding in an Eatemad Doulet, when he undertook to oblige all the Jews to turn Mahometans. For accomplishing of that he used all his endeavours, sparing neither mild ways nor violence, for bringing about his design; nay, he procured an Order from the Prince, prohibiting the exercise of the Jewish Religion within his Territories: but notwithstanding all that, he could not succeed in it, for having caused them to be strictly observed, they found that what external Profession so ever they made of Mahometanism, they still practised Judaisme; so that there was a necessity of suffering them to be again bad Jews, since they could not make good Musulmans of them. However these who live at Ispahan are beggarly poor, and not very numerous, 
Jews at Ispahan.  because there is nothing for them to be done there: they pay the King yearly a Chequin a Head, and are obliged to wear a little square piece of stuff; two or three Fingers broad, sewed to their Caba or Gown in the middle of their Breast, about two Fingers above the Girdle, and it matters not what stuff that piece be of, provided the colour be different from that of the clothes, to which it is sewed.  

The Guebres.  There are still in Persia, and particularly in Kerman, people who Adore the Fire, as the Ancient Persians did, and these are called Guebres. They are known by a dark Yellow colour which the men affect in their clothes, and the women by their Veil, none but they wearing that colour; besides the Guebrish women, have their Faces, all naked, and never cover them, and commonly they are very Handsome. These Guebres have a Language and Characters, which no body understands but themselves, and in all things else are very ignorant. When any of their Sect dies, they set him upright in a place walled in purposely for that; and lest he should fall, they put a forked instrument under his Chin to hold him up: they leave him in this posture until the Crows have picked out his Eyes, and if they have begun by the Right Eye, they think he is happy, 
A false Prognostic of the Guebres.  and put him upright in a place walled in, which they call the White Pit; if they have begun by the Left, they think he is miserable, and put him into the Black Pit: these Pits are Wells raised some Fathoms high of Earth, where they put the bodies stark naked, covering only the Privities with a Rag, and each of these two Pits is above half full of Bones, and the Ashes of dead Bodies, that have been put therein. The greatest kindness that the Guebres think they can do to a dead man, is to kill for his sake a great many Frogs, Serpents, and other Infects: after all, these people are extremely hated of all men, aswel Christians as Mahometans, and being strong of body, most part of them are Masons.  
There are besides above fifteen thousand Banians in Ispahan; 
The Banians of Ispahan Usurers.  they follow no Art nor Trade, and all their business is to let out money to Usury, which the Jews do in Turkey, and in all places else, where they are suffered.  
Let us now say somewhat of the Armenians, 

Armenians at Ispahan.  
The Armenians pay the King of Persia five hundred Tomans.  
The Kelonter of the Armenians.   who are not the most inconsiderable part of the people that inhabit the City Ispahan: their quarter in that Town is at Giolfa, or the places about it; they yearly pay the King 500 Tomans, and have an Armenian to Govern them, whom they call Kelonter, that is to say the greatest, and he is put in and turned out by the King when he pleases. They address themselves to this Kelonter in all their Affairs, and Controversies, and it is he that Taxes them for raising the five hundred Tomans, which they yearly pay the King. But besides the Kelonter they have another Royal Officer, who is a Deroga, for Judging in Criminal Affairs. I am apt to believe that some of these Armenians are good people, but a great many of them, (take from them the name of Christians,) are every whit as bad as Infidels; and in general there is but little confidence to be put in them. As for their Religion, it may be said that Fast are the chief part of what they profess at present, or at lest they make that the most considerable and visible point of their Religion. When an Armenian Confesseth that he hath Rob, committed Murder, or such like crimes, the Confessor tells him that God is merciful; but if he accuse himself of having Eaten Butter on a Friday, or a day of Abstinence. Oh! that is an execrable Crime, and the Confessor will enjoin severe Penances for that sin, as to Fast several months, to refrain six months from his Wife, or other Austerities. They Eat no Flesh, Eggs nor Fish, nor yet Milk, Oil, nor Butter, on Wednesdays and Fridays, but they Eat Flesh on Saturdays, as all the other Oriental Christians do. They have the Baptism of the Cross, 
The Baptism of the Cross.  in commemoration of the Baptism of our Lord; and they Celebrate it the day of the Epiphany, (according to the Old Calendar which they follow) plunging, (after several Prayers,) a Cross into water, whereof all strive to take their shares in Pots.  
They Communicate all Children in both kinds, 

The Armenians Communicate Young Children.  
They Marry their Children very Young. Extreme Unction with the Armenians. Command for Mass.  
Superstition of the Armenians. The end of Lent with the Armenians.   even those that are but a year or two Old. They Mary them very Young; sometimes the Parents promise them as soon as they are born, and often Mary them at the Age of Seven or Eight Years: but though the Priest perform the Ceremonies at that time, yet they defer the Consummation of the Marriage till the usual time. They say that Extreme Unction is not to be Administered till after death, though some amongst them have denied me that Article; but commonly they give it only to Priests. They have no command obliging them to hear Mass on Sundays and holidays. They have many of the Mahometan Superstitions; and amongst others, some of them hold Dogs to be Unclean as well as they, and will not willingly touch them.  
On Holy Saturday they end their Lent, by Eating at night Butter, Cheese, Eggs, and other things which are prohibited during the Lent: but they Eat no Flesh till Easter-day, and it must be killed too the same day; for they say that it is not lawful for them to Eat of that which was killed in time of Lent.  
They admit of no Purgatory, and yet Pray for the Dead, 
Purgatory with the Armenians.  saying that those who are Damned go straight to Hell, but that the others go not into Paradise, where no body shall be received before the last Judgement; but that they are in a place, where they suffer a little, and that the Prayers that are made for them, comfort them; whence it seems that they only contend about the name, and that it is only to difference themselves from Roman Catholics, that they say they admit not of Purgatory.  

Fables of the Armenians concerning our Lord.  They have a hundred Stories, or rather ridiculous Tales, concerning the Infancy of our Lord, and that is it they call the little Gospel; as for instance, that the Virgin being with Child, her Sister Salome accused her of having been deflowered by some man, and that the Holy Virgin for her own justification bid her lay her Hand upon her Belly, and that she should know what Fruit she bore; which Salome having done, a fire issued out of it and consumed one half of her Arm; and then being sensible of her fault, she laid the stump upon it again, by the Holy Virgin's order, and so recovered her whole Arm. They also say that our Lord being grown pretty big, his Holy Mother put him to School to learn to Read Armenian, and that his Master making him pronounce the Armenian Alphabet, he would not pronounce the first Letter, which is thus made III, unless his Master gave him a reason why it was shaped in that manner, which made his Master give him correction: Our Lord having suffered it, told him mildly, that since he knew it not, he would teach him; and made him comprehend that it denoted the Mystery of the Holy Trinity; whereat the Master much surprised, returned him back to the Virgin, telling her that he knew more than himself. This Tale is the more ridiculous, that it is not above four hundred years since their Letters were invented, 
The invention of the Armenian Characters.  and that before they made use of the Greek Letters: and the truth is there is in the Library of the French King a large thick Armenian Book, which gives the History of their Letters, and by whom they were invented.  

A Ridiculous Story of Judas.  They say that Judas having sold our Lord, and despairing of Pardon, resolved to hang himself, because he knew that our Lord was to go to the Limbus, to deliver all the souls which he found there, and that he made account to be one of that number; for with them Hell and the Limbus is one and the same thing; but the Devil cunninger than he, foreseeing that, held him up by the Feet, till our Lord had passed the Limbus, and then let him fall plum into Hell.  

An Error of the Armenians concerning the two Natures in JESUS CHRIST.  The Armenians as well as the Euticheans believe but one Nature in JESUS CHRIST, though they condemn Eutiches of Heresy; they do not, indeed, say that the Humane Nature was swallowed up in the Divine, as the first Euticheans did, nor do they believe the confusion of Natures in JESUS CHRIST, as Eutiches did, but they will have the Divine and Humane Nature to be united in his Sacred Person, as the Soul and Body are in a man, and that so they make but one; and that makes them condemn the Council of Chalcedon.  


A false belief in the Armenians.  
The Opinion of the Armenians concerning the Pope.   They say that JESUS CHRIST neither Ate nor Drank, and when I alleged to one of them some passages of the Gospel, where it is said that he did Eat and Drink, he made answer, that he only seemed to do so, but that in reality, he neither Ate nor Drank. They acknowledge not the Pope to be Superior to their Patriarch, but only to be Patriarch of Rome. Yet I found some of them that were not of that Opinion, and who confessed that he was Head of the Church. Nevertheless, they are generally great Enemies to the Franks, and to all that profess the Roman Catholic Faith; so far, that there are some of them who stick not to say, that it is better to be a Turk than a Roman Catholic: Notwithstanding all this, they agree with us as to the Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist; 
The belief of the Armenians concerning the Holy Sacrament of the Altar.  and it is a strong Argument against the European Heretics, to object to them the Levantine Christians, who for a long time have been the declared Enemies of the Roman Catholics, and nevertheless are all Uniform with them, as to the Holy Sacrament and Mass, Jacobites, Nestorians and all, which makes it appear that the Mass is no new invented thing.   

CHAP. XV. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of Horses, Mules, and Camels, and some Infects.  
THE Persians use commonly to ride on Persian Horses, which are but small, 

Animals of Persia.  
Persian Horses.   but good and strong, and Travel great Journeys without tiring: they have a trick of casting up the Head, and endanger the Rider's Nose if he have not a care; but some mend that fault, by a kind of Cavasson, which is a strap of Leather in form of a Halter, that they put over their Nose, and bringing it betwixt the fore Legs, tie it to the Girts like a Petrel. Not only in Persia but all over the Levant, they have a better Hoof than in our Countries, whether it be because of the humidity of our Climate, or that we shoe them to often. And indeed, the Persians can show a Horse with the first Horse-shoe they find, putting it forwards or backwards as much as is needful to fit it to the Foot, and they may Nail it in all places of the Hoof. In Persia they make their Horse-shoes smooth and flat: 
Horse shoes in Persia.  so that they have not little turn up as ours have, which makes them continually slide upon Stones, or upon the Ground when it is but in the least wet. In Persia no more than in Turkey they use no Manger to feed their Horses in; but whether it be in the Town or Country, they always feed them in a Bag of black Goat's Hair, 
The way of Feeding Horses.  which they hang about their Neck. There are a great many Grooms who mingle Salt with the Barley they give them, to keep their Dung from stinking: they put first Straw in the bottom of the Sack, than two Handfuls of Salt, over that the Barley, and then mingle all together with the Hand. In the Spring they feed their Horses, Mules, and Asses with Grass, and so they do all over the Levant. They Curry them with a Comb that has no Handle, and only two ranks of Teeth, and they rub them with a piece of Felt.  
In Turkey and Persia the Horses and Mules have several Diseases, 
Diseases of Horses and Mules.  of which there are some that are not known among us: for instance when they have eaten too much Barley, their Fore-feets swell and become weak, so that they easily fall, and a kind of a Wen grows upon their Breast: that is to be cured with a hot Iron, putting them to Grass if it be in the Season, and giving them no Barley for two or three days.  
In the Noses of the Horses there grow also two Gristles, one on each side, which take Root at the end of the Bone of the Nose, upon the upper Jaw, and rise like Horns towards the Nose, under the Skin, through which they may easily be seen: that puts them to so great pain, that they will not feed, but only keep lying, and their Belly is so straight, that thy cannot go but as if they were dragged; if one touch it, it sounds like a Drum, and if care be not taken they die of it in two days: the remedy is to draw a slit along their Nose, with a sharp pointed Instrument, to cut these two Cartilages, and make it as long as one can, and then they recover and are as good as ever they were: they call that Disease Nachan, that is to say the Nail. 
Nachan.   
They have a third Disease, which makes their Lips to swell, and that hinders them from Feeding; the remedy is to open a Vein in the palate of the Mouth, with a Needle, or some sharp pointed Instrument. When they have Traveled for some time in Mire, or in Snow, or when their Feet have been too long in the Dirt, if care be not taken to make them clean, a little Scab grows upon the joint of the Foot, which draws in the Sinew, and hinders them from going: to cure that, they apply to it Gun powder and Snow, if they have any, and if they have none, Gun powder alone.  
Sometimes a blackish water breeds in their Hoof, and that Disease in Persian is called Absiah, that is to say, black water: the remedy is to take off the shoe, pair the Hoof, and apply the Oil of Naphta to the place.  
The Horses and Mules in the Levant, have another Disease, which I think ours have also; and that is a Gristle that grows in the Flesh, on the side of each Eye, and covers almost the whole Eye, with the Skin that it makes to grow upon it: to Cure it, they throw the Horse, and with a little Razor open that place; and take out the Cartilege, which is about the bigness of the Nail of ones Thumb; they put Salt to it, and then stitch it up, applying thereto a Pultis made of a little Fennel pounded and mingled with two Yolks of Eggs, and half a Spoonful of Butter; they spread that upon Tow, and lay it upon the Wound.  
They have besides another evil, which is an Excrescence that grows upon the Joint of the Foot, which makes them cut in going; this proceeds from strains they have had when they were young: and it is to be Cured by a hot Iron.  
They slit the Noses of all their Asses, to make them breath more freely, and go better.  


Camels in season for Coupling.  
The Coupling of Camels. Camel's Hair for what use.   When the Camels are in case for Copulation, they will live forty days without Food: during that time they are unlucky, they foam and by't those that come near them, and therefore they muzzle them: when they Couple, the Female lies down on her Belly, in the same manner as when they load her: some of them go Thirteen Months with Young. They make Socks of their Hair, and in Persia they make also very fine Girdles of the same, of which some will cost two Tomans, especially when they are White, because White Camels are rare. The Camels of Persia are big and strong, and carry twice the weight that others do.  

The Feeding of Camels in Persia.  In the Evening in stead of Barley, they usually give them three or four Balls, as big as ones two Fifts, of paste made of Barley-Flower; and they Eat that greedily.  

Oxen of Persia.  In Persia the Oxen have a great sharp pointed bunch on the Back near the Neck, and some have it bigger than others. The Country people make use of them to carry Loads, and to ride on also.  

Infects. Scorpions.  Of the Infects of Persia, which are common to other Countries, at Cascian, particularly, there are a great many Scorpions, which are very big and black; and so Poisonous, that those who are Stung by them die within a few hours.  
There are in Persia also a great many Gnats, like those of other Countries; but there are other Flies that are more troublesome, 
Flies.  which are no bigger than Fleas, and all White; they make no noise nor buzzing, and sting unawares, but their bite is a great deal worse than the by't of a Flea, so that one would think he were pricked with a Lancet or Pins. There is also a certain Worm longer and smaller than a Caterpillar, but of a square body as theirs is; it hath a great many Feet, on which it goes very fast, the bite of it is dangerous, and some of them are more dangerous than others: nay, there is no remedy against some of them, especially when they get into the Ears; the Persians call them Hezar-Pai, that is to say, thousand Feet, because of the great number they have. There is plenty of them also in the Indies.   

CHAP. XVI. The Continuation of the Observations of Ispahan. Of some considerable Fruits and Plants.  
AT Ispahan they have almost all the kinds of Fruit that are in France, 
Fruits at Ispahan.  but fairer and better; and which keep better there, by reason of the dryness of the Country-Air, which makes Fruit keep a whole Year. The Melons are far better there than with us, as likewise the Peaches which are very big, and the Grapes that are of Nine or Ten sorts. Their Wines are White, 
Wines of Ispahan.  and made of Grapes which they call Kismisch; most men believe that that kind of Grape hath no Stones, because they are so small, as not to be discerned in Eating; but they are easily enough to be seen in the Fat when the Wine worketh. They make Wine also of other sorts of Grapes, which is neither so good, nor keeps so well. They have some Red Wine, but little, and to make it, they only put some Black Grapes into White Wine, to give it a colour: if it were made of Black Grapes it would not keep: we must except the Wine of Schiras, which is Red, very good, and Stomachical: 
Schiras Wine.  but it is only brought in Bottles, and one must have Friends for that too; if nevertheless an Armenian hath got any of it, he sells it at eight Abassis, and at the least at six. They keep the Wine commonly in very great Earthen-Jars, for the draught would make all Casks leakey, and these Jars hold above a third part of a Tun. 
No use made of Casks.   
Though the Persians, as I have now said, have all the kinds of Fruit that we have, yet they have not the several sorts of them. They have for example several sorts of very good Grapes, but they have not the Muscadine Grape. 
The Persians have no Muscadine Grapes. Grapes upon the Vine till Christmas. No Strawberries in Persia.  They leave the Grapes on the Vines sometimes till Christmas, putting each bunch into a Bag, to keep them from the Birds, and only gather them, as they have occasion to Eat them. They have also good Apricocks, small sharp Cherries, Apples, and many sorts of Pears: but they have no Strawberries. They Eat Melons almost all the year round, not only because they take much pains in Cultivating of them, but also by reason of the Nature of the Air, that I have spoke of, which nevertheless excuses not those who would preserve their Melons well, from having always a Candle burning in the Room where they lay them, whether it be to keep them from the damp, or from being Frozen. In this manner they Cultivate them; in the first place they make use of a great deal of Pigeons Dung, 
The raising of Melons.  keeping Pigeons only for that purpose, which they put into the Ground where they Sow the Melons, and that Dung is sold by weight. When the Melons are above Ground, and begin to be shaped into a Stalk that will carry, sometimes twenty, they take off three or four, and leave those which thrive best: ten or twelve days after, they again take off those that thrive worst, which (although they are so little,) sell very well about Town; for there are those who Eat them; and in this manner they always ease the Stem, leaving only those which thrive best, till, at length, there remain no more but one: It is to be observed that every time they open a little with their Nails the Earth that is about the Root, they fill it up with Pigeons Dung, to give it new nourishment; then they put water to it by means of some little Channels that have many turn, which water the Roots without witting the Fruit. They use all these ways with them three or four times, for having watered them, they let them alone eight or ten days without giving them any more water; at length, when the remaining Melon gins to grow big, they put the end of it to their mouth, and having wet it a little with their Spittle, cover it with a parcel of Earth, and they say that this Ceremony preserves them from the bitings of some Flies, that else would spoil them. In Persia they Eat Melons till the month of April, nay some also in May, which is about the time they begin to Eat new ones: at least in July they begin to have them Ripe, but they are small round Melons, most of them white within, soft like Cotton, and of no relish; those that are good, are not fit to be Eaten before August; they are of another kind, and most part long: I have described them before.  

The Cultivating of the Palmtree.  Amongst the Trees of Persia, is the Palmtree, which they carefully Cultivate: when it is Young, and before it bear Fruit, they dig at the Root of it, eight or ten Fathom deep in the Earth, more or less, until they have found water; but that Pit is not made all round the Tree; for that would make it fall; they only dig on one side, and then fill up that hole with Pigeons Dung, whereof they have always provision in that Country; because in the Villages they purposely keep a great many tame Pigeons, and I was told by the people of the Country, that if they took not that course with the Palm-Trees, they would not bear good Fruit: but there is a very curious thing besides to be observed in the Cultivating of this Tree; and that is that every year when the Palm-Trees are in Blossom, they take the Blossoms of the Male Palmtree, and put two or three Branches of them into the Matrix of each Female Palmtree, when they begin to Blow; else they would produce Dates, with no more but Skin and Stone, I call the Matrix that Bud which contains the Flowers, from which in process of time the Dates spring; the time of making that inoculation is about the end of November: Not but the Males also bear Fruit, but it is good for nothing, and therefore they take all their Blossoms to Graft the Females with. As to Dates, it is worth the taking notice of, that the use of them is very dangerous during the Heats in hot Countries, because they make the whole Body to break out in Botches and Boils, and spoil the sight.  
There is a Shrub called in Persian Kerzehreh, that is to say Ass' Gall, because, (as they say) it is as bitter as the Gall of an Ass. 
Kerzehreh, a shrub.  This Shrub is a Frutex that grows sometimes as high as a tall man: the Trunk of it many times is as big as a man, from which issue forth stems as big as one's Leg, that send forth several Branches, the least whereof are as big as one's Finger. This Tree looks of a whitish green, it hath a pretty thick Bark, under which the Stem, (which is lignous) is White. The leaves of it are as thick as those of the Laurel Rosetree, much broader, almost as long, and in a manner Oval, with Veins running along them; these Leaves grow by pairs, the one opposite to the other, but not all of a side, for the pair below makes a cross with the pair above, in the same manner as Balm does, and that regularly every where; they have no Stalk, but embrace the Stem. Towards the head of the stem, about the uppermost but one of the sets of Leaves, 
See the following Cut.  or somewhat higher, out of the main stem, betwixt the two Leaves, a stem sprouts out as big as the shank of a Tulip, and long as ones Finger, from the end whereof other small stalks spring forth about fifteen in number, each of which bears a Flower on the top; all these Flowers together making a kind of Posy, before they blow, they are about the bigness of a Brass Farthing, and are like a flat Button, or of the same bigness and figure as some little white round Bones, flat above, which are to be found in the Thornback-Fish, they are round below, that is to say, the Leaves of which it is made up, join, and make the upper side flat: when they are open they look like very small Emonies. These Flowers on the outside are of a dull sullied White, 
The Flowers of Kerzehreh.  inclining to a Violet-colour, and very sleeked; in the inside the bottom is White, and the point of each Leaf Purple; at the bottom there is a small Pentagone Figure, all Yellow, whereof each Angle answers to the middle of one of the Leaves of the Flower, and out of the middle of each side of that Pentagone, grows, as it were a Tooth, White below, and of a Purple colour at the top, and each Tooth answers to the interstice betwixt every two Leaves; the Flower may be like the Flower of a Bramble. This Plant is full of a very tart Milk, which immediately dries betwixt the Fingers, and turns to little threads. It is commonly said in Persia (but I never saw the experiment of it) that if a man breath in the hot Wind which in June or July passes over that Plant, 
The bad effects of Kerzehreh. Badisamour, Poyson-wind. A Remedy against the Badisamour.  it will kill him; so that if one take hold of him by an Arm or a Leg and pull it, it will come off like boiled Flesh; and they call that Wind Badisamour, which in Persian Language signifies a Poyson-Wind. They add that the way to prevent it, is when one feels a hot Wind, and likewise hears the noise of it, (for it makes a whistling noise) quickly to wet a Cloak or some such thing, and wrap it about the Head, that the wind may not pierce it; and besides, to lie on the ground flat on ones Face, till it be over, which is not above a quarter of an hour. They say that that Plant is very Venomous, and that therefore they call it Kerzehreh; and an Armenian one day would have had me believe, that if a drop of the Milk of Kerzehreh touched a man's Eye, he would lose it for good and all; but I was not willing to try the experiment.   pictures of twigs 
pictures of twigs The Connar.  
The Cherzehre.  
The Armenians call that Plant Badisamour, but one of them very rationally told me, that they had no reason to give it the name of that Pestiferous Wind, and far less to attribute to it the cause of the bad effects thereof, seeing the same Plant is found in many places, where the Badisamour Wind rages not; as at Lar, and beyond it, and that Wind rages only from Conveston to Bender; Nay many people of Schiras told me that the Plant is to be found two Leagues from that Town, where that Wind rages not, and I have seen it in many places upon the Road from Carzerum to Benderick. This is a good reason to prove that that Plant causes not the aforesaid Wind, but it does not sufficiently prove, that with that Wind it does not cause these bad effects; for it may very well be said, that if that hot Wind reigned in places where there were no such Plant, it would not, perhaps, be so mortal, because it may be, that being already very bad of itself, the malignity of it is increased by passing over these Plants, whose smell and noxious qualities it carries along with it; but what in my opinion, may serve to convince us of the contrary; betwixt Mosul and Bagdad there being no such Plants, (at least I never saw, nor heard there were any) the Wind which in those quarters is called the Samiel is as pestiferous and mortal there, as in the places where that Plant is to be found; it is therefore impertinent to attibute to it the bad effects of that Wind, and the rather that that Plant grows all over the Indies, where it is not known what the Wind Samiel is.  
Besides what the Armenian told me that that Plant is called Kerzehreh, that is to say, Asses-Gall, for the reason alleged before, I found in a Dictionary Turkish and Persian, that Kerzehreh signifies besides, a Tree of Poison, and that man assured me that it was Poisonous, if but smelled too. But he gave an Original to the Wind Badisamour that had no solidity at all; for he said that it blew from the Sea, 
A bad cause of the Badisamour.  and that upon that Coast the Sea often casts a shore a kind of a Fish, whereof he could not tell the name, and that that Fish being out of the Sea dies and corrupts, so that the Wind passing over it brings along with it that stench which renders it pestiferous. A Portuguese Gentleman who lived for several years at Bender Congo, near which are many Kerzehreh Trees, told me this particular of it; 
Some particularities of the Kerzehreh.  that that part of its Root which looks to the East is Poison, and that that which looks to the South is the Antidote; and that of the Wood of that Plant they make good Coals for Gunpowder.  
We found besides in many places, 
Konar, a Tree.  and chief all a long the Road from Dgiaroun to Benderabassi, a Tree which they call Konar: the Trunk of it is so big that it will require two men to grasp it round; two or three Foot high, it looks just like a Rock, or like many Roots twisted together, and is very knotty and whitish; as to the rest both in shape and height it much resembles a Pear-Tree; the Branches of it spread far, and make a great shade: the Bark of them is white, as well as the inside, which hath a Pith in the Heart like an Elder-Tree; at all the knots where little Branches or Leaves sprout out, there are two large long prickles, which are strong and red, bending a little down towards the ground, and are not directly opposite to one another. The Leaves are of the length and breadth that are marked in the following Figure.  
They are of a varnished green colour on the one side, and on the other of a pale and whitish green, and have Veins like Plantain Leaves. This Tree bears a Fruit which is ripe in March, and in shape much resembles a little Apple, of the same colour, but no bigger than a Service, or small Cherry. There is little of it to be Eaten, for the stone is much bigger than that of a Cherry. and is very hard and round, so that there is hardly any thing but a skin over the stone. The Fruit being ripe is wrinkly and inclining to an Orange-colour; it is pretty sweet but woolly; I believe it grows in Italy by the name of Azzarole, and is perhaps the Rhamnus, 

Azzarole. Rhamnus, Folio sub rotundo.  
Livas an Herb.   folio sub rotundo fructu compresso Jonston.  
Amongst Plants there is a certain Herb in Persia called Livas, which hath a very curled Leaf, somewhat like a Beet, or like curled Coleworts, but it is much more curled; the stalk of it is like the stalk of an Artichoak, and is very sharp; they Eat of it in the Spring as a delicious food; many will have it to be the Rhuebarb, but it is not.    
The End of the Second Book.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT. PART II.  

BOOK III. Of the Country of Schiras and other places under the Dominion of the King of Persia.  

CHAP. I. Of the Road from Ispahan to Schiras.  
AFTER almost five Months stay at Ispahan, 
Departure from Ispahan.  I made ready to continue my Travels forwards; and parted from thence the four and twentieth day of February, 1664/5. with a Caravan, wherein there were about fifty Mules, a great part of them belonging to Monsieur Tavernier, and the rest to Armenians, who took the occasion of our going. We took Mules for our Goods, at the rate of five Abassis, for an hundred Mans of Tauris: for ourselves we had Horses; for the Muletors scrupuled to let us have Mules to Ride on: however they were obliged to spare one for my Servant, who carried part of my things with him; for they reckon a man but for thirty Mans, comprehending therein four or five Man's of Baggage. We set out then from Giolfa Tuesday at Noon, and past by Hezar Dgirib, taking our way straight East; at One of the Clock we Encamped by a Kervanseray, called Tahhtpoulad, and Babaruk, which is near the burying place of the Mahometans.  
We parted from that place the same day, 
Tahhtpoulad, Babaruk.  half an hour after Nine of the Clock at Night, and held our way straight Southeast, over a Plain, which at the entry is straightened a little by Hills on both sides, and then opens into a pretty large Champain; there grows not one Pile of Grass in it, and in some places there are great pieces of white Earth of Natural Salt. This Salt is made of Rain-water, 
Natural Salt.  which incorporating with that Salinous Earth, produces a Salt, that works out of the Surface of it. We marched in that Plain till about Four a Clock in the Morning, Wednesday, the five and twentieth of February, and then ascended a little Hill called Ortschin, 
Ortschin, a little Hill.  that is to say Stairs; it is not high, but yet very difficult to get up, being all steps in a very slippery Rock, which hath given it that name: we were a full half hour in that passage, not only because it behoved us to go one by one, but also because several Mules fell and threw their burdens, which we must load again; and all this by Starlight, which in Persia commonly shine so clear that one may Travel by them even when there is no Moonshine: we afterwards continued Travelling amongst Hills till it was day. that we entered into a great Plain, as barren as the former, wherein we marched on till half an hour after Eight, when being arrived at a Village called Mayar, we Lodged in a Kervanseray; this place is eight long Agatsch from Babaruk.  
Mayar is a ruinated Village, which was formerly of note, and had many Gardens about it that produced plenty of Fruit; but some years since an Eatmad Doulet cut off their water, to bring it all into a Garden which he had in those Quarters; so that since that time, nothing Grows there, and they bring what they want from other Villages: nor have they any other water to drink but what they get out of a great Pool hard by: 
Mayar is the beginning of the Country of Fars or real Persia. Schairza.  at that Village gins the Country which is properly Persia. We parted from thence next day, being Thursday the six and twentieth of February, about Three a Clock in the Morning, and continued our way over the same Plain; about Five in the Morning we crossed a small running water. Half an hour after Nine we passed through a little Village called Schairza, where there is much Sowed Land, and many Gardens: in one of those Gardens there is a Pond of Spring-water, which falls down from the Hills that are over it; it is so full of Fish, that from thence the Garden hath taken the name of Hhaouz-Mahi, which signifies a Fishpond; but there is a Dervish that hinders people from catching them. Keeping on our way, about half an hour after Ten in the Morning we came near to a Town called Komschah, 
Komschah.  five Agatsch from Mayar; there is Wine there, and several Kervanserays, in one of which we Lodged out of the Town.  
We parted from thence next day, being Friday the seven and twentieth of February, at Three a Clock in the Morning; but no sooner were we gone, but we were forced to turn back again, because there was a Chan upon the Road, going to Schiras with his Haram, 
The meeting of a Chan with his Haram.  (that is to say his women;) and therefore we could not go on, for the jealous Persians suffer no man to come near the Road where there women are. So then we came back, and having fetched many compasses about another way, three quarters of an hour after we fell into the Highway again, which was still a Plain, and we kept on marching still almost South wards, but with a piercing cold Wind; we found several Brooks on our way, and the ground being pretty good in that Country, so soon as it was day we saw some Villages on our Right Hand, and about Nine of the Clock arrived near to a Village called Maksoud Beghi, 
Maksoud Beghi.  five Agatsch distant from Komschah, we Lodged in a new Kervanseray, that of the Village being demolished.  
Next Morning about a quarter after Two of the Clock, we set forward on our Journey again, over the same Plain we had the day before; at break of day we passed by a little Castle built of Stone, with some round Towers, where there is a Village hard by with Gardens and a Kervanseray: 
Amnebad.  that place is called Amnebad; it is distant from Maksoud-Beghi three Agatsch, and as far from Yez-de-Kast. This Castle was built by Imam-Couli-Chan, who was Chan of Schiras in time of the great Schah-Abbas. Keeping on our way, about Eleven of the Clock we arrived at Yez-de-Kast, a little Town or Burrough, three Agatsch distant from Amnebad, and six from Maksoud-Beghi; we went and Lodged in a Kervanseray a little beyond it.  

Tez-de-Kast.  Yez-de Kast is very little, having but only one Street; it is built upon a narrow Rock, which stretches out in length from North-East to South-West; this Rock is very steep, so that it is almost as broad on the top as at the bottom, especially on the North-West side; it is in some places above seven or eight Fathom high, particularly on the Southeast side: at the Foot of this Rock on the same Southeast side, there are some Gardens, and some steps farther runs a little River, near to which is the Kervanseray, built of burnt Bricks; and over the Gate there is a pretty convenient Lodging-House; it stands at the Foot of a high Rock that is to the South of it, from which sometimes great pieces fall, and are to be seen below, most of them being as big as Houses. The Village of Yez-de-Kast, takes up the whole Surface of the Rock on which it stands, as well in length as in breadth; it hath no other Walls but the Walls of the Houses, which are three or four Stories high, and some higher, all built of Stone. This Town is in manifest danger sometime or other of falling down topsie turvy all at once, being so high, and having nothing to support it: and indeed, the Inhabitants mistrust it, for about ten years since they began to build another Town, at some distance from the Rock, and to the Northward of it; and when I passed by it on my return, in the Year one thousand six hundred sixty and seven, a great many Houses were already finished, and new ones going up, all forsaking the other Seat; whereas when I passed it first, in the Year one thousand six hundred sixty five, there was not so much as one House begun.  
The Gate of Yez-de-Kast is on the South-West side, where the ground about is as high as the Rock; it is but little, so that not having observed it at first coming, I went from the Kervanseray to the Town, climbing up the Rock on the Southeast side betwixt the Gardens; and after much climbing up, I entered by a little Gate, and went on above a hundred steps in a covered way that receives no light but by ugly holes, and is by consequence so dark, that one must groap along as they go in it. I durst proceed no farther for fear of losing myself, or entering into some House by mistake, and so for that time I was obliged to turn back again, by the same way I came: but it is not so when one enters the Town by the other Gate.  
The Land about Yez-de-Kast bears the best Corn in Persia; and indeed, they make most excellent Bread there: the Inhabitants, (as they say,) mingling dry Pease with the Corn, which makes the Bread so good. There are several fair Tombs here, built in Fashion of Domes.  
Sunday the first of March we parted from that place, half an hour after midnight, and took the upper way, for there are two ways, the one on the Left Hand East-wards, which is called the lower way, and the other on the Right Hand to the West side, which they call the upper way, because it lies among Hills: in the Wintertime when this way is filled up with Snow, they are obliged to go the lower way, which is the longer by a days Journey: but being assured that the upper way was open, we took it, and for that end, when we set out from the Kervanseray, we held Westward for some time, till we came to a place where the way leads up that Hill, at the Foot whereof the Kervanseray stands; being got up we marched in a Plain betwixt little Hills covered with Snow, straight Southeast, until about Three a Clock, we mounted up a Hill, where the ascent is not long, and the descent shorter, but the way very bad; and therefore it is called Chotali-Naar-Schekeni, 
Chotali-Naar-Schekeni.  (that is to say,) the Hill that pulls off the Horse's shoes: we came afterward into a pretty good way betwixt little Hills all white with Snow: at day break we passed by a little Castle called Gombez-Cala; where there is a Village also but ruined. 
Gombez-Cala.  Half an hour after Nine we entered into a Plain in which we Traveled on till after Eleven that we came to a Village, where we Lodged in a Kervanseray. This Village is called Dehi ghirdon, (that is to say,) Village of Nuts, 
Dehi ghirdon.  not that it abounds in that Fruit, for having informed myself, I learned that the Nuts they eat there come from Lar; however I took the pains to ask the reason why it was so called, but all the answer I could get, was that that was the name of it: it is seven Agatsch distant from Yez-de-Kast.  
We parted from Dehi-ghirdon Monday the second of March about midnight; and after two hours and a halfs Journey, passed by a ruinous Kervanserai, beyond which we marched on in a Plain covered over with Snow; where there was but one Path open, and that all Frozen: about seven of the Clock we crossed over a little Bridge of five Arches, under which runs a River two Fathom broad; and travelling on still in that white Plain, we arrived about Noon at a Village called Keuschkzer; that is to say the Silver-Pavillion: there are two Kervanserais there, 
Keuschkzer.  the one old; and the other all new, well built of Freestone and burnt Bricks, with many embellishments and very commodious Lodgings and Stables, near which also there are Apartments for the Winter, and in these we Lodged. Keuschkzer is seven long Agatsch distance from Dehi-ghirdon; the Land about is very good, being Sowed with Corn: there are about it also a great many Meadows, where the King's Horses are sent to Grass in the Season. It is always cold there, and the Snow lies all the year round upon the neighbouring Hills. The Inhabitants of that Village are Circassians, they make Wine and sell it, but they have the Grapes from Maain, of which we shall Treat in its proper place.  
Next Morning about half an hour after Four we went on our Journey, and Traveled in a way covered with Snow, and full of holes: but we found it worse when the Sun was up, and the ground began to Thaw, especially about Eleven of the Clock when we entered amongst the Hills, which being full of Dirt and Stones, made the way as bad as it could be. This passage makes that they go not that way in the Wintertime, for in the Summer all these ways are good; we kept on always ascending a little till about One a Clock, that we went down Hill a good way, at the the bottom of that descent a great Brook rises out of the Ground, a good Fathom in breadth, the water whereof is very clear; this Brook runs by a Village called Asoupas, 
Asoupas.  where we arrived half an hour after two in the afternoon, and there we were very ill Lodged in a nasty Kervanserai; this Village is five Agatsch distant from Keuschkzer; and has a sorry old ruinous Castle upon a little Hill: the Inhabitants are Circassians, who were Transported thither, as well as those of Keuschkzer by Schah Abbas, who took their Country, and gave them good Lands to Cultivate in this place; they make Wine, but their Grapes come from Maain.  
We parted from thence Wednesday the fourth of March, half an hour after five in the morning, and at our setting out, saw on our right hand two good Fields watered with several Brooks that come from Springs, which are plentiful in that Country, where the people live in Villages. We marched on through a Plain, in good way, until Noon, when having passed over a Bridge of seven Arches, under which a River runs; 
Oudgioun.  we came to a Village called Oudgioun, four Agatsch from Asoupas: we found a Kervanserai there, but it stank so by reason of the great quantity of Carrion and filth that was in it, that we could not Lodge therein, so that we were fain to encamp hard by under Carpets, which we pitched instead of Tents. A River fix or seven Fathom over runs through this Village, the water of it is very muddy, and has a Bridge of seven small Arches over: there is Wine also in this place, and the Grapes are brought from Maain. Within a Mosque there, lies Interred the Son of a King, 
Schah-Zadeh-Imam-Dgiafer.  called Scbah Zadeh-Imam-Dgiafer, whom they reckon a Saint, the Dome is rough cast over: before the Mosque there is a Court well Planted with many high Plane-Trees, on which we saw a great many Storks, that haunt thereabout all the year round.  
We parted from Oudgioun, Thursday the fifth of March, half an hour after two in the Morning; and having advanced a quarter of an hour through Grounds full of water, we had the way good, till half an hour after Four, that we went up an extraordinary high and uneasy Hill, because of the stones that lay in the way: it is called Chotal-Imam-Zadeh-Ismael, 
Chotal-Imam-Zadeh-Ismael.  (that is to say,) the Hill of Ishmael, the Son of an Imam; and we were above an hour in mounting it. We found on the top a great many Camels coming from Schiras, loaded with Tobacco, which is brought from Beban: after that for above two hours we went down Hill in pretty good way, save that here and there we met with some stones; one would have thought that we had changed the Climate when we came to the top of the Hill, for the side by which we came up was all covered with Snow, and on this side there was none at all; on the contrary, it was full of wild Almond-Trees, that bear a bitter Fruit, and other Trees, which with their Verdure, delighted the sight. When we were a good way down, we came to a Mosque where that Ishmael, the Son of Imam, who gives the name to the Hill, is Interred. The outside of that place looks like a Castle, with a round Tower at each corner; within there is a Court, at one end of which is the Mosque whose Frontispiece is a Portico six Arches in length, and in the middle of the Mosque, there is a Dome rough cast: close by it is a Village with a great many Gardens, watered by a lovely Brook that runs hard by. We than continued our Journey in stony way, till Eleven a Clock, that we found a River about a Fathom and a half over, which divides itself into many Rivulets, that water all the Grounds thereabout, being very good Land and all sowed. The water of that River is very clear, and has many Trees growing on the sides of it, which render it a very pleasant place: 
The River of Main, or Bendemir, or Kur.  it is called the River of Main, because it runs by Main, but it is the Bendemir; and I was told that its right name was Kur, from which the Son of Cyrus, who there was exposed, took his name. Bendemir signifies the Princes Dyke, and it is so called, because of a Dyke or Bank that a Prince made there; consult as to that the Geography of Diagiaib Makhlovear. This River is the second Araxes of Quintus Curtius, Diodorus Siculus, and Strabo. We kept along the side of it, and crossed many of its Canals, until about one of the Clock, we arrived at a large Village called Main, fix Agatsch from Oudgioun. 
Main.  We Lodged in a good Kervanserai, where we found some men who accompanied to Mecha the body of a Lady, who had desired to be buried there. There are many Gardens all round this Village, full of Vines, that bear good Grapes, and abounding also in Pear-Trees, Peach-Trees, Walnuts and other Fruit-Trees, with water-Melons and other Melons.  
We parted from Main, Friday, the sixth of March, half an hour after two in the Morning, and presently left the Highway, striking to the left over Sowed Ground, till we got near to the River; we were obliged to do so, because the Highway would have led us to a place where the River was not Foardable, and they take not that way but when it may be Forded over; the other way leads to a Bridge: we followed the current of the River, which is the same that runs by Main, until half an hour after Three, that we crossed over the Bridge, consisting of three Arches, but the middlemost a very large one, under which the water is very rapid, a quarter of an hour after we found a great Brook, that falling from the Hill discharges itself in the River; a little farther on we saw upon the River a Bridge broken down, and a quarter of an hour after the ruins of another Bridge: in this place there are a great many small Brooks, that lose themselves in the River, we then went forwards in good Way till day, that we began to ascend a little. In these Quarters is the Hill which Alexander the Great made himself Master of by stratagem, sending Soldiers by a compass about to surprise the Enemies on their back, whilst he Attacked them on the Front, as Quintus Curtius relates it: a Frank shown me one separated from the rest, which he said was the very same, but there was little probability in that, because there are a great many such thereabouts, and it is very difficult to pitch upon the right; besides I did not see how it could command the Passage, which is too wide in that place, to be Locked in by Mountains. About Eight of the Clock we came to a Bridge built over the River of Main, or Bendemir, which at that place is at least nine or ten Fathom broad. This is a rapid River, and seems to be deep, the water of it is thick, and swells high in Winter; for they assured me that then it swollen up as high as the Bridge, which consists of five Arches, but somewhat ruinous; nevertheless it is called Pouli-Now, 
Pouli-Now. New-Bridge.  that is to say the New Bridge: having passed it and left a way on our Right Hand, we took to the Left, and having Traveled on an hour and a half more in a Plain, till about half an hour after nine, we Encamped near to a Kervanserai that was a building, a Rich man of Schiras having left by Will money for that purpose. That place is called Abgherm, which signifies hot water, 
Abgherm.  because the water there is a little warm; it gave some of our Company a looseness; but has plenty of Fish in it. This place, which is but four Agatsch from Main: was but half of our usual days Journey: however our Beasts being tired, we stayed there till next day the seventh of March, when we parted half an hour after Two in the Morning, and put on before the Caravan, that we might get to Schiras the same day.  
There are several ways that lead to it, but we kept still to the Left, crossing over many Brooks; about half an hour after six we came to a Causey, above two Fathom broad, and two thousand Paces long, all well Paved, with Arches in several places, and chief in the middle, where there is a Bridge an hundred Paces in length, under which runs a small branch of the River of Main; 
Poligorgh.  that Causey is called Poligorgh. Half an hour after Seven we saw a sorry Kervanserai; but a little beyond it there is a very good one, which is extraordinary large and well built, with many embellishments; at each corner there is a little Tower, the Gate is fair and high, adorned with many pieces of Marble, on which there are Inscriptions. The Apartments of this Kervanserai are very commodious, but it is so infested with Gnats, that there is no being in it. It was built by a Chan of Sciras, who to take off the Gnats, built, (but to no purpose,) a large Garden by it; it is called Agassef; 
Agassef.  and is three Agatsch from Abgherm; its common name is Poligourg, (that is to say,) the Wolveses Bridge, or Poligord. We went on, 
The way that leads to Tchebelminar▪ Badgega.  and an hour after left a broad way on the left Hand, which goes straight to Tchebelminar, and that is the way to it from Schiras. About half an hour after Two we came to a Kervanserai, called Badgega, three Agatsch from Agassef: there we found several Horses, Camels and Mules, which the Vizir of Schiras sent as a present to the King for the Neurouz: for it is the custom (as we have already observed) that all the Grandees make great Presents to the King, 
Present for the Neurouz, or a New-Years-Gift.  the day of the Neurouz or Spring, which is the two and twentieth of March; just so as New-Years Gifts are given in France on the first of January. We rested in that place till Three in the Afternoon, when we parted to go to Schiras two great Agatsch distant. At first we went up a great Hill, and then saw to our Left hand a Dome somewhat ruinous, under which there are some Tombs; close by runs a very clear Brook shaded by several great Planes, and many little Pomegranate-Trees, which render that place extraordinarily pleasant. Having Traveled near two hours in very stony way, and crossed several lovely Brooks, about Five a Clock at night we came to a place from whence there is a very pleasant prospect of the City; for two Hills there drawing near together at the end, make a narrow passage, beyond which are Gardens full of lovely Cypresses; and then the Town, which lies in a Plain from North to South; so that it yields a most delightful prospect: After we had a little advanced betwixt those two Hills, we saw a great Reservatory of water, which is pretty ruinous; the water is stopped by a thick Wall, almost two Fathom broad, supported by two spurs of the same thickness, which with the Wall from the bottom of the Ditch are almost three Fathom high; the Reservatory was formerly much of the same depth, but is at present almost filled up with the Earth that the water has brought into it: the Wall hath been made to serve for a Bank to stop the waters that in Winter fall from the Hills, and running too violently through that straight, beat down all that stood in their way, but it is dry in the Summertime; 
Arrival at Schiras.  at length we came to the City-Gate, which is fair and well built.   

CHAP. II. Of Schiras.  
THE first thing we found upon our entry into Schiras was a great broad Street, on each side bordered by Gardens, with little pretty neat Houses over the Gates of them: having advanced in that Street about a quarter of an hour, we came to a large Stone-Bason full of water, and of an Oblong Figure, being about twenty or twenty five Fathom in length, and more than fifteen in breadth. Continuing in the same Street, you see a lovely Mosque whose Dome is covered with blue Varnished Tiles. Joining to this Mosque there is a buryingplace Planted with fair Trees, with a round Stone-Bason full of water, which renders the place very pleasant: so that there are always people taking the Air in it, with their Pipes of Tobacco: a little farther there is a Bridge of five Arches, under which runs a small River; and onward in the same Street you come to a covered Bazar that puts an end to it: this Street is but as a Suburbs to the City, which at that place gins. We struck off to the Left and alighted at the little House of the Reverend Fathers Carmelites, where all the Francs go.  
The City of Schiras, heretofore Schirsaz, and which many will have to be Cyropolis, is properly the Metropolis of the Province of Persia; it lies in a most pleasant and fertile Plain, that yields the best Wine in Persia. On the East it is at the Foot of a Hill covered with several sorts of Fruit-Trees, amongst which are many Orange and Limon-Trees, intermingled with Cypresses: it is about two hours walk in Circumference, 
The Circumference of Schiras.  and lies from North to South; it hath no Walls, but only a scurvy Ditch, and that is all it needs, having no Enemies to be afraid of: it is watered by a River, which is but little, and yet subject to overflowings; when that happens, the Inhabitants hinder it from breaking into their Gardens, and carrying away their Walls, by casting up Dykes to stop it: they make them with Couffes, 
Couffes.  that is to say, great Panniers made of bruised Canes, like Palm-Tree-Leaves, which they fill with Earth and Stone, and that hinders the passage of the water very well. The Streets of Schiras are for the most part somewhat narrow, though there be some fair ones, having in the middle lovely Canals, bordered with Stone, through which a very clear Rivulet runs. There are a great many fair covered Bazars long and broad, with great Shops on each side, well furnished with all sorts both of Indian and Turkish Commodities; and every Commodity hath its particular Bazar. It hath many large well built Kervanserays: as to the Palaces, they make no show on the outside, no more than in the rest of the Levant, but all their beauty is within: the Palace of the Chan himself looks but mean, and nothing appears outwards but a body of Lodgings over the Gate, which is at the end of a great Square long Meidan, with Arches all round it, filled up in the manner of Niches. There are some lovely Mosques in it also; 
A College at Schiras.  and a fair College with a round Tower on each side of the Gate faced with blue varnished earth, but they are half ruined, having thrice suffered Fire, which as often seized a Neighbouring Bazar. In that College there are Professors who have Salaries for teaching Theology, Philosophy, and Medicine; 
Public Professors.  and I was told that there were above five hundred Students in it.  
But the pleasantest thing to be seen about Schiras, are the Gardens, 
Lovely Gardens at Schiras.  which are many: amongst the rest, the King's Gardens are worth the seeing. They are spacious, and have long straight Walks shaded with stately large Cypress-Trees; (for some of them are the highest and bushiest that ever I saw,) so that into some of these Allies the Sun does not shine a quarter of an hour in a day. You have there also abundance of lovely great Maple-Trees, planted in rows, with many Fruit-Trees: Rivulets run there on all hands, and fill a vast number of Basins that are all faced with stone: however all this comes far short of the delightfulness of the lovely Cascades, and Water-works, with compartments of Beds Enameled with Flowers, that are with us in Europe: they have indeed a kind of Beds and Borders, but nothing in them but Lilies planted at random on the sides. Nor do they know neither what it is to have Hedg-rows, nor Wall-Fruit, for their Fruit-Trees stand all open to the wind without order, as well as many Rosetrees and Bidmisks: and what is worst of all, they suffer all to go to ruin. For the Persians are curious enough in beautifying their Houses, but in this they agree with the Turks, that they take no care to keep things in repair, 
The Persians repair nothing.  and it happens many times that they will let a whole building run to ruin for want of a handful of Plaster. In these Gardens they have some Lodgings, which consist in cool Halls, and it is enough for them to come there now and then, and divert themselves in the cool. In short, these Gardens might certainly be made pretty, for there is nothing wanting but order and contrivance.  
As to what is about Schiras, I saw no great matter the first time that I sojourned there. One day we went out of the Town on the North side, and having crossed the River upon a Bridge of five Arches, we saw on a Hill to the Right Hand, the ruins of a Castle. Another day we went another way, but found nothing but some old demolished Houses with Battlements, and a Well of a great depth, 
A very deep Well.  into which (as I was told,) heretofore they threw Adulterous women; it is so deep that one may have time to say a Pater noster before a stone that is cast into it can reach the bottom; it is dry and cut all out of the hard Rock, the Mouth of it is a square of two fathom in length, and one in breadth. A little beyond that we saw a lovely Mosque, where lies Interred that illustrious Persian Poet Scheikh Sadi, 

The Sepulchre of Scheikh Sadi.  
A large Well with a pair of Stairs.   whom they honour as a Saint. Near to that Mosque there is a round Well, the Mouth whereof is two or three fathom in Diametre; they go down to it by a pair of Stairs, and in it you see a square shallow Basin, through which runs a stream of water so full of Fish, that they appear in heaps over one another, and yet it is death to kill any of them; but the Dervish, who hath the care of it, makes no scruple to sell some to those that have a mind: and that they may be safely taken, he goes up, to hinder any from looking down into the Well, which he can easily do, by telling those who come, that there is a Kourouk, that is to say, womans below, and that will make them to return presently. I have been there sometimes with Dutch men, who took a great many with Hooks and Nets, whilst the bigot Dervish stood Sentinel at the Mouth above.  
The people of Schiras are very witty, 
Poets at Schiras.  and the City hath given birth to most of the best Poets of Persia. There is much Glass made there, and several Glass-Shops are in the Town, though they work not constantly in their Glass-Houses, 
Glass-Houses at Schiras.  but let the Fire go out after they have employed a certain quantity of materials. They make their Glass of a White Stone, almost as hard as Marble, which they get in a Hill four days Journey from Schiras, and it is very clear: especially they make great Bottles as clear and delicate as in any other place in the world; but it is wonderfully strange how they can blow the great Bottles, 
Caraba.  they call Caraba, which are as thick as ones Finger, and hold near thirty Quarts of Wine; these Bottles are covered with the Straw of Canes.  
The Soil about Schiras is very good, and produces plenty of all things; they have of all the Fruits that we have, and Oranges and Lemons in abundance: but they make a Wine, which, (without dispute,) is one of the best Wines in the World, and the prime Wine of Persia. 
The Wine of Schiras.  In this Kingdom, it being a common saying, Yes-de-Kast Bread, Schiras Wine, and Yezd Women; the handsomest women of Persia being, (as they say,) in that Town. The Wine of Schiras is an excellent Stomach Wine, but very strong, so that without spoiling the taste of it, it will carry two thirds of water. It is not made of Kishmish, or Grapes without stones, as at Ispahan because then it would be so strong that it could not be drank, but it is made of common Grapes: they have both Red and White, but the Red is the best: it is full of Lees, and therefore very heady; to remedy which they filtrate it through a Cloth, and then it is very clear and free from fumes. The people of Schiras make their Wine at Martlemass, when the Grapes are already almost half dry; they stay till they be so before they gather their Vintage: when the Wine is made and in condition to be laid up, they burn Incense all over the Cellar, to take away all noisome scents, before they Cellar it up. They put it into great earthen Jars, which hold ten or twelve even to fourteen Carabas; but when they broach a Jar, it must be presently drawn off, and Bottled up in Carabas; for if the Wine be left any time in the Jar after it hath been opened, it spoils and grows Eager. There is a great deal of that Wine made, and many Chests of it yearly sent to Ispahan and the Indies; in each Case or Chest they put ten great Bottles, with a good deal of straw; and two of these Chests make a Mules load. They have also store of Capers, 
Capers.  which they send also into all parts.  
They preserve another thing in Vinegar, which I never saw done any where else; 
Preserved Grapes.  and that is Grapes, which they gather half ripe, and the time of gathering them they take to be when the Sparrows begin to peck them; they put these Grapes into Bottles with good store of Vinegar, which so macerates them, that they lose their hardness, yet no so as to become too soft, or lose their Greenness, only they look a little yellowish. These Grapes preserved in Vinegar, have a certain sweet acidity which is not unpleasant, especially in the great heats; and therefore they send great quantities of them into the Indies.  

Rose-water.  They have also abundance of Roses, from which they draw so much Rose-water, that they furnish all the Indies with it. They have a great deal of Corn, but they give much of it to the Horses, to be eaten in the blade, because, (they say,) it would not come to maturity for want of water. There is a great deal of Opium made at Schiras, and round the Town there are large fields sowed with White Poppies.  

A powerful Chan of Schiras.  In former times Schiras was Governed by a Chan, who was the first of Persia; and his Government reached as far as Lar, Bender, and the Isle of Ormus: nay he was so powerful, that in the Reign of the great Schah Abbas, there was a Chan or Schiras, called Imem-Couli-Chan, who spent as much as the King, and kept no smaller Family; in so much that the King commanded him to spend a Mabmoudi less a day, that there might be some difference betwixt their Expenses. Schah S●fi grand Child of Schah Abbas, and Father to Schah Abbas, who Reigns at present, put that Chan and all his Children to death, because he was afraid that being so powerful, he might play him some trick, and after him there have been some Chans in Schiras; but at present there is none, a Vizier commands there, as the King's Farmer; to whom he yearly pays out of his Government a thousand Toma●, which make a hundred and fifty thousand Crowns.   

CHAP. III. Of the Road from Schiras to Bender, and first to Lar.  
WE parted from Schiras Monday the sixteenth of March, half an hour after Eight in the Morning, having let the Caravan set out an hour and half before: We took our way Southwards, and past near the Lime-Kilns; the way was good, and in a lovely cultivated Plain. Half an hour after Nine, we had on our Left Hand a large Village, called Oudgeval, by which runs a Rivulet; about half an hour after Ten, we struck off a little to the Right Hand, 
Oudgeval.  marching full South over Land all white with Salt, where nothing grows but Abrotanum foemina. An hour after we crossed over a Bridge of ten Arches, under which a little River runs: 
Abrotanum foemina.  It is called Poulifesa; in coming to it you go along a Causey, and find such another on the farther side; the water that runs underneath is as salt as Sea-water: 
Poulifesa.  about Noon we entered into a great Plain covered with green Grass, where having Traveled till half an hour after One a Clock, we came to a wretched Kervanseray standing all alone; it is called Baba-Adgi from the name of its Founder, who lies buried hard by, and is five Agatsch from Schiras; 
Baba-adgi.  close by this Kervanseray there is a little Spring, which makes a great marish in that Plain, but the water being naught, they drink of another a little farther off, which is very good water.  
We parted from that place Tuesday the seventeenth of March, half an hour after Six in the Morning, and marched Southeast in a great green Plain, full of Heath, where we saw on both hands several Villages, and a great many Flocks of Sheep feeding: having Traveled there till half an hour after two in the Afternoon, we arrived at a Kervanseray, standing by itself, and called Mouzeferi, seven Agatsch from Baba-Adgi, near to it there is a Spring of very good water, 
Mouzeferi.  behind the Kervanseray, there are several ventholes, by which one may see the water run, and Fish playing therein, whereof some are pretty big▪ We parted from thence on Wednesday the Eighteenth of March, half an hour after five in the Morning, and kept our way Southward, going up Hills, and down Hills covered with Turpentine-Trees and Heath; this Heath is like Tragacantha, and has a Carnation-Blossome divided into four or five Leaves, bearing a kind of Wool, 
Turpentine-Trees. Tragacantha. Erigerum. Paira.  and perhaps it is your Erigerum; we were troubled with this rough and stony way, till Noon, that we arrived at a great Kervanseray called Paira; which stands alone by itself, and is four Agatsch distant from Monzeferi. A few steps from that Kervanseray there is an artificial Canal drawn from a River a little beyond, and parallel to it; that River comes from the Mountains of Orostan, which are above thirteen or fourteen days Journey from thence, and runs as far as Tadivan, a great Village, 
Tadivan.  upon the way to Lar, six Agatsch from Paira; it afterwards loses itself in the fields, which is not to be wondered at, because these people having scarcity of water, when they can command a River, they so let it blood, by drawing it off to water their Grounds, that they reduce it to nothing: nevertheless in those places where that River is in its strength, it is seven or eight Fathom broad; the water of it is clear and good, and runs rapidly in a fair bed of Sand, where there is not a stone to stop its course; it is full of Fish, 
Rose-Laurels.  and Planted on the sides with Rose-Laurels, and such like Trees, so that there can be nothing more charming to the sight. The Canal that passes near to Paira, is cut from it a little above this place, and waters many Sowed fields, which being done, about four Agatsch lower it falls again into the same River, from which it was never far distant; but in all its course it runs through high ground, whereas the River rowls with a great noise in a very deep precipice.  
We parted from that place Thursday, the Nineteenth of March, at four of the Clock in the Morning, and held our way South-Eastwards; having met now and then with very stony ways, we found afterwards a fair way, where on each hand we saw good Corn-Land, with a great many Villages, where there were many Gardens full of Trees. About eight a Clock in the Morning we arrived at a fair large Kervanseray, 
Chaffer.  called Kervanseray Chaffer, from the name of a Village close by it, on the Riverside, which at this place is dwindled away almost to nothing; this is a great Village, and nothing to be seen in it but Gardens, with long Walks in them, where one may take the Air under the shade of Orange-Trees, which are prodigiously big, and bear much Fruit. There they have plenty also of Limon, Pomegranate, Date, and other Fruit-Trees of all sorts, nay and Vines also; and the River runs in a bottom by the back of the Village: in short, it is a very agreeable place, especially to those who have Traveled over large, barren, and dry Countries; this Village is three Agatsch from Paira.  
We left that pleasant Quarter Friday, the Twentieth of March, half an hour after one a Clock in the morning, keeping still South-Eastwards in our way, but a little toward the South, in a fair even and smooth Road: about four of the Clock we crossed a large Brook of running water, which comes from the River of Paira below Chaffer; and a little after we crossed a Canal of running water, over a little Bridge. We afterwards crossed several other little Brooks, having always to our Right Hand a great many Villages, about break of day it behoved us to pass one large Brook more; and about six a Clock in the Morning we found a little House where Rahdars lived: about two or three Musket-shot from thence, at the foot of a Hill, 
Tadivan.  there is a Village call Tadivan, where the River of Paira loses itself and ends.  

Families of Arabs.  Upon that Road we met several Arabs with their Wives and Children on Camels, which carried all their baggage also; they were driving their Flocks of Sheep and Goats. Since our departure from Schiras we daily met such, and they came from about Gomron and Lar. These Arabs Lodge under black Tents, and have vast Flocks, wherein consists the greatest part of their substance: and that is partly the reason that they have no fixed Habitation, and that they even remove from one Country into another in the different seasons of the Year, just as some Birds do: For in the Spring they leave the Country of Lar, and other places thereabout, where the Heat is too great; and packing up bag and baggage betake themselves with their whole Families towards Couchouzer, which is a Village, I have mentioned, with very good Land about it: and when Winter gins to draw nigh, they pack up their Houses again, and with their Flocks return towards Lar and Gomron, where it is never Cold. It is not only the Heat that in the Summertime drives them out of the hot Countries, but also the scarcity of water, for they need a great deal for their Flocks. They are almost all Black, both men and women, have long black Hair, and cover not their Faces.  
About Nine a Clock in the Morning we entered into stony way, where we kept marching till half an hour after Ten, that we arrived at a little Kervanseray, called Mouchek, 
Mouchek.  standing by itself, and built in stony ground surrounded with Hills: about some hundred paces behind this Kervanseray there is a great round Cistern, four or five Fathom in Diametre, and is very deep; it is covered with a great Dome of rough stone, that hath six Entries, by so many Doors that are round it, by which they go in to draw water, which in the Springtime is so high, that it comes almost up to the Doors, swelling so high by the Rain-water in the Wintertime, by means of a Trench that comes from a neighbouring Hill: at each Door there are steps to go down to the bottom, when the water is low, for there is no other water in that place. They make, 
Cisterns.  besides, in those Quarter's Cisterns after another manner; they are of an Oblong Square, covered with a long Convex Vault, shaped much like the Roof of a Coach, with a Door at each end: and one of these ways are all the Cisterns from that place to Bender, built.  
We parted from that Kervanseray, which is six Agatsch distant from Chaffer, Saturday the one and twentieth of May, half an hour after Two a Clock in the Morning, and had stony way till about Four, after that we found a good Road which led us full South: about half an hour after Five we passed by the Walls of a ruinated Kervanseray, with a Cistern adjoining it: about Seven a Clock we found some Brooks, and then Traveled amongst good Cornfields, until half an hour after Ten, when having passed by a great many Gardens, we arrived at a large Kervanseray, 
Dgiaroun.  which is about an hundred paces from a little Town called Dgiaroun, and is hardly worth a good Village; however there is a fair Bazar in it. This Town is on all Hands encompassed with Gardens full of Palm-Trees, which there are so numerous and grow so near one another, that they make a great Forest, and to say the truth, I never saw so many together in one place, 
Tamarisks.  besides the Tamarisks which are likewise plentiful in that place. They have many Wells there, and draw their water with Oxen, as in all the rest of Persia, in the manner I have described when I treated of Mosul. There is a Cistern near the Kervanseray like to that of Mouchek, but it is bigger, having at least seven or eight Fathom in it Diametre: it has a little house belonging to it, which consists of a Kitchen and a Lodging-Room, for the use of such as will not Lodge in the Kervanseray, or cannot when it is full: this place is five Agatsch distant from Mouchek, there we began to feel the heat, though in the Mornings a little before Sun rising, we had pretty cold Winds: before the Gate of the Kervanseray there is one of those Ox Wells, with a great trough for watering the Horses, but it is not good for men who in the Town drink running-water.  
We stayed there all that day and the following, and departed Monday, the three and twentieth of March, half an hour after midnight: we took our way Westward by a very stony Road; about an hour after, we found a Cistern covered with a steep Roof: half an hour after two we began to ascend the Hill of Dgiaroun, 
The Hill of Dgiaroun.  to the South, it is very high, and the ascent not difficult, save only that the way is full of stones; but the higher one goes the worse it is, and besides, there is danger from Precipices that are on one side of it; the truth is, they have built little breast-walls, about two foot high in some places, to keep the Mules from falling down: there one may see wild bitter Almond-Trees, and other Trees of the Mountains. We went up three or four times, and down as often, and the Sun found us in this exercise: about five a Clock we came to a Cistern covered with a Dome, and an hour after to another with a steep Roof. Half an hour after seven we were passed our up Hills and down Hills; but the way was still stony and bad: at length, about nine of the Clock, we came to a little Kervanseray standing all alone, near to which are two Cisterns, the one covered with a Dome, three or four Fathom in Diametre, wherein there are three Doors, and as many Windows; the other has a steep Roof: this place is called Tschai-telhh, 
Tschai-telhh.  (that is to say) bitter Well, because of a Well not far from that Kervanseray whose water is bitter. There is besides, another Well behind the Kervanseray, but it is dry; and this place is six Agatsch from Dgiaroun. Heretofore they went not by this Hill, but struck off to the East and went round it, and the Camel-drivers still take that way; but because of five days Journey of Desert, Horsemen and Muletors choose rather to suffer the fatigue of a worse way, but shorter over the Hill.  
Next Morning, Tuesday, about half an hour after four, we set forward again, directing our march Southwards: about seven a Clock we descended into a very low place, by very bad way; that Hill is called Chotali Hasani, 
Chotali Hasani, or Chotali Mahhmaseni.  or Chotali Mahhmaseni, it goes by both names: towards the bottom of that descent we found a little Brook that runs out of the Ground, and discharges itself into a square Basin at some few paces from the source; being come down we Traveled through a very stony Plain: about half an hour after Nine we came to a fair Kerva-seray, standing alone by itself, and called Momzir, having a great square Basin before the Gate, 
Momzir.  which is always filled full by a Brook that runs into it; this Kervanseray is four Agatsch from Tschai-telhh, we made no stop there, because we found no body to sell us Provisions either for Men or Beasts: so we continued our march in the stony Plain, till about an hour after, having found a little Brook on our Left Hand, we entered about Noon into a great smooth Plain, where we suffered much heat: we Traveled on South-Eastward, until about two of the Clock that we found a little Kervanseray, close by a Village called Dehidombe, 
Dehidombe.  (that is to say) the Village of the tail, where there are some Palms and Tamarisk-Trees. They drink no water there, but out of a Cistern near the Kervanseray, which is three or four Fathom in Diametre, and covered by a Dome with six Doors; this place is three long Agatsch from Momzir, and is the last of the Government of Schiras, after which we enter into that of Lar.  
We parted from thence on Wednesday, the five and twentieth of March, about half an hour after four in the Morning, and marched over a very even Plain, till half an hour after seven, when we arrived at a Kervanseray, at the end of a large Village called Benaru, lying at the foot of the Hill, that is to the right of it, 
Benaru.  upon which, on the other side of the Kervanseray, are the ruins of many folid Buildings, that reach from the top to the bottom of the Hill, and seem to have been some considerable place: in this Village there is plenty of Palms and Tamarisk-Trees, and a great many Cisterns; it is two Agatsch distant from Dehidombe.  
We left it next day, being Thursday, at one a Clock in the Morning, and Traveled in stony way until half an hour after two, that we came into a fair fmooth way, where having Traveled on till five, we arrived at an ugly little Kervanseray, called Dehra, where there are some Rhadars; we paid nothing there, because of an order which Monsieur Tavernier had, to pay nothing in Persia. Without stopping at that place, we continued our Journey, but by very stony way: about six of the Clock we were got amongst the Hills, where having gone up Hill and down Hill, until eight a Clock, we came into a Plain, which lasted till near nine, 
Bihri.  that we arrived at a great Village called Bihri, where many Palms and Tamarisk-Trees grow: there are several Cisterns there, but the water of them is full of Worms, and therefore one must be careful to strain it through a Cloth, We Lodged in a fair new built Kervanseray in that Village, this is one of the louliest Kervanserays in all Persia, 
The fair Kervanseray of Aivaz Chan.  not only for the solidity of the Fabric, being built of rough Stone and hard Flint, but also for its neat Portal, large square Court, many spacious Rooms, with several conveniences for securing Goods, and fair Terraces, to which they go up by great and broad Staircases. In fine, every thing in it is magnificent, very neat and commodious, even to the Houses of Office, which are in each corner of the Kervanseray; and on one side there is a lovely Garden full of Tulips, Roses, and abundance of other Flowers of all kinds: it is well Planted also with Fruit-Trees and Vines, and all kept in very good order, the Walks very neat, and covered with Artificial Arbours all round: before this Garden there is a fair watering place for Horses, which is always kept full of water from a Well hard by: this Kervanseray was built by the Chan of Lar, (called Aivaz Chan,) and is six Agatsch from Benaru.  
Friday the seven and twentieth of March, after four a Clock in the Morning, we parted from this place, and Traveled Southward in a pretty good way, though stony in some places: about day we found a Cistern with a steep Roof; and about half an hour after six, we saw upon the Road a limit of stone, about a Fathom high, built upon a Paving of Freestone that serves it for a Basis; we were told that a man was shut up in it, 
A man shut up in a stone.  according to the custom of the Country in times past, when they used that particular punishment for Robbers on the Highways; others said that it was only a mark in the way which divides at that place; about seven a Clock we passed by a Village called De-hi-Kourd, 
De-hi-Kourd.  where there is a Kervanseray: in that place are many Tamarisks, some Palm-Trees, and several Cisterns. We left that Village on our Left Hand, and continuing our way over an even Plain betwixt Cornfields; 
Pai Chotali.  about nine a Clock we came to a Kervanseray called Pai Chotali, that is to say the foot of the Hill, because it is near the Hills. The same night I saw a Blazing Star, 
Blazing-Star.  like to that which I had seen at Ispahan; it was near the Dolphin, and its Tail reached from East to West: I saw it again all the nights following so long as our Journey lasted. It risen always much about the same place of the Horizon, and about the same hour, or a quarter in or over. On one side of this Kervanseray there is a Cistern, and a Well on the other, both covered with a Dome; the Well is exceeding deep, and it is a considerable time before the biggest stone that may be thrown into it reaches the bottom: the water is drawn with a great Wheel, and poured into a square Basin near to it, from whence it passes through a hole into another that is contiguous, and afterwards fills a large and long Trough for watering of the Horses. There are many other Cisterns also here and there in the Fields. Two Musket-shot from the Kervanseray there is a Village called Dehi-Kouh, 
Dehi-Kouh.  that is to say Hill Town, because it stands on a Hill. This Kervanseray is four Agatsch from Bihri, we stayed there the rest of that day, and all the following, to comply with the humour of the Muletors; it Thundered much in the nighttime, and we had Rain the whole next day; we stayed sometime thinking it might blow over, but it still lasted.  
We parted not then till Sunday the nine and twentieth of March at Noon, continuing our way Southwards: having set forward half a quarter of an hour, we ascended the Hill, which is neither very high, nor very bad; when we were got down on the other side, we crossed several Torrents; about two a Clock we found a little Kervanseray standing alone with a Cistern by it; it is called Hhormont Kervanseray, 
Hhormont.  from the name of the neighbouring Village, so called because of the many Palm-Trees that grow about it: Hhourma signifies the Fruit of the Palm-Trees or Dates. On all that Road we found many of the Shrubs called Badisamour, 
Badisamour, a Shrub, Hherzehre.  and there is hardly any thing else to be seen till you come to Bender; but they give them another name in those Quarters; calling them Hherzehre: about four a Clock we saw on our Left Hand an Aqueduct, which in former times conveyed water from a neighbouring source to Lar; but it being dried up, the Aqueduct which cost a great deal of money, though it be but low, and built only of rough stone, is let go to ruin.   

CHAP. IU. The continuation of the Journey to Bender; and first of the Town of Lar.  
AFter many ups and downs and a great deal of turning and winding between Hills, amongst many Tamarisk and some Conar-Trees; about five a Clock we arrived at the Dutch House, which is near the Town of Lar, 
The Dutch House.  three Agatsch from Pai Chotali, but these Agatsch seemed to me to be very long: this is a very neat House, with lovely Courts and Chambers, and a fair Stable after the Franks Fashion: it belongs to the Dutch Company. There is a Kervanseray a little farther whither the Caravans go, but both Franks and Armenians Lodge at the Dutch House.  
We stayed three days in the Town of Lar, which hath always been, 
Lar.  as at present it is, the chief Town of the Province; it was heretofore the residence of the King of that Country, to wit, when the Guebres were Masters of it: 
The Guebres Masters of Lar. Ghermes.  the great Schah Abbas took it from them, and now a Chan resides there, who Commands the whole Province, which is called Ghermes, and reaches to the very Gates of Gomron. This Town (which is four days Journey from Gomron, and seated on a Rock,) is but small; it hath no Walls, but only a sorry Ditch, beyond which are several Houses pretty well built, of which the Dutch House is one, and these make a kind of Suburbs to it. There is nothing to be seen at Lar, but the Chans' House, the Marketplace, the Bazars and the Castle. The Chans' House looks to the Ditch; 
The House of the Chan of Lar.  the Walls of it are very high on that side, and at the farther end there is a Divan covered, fit for taking the fresh Air in; the entry into that House is from the Marketplace, which is very pretty, it is a Square, with Arches all round, and Terraces on the top, along which there is a row of Rails and Balisters for a border, these Balisters consist of Arches interlaced, about two foot high, made of narrow stones about four Fingers thick: In the middle of the East side of the Square, is the Porch of the Chans' House, which juts out a little into the place; and hath seven Fronts, on the opposite side over against this Porch, there is a large Gate, over which there is a great covered Divan. The entry into the Bazars is by that Gate, and they are very fair and large, well covered and paved with broad smooth Freestone: 
Lovely Bazars in Lar.  amongst others there is one, covered in the middle by a very large handsome Dome, which hath well furnished Shops. Having passed the Bazars and crossed the Town, which is but narrow, and reaches in length from South to North, you come to the Quarter of the Jews, who are very numerous in this Town; 
Many Jews in Lar.  they live near the foot of the Hill, on which the Castle stands, which reaches, (as the Hill-does,) South and North, and is to West of the Town. This Castle is very long and built all of stone, 
The Castle of Lar.  the Walls of it seem to be good, and have Towers at some intervals; the Hill on which it stands is a mere Rock, steep almost on all sides: this Castle Commands all round it, and there is a Wall drawn from it with some Towers, a little down the side of the Hill: in short, it is strong, considering the Country, and was built by the Guebres. All the Country about Lar is full of Tamarisks, which are very big, 
Abundance of Tamarisks at Lar.  and I never saw so many together in one place.  

Gunpowder. Bad water at Lar.  There is good Gunpowder made in this Town. Their drink is very bad, for they have only Cistern-water, which is very unwholesome, and it is good to quench a red hot Iron in it, and strain it through a Cloth, because of the Worms that breed therein, which being swallowed down, slide betwixt the Flesh and the Skin, 
Worms bred in the Body by the water.  as I shall describe when I come to speak of Gomron, and get not only into the Legs, but also into other parts of the Body, nay and into the Testicles too; so that a man will have sometimes four or five of them in several places; as for our parts we drank good water there, because of the Rain that fell the day when we arrived.  
It Reigned all Wednesday, and next night, which hindered us from setting out; but Thursday the second of April, about five of the Clock in the Morning, we continued our Journey, going straight East, in a very good Sandy way betwixt Cornfields; for the Villages are very thick thereabouts. On that Road I observed a pretty pleasant thing, which is practised in all that Country as far as Bendar Abassi: I saw several Peasants running about the Cornfields, who raised loud shouts, and every now and then clacked whips with all their force; and all this, to drive away the Birds which devour all their Corn: when they see Flocks of them coming from a neighbouring Ground, that they may not light on theirs, they redouble their cries, to make them go farther; and this they do every day Morning and Evening. The truth is, there are so great numbers of Sparrows in Persia, that they destroy all things, and scare-Crows are so far from frightening them, that they will Perch upon them. At eight a Clock we passed by a little covered Kervanseray called Tscherchab, 
Tscherchab.  which puts an end to the Cornfields; for beyond that, there is hardly any thing to be found but Deserts sowed with stones: about two hours after we passed by another Kervanseray, 
Tenghinoun.  like to the former, called Tenghinoun; and a little further to the Left Hand, we saw a small Forest of Palm-Trees. We afterwards marched on for the space of about two hours through very stony Ground, and then came to good even Sandy way. Half an hour after one in the Afternoon we passed by a covered Kervanseray called Ouasili, 
Ouasili.  and keeping on our way over little Sandy Hills, we came at three a Clock to another, which is also covered, 
Schemzenghi.  and called Schemzenghi, where we stopped, and this place is seven Agatsch from Lar.  
These Kervanserays are not built as others are, but are little covered buildings, about six Fathom long, and as many broad on the outside, and about a Fathom and a half high: in the middle of each Front there is a Gate, and you enter by these Gates under so many Vaulted Walks, which run cross-ways within, and have each about two Fathom in length; they leave in the middle or Centre of the cross they make, a little Square about two Fathom every way, covered with a Dome. In some of them, there is in each Vault a half pace of stone two foot high, and about a Fathom broad; in the outside is the House of the Housekeeper, or Condar, (as they call him:) it stands along one of the sides of the Kervanseray, and instead of Walls, is only enclosed with a little Hedge; in the mean time all the Provisions you are to expect, must be had out of these wretched hovel. When there is no body in the Kervanseray, these Housekeepers retire to their Village or Huts, which is out of the way a quarter or half a French League from thence, and sometimes Travellers must go look for them, when they have had no notice of their coming. In the Angles of these Kervanserays there are commonly little Chambers, which have the Doors on the outside, and the rest of the place is for the Horses; there is no other water but what is drawn out of Cisterns, of which there are many in the Fields a little way from the Kervanseray.  
We parted from that wretched Lodging Friday the third of April, about four a Clock in the Evening, and Traveled through a large very even Plain, where we saw in many places the Ground whitened over with Salt, which is made by the Rain: 
Bahadini. Tschektschek.  about half an hour after five we passed by a covered Kervanseray called Bahadini; and about seven by another called Tschektschek, by this last there is a Hut where Rhadars Lodge; about eight a Clock we entered in amongst Hills, and had up Hill and down Hill in very bad stony way: where having turned to and again till nine of the Clock, we came into a fair large Plain, and there marched on till about half an hour after eleven at Night, when we passed along a great Village, where grow many Palm-Trees, from which it hath taken the name of Hhormont, 
Hhormont.  and a little beyond it there is a covered Kervanseray where we Lodged: this place is five Agatsch from Schemzenghi.  
We parted from thence on Saturday half an hour after a eleven a Clock at Night, and took our way full South, by a very bad and stony Road. Sunday about four a Clock in the Morning we passed by a little covered Kervanseray, called certain, then taking our way Eastward, 
certain. Bedgi-Paria.  after an hours Travelling we found another called Bedgi-Paria: a little after we came to a running water, the clearness whereof tempted us to fill our Mataras, or leathern Bottles, but it was good luck that I bid one of the Company (who alighted purposely from his Horse,) to taste it first; for he found it to be as Salt as Salt itself. Our way continued still bad, till about seven of the Clock in the Morning, that we came to a Kervanseray, called Tengbidalan; this Kervanseray is covered as many others are, 
Tengbidalan.  but it is much finer. It is a Square about eight Fathom; in the middle of each Face there is a great Arch, by which one enters into Vaults, which make a Cross, as in the others, but they are higher, and it is not under these Vaults that Travellers Lodge; for the Chambers are in the four Corners, about three Fathom square, two or three foot raised from the Ground, and open on the two sides within, where there are great Arches from the Floor up to the Vault; each Chamber hath its Chimney, and other small conveniences: the Place in the middle is covered with a Dome, in which there is a great round opening in the top, By one of the Gates of this Kervanseray there runs a very clear Brook, about a good Foot broad, which falls into an oblong square Basin in the middle, and keeps it always full; than it passes farther in such another Canal as brought it, and runs out at the opposite Gate: this Brook comes from a Hill two Muskets shot from the Kervanseray; it falls down from it impetuously in a Channel above a Foot broad, and about half as deep, and is received on the first Pillar of a broken Arch, which is shaped like a Well; there are a great many of these broken Arches in a row, with some ruins of the Pillars; and I believe they have been beaten down by the force of the water, which in time of Rain is very great at that place, nay some of it too ran then betwixt the Pillars: perhaps it was because they were afraid of that accident, that they brought not the water upon these Arches, which in all appearance were only made for Ornament. The water falling down into this Well, runs under Ground about twenty Fathom length, and comes up again by the Pillar of the first of the Arches that remain entire to the number of eleven, (this Pillar being also like a well) and rising to a height, it glides away in a Channel like to that which comes from the Hill, save that it is carried along these Arches that are about a Fathom and a half high, till coming to a higher Ground, the Canal is not above two Foot high, and a little farther runs levelly with the Ground, where making several turn and wind, it waters the Roots of a great deal of Liquorice growing by the sides of it, until it come to the Kervanseray. The truth is, that water is not good to drink, and it is only necessity that makes men use it, when there is none in a Cistern close by; but it serves at least to cool the Kervanseray, and to wash any thing in. Adjoining to this Kervanseray there is another very little one, through which the same water runs; and a little farther there is a third, which is bigger, but somewhat ruinous. This place is five Agatsch from Hhormont.  
We parted from thence Monday the sixth of April, half an hour after Midnight; at first, for above an hour we had very bad stony way, but it proved pretty good afterward; about two in the Morning we passed by a little covered Kervanseray, called Berkei Dobend, and about four a Clock by another, called Dgei Hhon: 
Berkei Dobend. Dgei Hhon.  at break of day we entered into bad way again, where we clambered up and down for above an hour among stones; and then we found the way better, till we came to a covered Kervanseray, called Kor Bazirghion, 
Kor Bazirghion.  that is to say the Merchant's Ditch, where we arrived about eight a Clock. This Kervanseray is of the same bigness as the other where we Lodged the day before; it is built much after the same manner, having in each Corner three Chambers, of which the one (which is on the inside,) is open by Arches on two sides, and the other two have their Door without the Kervanseray: this place is five Agatsch from Tengbidalan.  
We parted from thence about half an hour after one a Clock in the Morning: during a large quarter of an hour we had bad stony way; and about half an hour after five we passed by a little covered Kervanseray, 
Berkei Soltouni.  called Berkei Soltouni; about three quarters of an hour after seven we came to such another, near to a great Village called Coureston, 
Coureston.  four Agatsch from Kor Bazirghion: we left the Caravan at this place, because our Carriers took Camels to finish the Journey with, and resolved to Travel only by day, and to be four days longer by the way: I therefore took a Camel to carry my man and baggage, and a guide to show us the way, which from thence to Bender is so difficult, that he who hath Traveled it fifty times may lose himself there in; so that it is absolutely necessary to take a man of the Country, if one would not wander out of the way.  
We parted about eleven a Clock at Night, and presently entered into a great sandy Plain, which nevertheless is peopled, and hath a great many Villages, that are to be seen here and there: this is occasioned by the abundance of Palm-Trees that this Country is full of, the Soil being proper for them, though very barren for any thing else. About an hour after Midnight, we passed by a little covered Kervanseray, 
Dobrike.  called Dobrike, which is an Agatsch and a half from Coureston; and a little after we passed over an Aqueduct which is level with the Ground, and called Pariabzahed Aly; 
Pariabzahed Aly.  this Aqueduct brings water from a Spring at the Foot of the Hills that are to the Left Hand towards the North; in digging, it was discovered, and the water of it is very good.  
Betwixt three and four of the Clock we went over a very high and fair Bridge, above three Fathom broad, and betwixt seven and eight hundred common Paces long, it is well Paved, and has a side-Wall on each side about a Foot and a half high: under this Bridge runs a River above nine or ten Fathom broad; which is heard at a great distance, by reason of the noise it makes in its course; there is no drinking of the water of it, for it is Salt, and it discharges itself into the Sea about six hundred Paces from thence. 
Rohhouna.  The name of that River is Rohhouna, that is to say the running River, and that is the name they give to all great Rivers; it comes from Kermont; 
Pouli Seugh.  the name of the Bridge is Pouli Seugh, that is to say Stone-Bridge, or otherwise Pouli Coreston; before this River comes to the Bridge, it runs by the Foot of the Hills on the Left Hand Northwards, and there it gins to be Salt: when it comes to this Bridge, which indeed, is only upon the side of it, finding it so runs along the side of it, and discharges but part of its water underneath in passing, which running under the Arches, and finding the Ground lower on the other side of the Bridge, falls with great impetuosity, and that makes the rumbling noise that is heard at such a distance; the rest of the water running along by the Bridge, turns afterwards towards the South, and loses itself in the Sea. Being over the Bridge, we went a long a Causey above two Fathom broad, and all Paved about a thousand Paces in length, which hath a good Parapet or Breast-Wall about a Foot and a half high.  
Wednesday the eighth of April, about six of the Clock in the Morning, we came to a covered Kervanseray called Ghetschi, 
Ghetschi.  six Agatsch from Coureston. There is another besides, close by, which is not covered; but like the rest in all things else, and a little ruinous.  
There were several Tents of black Goat's hair thereabout, and as soon as we arrived, a great many Women and Girls came out of them to visit us: they were clothed with blue streaked Drawers, and a blue Shirt over them; their Noses, Ears, Arms and Feet, were full of Silver, Copper, Bone, or Glass-Rings: every one of them held an Earthen Porringer full of Yogourt or Sour Milk, and a little Vessel full of the same under their Arms; and to invite us to buy some of them, in our presence dabbed four Fingers and a Thumb into their Budgets, and pulled out Butter full of Straws, which they mingled with the Milk that was in their Porringers, and then poured out more Sour Milk out of the same Borrachy: their Husbands are all Fishermen, and both men and women are Inhabitants fit for such a Country.  
We parted from that place the same day half an hour after six in the Evening, and continued our Journey along the sandy Plain: about eight a Clock we passed a narrow straight betwixt little Hills, and having kept turning about half a quarter of an hour, we found two ways, the one to the Left Hand over a pretty high Hill, and the other to the Right, which hardly appeared; we followed this last, leaving that to the Left Hand which is very dangerous, if we may believe the people of the Country; for they would needs persuade us that on that Hill there were Dgius who killed all Passengers: by that word Dgius they understand evil Spirits, 
Dgius.  which (they say) are of a middle Nature betwixt Angels and Men. This imagination than they have, and give it out for a very certan thing, that in that Hill there is a Tlisim, or Charm, by virtue whereof the Dgius prevail, 
Tlisim.  and that they make Cauldrons there, the sound whereof may be heard, for they all agree that some men have been there and come safe back again, who related all these things: but they say, that none but such as have been excepted from the Charm, by him who made it, can return back again. The truth of the matter is, according as I have learned from some of more sense, and who have advanced a little in that way, it is so bad, that if one engage but in the least in it, it is very hard to get back again, so full it is of Precipices on all Hands. Nevertheless the way seems to be so much the better, that though we had warning given us, we began to mount by it, when our Guide suddenly called to us, and made us follow him the other; this Hill is called Kouchtscheizer Gheroun. 
Kouchtscheizer Gheroun.   
When we were over this passage, we Traveled almost two hours in a Champion Ground, where there are a great many little Mounts or Hillocks, some one, some two, and some almost four Fathom high. About eleven a Clock we passed by a little covered Kervanseray, called Houni Sourkh, (that is to say) red blood, 
Houni Sourkh.  and is four Agatsch from Ghetschi: about an hour and a half after, we came to another little covered Kervanseray, called Bendali, 
Bendali.  which is but an Agatsch from Houni Sourkh, and close by the Sea: we rested there two hours, because they would have fired upon us from the Fort of Bender Abassi, if we had come there in the Night time, and therefore we parted not from Bendali till next day at half an hour after two in the Morning; and a little after five a Clock we came to the House of a Rhadar near the Town of Bender, where the Jurisdiction of the Chan of Lar ends, 
Arrival at Bender.  and that of the Chan of Bender gins.   

CHAP. V Of Benderabassi, Ormus, and the Author 's return to Schiras.  
SO soon as we arrived, the Rhadar, (according to the Custom,) carried us to the Customhouse, where our Goods were searched; and then we went and Lodged in a Kervanseray. Before I engage to say any thing of Bender, it will not be amiss here to observe some Errors in the Maps, which all place the Town of Schiras almost two thirds of the way from Ispahan to Bender, 
Errors in Geography.  and nevertheless it is but one third. Besides the Authors of these Maps put Bender to the South-West, and almost to the West of Lar, and yet it is to the Eastward of it; and Lar is to the East, drawing a little towards the South of Schiras.  
All along the Road from Lar, or rather from Dehi-Kou to Bender, grow many of those accursed Plants which the Persians call Kherzehreh, 
Kherzehreh upon the Road. Mortal Winds.  of which I have spoken before, and which are pretended to have such noxious qualities; that if in June or July, any man breath in certain hot South Winds that come from the Sea, and blow over these Plants, he falls down dead; and at most, has no more time than to say he burns: which happened at Bender Congo, (where that Wind rages much,) to the Vikil of Monsieur del' Estoille, who as soon as he had said he burnt, died without remedy, though there was a great deal of water presently thrown upon his body: that is the reason that during these two months' men Travel there but very seldom. After all, I can hardly agree in Opinion with the people of the Country, who attribute this bad effect to that Plant, I should rather think that it proceeded only from the malignity of the Wind; for at Mosul where that Wind reigns also, and is much dreaded, I never heard any mention made of that Plant. This Wind may not be said properly to blow from Lar, but from Coureston to the Sea.  

Gomron or Bender Abbassi.  The Town of Comron or Gomron, otherwise called Benderabassi, because it was the great Schah Abbas that began to put it in Vogue, is inconsiderable as to what it contains; for it is very little, and scarcely deserves the name of a good Village; nevertheless it is considerable in respect of its situation, which is very advantageous for Traffic. It is governed by a Chan, and has a Schah Bender, or Customer to gather the Customs which are worth much to the King of Persia, though one half of them belong to the English, 
Part of the Customs belong to the English.  by virtue of the agreement they made with that Prince, when they assisted him in taking of Ormus; but they receive not the fourth part, the Persians giving them but as little as they can.  
There is very little then in this Town that is worth the observing; there is only one public Gate, 
The Fort of Bender.  a Bazar and a small Fort on the Seaside, which chief consists in a square Platform of about four Fathom each Face, and some two Fathom high: there are Portholes in it for five or six pieces of Cannon, but they have no more but two. The English and Dutch have each of them their Houses very well built by the Seaside, with the Flag of their several Nations upon a high Pole on their Terraces.  
Two good Leagues to the Southward from the main Land, is that so famed Isle of Ormus, which is at the mouth of the Gulf of Persia, that reaches from thence to Bassora, 
Ormus.  which is the bottom of the Gulf. Ormus lies in the seven and twentieth Degree of North Latitude, distant from Bassora an hundred and fourscore Leagues: it hath a Fort which was long held by the Portuguese, until the year one thousand six hundred twenty two, that the great Schah Abbas, King of Persia, assisted by the English, took it from them by force. This Isle which is but three Leagues in Circuit, is wholly barren, for it is all over Rock, that does not bear a pile of Grass; nor has it a drop of Fresh water but what falls from the Sky, which the Inhabitants preserve in good Cisterns that are in the Fort, so that they are obliged to bring every thing from the main Land. And nevertheless, in the time of the Portuguese, it had a very populous Town and exceeding rich, where all the Trade of the Indies was managed; at present there remains no mark of it, and there is nothing Inhabited but the Fort. 
The Portuguese lost Ormus by their own fault.  The Portugese lost that Island by the fault of the Governor, for all he needed to do was to have cut a little Ground, to let in the Sea-water, that would have surrounded the Fort, which stands upon the point of the Island on the side of Gomron, and then it would have been very hard to have mastered it. But out of a bravery or rather pride, which is natural to that people; this Governor made so small account of his Enemies, and trusted so much to his own Valour, that he thought it would reflect upon him if he took any pains to make a Work to defend himself against them: It is true also, there was a point of Honour in the Case, because he had not thought of that expedient himself, but was advised to it by other Portuguese; for he answered haughtily, that he would not be taught by any man what he was to do. Nevertheless his bravery not succeeding according to his expectation, 
Unseasonable bravery.  and finding himself hard put to it, he became calmer, and gave consent, (but too late,) to follow that Counsel; for the Enemies were under the Walls, and at length he was forced to Surrender the place. So soon as the Persians became Masters of it, they opened the Canal, as well knowing the importance of it.  

Oysters at Ormus.  They catch excellent Oysters about the Isle of Ormus; they are as small as English Oysters, but so hard, that it is not possible to open them with a Knife, nay it is not very easy neither to break them with a Hammer. 
The Sand of O●●…s.  The Sand of Ormus is also much talked of, for the dusting of writing; and for that end a great deal of it is Transported into Christendom.  

Lareca.  A League to the South-West of Ormus is the Isle of Lareca, which is longer than Ormus, but the Ground as bad and Sandy. It reaches in length from North, North-West, to South, Southeast, and there is nothing remarkable in it, unless it be the Fort, and that is no great matter neither. The Dutch began it under colour of settling a Factory there; but the Persians smelling out their design, drove them off and finished it: it is at present kept by a very few men. A little farther off to the West, 
Error in Geography. Quesomo.  South-West, about a League and a half from Lareca, though it be marked five in the Map, is the Isle of Quesomo, which is twenty Leagues in length: it is Fruitful and well Inhabited, and stretches from East to West.  
The Land about Gomron or Benderabassi, is no better than that of Ormus, 
The Land about Benderabassi, or Gomron, is good for nothing.  for it is all Sand; the water they drink there is brought from a Cistern without the Town: they drink also of another which is esteemed better water, and that out of a Well, three Parasanges distant from the Town, in a place called Isin, both are very dear, because of the trouble in bringing them so far: nevertheless, the water is very unwholesome, because of little Worms that are in it, which (if they be drank down with the water,) slide betwixt the Flesh and the Skin▪ 
Worms between the Skin and the Flesh.  and fall down into the Legs, where they grow to the full length of the Leg, and are never bigger than a Lutestring, as I have been told, for I never saw any of them, this causes a great deal of pain; they make a little hole in the Skin, through which they show their Head, and for a Cure, they must be drawn by little and little out of that hole, drawing only a little every day, and twisting it about a stick, according as they draw it out, until it be wholly out; but this requires a great deal of patience, for if they draw too much out at one time, or draw too hard, it breaks, and what remains in the Leg causes racking pains, for which there is no other remedy but to lay open the Leg, and make the Incision as long as that which remains to be taken out. This water has another bad quality, in that it swells the Testicles. The meat is also very unwholesome at Benderabassi, and they scarcely eat any but Kid's Flesh, which is the best of the bad, and Pullet's. In fine, the best way to preserve one's Health at Benderabassi, is to keep a very regular Diet, 
Remedies for keeping one's Health at Bender.  eating so moderately that one hath always an Appetite: to quench a red hot Iron in the water, to strain it afterwards through a Linen Cloth, and to be always cheerful.  
There is no Pasture-Ground in all that Territory, and therefore the Cows, Hogs, and other Beasts, live hardly upon any thing else but Fish-Heads, Shellfish, stones of Dates, and a little Hay which is brought some Parasanges off: and indeed, the Milk tastes altogether Fishy, for I speak by experience; their Horses they feed with Hay and Barley. After all, there cannot be a more dangerous Air than that of Comoron, especially in Summer, when it is so excessively hot, 
Cruel and dangerous heat at Benderabassi.  that the Inhabitants are forced to leave it, and remove three or four Parasanges off, where most of them live in Tents; nay the very Garrison of the Fort removes, leaving only a few men who are weary of their lives.  
Nevertheless, that place so abandoned, is in no danger of being surprised, because that time is the Winter of the Indies, wherein there is such terrible Rain, 
Great Thunderings at Bender.  Wind and Thunder, that it would seem the World were to be reduced to its first Chaos: so that during that Season no Ship can keep the Sea, where Shipwreck is inevitable. And indeed, there is but one Season for crossing over to the Indies, which the Portuguese have named Mouson, 
Mouson.  and which they have certainly borrowed from the Arabic word Mouson, which signifies Season; but in short, that word is used in all Languages to signify the time of Sailing, which lasts one half of the Year, to wit, from the end of October to the end of April.  
Bender has a pretty safe Road, for to the North it hath the main Land of Persia; 
The Road of Benderabassi.  to the South the Isle of Ormus, and to the South-West, Lareca, which is to the Westward of Ormus, from which it is but a League distant: Vessels come to an Anchor in it near to the Isle of Ormus, on the West side, and to go to the Indies, they Sail betwixt the Isle of Ormus, (which is to the South of Benderabassi,) and the Coast of Arabia Foelix.  
A Parasange to the East of Comoron, there is one of those Trees, called the Banians Trees, because the Banians make commonly Pagods under them: 
Banians Trees.  the Portuguese call it the Tree of Roots, because Roots come out of every Branch, that fasten in the Ground, and grow as other Trees do; in so much that one of these Trees may make a whole Forest. I shall not describe it, because I never saw it, since there was no going thither, by reason of the excessive heat; 
The Author saw it since in his Travels in the Indies, where he has given a description of it.  and therefore I refer the Reader to Linschot and Jonston, who have given a description of it. Under this there is a Pagod or Temple of the Banians.  
I stayed but a week at Benderabassi, and then was obliged to turn back again, there being no probability that I could embark there for the Indies, seeing I must have run too great a danger if I had stayed longer for a favourable occasion. There were but six Vessels there, which were bound for the Indies, four Dutch Ships, one Armenian, and a Moor: as for the Dutch there was no thinking to go with them, 
The Dutch will not carry Francs to the Indies.  for they have taken an Oath to Transport no Frank thither, and that by express Command from the Company; because (they say) the Franks discoursing with their Seamen, inform themselves commonly of what concerns the Trade, and they are willing that that should be a hidden mystery, unknown to any but themselves. Though I had not known this, and that they had offered to admit of me, yet I should have had a care not to have embraced the offer, knowing what thoughts they entertained of me. 
Mistrust of the Dutch.  The Moorish Ship was bad, not able to weather a Storm, and far less to resist Pirates, if it had been attacked, which (in the mean time) was much to be feared: for there was a certain Sivagy at Sea, who was a Radgia or Prince, a Vassal to the Mogul, but having revolted some years before, had wholly Plundered Surrat two years ago: since that he Cruised on the Seas, and had at that time a Fleet abroad, (as it was said,) of an hundred Galliots, with which he took all he met, except the Dutch, whom he durst not meddle with, for fear of offending the Company which is powerful there. In the Armenian Ship there was no room, because of the multitude of people that had a mind to embark in her, so that many Armenians themselves could not have a passage. But besides, I had no thoughts of that, because the Vessel was bought by an Armenian from the Dutch, and still carried their Colours, the Captain and Master being Hollanders, and the Master of the Dutch Factory, (who was one called Vanvick▪) having told Monsieur Tavernier that he would not suffer me to be taken on board. These Gentlemen entertained a very ill grounded suspicion of me, 
An ill grounded imagination of the Hollanders.  but which nevertheless made great impressions on their minds. They imagined, and told some men so, that they knew very well that my Relations were the chief persons concerned in the Company that was Establishing in France for the Trade of the Indies, and that I was a Spy sent to observe the places: I know not what ground they had for entertaining such a fancy, for when I came out of France there was no talk of any such Establishment, and it is more than I can tell if any Relation of mine was concerned in it. However, that imagination had almost cost me my life, which convinced me that not only for three Months, but all the twelve Months of the Year the Air is mortal at Bender, for Francs who come thither out of Curiosity to pass into the Indies; and though it would seem that there should be more danger for those who go thither upon the account of Trade, yet the contrary is manifest by experience. This aught to be a Lesson to those who would Travel into these Countries merely out of Curiosity, 
The Author's design in Travelling.  and a desire of seeing and learning, as I did; they may be persuaded that not only the Hollanders, but all in general (who Trade into the Indies of whatsoever Nation, though even ones own Country men,) are unwilling that any body else should put their Noses there, and return back to tell News, and they ought accordingly to use circumspection, and especially shun those places where the Hollanders are Masters. I was not long in resolving to be gone as soon as I could, and the best way I could, from a place where I had so much to to be afraid of, and so little to hope for, for the Dutch are absolute Masters at Bender. They have so great Credit there, that some days before, the Scheich Bender having displeased the Dutch Commander, 
A sign of the power of the Dutch at Bender.  this Commander caused the Dutch Flag to be torn down, and made the Scheich humbly beseech him, nay and give him Presents too, to put up another.  

The Author returns to Schiras.  I resolved then to go spend the Summer at Schiras, where I might securely consult what I had best to do: but because I had notice given me that I should not at all trust those Blades; I concealed my departure, and only discovered it to Master Flore, Factor for the English Company, who was the only person I could trust to: he gave me one of his Chaters, to prevent my being stopped by the Rhadars, and (for that effect,) said I was an English man. I parted from the Kervanseray, Wednesday the fifteenth of April, at nine of the Clock at night, giving it out in the Kervanseray that I was going to Bender Congo; and that they might not fire at me from the Fort, as they do at all who come near it in the Nighttime, I crossed the Town and passed along amidst the Fields.  

Ghetschi.  Next day when I was at Ghetschi, there arose a Tempest of Sand, in the same manner as it happens sometimes in Arabia and Egypt, especially in the Spring: it was raised by a very hot South Wind, 
A Storm of Sand.  which drove so much Sand, that one of the Gates of the Kervanseray was half stopped up with it, and the way could not be found, being covered over above a Foot deep; the Sand lying in heaps on all Hands. This Sand was extremely fine and salt, and was very troublesome to our Eyes, even in the Kervanseray, where all our Baggage was covered over with it. The Storm lasted from Noon to Sunset, and it was so very hot the Night following, without any Wind, that one could hardly fetch breath: which in my Opinion was partly occasioned by the reflection of the hot Sand. Next day I felt a great pain in one Eye, which made it smart as if Salt had been melted into it, and this I attributed to the heat of the Night before, and the Sand that had got into my Eyes, though I had washed them with cold water in the Evening after the Storm was over. For the next two days after, we had still such hot Winds, that they scorched our Faces and Hands, in the same manner as the heat of an Oven would have done; but so soon as we were past Lar, we began to find it cold in the Nighttime. Those who come from Bender towards Schiras, 

Circumspection to be used at Lar.  
Return to Schiras.   aught to take special care, to cover their Stomach very well at Lar, otherwise they will not fail to fall sick. At length, (thanks be to God,) I arrived at Schiras the first of May.   

CHAP. VI Of the Antiquities that are to be seen betwixt Schiras and Tschehel-minar.  
I Shall take the occasion of this second abode at Schiras to give the description of what is most lovely and curious to be seen in that Country, though indeed, there be no more but ruins, whereof the Antiquity is not well known, nor what they have been in former times; but they deserve to be seen by Travellers who go into those parts, and are very well worth the pains of Reading, by those who had rather trust to my relation, than to go and see them themselves. For my part I had pleasure enough in seeing them, and Monsieur Doliere was with me; he came from France with Monsieur Tavernier as far as Bender, from whence we came back together to Schiras; he with design to return to France, and I to shift elsewhere, and go on to the Indies: I could have wished not to have left him so soon, for he is an honest man, and very pleasant Company.  
To see those Antiquities so much Celebrated amongst the Curious, being out of the Town of Schiras, you must go straight Southeast, keeping the way that leads to the Lake where the Salt is made that is used in those Quarters. Having Traveled on an Agatsch and a half, you see to the Left Hand a Hill, 
A Lake where Salt is made at Schiras.  which is almost opposite to a Village standing in the middle of the Plain; you must go up to the top of that Hill, and there you see the ruins of a curious Temple. That place is square, and in the middle of the Face that looks to the North-West, 
Antiquity and ruins of a fair Temple a League and a half from Schiras.  there is a great Gate; another in the middle of the side that looks to the Southeast; and a third in the middle of the Face that looks to the North-East; there is none to be seen on the opposite side, nor any sign that there has ever been any there: the Jams of these Gates are each of one piece of a dark grey and very hard stone, and are at least ten Foot high, and somewhat more than two Foot and a half broad: the Lintel and Threshold are of the same, and contain about four Foot in length; so that these Gates or Doors are about some ten Foot high, and four Foot wide. On each side of the Gate there is a Figure cut in relief as big as the life, the one resembles a man holding on his Arm a kind of Manipule, as Priests do when they are Clothed for saying of Mass; only with this difference, that it is no broader at the ends than in the middle: in the other Hand he holds a thing like a Bowl, or a Heart, out of which mounts up a flame. The opposite Figure seems to be of a woman, holding in one Hand a kind of Holy-water-pot, and we could not devise what it was she held in the other, it being so broken and cut with a Chisel, unless it be a Candlestick and Candle, or rather a Holy-water-sprinkle. There are also two Figures at each Gate, which have the same postures as these, or at least there is but very little difference; the Heads of all these Figures have been knocked off.  
This square is about seven Fathom long; towards the middle there is a little Stone-Fat of an Oblong square, with a hole in the bottom to let out the water. It is probable that the Walls were all of the same stone as the Doors are, because from the Door that looks to the North-East, to that which faces the Southeast, there stands a Range still, which is of the very same: the rest lies under ruins, or is taken away; and on one of these stones that remain, near the South-East-Gate, there are six Figures in Bass relief, but very little raised, which are somewhat more than a Foot high: they represent men upright, and following one another at equal distances, in the same manner as if they were going in Procession. In one Hand they hold either a Torch or a Pike, I cannot tell which, for they are so spoiled that hardly any thing is to be discerned. On the other side of the same Door a little towards the South, there is another stone with the like Figures. The people of the Country call that place Mesdgidi Mader Soliman, 
Mesdgidi Mader Soliman.  (that is to say) the Mosque of the Mother of Soliman, but can give no reason for it. The Mahometans in and about Schiras go and pray in that Temple, the day of the little Bairam or Courban Bairami, (that is to say) the day of their Easter of Sacrifices. In fine, these Antiquities are little preludes to those of Tschehel-minar, I had a man who said plaisantly, that the place where they are, aught to be called the little Brother of Tschehel-minar.  
Having considered it, you are to go down the other side of the Hill, opposite to that by which they come up, and continue your way Southeast, a few steps off, you see to the Right Hand a Spring that runs at the Foot of the Hill, and makes a little Bog shaded over by many high and great Trees, which render this place very pleasant: a little further, you see to the Right Hand a Thicket or small Wood, all of Rosetrees, which yield a very lovely prospect when they are in the Flower, as I saw them. You must then leave the Highway which leads to the Salt-Lake, and draw near the Hills that are to the Left Hand, and but very little distant from the Road; and having kept going a good quarter of an hour more, you come to a very delightful place; for there you have a great many clear Springs full of Fish, that glide under the shade of a great many Planes, Ash-Trees and Willows, which so extend their Boughs, that at Noon day they cover you from the Sun, and there you may delightfully spend the whole day in the cool.  
When you are come into this charming place, you must alight from your Horse, and pass over a little water close by the Hill upon stepping stones, that are there in great quantity; and in a place where the Hill bending makes a kind of Semicircle; you see at two Fathoms height, 

The Antiquity of Kademghah.  
Two Figures in a Rock.  
The Figure of a Woman.   two Figures of the ordinary bigness in Relief, cut in the natural Rock; these Figures are somewhat hid by a Figtree, which hath taken Root at the Foot of the Rock, but it is easy to get up betwixt the Rock and the Figtree, and to consider them at nearer distance. The first of these seems to be the Figure of a Woman with a naked Body, unless towards the Legs, where one may perceive some folds of a Gown; behind her Head there is a kind of Crown of Rays cut in the Rock; she stretches out both her Hands to the neighbouring Figure. as to receive something that it presents to her: that neighbouring Figure represents a Man with a long Beard, 
The Figure of a Man.  and his Hair made up into Tresses behind; his Head-attire seems to be much like a Swisseses Cap, for it sets close to his Head, covers all his Brow, and is broader above than below; there is this difference that it rises round instead of being flat on the Crown: he hath a Girdle and a Sword hanging at his Left side, which is above two Foot and a half long, and at the Guard four Fingers broad at least, but growing broader and broader it is five Fingers broad at the end, and draws not into a point: this man seems to present to the Woman a Posy of Flowers with the Right Hand, and rests his Left Hand upon the Handle of his Sword.  
A little farther, about ten Fathom from thence, and at the same height of Ground, 
Two other Figures.  there are two other Figures of the same bigness, of which the first is of a young Man without a Beard, whose curled Locks hang backwards behind his Head; on it he carries a great Globe, it might be taken for a Turban, but, in my Opinion, it appears not to be his Head-attire, though he hath no other; he looks towards the neighbouring Figure, and hath the Left Hand shut, wherein he seems to hold somewhat; the Right Hand is stretched out, as if ready to receive what is presented to him. The Figure that is by him seems to be of a Woman, for she hath pretty round Breasts; nevertheless she wears a Sword by her side, like to that which I have just now described; her Head-attire seems to be the Cap of a Dervisch, somewhat long and all round; upon her Left Shoulder she hath a little Basket, or perhaps it is only the Tresses of her Hair: she seems to present something with her Right Hand, to the man who is looking towards her, and her Left Hand is upon the Handle of her Sword. All these Figures seem to have the Body naked, and only some few foldings of a Garment towards the Legs. In short the two last are almost in the same posture and action as the two first; but one cannot tell what it is they present to one another, for the extremities of their Hands, as well as many other parts of their Bodies, are worn out and eaten by the weather. The Work appears very well, hath been good, though all the proportions be not exactly observed. I looked about all along the side of the Hill, but could see no more; and I believe there has been some Temple there.  
This place is so covered with Trees, and encompassed by Marshes, by reason of the many Springs thereabouts, that few people know of it; and of all the Franks the Reverend Father Athanasius, a barefooted Carmelite, living at Schiras, 
Father Athanasius.  was the first that found it out by chance, as he was walking in that place; and it being my fortune to pass by Schiras sometime after, he led me to it. The people of the Country call that place Kademghah, (that is to say,) the place of the step; 
Kademghah:  because, (say they,) I know not what old Man walking in that place, a Spring of water gushed out under his Foot: it is but a few steps wide of the Highway, that leads to the Salt-Lake, an Agatsch distant from thence.  
Though all these Antiquities be curious enough, yet they are not that which they call the Antiquities of Tschehel-minar, so much mentioned in Relations, and which are in effect, the same at present in Persia, as the Pyramids are in Egypt, (that is to say,) the finest thing in its kind that is to be seen, and the most worthy of observation. One may go thither in coming from Ispahan by Main, 
The way to Tschehel-Minar.  or Abgherim, and the way is not long; but the way to it from Schiras is by Badgega, which is the first Kervanseray upon the Road to Ispahan; and after two hours march from thence, there are two ways, whereof that to the Left goes to Ispahan, you must leave it, and take the way to the Right Hand which leads to Tschehel-minar Having Traveled about two hours and a half that way in a pretty good Road amongst Heath, there is a Village on the Right Hand where one may stop and bait. Having passed this Village, you enter into a great Plain, where after you have Traveled three quarters of an hour, you pass over a Causey a Fathom and a half broad, and about an hundred paces in length; a little after you find another three hundred paces long; and a little beyond that just such another: having Traveled a little farther, you go over another Causey five hundred paces in length, beyond which, after three quarters of an hours Journey, you come to a great Bridge of two large Arches which is called Pouli-Chan: in the middlemost Pillar of it there is a Room with some steps to go down to it, which would be very delightful to take the fresh Air in, if it were not uninhabitable by reason of the prodigious swarms of Gnats that haunt it. The River of Bendemir runs under this Bridge, and is at that place broad, deep, and full of Fish, the water looking very white: they assured me that it swells so high in the Wintertime that it reaches over the Arches, almost level with the Parapet: after you have passed that Bridge, and Traveled an hour longer in a Plain, you leave a Village upon your Left Hand, and an hour after another to the Right, and then within another hour you come to the Village called Mirchas-Chan, near to which is Tschehel-minar; being but a quarter of an hours Journey from it. This Village stands in a most spacious and Fruitful Plain, watered with a great many waters; there you have a Kervanseray to Lodge in, because in the Wintertime, it is the way from Ispahan to Schiras, and going Eastward, but somewhat to the South from this Village, you arrive at Tschehel-minar.   

CHAP. VII. Of Tschehel-minar and Nakschi Rustan.  
I Am of their Opinion who will have Tschehel-Minar to be part of the Ancient Persepolis, which was built in the place where at present stands the large Burrow of Mirkas Chan; not only because of the River which Diodorus Siculus, and others mention to be there under the name of the little Araxes, which is now called Bendemir, but also of many other marks that cannot be called into question.  
All Tschehel-Minar is built upon the skirt of a Hill. The first thing that presents to view upon ones arrival, is a great Wall of blackish stones four Foot thick, which supports a large Platform or Terrace, reaching from South to North, about five hundred Paces in length to the West side, it hath the Plain to the East; beyond a great many magnificent ruins of Buildings (whereof it makes the beginning,) it hath the Hill, which bending into a Semicircle, forms a kind of Amphitheatre that embraces all those stately ruins: to ascend to the top of this Terrace, you must go to the farther end of it towards the North, where at first you will find two Staircases, 
The first Stairs of Tschehel-Minar.  or rather one Staircase of two ascents, or if you please a double Staircase, which on each side hath fix and fifty steps of a greyish stone, and are so easy that Horses go up them without any difficulty: having ascended by one of the sides of that double Staircase up to a square Landing-place, where one may rest, and which is proportioned to the breadth of the Stairs, you continue to go up by the upper part of the Staircase, which goes contrary to the lower part; my meaning is, that the upper part of the Staircase above the Landing place, goes North, whereas the lower went Southward; and the upper part of the other side which went North below, goes Southward above; so that these two Staircases which bore off from one another in their first part, draw near again in the second, and Land in on the same place above; and that upper part of the Staircase has forty six steps.  
Being come to the top of the Staircase, you find a Walk, and traceing it Eastwards you see two great Pilasters in Front, which bear nothing at present, but seem to make the two sides of an Entry, they appear to be but of one single stone apiece though they be very high: On the inside of each of these Pilasters, you see the Figure of a Beast cut in Demi-relief; but it is hard to tell whether it be a Horse or an Elephant, and I should rather take it to be the latter, at least it seems to me to resemble that more: however it be, these Figures are about three Fathom high, and are (as I said,) in half body along the inside of the Pilaster, one opposite to another, the Head turned towards the Terrass-Walk and Staircase, or if you will towards the Plain. Beyond these two Pilasters, there are two great Chamfered Pillars in front, and which in all appearance are what remains of four in Square. Then you find two other Pilasters like to the first, with each a Figure on them of an Animal in Demi-relief of the same height, and opposite to one another on the inside; but the Figures of these seem to be Griffons, and they are Back to Back with the Elephants, looking Eastward to the Hill, whereas the Elephants look Westward to the Plain: these four Pilasters with the Pillars seem to have made a Portico.  
Advancing a little forward, you find on the Right Hand a great Oblong Square Basin, 
A great Basin.  two Fathom and a half in length, almost as much in breadth, and about three Foot deep, it is all of a greyish stone.  
Turning from thence to the Right Hand, and going about twenty steps Southward, you find a second Terrace higher, which hath a jutting out in the middle, with a Staircase on each side; there are two others at the two ends of the Terrace, but these four Staircases are almost buried under Ground: nevertheless, one may still see several Figures upon so much of the Terrass-Walls as are above Ground. At the least which is, (as I said,) by the jutting out in the middle, you see a Lion devouring a Bull: which is often repeated. By the other there are three Ranges of Bas-reliefs, representing, (as I take it,) Sacrifices; 
Bas-reliefs representing Sacrifices.  for many persons are there represented as going in Procession, one after another, and Armed, some only with Swords and Daggers, others with Swords, Bows and Arrows, and others again seem to be carrying Vessels. There you see also several kinds of Beasts, as Sheep, Oxen, Dromadaries, and other Animals.  
When you are at the top of these Stairs, you come upon a Platform, where there are a great many Pillars, some buried under Ground, and others broken, 
A place full of Pillars.  and you only see the Bases of most of them: nevertheless, there are seventeen still standing, and these, with the others (whereof nothing but the Bases are to be seen,) make, (according to my account,) twelve Ranges, from East to West; and from South to North in breadth consist of nine Pillars a piece: they are about seven Fathom high, and at three Fathom distance one from another, all Chamfered, and some with double Capitals: they are all of an extraordinary Order, which yet hath great affinity to the Doric. It appears (by what remains upon some,) that all of them have supported Statues, or perhaps, Idols; and at present they serve the Storks to build their Nests on.  
Going on Southward from thence, you see a square Building, 
A square building much adorned with Bas-reliefs.  and part of the Walls thereof still standing. It is pierced on all sides with Doors and Windows; which are embellished with many Demi-reliefs, especially the sides of the Doors, which are of big greyish stones, as the rest of the Edifice is. Upon these sides of the Doors, the Figures are much the same as on the rest of the Building, and opposite to one another; there you see an old Man followed by two Servants, one of them holding in both his Hands, a great Staff, with seven branches at the end of it, which uphold an Umbrello, just over the Head of his Master: the other holds a Manipule in one Hand, and in the other a Crosier, or crooked Staff, liker to Cricket-sticks, than the Crosiers carried by Bishops; nevertheless, by the way of holding it, one may judge that it is something resembling a Bishop's Crosier, for the Crook is carried up over the Masters Head. In some of these Doors there is but one Servant; as in the one, he only, who carries the Manipule and the Crosier, and in the others, he that holds the Umbrello. The Doors of the other two Faces are almost a like, and at the side of each Door on the inside, you see a Man fight with a Beast, that is erected against him; with the Left Hand he holds a short Club over the Head of it, and with the Right sheaths a Dagger in its Belly, all these are to the natural bigness, nay some of them are bigger.  
Next to this Building you see the ruins of a like Fabric, 
Buildings.  but hardly any thing standing: on the sides of the Doors within, there are still to be seen two men, each holding a Pike, as if they Guarded these Doors: along the two sides of these Buildings, there is a little Walk about a Fathom and a half broad, that runs betwixt the Building and a Wall; at the end of this last, (which is so ruinous,) you find a double Staircase cut in the Rock, but it is almost hid under the ruins, as well as the Wall betwixt the two, which supports the Earth, and is full of Demi-reliefs, whereof there is no more but the Heads to be seen.  
A little beyond that there is square Terrace, not much raised from the Ground, 
A square Terrace.  and supported by a Wall which is also embellished by several Figures in Demi-relief, that are half covered under Ground; and in this place there remain many round Bases: beyond that Terrace that butts upon a large open places (which reaches length from West to East, as far as the Hill, and fronts towards the South,) there is no more now remaining; one comes down from thence by a pair of Stairs, which turning to the Left, you find at the side of the Terrace, and are made in the Rock itself, that in this place supports the Earth.  
Returning back again to the square Building I mentioned, which is upon that Terrace, where there are twelve ranges of Pillars of nine a piece; and from thence walking straight East, when you have gone about an hundred paces, you find another Building of the same dimensions, standing directly opposite to that you came from; and at the end of this Building, you find a second. 
A Building.  The Figures in Demi-relief which are upon the sides of the Doors of these, and of the same bigness with the Figures on the other Doors, are not the same as to what they represent. Here you have a Man sitting in a Chair, with a Batton in his Hand, and under his Feet three ranges of little Arches, made by Figures of a Foot height, laying their Arms upon one another's Shoulders; over his Head there is an Idol, that represents a Man with Wings, his body through a ring, and sitting upon an Arch; behind the Chair of the Man that sits, there is a servant holding a kind of Chalice.  

Two Buildings.  Next to these Buildings, you find two others, and their Doors adorned with Figures much like to those I have already described. On some are Men holding Pikes; on others you shall see an old Man with a servant coming after him, and carrying a kind of Umbrello over his Head: in fine, there are Fights represented on some of them.  

Another Terrace.  When you come out of these Buildings, you find a Terrace directly opposite to to that which I have mentioned, which puts a period to the first rank of Buildings, and is of the same contrivance; there also are to be seen several round Bases, it butts upon the same open place, that is at the Foot of the other, and into which, (I told you,) one may go down by a pair of Stairs cut out of the Rock, that is betwixt these two Terraces.  
You must then go back again by all these Buildings, till you come to the first of this second rank, out of which you come on the East side, in the same manner as you did when you came from the first Buildings to these: and you come to other Buildings, 
Two Buildings.  where you see on the Jams of the Doors Figures in Demi-relief, much like to those you saw in the former: (that is to say,) on some, Men with Pikes, and on others, Combats represented in very great Figures; on several of them also, there is a Man sitting in a Chair, but the Figures about, somewhat different from those of the other Buildings; for these (in some places,) have several persons before and behind, that look towards the Man; and of those who are behind him, one holds a Crosier over his Head. Over all there is a winged Idol, such as I have described; under the Feet of it there are five Ranges of Figures two Foot high, which make so many ranks of little Arches, by laying their Arms upon one another's Shoulders. In one of the Fronts of one of these last Buildings, there is but one person behind the Man that is sitting, who holds a Crosier over his Head; 
Three Buildings.  the winged Idol is the same, but hath only three ranges of little Arches under its Feet.  
In fine, after you have considered all these different Fabrics, or (to say more properly,) all these ruins, you are to go straight to the Hill, which fronts to the West, and there you see a kind of Frontispiece of a Temple, cut in the Rock, and two stories high, of which the lowermost hath five Fathom in Front, and about two in height; this is the order of it. There are four Pillars that reach from the Ground to the top of this first Frontispiece, their Capitals on each side, being the Bust, 
The Frontispiece of a Temple.  (that is to say,) the Head and Neck of an Ox. In the middle of these Pillars, (to wit,) betwixt the second and third, there is an Oblong square Door, about a Fathom high, and three Foot wide, though it opens not so high, by a third part, because the rest of the opening is only a counterfeit upon the Rock: these Pillars support an Architrave resembling much the Doric Order, and at several distances there are Lions all along it. Over this first part of the Frontispiece, there is a second, 
The second Frontispiece.  a Fathom and a half high, and of the same breadth, but of pretty odd Architecture; for below, there are two stories of Arches, made up of the Figures of Men, about two Foot high a piece, holding their Arms upon one another's Shoulders: in the middle above, there is the Idol of a winged Man, in the posture that we have already represented; upon five steps on the Right Hand, there is another Man Praying to him; and on the Left there is a Pedestal, on which nothing is to be seen, but a Globe on the top; at the two extremities there is a piece of a round very smooth Pillar, which carries the Head of a Bull; and lower on each side of that second range, there are two Men one above another, the lowermost resting on the first rank, and each of them holding a Pike. There is no going in at the Door below, because it is always full of water, but a little farther towards the South, there is alike Frontispiece with just such another Door, into which one may enter; and there you see three Sepulchers cut in the Rock, which are square, and have a pretty near resemblance to the Basins of a Fountain; 
Sepulchers in the Rock.  and in the middle of this Cave there is a stone that seems to be a Grave-stone.  
About thirty steps from thence, you see a kind of a smooth Table, two Foot high from the Ground, upon the Rock that looks to the South, and reaches from East to West, but there is nothing upon it; though it seems there have been some Figures struck off with a Hammer or Chisel: on the farther side of that broad Table, there is another with Demi-reliefs, 
Bas-reliefs.  half buried under the Ground that is gathered about it; it is three Fathom long, and seems to be half as high: there you see three Gigantic Figures; the first seems to be a Woman with a Necklace of large Pearls, and her Hair wound up in form of a long Perewinckle; on her Head she hath a Crown, and over it, I cannot tell, whether it be her Hair, or the ends of Feathers: she pulls towards her a Ring, which on the other side draws towards it a Figure that appears to be of a Man, though it hath a Necklace of Pearls; he hath a very high Cap, and round at the top, shaped below like a Crown, and long Curled Hair: behind him there is another Man, with a thing like a Mitre on his Head; and some other ruinous Figures.  
Fifty paces from thence there is a Frontispiece like the former, but neither it, nor those that follow are above a Fathom from the Ground, which in this place is much raised with the time: under this Frontispiece, there is Table of Bas-reliefs, reaching down to the Ground, whereon Men are represented Fight on Horseback, but it is somewhat defaced: Two steps from thence there is another Table of Bas-reliefs, two Foot from the Ground, about a Fathom and a half high, and three Fathom broad; where you see a Gigantic Horseman Armed Capapie, having a Crown on his Head, with a Globe upon it: his Left Hand is upon the Handle of his Sword, and with the Right he lifts up a Woman, whom he holds by the Arm, near to whom there is a Man kneeling, and in supplicant manner streatching forth his Hands. The people of the Country say that this Horseman is Rustan, who would carry away his own Daughter, and that his Son, the Maid's Brother, beseeches him to let her alone. Behind the Horseman there is another great Figure standing upright, but much defaced; it hath a long Cap round at the top: this Figure is all over full of Inscriptions which seem to be Greek, but so worn out that it cannot be Read: four steps from thence there is another Frontispiece, like the other two, at the bottom whereof there is a Bas-relief, but all defaced. Twenty paces from thence there is a fourth Frontispiece more of the same likeness, with a Bas-relief underneath, representing men a fight, but it is a little ruinated.  
Opposite to this place at a few paces distance from the Hill, there is a square Building, 
A square Building.  in fashion of a Tower, three Fathom broad, and four high, with a Terrace over; on the top there is a kind of Architrave of the Doric Order, all of a white shining stone like Marble, though it be not. all the stones are three Foot high, or thereabouts, and three Fathom long, so that there is but one in each Lay of the front. The Gate of this Building looks to the Hill, and is three Fathom high, and one Fathom wide; it is above half filled up with large stones that have been put into it. In the Lintel of the Gate, there are two great round holes, into which went the ends of the shutting Gates that served for Hinges. On each of the other three faces, there are six inches, and two other square ones over them, but less; they are all of greyish and black stone, and sixty paces from thence, there is a round piece of Bas-relief.  

An Altar.  An hundred paces more forward, there is a kind of a round Altar cut in the Rock, two Fathom from the Ground, at the bottom of which there is a Man with a Head-piece on his Head; his two Hands rest upon his Sword, which stands before him with the point downwards; he is accompanied with five Men on his Right Hand, and four on his Left; all with Headpieces on their Heads; but of these five, there is no more to be seen but the Bust, all the rest from the Feet up to the Breast, being, as it were, behind a stone or Parapet, which is on each side; none but he in the middle is seen all over: all of them have their Hair and Beards made up in Tresses: 
Bas-relief.  six paces from thence, there is a piece in Bas-relief a Fathom from the Ground, one Fathom and a half high, and four Fathom broad, representing two Gigantic Horsemen facing one another, so that their Horses Heads touch; one of the Horsemen hath a long Cap round at the top with a brim four Fingers broad; in his Left Hand he holds a great Truncheon in manner of a Sceptre, and with his Right the pulls a Ring, which the other pulls also with his Right Hand, and hath a Globe on his Head; if we may believe the people of the Country, these two Horsemen are Rustan Sal, and Rustan Colades: behind this latter there is a great Figure of a Man, or Woman somewhat defaced, streatching forth the Hand, to hinder, as it were, the Globe which is on his Head from falling: to the side of each Horse there is a Vessel for holding of water fastened with Chains, and shaped like a Pineapple, after the manner of the Levantines, who carry always a Mataras full of water.  

A Pillar upon a Rock.  Some paces from thence, upon a rising Rock, there is a Pillar four Foot high; a little farther, likewise upon a rising Rock, there are two Pedestals by one another; and besides there are other Pillars scattered up and down here and there. The people of the Country believe that all these things have been made by Dgius or Spirits, 
Dgius or Spirits.  whom (as they say,) Solomon who had power over them, commanded to Build them. The truth is, whoever were the Workmen, they have been Artists, for they are well done and of curious design. The good people say more, that in the Chamber of the first Frontispiece, there is a Treasure, but that one cannot come at it, because one must go over a Wheel of stone that is in the Chamber, and that a Man having once attempted it, the Wheel turned and crushed him to pieces; they may say what they please as to that, because to get up to it there is need of such long Ladders, that few would be at the pains to attempt it. They say also, that on another neighbouring Hill beyond this, there was a Gate of a City which they call the City of Solomon: another at that Pillar I mentioned, 
The Town of Solomon.  which is to be seen on the Right Hand as you come from Mirchas-Chan; and a third on the other side of Tschehel-minar: if so, that Town must have had above eight Agatsch in Circumference. As for Tschehel-minar, many are of Opinion that it was the Palace of the Kings of Persia, who held their usual Residence in Persepolis, which Alexander the Great, (being Drunk,) Burnt at the instigation of a Miss; but besides that this place is too little for the compass of a Palace, that might answer the magnificence of the Kings of Persia in those days, the Tombs that are in the Hill show the contrary; moreover since these places seem never to have been covered, I had rather think, that it hath been some Temple, and that is probable enough, because of the Pillars on which were Idols; and all know that the Temples of the Ancient Persians were uncovered. These Buildings have been spoiled, not only by the weather, but also by Men, especially by a Governor of Schiras, whom covetousness prompted to make great havoc of them, because he was obliged to defray the charges of all whom Curiosity brought thither to see them; which was like to have cost him his Head, the King having been extremely displeased at so unworthy an action.  
At Nakschi Rustan, and Tschehel-minar, there are Birds as big as Blackbirds, which have the Beak of the same bigness and length, but both it and the rest of their body is of a Flesh-colour; so that one would think at first fight that these Birds had no Feathers, unless on the Head, Wings and Tail, which are black; they are always to be seen about the many holes that are amongst the ruins: they are to be seen sometimes also at Schiras, but that is only in the time of Mulberries, of which, (at least of the white,) they are very greedy: these Birds in bulk and shape are much like Starlings.   

CHAP. VIII. The Road to Bender-Rik.  
I Bargained with a Muletor at Schiras, to go to Bender-Rik at the rate of a Toman for five Mules (for that Road is not proper for Horses) which comes to ten Abassis apiece for the Mules; 
Departure from Schiras to Bender-Rik.  and he obliged himself to carry us to Bender-Rik in seven days. I went in the Company of the Reverend Father Denys a Polander, Provincial of the barefooted Carmelites, who had two with him, and I my servant. We parted from Schiras, Monday the eight and twentieth of September, a little after midnight; and went out of the Town by the West Gate, which is called the Gate of Bassora, because that is the way to it, though there be neither Gate nor Walls at the place. We took our way straight West, Travelling in a Plain more fruitful in Bushes than any thing else: about three a Clock in the Morning, we passed by a little wretched Kervanseray, where there are Rahdars, who demanded Toll of us; but we answered that we were Franks, and had an Order from the King not to pay any thing, only we made them a Present of five Casbeghiss. This Kervanseray is two Parasanges from Schiras, and is called Tschenar Rahdar, that is to say the Rahdars Maple, though there be no Maple-Trees there. Near to it there is a new built Bridge of three Arches, (as I take it,) under which runs a little water, but which in the Wintertime must be impetuous; for near to that Bridge I saw the ruins of another, which in all appearance hath been beat down by the water. This water is called Abtschenar-Rahdar. We passed over that Bridge, 
Abtschenar-Rahdar.  and half an hour after, crossed another new one also of two Arches, over the same River; near to which are also the ruins of another Bridge. These Bridges are called Poul-Hhadgikol, that is to say the Bridge of Hhadgikol, which perhaps, 
Poul-Hhadgikol.  was the name of him that built them. A quarter of an hour after, we passed by the ruins of a Kervanseray, that had been very spacious, and seated upon the side of the same River, which in appearance beat it down also, though it stood upon a pretty high Bank, the Channel of the River being very deep at that place. A quarter of an hour after, we forded over that River, and began to ascend in a way that was pretty good, except in some passes. About half an hour after five we crossed a little Canal. About six a Clock we were got into a Plain all full of Heath, as the Hills about were; and had very good way. Half an hour after nine, we came to lovely running streams, 
The River of Preskiaft.  that come from a River called Preskiaft which waters the Country thereabout. About ten of the Clock we met with two ways, the one pretty narrow on a very steep Hill, which has the same River running by the foot of it, that is very deep there, and if the Mules made a false step in this way, (which is high above the River,) they would not fail to fall into it, and be in danger either of breaking their Necks or drowning. The other way is on the other side of the River, which may be crossed in several places, where the water is shallow; this was the way I took, because it pleased my Mule so to do, to whom I freely gave the Reins, being persuaded that it was better acquainted with the Road than I was; one of our Company who followed the other way, had almost tumbled into the River, Mule and all together: perhaps the way that I took is covered with water in Winter, and so there is a necessity of going the Hill way. About half an hour after ten we came to a wretched Kervanseray, which is no more but some sorry Vaults, all black with Soot and full of Horse and Pullet's dung; however, we had shelter there. There are some Rahdars that live in that place, to whom we gave a few Casbeghiss, The River of Preskiaft runs in a bottom at the back of this Kervanseray, where there are four Arches remaining of a Bridge that has been in that place, which are mightily decayed; the water runs not under these Arches, but at the side of them, where the ruins of the rest of the Bridge may still be seen, which seems to have been of eight Arches. The River is not very deep at that place; but very broad, and one may see that in Winter it swells very high, and overflows a great part of the Country about, 
Hadgi-Zenon.  This Kervanseray is named Hadgi-Zenon, and is eight Parasanges or Agatsch from Schiras.—  
We parted from Hadgi-Zenon, Tuesday the nine and twentieth of September, at two a Clock in the Morning, and continued our way Westward. We had not gone an hundred paces when we passed over a new Bridge of four Arches, under which runs the River Preskat: afterwards we found a great many lovely waters that fall down from the Hill, and I believe that in the Wintertime they overflow all the Land thereabouts which is very barren and stony, bearing nothing but Heath, wild Chess-Nuts, and such like Trees. Half an hour after three, we came to a Hill called Estou Asbi; 
Estou-Asbi.  and having a good way to go up, an hour after, we came to the top of it, where there is a Lodge for Rahdars, whom we satisfied with a Present of a few Cosbeghiss: then we had a little down Hill, till about six a Clock we came into a large Plain, full of water in the middle, that makes a Marish, which made us fetch a compass about for the space of two hours and above, to gain a very high Mountain (called Andgira, 
Mount Andgira. ) covered with Turpentine and other wild Trees; about a quarter after eight we were got there, and having passed by a Kervanseray, 
Chadgeghi.  (called Chadgeghi,) at the foot of it, we mounted up a very stony way for the space of a long hour; and then went down on the other side, till about eleven a Clock, when (finding good water,) we rested at half way down the Hill, under a Tree; there being no Lodging, but a kind of Cottage, where commonly lives a man that sell Victuals, and who was not there at that time: it is six Parasanges from Hadgi-Zenon to this Menzil, for so they call a Lodging place in those Quarters.  
We parted from thence on Wednesday the last of September, about two of the Clock in the Morning, and having kept going down Hill still about an hours time; we then Traveled on two hours Westward in a great Plain; where there are a great many Oaks, and other wild Trees, which made the way, (that was of itself good,) very pleasant: 
Destberm.  Half an hour after five we came to a Lodge of Rahdars, which is at the end of the Plain, and is called Destberm: commonly they make it a Menzil or days Journey from Chadgegih to Destberm, because of the trouble of climbing over the Mountain, which extremely tires the Mules. There being no water in that place, but what is taken out of a beastly open Cistern, we gave the Rahdars some Casbeghiss, and so went on. A quarter of an hour after, we found a Sepulchre, in form of a square Chapel, covered with a Dome, and pretty near it two Cisterns. We went downwards afterwards, 
Chotal Ouscheneck.  by a very rugged descent called Chotal Ouscheneck; in former times it was more rugged, and I believe that neither Men nor Beasts could pass it; but the Mother of Imam-Couli-Chan, Governor of Schiras, called Voli Naamet, caused the passage to be made as now it is. The Rock in many places is cut in the fashion of steps, in other places it is Paved, and all over (where the way is so narrow, that Beasts making a false step were in danger of tumbling into a Precipice,) there is a Parapet made of stone about a Foot and a half high, and a Foot thick, so that now it is passable, though a great way of it one must alight and lead; being come to the bottom of that descent, for near three quarters of an hour we had very stony way; and then came to a lovely Spring of water, which spreads so over the Country, that with its waters it covers a very large Plain; it is called Abghine. We saw that water the day before, 
Abghine.  from Mount Andgira though there be a great Hill betwixt them. We passed it at a narrow place upon a Bridge of two Arches, which is all ruinous, and is called Poul-Abghine. 
Poul-Abghine.  Having Traveled on two hours and a half more, over a barren Plain, about half an hour after ten, we came to Karzerum, six Parasanges and a half from the last Stage. 
Karzerum.  Karzerum is a Town of many Houses, but all so miserable, that in our Country the greatest Compliment that could be put upon it, would be to call it Bourg or Village, because it has a Marketplace; it depends on the Vizir of Schiras, and is Commanded by a Kelonter; there are two or three good Kervanserays it it; and the water they drink there, is brought above half a League from the Town, but both in it and the Kervanserays there is water good enough for Beasts and the Kitchin. Here they would have seized our Mules to carry Provisions for the King to Ispahan, but the Reverend Father Provincial, going to wait upon the Kelonter to represent to him that we were Franks; so soon as the Kelonter saw him, he ordered that our Mules should not be taken, because we were strangers. They have a great many Grapes and Melons here, and make Wine that may be made use of.  
We parted from Karzerum, Friday the second of October at two of the Clock in the Morning, and Traveled on still Westwards in very good way. Half an hour after four we passed by a sorry Village called Dris, 
Dris.  where they have no water to drink, but what is taken out of a little Lake. About six a Clock we passed by a little River that runs in a bottom, and there is a way along the side of it; we took not that way, but leaving both it and the River, struck off to the Left Hand by a very stony way; about seven a Clock we began to go up Hill in bad way, and a quarter of an hour after, found a Lodge of Rahdars, to whom we made a Present of some Casbeghiss, and kept on mounting upwards, till about eight a Clock; and then having descended a little, we came into a very even Plain, but which produces nothing, though there be not one stone in it. Having Traveled therein an hour, we passed by a Village called Kangh Turkon, 
Kangh Turkon. Kamaredge.  and still kept on in the same Plain, till we came to a Village called Kamaredge, at the farther end of it. This Village is six Parasanges from Karzerum: we arrived there half an hour after nine, and Lodged in a House, that was lent us, for some small Gratuity; the water we drank there is taken out of a Well close by.  
We parted from that Village Saturday the third of October, half an hour after three a Clock in the Morning. A little after, we passed by a Kervanseray, called Kervanseray Khodgia Belfet; it is not opened but in the Wintertime, 
Khodgia Belfet.  when it Rains or Snows, the rest of the Year it is shut, and no body Lodges in it. We continued going Westward, but the way was very bad: about four a Clock, the way was so narrow, that only one Mule could pass at a time; it lies betwixt two Hills that are very near one another, but it is not above an hundred paces long: immediately after we entered into another narrow pass among the Hills, where the way is no broader, and we went down Hill in very bad way, until three quarters of an hour after four: there we found a Caravan of several Mules and Camels, which were coming from Bender Rik, and we met with several others afterward every day. Then we went up Hill for about a quarter of an hour, and afterwards went down Hill again till six of the Clock, in very irksome way, and amongst dreadful Precipices, being steep black Rocks, where one is often forced to alight for fear of tumbling headlong. After that we had good way, but still amongst Hills until half an hour after six, that we found a great broad and deep River, 
Roudchone Bouschavir.  called Roudchone Bouschavir, the water of which tastes a little sweetish; the source of it is near the Town called Scheleston, 
Scheleston.  which is a days Journey from Karzerum Northwards, and it loses itself in the Sea towards Bender-Rik: we Coasted along it, at first in a Plain for the space of an hour, and after that mounting during a quarter of an hour, we continued our Journey by a flat way for another quarter, and then lost fight of the River for the space of half an hour, going up Hill all the while, until about half an hour after nine, we joined it again, and Traveled on along the sides of it an hour and a half in very good way. There are many Villages thereabouts, and much Cultivated Land, some of which bears Tobacco; I also saw in several places that fatal Shrub Kerzebreh. About ten a Clock we Forded over a large Brook that falls into the River of Bouschavir. 
Bouschavir. Sirt.  This may very well be the River which Sanson marks in his Map, by the name of Sirt: we Forded it again a quarter of an hour after, and then five times an end; so that in less than half an hours time we crossed it six times; having the water always up to the Mules Belly, for five or six, and in some places more than seven Fathom in breadth: it is so broad and deep in Winter, that it can no ways be Forded over; and then they must go by a very narrow way cut out in the Hill on the Left Hand, which is very dangerous; for if the Mule make one false step, it is lost for good and all. About three quarters after ten, we began to go up Hill in very bad way, and that during an hour and a quarter; we sometimes also went down Hill, but not much, and always in very bad way, having the River on our Right Hand: certainly I never saw worse way than what we had during that whole day. At Noon we arrived at a Kervanseray, called Kervanseray Narghisi, 
Narghisi.  which stands on the top of the Hill: it is seven Parasanges from Kameredge; and was so full of people that came from Bender Rik, that hardly could we have shelter; you find nothing to eat there, because it hath no Dukondar: the River runs by the foot of the Hill on which it stands.  
We parted from thence Sunday the fourth of October, half an hour after one in the Morning; and Traveled on Westward in bad enough way. Three quarters after two we went down a very rugged way, but the worst is at first, the rest being pretty good, but that it is narrow, and upon the edge of an exceeding deep Precipice, so that the Mules are in the same danger as in those we passed, which made us alight and lead down that descent: we got down about half an hour past three, and a little after came into a very even Plain, and all Sowed Land: we Traveled on there Southward, until seven a Clock, when to the Right Hand we again found the River of Bouschavir which we Forded over; and stopped on the other side of the water. There is no Habitation there, and yet the place has a name, being called Sefid Rou; 
Sefid Rou.  it is four long Agatsch from Kervanseray Narghisi.  
We parted from thence Monday the fifth of October, half an hour after four a Clock in the Morning, and holding straight West we Traveled in a Plain; until eight a Clock, that we arrived at a pitiful Kervanseray, which consists in three nasty Chambers, and all black with Soot; it is called Tschah-Ghonbez, (that is to say,) the Well of the Vault; the water that is drank there is drawn out of a Well hard by. some hundred of paces distant there is a Village called Dehkone, (that is to say Old Village,) which is distant from Sefid-Rou three Agatsch, and Sefid-Rou is not properly a Menzil, 
Tschah-Ghonbez.  but commonly they come from Kervanseray Narghisi to Tschah-Ghonbez in a day; our Muletor made us make two of it, that he might keep Company with his Brother, who was at Sefid-Rou, and Traveled but small Journeys.  
We parted from Tschah-Ghonbez, Tuesday the sixth of October, at one a Clock in the Morning, and continued our way over a very even Plain, due West. About half an hour after six, we Forded over a Salt water, that was but shallow: from that we had all along a Plain covered with Sand to Bender Regh, where we arrived about half an hour after nine; it is seven Agatsch from Tschah-Ghonbez.  

Bender-Regh.  The Bender Regh, (that is to say sandy Port or Harbour,) is a little Town built along the Seaside, at a place where it runs into a long narrow Channel, that turns and winds, but is not deep. Most of the Houses of this Town are made of Mats laid upon a Trellis or Lettuce of Poles interlaced, nay the Walls that encompass the Houses are of no better stuff; so that there is neither Iron nor Mason's work in them. There are some however made of Brick baked in the Sun, Cemented with mortar made of Clay and Straw. Most of the Inhabitants of that place are Arabs, and all speak both Arabic and Persian; the Governor is an Arab, and depends on the Governor of Schiras. The Soil about it is all Sand, and the water they drink is fetched from a Well a good Agatsch from the Town; nevertheless there is a great deal of Corn from the neighbouring Villages loaded at this Port, to be Transported to the Isle of Bahrem, and Bassora, from whence they bring them Dates.  
The Seaports of Persia are, Benderabassi; Berder-Congo, 
Seaports. Benderabassi. Bender-Congo. Bender-Rischer. Bender-Regh. Bender-Delem.  three days Sailing from Benderabassi; Bender-Rischer, ten days Sailing from Bender-Congo. Then the Mouth of the River of Boschavir, below which is Bender-Regh or Bender-Rik, a days Sailing from Bender-Rischer, and three days Journey by Land; beyond that is Bender-Delem, a days Sailing, and two day Journey by Land from Bender-Rik.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Voyage from Bender-Rik to Bassora.  
THE day we arrived at Bender-Rik a Bark put out from thence in the Morning for Bassora, and the same day two Barks came from Bassora, 
Letters from the Bassa of Bassora.  which brought Letters to the Governor from the Bassa of that place; wherein he prayed him to send him twelve Barks to fit out with Soldiers, for his defence against seven Bassa's, who by orders from the Grand Signior were preparing to attack him, because he had not obeyed some Orders from the Port. This was very unpleasant News to us, nevertheless being resolved to go to Bassora whatever might happen; we agreed with the Patron of a Bark to pay him fifteen Abassis for the passage of the Reverend Father Provincial, myself and three servants: but I must first describe the fashion of these Barks.  
They are great Boats built much like the Germes of Egypt, which have no Deck, 
Barks of Bender-Regh.  and are round in the inside: the Bark we went on Board of, was above six Fathom long, two Fathom broad, and no less in depth: there were two little Decks in the Stern, which made two small Cabins, one over another; he that stood by the Helm was placed on the second; the other which was the lower, was no more but a Hurdle of Palmtree Branches laid upon sticks that went cross-ways; and there was a Deck also in the Stem or Head: the stern was higher than the Head, but was made sharp as well as it; the Mast was high and big, the Yard uniform, with a great Sail, and on each side there were four Oars, (that is to say so many Poles,) with a board a Foot and a half long, and half a Foot broad, fastened with three Ropes to the end of each of them; but it is chief to be observed, that there is not a bit of Iron in these Barks; the truth is, 
They have not a bit of Iron.  ours had an Anchor of Iron, but it was a thing extraordinary, because commonly they are only of Wood The Planks of the Barks are fastened together by small Cords, that go through holes made in them; and that they may hold sure, and the Cords keep straight, they drive little pegs of Wood into the holes, which press the little Cords very hard: besides they put in the inside at the joining of the Planks a twist or double of these small Lines about three Fingers thick, which is fastened to the two Planks by other little Lines; and of these there is one at each seam or joining of the Planks, from the upper side of the Bark down to the Keel; and over and above that, there is a Girdle also on the inside which goes all round her: all these Cords are made of Palmtree, and that they may not be damaged by the water, nor the Bark leak, they cover all over with Pitch. In short, 
They have no Sea-Compass.  a Compass would be of great use to one of these Barks, but they use none, for they commonly keep within fight of Land, and in the nighttime are guided by the Stars. Nevertheless the Seamen of our Bark told me, that she had cost twenty Tomans, which is not to be thought strange, seeing Timber is dear at Bender-Rik and Bassora. They also told me that the usual burden of such a Bark was four hundred Bales of Dates; each Bale being commonly twelve Mans of Tauris; so that these Barks carry, according to that account four thousand eight hundred common Man's of Persia, which make twenty eight thousand eight hundred weight.  
Thursday the eighth of October they gave us notice to go on board; and we went on Foot along the waterside to our Bark which was half a Farsakh distant, that is to say about half a French League; 
Farsakh.  for Farsakh, Farfange, and Parasange signify one and the same thing, and we went on board at Noon: seeing she was empty, as being sent only to bring Dates from Bassora, we had room enough; though I believe Passengers are much straightened in these Barks when they are loaded, for they must lie upon the Goods as high as the side of the Bark. We had eight Seamen on board, besides the Master, and we put off as soon as we were on board, by the help of two of the Company, who wading up to the Belly in the water Towed us, whilst the rest Rowed: three hours after we stopped near the shore on our Right Hand, to take in Sand for Ballast; they took in fifty Couffes or Basketfulls on Head, and as much a Stern; and then raised their Mast and fitted all their Tackle, by the time they had put all in order, it was six of the Clock at Night, and then we set Sail with an Easterly Wind; and standing away South-West, we presently got out of that long Channel, the mouth of it bearing South-West; and keeping on the same course, we lost sight of Land on the Starboard side; but saw Land to the Larboard, as long as we had daylight: all night long we bore away sometimes South-West, sometimes North-West, beating too and again with the same Wind, but so small that it was almost a Calm.  
Friday the ninth of October at break of day, we saw the Land near to us on the Right Hand, and we were becalmed till about ten a Clock in the Morning, when we had an easy South-West Gale, with which we stood off a little from the shore, bearing away North-West: we made so good way with this Gale, that at one of the Clock after Noon, 
Bender-Delem.  we were off and on with Bender-Delem; and about six a Clock in the Evening we weathered a little point of Land, which (they say) is half way from Bender-Rik to Bassora, but about half an hour afrer seven, the Wind all of a sudden shifted about to the North-West; and therefore we Furled our Sail and came to an Anchor. We were a little tossed during the whole night.  
Next day being Saturday the tenth of October, half an hour after six in the Morning, we weighed Anchor, and made Sail, though the Wind was still at North-West, and we stood away South-West. About eight a Clock perceiving the Sea to be all over white, I asked the reason of it, and our Seamen told me it was because the water was shallow; and indeed, we had no more but five foot water, though we were at a pretty good distance from Land: but some time after when I found that they had four Fathom water, and that the water was still white, I asked them again the reason of it, and they could tell me no other, but that it was always so in that place. The North-West Wind blowing still, they cast Anchor; for it was contrary to us, because in that place the Land bears Northward, and then turns again towards Bassora, making a kind of Semicircular Bay. From the place where we were at Anchor we made Land, but so obscurely that it appeared only to be Clouds. After much enquiry and many questions, I got it out of our Patron at length, that we were off and on with the mouth of a River, which, (as he said,) was called Endian, 
Endian.  and runs by a Village of the same name; where there are many Houses but not contiguous, there being twenty in one place, thirty in another, and all upon the Banks of the River: that from Bender-Delem to the Village of Endian, it is three days Journey; that the Village of Endian depends on the Governor of Schiras, and that it is five or six hours Travelling from the Sea, being near the River Endian, which is half as broad as the Tigris at Bassora. This was all I could get out of that Man, and that was not a little; for it required time to pump so much from him: whence one may judge how difficult a thing it is to get an exact knowledge of these Countries, and it is not to be thought strange that the ways we have of them are full of errors, most of them being made, upon the relation of people who not understanding the Language, can hardly inform themselves of the people of the Country, otherwise than by signs, and some words which here and there, they understand, and so are apt to take one thing for another. Half an hour after seven at night we weighed Anchor, and kept upon Tacks, sometimes South-West, sometimes North-East; but the Wind blowing fresh about midnight, we furled Sail, and came to Anchor in six Fathom and a half water. We were extremely tossed all night long, and I wondered that the Bark sprang not a Leak, being so beaten by the waves.  
Next day being Sunday the eleventh of October, we weighed about seven a Clock, and kept beating upon a Wind from South-West, to North-East, until Noon, that we had calm weather: at length, about half an hour after two, we had a breeze from South-West; which made us weigh Anchor in good earnest, and stand away North West. It is to be observed that in all that Voyage we had not above two, three, four, or six Fathom water at most, though we were so far out at Sea, that we could not discover the Land but like Clouds. About six a Clock at night we were becalmed, and came to an Anchor. About midnight we had a fresh Gale from North-West.  
Monday Morning the twelfth of October, the Wind slackened very much, but changed not; and therefore we weighed Anchor at half an hour after eight; and standing away South-West, we were soon after becalmed. Towards Noon we Rowed a little, and half an hour after, had a breeze from South-West, with which we bore away North-West till three in the Afternoon, when we entered into the River Charon, that comes from the Hills, above the Town Souster, 
Charon. Souster. Khusistan. Susa. Ahasuerus. Coaspes. Choasp. Tiripari. Zeimare.  which is the Capital Town of Khusistan, and was in ancient times the Town of Susa where Ahasuerus held his Court. This River of Charon, must be the Coaspes of the Ancients; nay they assured me, that there is still at present near to the Town of Souster, a Hill called Choasp, where the River of Charon, which Sanson calls Tiripari, Tiritiri, and Zeimare hath its source, but what reason he has for these names, I cannot tell, since no body could give me any account of them, though I have enquired of many, who all told me, they knew of no such thing. On the Right Hand to the West, there is an Isle called Dorghestan; and on the Left, or towards the East, 
Dorghestan. Gheban.  is the Island of Gheban, the point whereof is called Movele and Gheban, because all that Country is called Gheban; and is the limits of the Kingdom of Bassora on that side. In that place to the Left Hand, there is a piece of of Palm-Tree-Wood fixed in the Ground, to serve for a signal when it his high water, not to go beyond it, and they call that signal Dgioudoh. The Land here on both sides depends on the Bassa of Bassora.  
The usual way to Bassora is by Sea, to the mouth of Schat-el-Aarab, 
The way to Bassora.  which they enter and go by water to Bassora; but we put in to the River, because our Seamen, (who had nothing to do at Bassora,) being only come to take in Dates, imposed upon us, telling us that we must go to Gheban, to take in fresh water and wood, which we wanted, and that it was also the shortest cut to Bassora; but that great Barks went not that way, because it was not deep enough, which we too easily believed. So soon as we were got into the River, we came to Anchor in a Fathom water. At low water the River at that place is but very little salt, and a little higher it is fresh even when it is Flood. Being Flood about midnight, our men fell to their Oars, but Rowed not above an hour, and then came to an Anchor. The Country about seems to be very good Land, it is low, even and green on all Hands, and we saw many Cows there feeding in the Meadows, which look much like the Meadows of Holland.  
Tuesday the thirteenth of October, about ten a Clock in the Morning, our Seamen went a shore, and Towed us up till one of the Clock, when being over against a Village, where there are a great many Palm-Trees, we hoist Sail with a North-West Wind that lasted not long, and so came to an Anchor again. Our men went a shore, to hear News, (as they said,) of Bassora, and coming back in the Evening told us, that all things were in confusion at Bassora; that the Bassa was marched with his whole Army towards Bagdad, and that all Barks were taken up for Transporting of Soldiers, and that therefore they durst go no farther; but were resolved to return empty to Bender-Rik. This was all false, 
A cheat of the Seamen.  and the truth was, they had no mind to go any farther, designing to take in their Cargoe at the place we were at, where there is plenty of Dates; and that was the reason they had brought us that way.  
Nevertheless we must pretend to believe all the Knaves told us, and try to find another Bark, to carry us to Bassora. We sent then a servant next day to look for one, and he brought us a small thing, wherein the men promised in four and twenty hours to carry us to the Town, for six Abassis which we gave them. These Barks are flat bottomed, about a Fathom high, one and a half broad, and about five Fathom long. The Stern is very low, but the Head is as high again, and draws into a sharp point as the Gondolos of Venice. 
Barks on the River of Charon.  These Barks are not Caulked, but only Pitched over on the outside, which they do in the manner following. When they are to Pitch a Daneg (for so they call that sort of Bark in Arabic;) ten or twelve paces from the Daneg; they make a Furnace of Earth, the upper part whereof is made like a Cauldron; into that they put the Pitch, and the fire underneath, and when the Pitch is almost melted, but not altogether liquid, a man comes with a little wet Shovel in his Hand; and another lays some of this Pitch upon it, 
The Pitching of a Daneg.  and then puts water upon the Pitch, which the first carrying to the Daneg, and stirring the Pitch with a piece of Wood to which it does not stick; he that is working at the Daneg, takes the Pitch in his Hand, and dawbs it as one would do Plaster upon the Daneg, and then with a Rowler (which is not altogether round,) he spreads it upon the Vessel, and in that manner Pitches it all over on the outside. These Barks are made very strong, the sides being about a Foot thick, and all the Planks are Nailed with great Nails, such as are driven into Gates in France; they have likewise a Mast of an indifferent bigness: Indeed these Barks make but heavy way, especially in the middle of the water, where they cannot use a Sail, if they have not the Wind in Poop; and nevertheless they load them so deep, that they are not above half a Foot above water.  
We embarked in one of these Boats about half an hour after three in the Afternoon; it was full of a kind of very long green Rushes that have a great point at the end, whereof they make very fine mats. Our Crew consisted of two Seamen and a Master; the two men Towed us on Land till half an hour after six, that we came before a Village to the Left Hand; there we cast Anchor, our Men unloaded all the Rushes, and going afterwards to the Village, we we saw no more of them till next day. This is a great Village, and has a square Castle with eight Towers; to wit one at each corner, and one in the middle of each side; but they are all of Earth, and so thin that a double Musket could batter them all down. This place is called Koutmian, 
Koutmian.  (that is to say Castle Mian,) and they make many Danegs there. The Country of Gheban reaches from thence to the mouth of the River of Charon; and in all that space, the Land on both sides the River is called Gheban: it is very good Soil, and if Cultivated, would produce any thing; but is is neglected through the Laziness of the Inhabitants, who content themselves with their Dates, there being in that Country vast Woods of Palm-Trees.  
We parted from Koutmian Thursday the fifteenth of October, half an hour after eight in the Morning; and at first put over to the other side of the River, where our Men went a shore to Tow us, our course being due North-West. At that place the River grows pretty broad, and I think is as broad as the River of Seine at Paris; and yet is very deep, and makes many Islands. About Eleven a Clock we stopped at a Village to the Left Hand on the water side, from whence we parted at one of the Clock. About half an hour after nine at night, we saw to our Right Hand the end of the Isle Dorghestan, 
Dorghestan. Koutschemal.  which from thence reaches to the Sea. We stopped before a Castle called Koutschemal, which stands on the main Land, near the end of that Island, and on the same Hand. This is a very large Castle, and the Bassa of Bassora has a Palace in it, which (as I was told,) is very beautiful, and (as some say,) he keeps his Treasure there. Over against this Castle, (but a little higher, on the other side of the water.) there is another square Castle, with a Tower at each Angle.  
We parted from that place Friday the sixteenth of October at six of the Clock, and having the Wind at South, we made Sail and stood away North-West. A quarter after eleven, 
Kout-Muethel.  we passed by a square Castle, (called Kout-Muethel,) which was on our Left Hand, and is flanked with eight Towers, one at every corner, and one in the middle of each side; and near to it there is a little Canal. A little farther we saw a Straw-House, where Officers of the Customs live, who did not visit us, but only ordered our Master to carry us to the Custom House of Bassora. Leaving then the River of Charon we entered into a Canal called Haffar, 
Haffar.  which was to our Left Hand, or to the South-West of us; at that place it is not two Fathom over, in other places it is less, but towards the middle is very broad: it hath been made for a Communication betwixt the River of Schat-El-Aarab, and the Charon: there is good Land on each side of that Canal, but it is not Cultivated, and bears only plenty of Date-Trees. The Canal makes many turn, it is very deep, and our Men shoved the Bark forwards with Poles. Three quarters of an hour after Noon, we saw a Canal to the Right Hand, which loses itself in the Fields; and a little after, another to the Left, that runs into the Charon near to Kout-Mnuethel, as I said before; and then our Men went on shore to Tow us. There the Canal of Haffar grows very broad, and at the end is above seven or eight Fathom over. About four a Clock we saw a Canal that spends itself in the Fields. Half an hour after, we passed betwixt two square Castles, each of which have a Tower at every Angle, and one in the middle of each side; they are called Kout-Haffar; 
Kout-Haffar.  because they lie at the end of the Canal Haffar that has its mouth to the South: it is about six French Leagues from thence to Bassora, and about twelve to the Sea. We then entered into the River made up of the Tigris and Euphrates joined into one; the Arabs call it Schat-El- Aarab, that is to say, the River of Aarabs. We turned then to the Right Hand, and stood away North-West, having to our Left the Isle Dgezirak-Chader, 
Dgezirak-Chader.  and seeing we had a breeze of Wind from the South we spread our Sail. Half an hour after five in the Evening, we saw to our Left the end of the Isle called Dgezirak-Chader, which reaches from the Canal by which they go to Bahrem, to the mouth of Schat-El-Aarab; there are Palm-Trees; yet their Soil is not good, but from the Canal of Bahrem, till over against, or a little above the Canal Haffar: for from thence to the Sea, the Land is barren, perhaps because it being very low the Sea overflows it at high water. Next to the Islle Chader we saw on our Left Hand the Canal, by which they go to Port Calif and Bahrem; it runs towards the South, and passes betwixt the Isle Chader and the main Land of Bassora; it is very broad, and has above eight Fathom water; but there are great stones in some places of it. From thence to Bassora the River is above twice and a half as broad as the Seine is at Paris, and yet is very deep all over. Three quarters after six we saw on our Right Hand the beginning of a long Island called Dgezirat-el-bovarin; and a little after, we had on the same hand, the Isle El-Bochasi, 
Dgezirat-el-bovarin. El-Bochasi. El-Fayadi.  and not long after, the Isle El-Fayadi, to the Left Hand. These are all great Islands, full of Palm-Trees, and nevertheless the Channel is every where very deep and broad. The Wind slackened so at this place, that we scarcely made any way at all: however we drew near to the shore on the Left Hand or West side; and about half an hour after eight, our Men took their Oars, and Rowed till three quarters after ten at night, when we stopped close by the shore before a Castle of the Bassa's that seems to be very lovely; it has many Pavilions all made into Windows and Porticos for taking the fresh Air in the Summertime; and indeed, these Castles are only for pleasure, for they could make no great defence.  
We parted from that place Saturday the seventeenth of October, at six a Clock in the Morning: half an hour after, we entered into a Canal to the Left Hand, which runs South-West; we had on our Left Hand a very spacious Castle, pretty entire on the side of the Canal, but all ruinous towards the Seaside. This Canal at high water, is as broad as one half of the Seine, but when the Tide is out, it is but a sorry Brook full of Mud. The Town of Bassora lies on the two sides of this Canal, though along the sides of it, there be nothing to be seen but Gardens, the Houses being backwards. We came along that Canal, till eight a Clock in the Morning, when we arrived at the Customhouse, which is almost at the bottom of it; and having had our Goods viewed, we went to Lodge with the Reverend Fathers the barefooted Carmelites, which is not far distant; at that time there was but one Religious Italian there, 
Arrival at Bassora.  called Father Severin.  
With a good Wind they come often from Bender-Rik to Bassora in a days time, 
From Bender-Rik to Bassora in a day.  though sometimes it makes a Voyage of three weeks. We found no preparations for War at Bassora; only the Bassa of the place finding that the Bassa of Bagdad suffered no Bark to come to Bassora, laid an Embargo also upon all Vessels that were at Bassora loaded with Goods for Bagdad. They had other false News at that time at Bassora, to wit, that the King of Persia was coming to Besiege it, 
False News from Persia.  and some people of Fashion asked me the News at the Custom House; but I put them out of trouble as to that, assuring them that in Persia there was no appearance that the King had any thoughts of making War, which was true enough. They then told me how much they were troubled at the News they had of twenty French Corsairs being at Sea, 
False News of the French raised by the Dutch.  which very much terrified all the Merchants. This report was raised by the Dutch, who purposely broached it, that all the Merchants might put their money on board of Dutch Ships, and not in Mahometan: and this News was the more easily believed, that it was known every where now, that the French were coming to settle a Trade in the Indies; and they were persuaded that all our Vessels were Pirates, 
French Corsairs.  because three Years before, two French Corsairs came to Moca, just about the time that the Vessels put out from the Port of Moca, carrying nothing but money to Surrat, from whence they bring Goods, which is at the end of August. The French took all these Vessels, and went off. If they had had a little more skill in those Seas, they might have done more; for they might have come into the Gulf of Persia about the end of October, and there waited for the Ships of Bassora, at which time they carry a great deal of money for Trafficking in the Indies; and they might easily have made themselves Masters of them, and therein of several millions in ready money, there being none but Indians on Board of all these Vessels, who make no resistance; and that being done, they might as easily have got away; but they did not do it: in short, they left such a terrible consternation on all these Seas; 
Fear of the French.  that to name but the French to them is enough to make them all shake for fear.   

CHAP. X. Of Bassora.  

The situation of Bassora.  BAssora the Capital Town of the Kingdom or Bashaship of that name, lies at the farther end of Arabia the Desert, which is to the West of it, and near Arabia the Happy that lies to the South, two days Journey below the place, where the two Rivers Euphrates and Tigris join, upon the Banks of Schat-El-Aarab, which is no other than Euphrates and Tigris joined into one; it is eighteen Leagues from the Sea, 

The Latitude of Bassora.  
The variation of the Loadstone.  
The distance of Bagdad from Bassora.   and in the thirtieth or one and thirtieth Degree ten Minutes North Latitude. The Needle declines there about thirteen Degrees and a half, from North to West; and from thence to the Indies it always declines about eleven Degrees and a third, some say a half, from North to West. It is two days Journey by Land from Bagdad, and by water they come from Bagdad to Bassora in great Barks, in fifteen or sixteen days time, and most commonly in eighteen; but the Barks that go from Bassora to Bagdad, are commonly fifty, sixty, and sometimes fourscore days in the Voyage, 
The Circuit of Bassora.  because they are only drawn by men. This is a great Town, encompassed with Walls of Earth, that are about six hours march in Circuit, but they contain a great many void spaces, where there are neither Houses nor Gardens. It hath two Gates, 
The Gates of Bassora.  the one called the East Gate, and the other the West, and the Gate of Bagdad, because by it they go out of the Town when they are bound for Bagdad. 
The situation of Bassora advantageous.  This Town, (in my Opinion,) is so advantageously seated, that it might be made one of the richest and most lovely Cities in the World; It would certainly be very pleasant, if it were a little better built, and Gardens made all along the sides of the Canal, that comes from Schat-El-Aarab, and runs through the whole Town. For the Land about, if they would Manure it and Plant Trees therein, I believe it would bear any thing; for the Climate is hot, and the Soil of a greyish colour, which seems to me to be very fertile, being twice a day moistened by the Riverwater which the Tide carries up four days Journey and a half from Bassora, the water rising at the Town a Fathom and a half, but yet not salt, some have told me that the Ground is too salt to bear any thing but Palm-Trees, which thrive much in salt Ground, 
Abundance of Palm-Trees.  and grow in greater numbers in the Country about Bassora, than in any other Country in the World; and to show that it is really salt, they say, that if one dig two Fathom deep in the Earth, they will find salt-water: but perhaps, it is not so in all places. However it be, it is certain that from November forwards, that Country produces a great many Herbs, as Succory, spinach, 
Herbs and Fruits at Bassora.  and other Potherbs; and in several Gardens, there are very good Apricocks, which last all June and July: and in July and August, also many Grapes; as in October, Melons, water-Melons, Pomegranates and Lemons; the truth is, none of these Fruits will keep, because of the Southeast Wind that reigns during that time, and is hot and moist.  
There are pretty enough public places in Bassora, and amongst others, the Meidan, which is before the Bassa's Palace, and is very large; 
The Meidan of Bassora.  there are in it twelve pieces of Cannon or Culverines' mounted on their Carriages near that Palace; and there are also several very fair Bazars in the Town.  
I said that this might be made one of the richest Cities in the World, 
The Port. of Bassora commodious for all Countries.  because of the Commerce that might be settled there, with all parts almost of the Habitable World. Its Port is good and very safe, being twelve Leagues from the Sea in the fresh water of Schat-El-Aarab, and it is so broad and deep, that the greatest Vessels may come to it without danger: all the Goods of Europe might be brought thither by the Mediterranean; because being once come to Aleppo, it would not be difficult to Transport them too by'r which is but four days Journey from Aleppo; and there they might be embarked on the Euphrates, on which they might in ten days time come to Rousvania, from whence there is but a days Journey to Bagdad, where they might embark them on the Tigris, and in fifteen or sixteen days time, they would come to Bassora, nay and with a very little pains and industry the River Euphrates might be made Navigable for great Vessels, only by clearing the Channel in some places, where it is choked up with great stones; and that is the reason they come no higher than Rousvania, which is a Village at a little distance from Euphrates, where the Goods are put a shore, and carried upon Camels to Bagdad, and there embarked on the Tigris: but small Barks can come from by'r to Bassora down the River of Euphrates.  
The Commodities of Persia, may come by the Ports of Comron and Gongo. The Indian Commodities may easily come by the Gulf of Persia; as also those of the Red Sea and Arabia Foelix, embarking them at the Port of Calif which is but only eight days Journey from Bassora: and in that manner an exchange might be made of all Commodities from one Country to another, which would bring infinite Riches to that place; and though it be not so at present, 
Great resort to Bassora.  yet many Vessels repair thither, especially since the destruction of Ormus, where heretofore all the Traffic of these Seas was managed. Since that time many Vessels come to Bassora loaded with Indian Commodities; and the time, or Mouson, (as they call it, 
Mouson. ) when these Ships come, is in the month of July; and there they stay till the end of October; when that is past they cannot get out of the River, because of contrary Winds; and exactly at that time the Mouson for going to the Indies gins, which lasts till the beginning of May.  
When I came to Bassora there were fifteen great Vessels there, belonging partly to the Dutch, and partly to Mahometans, which took in no Goods but Dates, 
What is loaded at Bassora.  and of that Commodity they load so much, that they furnish all the Indies, and make great profit of them, they carry off also some Horses; and which is more a vast deal of ready money for the Indies. During the four months of the Mouson, Bassora is full of strangers, not only those that come by Sea from the Indies, but also such as come from about Bagdad to buy Indian Commodities: and therefore during that time the Houses are dearer, than all the other eight months of the Year, during which there are none there but the people of the Country.  
For three months of the year, to wit, July, August, and September, the heat is almost insupportable in that Town, especially when the Southeast Wind blows; and this Year one thousand six hundred sixty and five in the month of July, there died in Bassora of that Wind called Samiel, (which I have mentioned else where, 
Samiel at Bassora. ) four thousand people, in three week's time. During these heats, all lie upon their Terraces, without any apprehension of the malignity of the Air, that is only bad then, by the excess of heat, which is so uneasy, that they must have water every minute at their Mouths, though that water be unwholesome too; for though it be the same water of Schat-El-Aarab, yet running in that narrow Canal through the Town, it is very thick and full of Dirt; and besides at low water, there is none to be ●ad, nothing remaining but a nasty Brook of Puddle; so that there being a necessity of casting up Banks of Earth in several places to keep in the water in little Ponds, where the water-carriers may have it at all times, and most of the meaner sort of people doing their needs and washing their clothes in that Canal, the water must needs be very impure and unwholesome.  
Though there be plenty of Grapes about Bassora, yet they make no Wine nor Brandy there, 
Wine prohibited at Bassora.  both being forbidden, under severe penalties. The Bassa hath suffered the Carmelites now and then to make some, but they paid a round sum of money for the permission; and that was the reason why they made no more, but have it brought from Schiras for saying of Mass, and entertaining the Franks that Lodge with them when they pass that way. Heretofore the Bassa had a design to build the Town within the Precinct of the Castle, which is upon the River at the end of the Canal; but he was taken off that, for fear the English and Dutch might batter it down with great Guns upon the least displeasure they met with; it would certainly have stood better in that place, not only for prospect, and the benefit of the Riverwater; but also because the Ships Anchor close by.  

Bumps and tumors, a Disease at Bassora.  There is a Distemper at Bassora, very common in the months of July, August, and September, and that is a breaking out of certain hard Bumps, or tumors in the Groin, Thighs, Neck, and many other parts of the Body; which being cured in one part, break out many times in another, for my part, considering the way how (I was told,) that Disease seizes people, I thought it might be a kind of Plague; however they assured me that commonly no body died of it, and yet most have it, which (they say) is only caused by the abundance of Dates they eat in this Town, especially the poor. A month before I came to Bassora a Greek Captain died at the Carmelites of a Botch or Bump, which after it was cured in his Thigh, (where first it broke out,) broke out again in his Throat, where it grew so big inwards that at length it choked him.  

The Air dangerous when the heats are over.  When the great heats are over, (which is commonly about the end of September,) one must clothe himself very warm; for the Air than is dangerous, and many are to be seen who have their Mouth all awry, occasioned by sleeping abroad in the Air during that time: from the end of October until January, it is very cold in the Nights and Mornings, but lasts no longer than till the Sun be two or three hours high.  

Weights of Bassora. Patman. Aatari. Kelle or Mekkes. Money of Bassora.  The weights of Bassora, are the Patman, which contains twelve Man's of Tauris; the Aatari, which is the third part of the Patman, or four Man's of Tauris; and the Kelle otherwise called Mekkes, which contains eight and forty Oques.  
The most esteemed money at Bassora, is the Venetian Chequin, which is worth seven Abassis and a half, but it is rare, and is brought up at that rate by those who would Travel into the Indies, or send money thither; they are also desirous of the Piastres or Ryals, both old and new; the old are worth three Abassis and a half; and the new three Abassis. The Piastre Aboquelle is also scarce, and is worth fifteen Schais of Bassora: the most current money is the Persian piece of five Schais, which is worth five Schais and a half of Bassora money: these Schais are little pieces of Silver very thin, which are coined by the Bassa of Bassora; who Coins also pieces of two Schais, 
Mangours.  and half Schais, all of Silver; he likewise Coins Mangours, which are Copper-pieces, of which thirty make a Schai, and six of these Mangours make a Para, five of which goes to a Schai; they have also Copper-pieces that are worth three Mangours.  

Bassa of Bassora.  Having treated of the City of Bassora, I must say somewhat of its Bassa, who is not changed every three years, (as the rest of Turkey are,) but is in a manner Hereditary; each Bassa in his own life-time easily procuring the Reversion for his Son by means of good Presents. He at present is the fourth of his Family; and four years ago the Grand Signior sent him by a Capigi the Reversion for his Son: He pays yearly about a thousand Piastres of Tribute to the Port; and a great deal besides, which is laid out in Presents for the Sultanas and chief Eunuches, and other great Men of the Seraglio, where he is obliged to keep a close Correspondence, because it is only by means of Presents that he fits sure. Nevertheless seeing he obeys the Grand Signior no farther than he thinks fit, Orders are many times sent from the Port, to the Bassa of Bagdad, to join with other Bassa's, and turn him out. When that happens, being sensible of his own inability to make War against them he buys his Peace. That which makes this Bassa, distrust his own Force, is because his Soldiers are all either Turks or Fugitives from Aleppo and Bagdad, who only look for an opportunity of returning again to their Country; or they are Arabs who are of all men the soon corrupted by money: otherwise there is no doubt to be made, but that (if these men were faithful unto him,) he might very well make Head against all the Neighbouring Bassa's joined together. Fourteen years ago two of his Uncles, immediately after the death of their Brother, 
Two of the Bassa's Uncles got him to be dispossessed.  the Father of this Man went to Constantinople and begged of the Grand Signior, the one the Bashaship of Bassora, and the other that of Catif and Lehhsa; the Grand Signior granted their desire, and commanded Murteza Bassa, than Bassa of Bagdad, to turn out the Bassa's of Bassora and of Catif Lehhsa, who were both alike disobedient to the Grand Signior, and to put those two Arabs Brothers in their places. Immediately Murteza Bassa advanced with these two Princes towards Dgezire, where her was joyfully received by all; he than marched towards Bassora, where he was likewise received: the truth is, the Bassa of Bassora stayed not for him there; for seeing himself forsaken by his people, (who were disgusted at his Tyrannies,) he fled to Durach a Town of Persia. Thus Murteza Bassa, 
The Bassa of Bassora flies to Durach.  without stroke of Sword made himself Master of Bassora, whereof in time he might have become Sovereign, if he had had but a little better Conduct. Upon his arrival he made one of those Arabs Princes Bassa, but two days after, having taken them both with him out of the Town, under pretext of a walk, he caused them to be strangled. 
A Revolution at Bassora.  This action extremely displeased the people of the Country, yet if he had stopped there, he might have given it out, that he had instructions from the Grand Signior to do so, and in process of time gained the friendship of all the Militia of Bassora; and then he might have been so well fixed, that it would not have been in the power of any to turn him out of his Government. But not satisfied with the death of those two Men, he returned to the Town, and the same day having sent for the most considerable and wealthiest Citizens, he seized on their Estates, and ordered fifteen or twenty of them to be hanged publicly; which so incensed the Soldiers, that they all rose against him; so that he was obliged to be gone in haste, carrying with him what he could of the Riches of Bassora. Since that, he went twice to Constantinople, and both times was sent back Bassa of Bagdad; but being a third time called to the Port, he went as far as Mosul, but durst go no further, for fear of being put to death: he therefore resolved to fly into Persia, and was upon his way; but (as ill luck would have it,) some Curds knew him as he was Travelling through Curdistan, and cut off his Head. That Man was a Georgian, 
The death of Murteza Bassa.  and though he made profession of the Turkish Law, yet he was a Christian in his Heart, and had never been Circumcised, making the Turks believe he was. His only design was to make himself Master of some State, and then to own the Turk no more; and therefore he was extremely obliging to all the Soldiers whose love and friendship he had generally procured, till by his cruelties he lost it. When he saw himself upon the brink of ruin, he would have delivered up Bagdad to the King of Persia; but that Prince refused the offer, not being then in condition to maintain a War. In short, he had for sometime so wrought upon the affections of the Soldiers and People, that he might have done great matters, if he had not wanted Conduct. To return to the Bassa of Bassora, no sooner was Murteza Bassa gone, but the lawful Bassa being recalled by his Subjects, came back, and was received by his people as before. The day he departed from Durach, Orders came from the King of Persia to the Governor of that place to stop him: and it was said that that Prince's design was to send an Army with the same Bassa to Bassora, and to make himself Master of that Town; but the Order came a little too late, for he was already gone.   

CHAP. XI. A Continuation of the Description of Bassora, Elcatif, and Lehhsa. Of the Pearl-Fishing, and the Sabeans.  

Gaban.  THE state of this Bassa is very considerable, for besides the Town of Bassora, he has on the side of Persia all the Country of Gaban that borders upon it, Durach three days Journey distant from Bassora being the last Town of Persia on that side. He hath on the side of Bagdad, Dgezair, (that is to say the Isle,) which is two days Journey from Bassora, and is washed on the one side by Euphrates, and on the other by the Tigris; these two Rivers joining together, at the point of that Isle, two days Journey above Bassora: and in that place there is a good Castle called Corna, 
Corna.  which commands the passage of Euphrates and Tigris. On the side of Bagdad, that Isle is washed by an Artificial Canal, drawn betwixt Euphrates and the Tigris. This Canal is five hours march above Bassora, and eleven or twelve days Journey below Bagdad. The Island is very Fertile, and well peopled; having several good Villages: the truth is, it does not wholly depend on the Bassa of Bassora, for part of it (on the side of this Canal) is under the Government of Bagdad: but seeing the Citadel (which is on the point of the Isle, at the confluence of the two Rivers,) and all that is on that side, belongs to the Bassa of Bassora. He is in some manner secure from the surprises of the Bassa of Bagdad, who cannot Attack Bassora, till first he hath made himself Master of Dgezire. Besides that, the Bassa of Bassora holds in Arabia Foelix, the Port Elcatif, 
Elcatif. Lehhsa.  and the Town of Lehhsa, which formerly belonged to a Bassa, Tributary also to the Grand Signior; but twelve years since, he took the Port Catif, and since that, having a mind also to Lehhsa, he sent thither an Arab Scheik with many Arab's, at whose approach the Bassa of Lehhsa fled, leaving them a free entry into that Town, which they plundered; but afterwards the Arab Scheik slighted the Bassa of Bassora, saying that he had not taken that Town for him, but for himself, and recalled the Bassa of Lehhsa, to whom he delivered back the Town, in consideration of a sum of money which that Bassa paid him.  
In fine, last year one thousand six hundred sixty and four, the Bassa of Bassora finding the Grand Signior engaged in a War with the Emperor, (and thinking that the War would be of long continuance;) in the month of November, put on Shipboard an Army which, 
The Bassa makes War.  (as I was assured,) consisted not of above five or six thousand Men, with some Cannon, though the News flew into all places, that they were seven or eight times so many. This Army having Landed at Port Catif, and marched from thence to Lehhsa, which is but three days Journey distant, they presently made themselves Masters of it, without any resistance; the Bassa of Lehhsa being (upon their approach) fled to Constantinople, where he made his complaints to the Grand Signior, who presently thereupon ordered the Bassa's of Aleppo, Orfa, Diarbeck, Mosul, Bagdad, and some others to the number of eight, to join and restore the Bassa of Lehhsa to his Government, and turn the Bassa of Bassora out of all. This Bassa was not daunted for all that, but making a show as if he intended to be upon his defence, and indeed, putting himself in a posture to do so, he fortified Lehhsa sending thither a great deal of Artillery, whilst on the other Hand, he sent to the Port, to inform the Grand Signior, that he ought not to concern himself in his Conquest, because he was ready to pay him for his new acquisitions, the same Tribute that he formerly received. It is certain that if the Turk had not made Peace with the Emperor so soon, this Bassa would have carried his Conquests farther on, thinking of nothing less than to have made himself Master of Mascat. Now, though this State of Lehhsa comprehend no more but the two Towns Catif and Lehhsa, it is nevertheless very considerable and of great extent, having a great many good Villages: but the principal Riches of that Country consists in the the Traffic of Indian Commodities, which are Transported from Mascat, to Port Catif; from whence they come to Lehhsa, 
Indian Commodities at Mascat.  and thence are dispersed all over Arabia Foelix, and chief at Mecha, where they sell very well, when the Caravans come from all Parts to perform their Devotions there.  
Port Catif is on the main Land in Arabia Foelix, over against the Isle of Bahrin, by corruption called Bahrem, which is only seven Leagues distant from it, 
Catif. The Isle of Bahrem.  though it belong not to the Turk, being under the Dominion of the King of Persia. This Island is very famous for the Fishing of Pearls there, in the months of June, July, August, and September. It must needs be great, if one may judge of it, by the great number of Barks that are employed therein, which amount to two or three thousand, In the Isle of Bahrin there is a Town, and a Fort distant from it a large League and a half. Though there be good water in that Town, yet the Fishermen take not in fresh water there; they find it more commodious to draw it out of the bottom of the Sea, 
Three Springs of fresh water in the Sea.  where there are three Springs of good water, yet not all in one place, but here and there, and all above two Leagues distant from the Town.  
Signior Emanuel Mendez Henriquez, Agent for the King of Portugal at Congo, hath often told me the way how they draw this water, which is thus. 
An extraordinary way of drawing fresh water out of the bottom of the Sea.  The Barks go near to the place where the Springs are, which they know by the bearing of the Island: at high water, there is two Fathom water in those places, but when the Sea is out, they have not above three Foot water, and many times they are on dry Ground: for Bahrem is encompassed with Banks of Sand, that run out a great way, where there are such flats that Vessels cannot pass them: but amongst these Banks there are deep Channels, which the Vessels keep; and whatsoever storm may blow at Sea, the Vessels that are in these Channels are safe and secure. When these Barks are come near the Wells, they stay till low water, and then they plant two Oars in the Sand, one on each side of the Well where they intent to water at; then they strain a Rope under water from one Oar to the other. We must know that upon every one of these Wells, the Arabs have always the half of a Jar, to wit the upper half where the mouth is, which may be called an Earthen Pipe; they put the wider end upon the mouth of the Spring, and thrust it down above four inches in the Sand; they dawb it besides, all round with Plaster and Bitumen, that the Salt water may not get in: when these half Jars break or are worn out, they take care to put another in the place of them; after that the Fishermen than have planted the Oars, and fastened the Rope, a Man goes down into the Sea, with a Borrachio stopped, and Diving down his Head, puts himself under the strained Rope, that so the force of the fresh water, that gushes out of the Jar may not raise him up again; for it gushes out with great impetuosity; and then he claps the mouth of his Borrachio to the mouth of the Jar, which being narrow and opened, is immediately filled with fresh water; when it is full, he he stops it again, and brings it up to the Bark, where he empties his fresh water, and then goes down again for more, till the Bark be supplied. This Portuguese Gentleman told me that it was very easy to be done, and that he himself had been so curious as to go and fill a Borrachio there.  
Now I am speaking of Bahrem, 
The way of Fishing for Pearls.  I will here relate the manner of the Pearl Fishing, as the same Emanuel Mendez Henriquez, (who hath been at it,) told me. This Fishing gins about the end of June, and lasts till the end of September. During this time there are to be seen about Bahrem above two or three thousand fisher-men's Barks, all Arabs who pay severally a due to the Prince whose Subjects they are, for their permission to Fish; and besides, each Bark pays to the Sultan or Governor of Bahrem fifteen Abassis a year; 
The King of Persia's Right in the Pearls.  the King of Persia has not one penny of that Revenue, for it all belongs to Mosques: only all the Pearls that weigh a half Medical or more, belong to him; and nevertheless, he makes a liberal Present to the Fisherman, that brings him such: but also if any of them fail to do it, and sell such a Pearl out of his Dominions, were it even at the World's end, the King is soon acquainted with it; and to be revenged he puts to death the whole Family, and all the Kindred of the Fisherman, even to the seventh Generation, both Males and Females. Every one of these Barks hath Men for Diving to the bottom of the Sea and picking up the Shellfish or Nacres, and the rest serve to draw them up, for all are not Divers. The Barks go fifteen, twenty, or thirty Leagues off of Bahem, along the Coast, and when they are at a place where they think there may be good Fishing, they come to an Anchor in five Fathom water; and then two Divers make ready one on each side, to go down for Nacres. All their preparatives consist in stripping themselves naked, and taking a piece of Horn cloven in the manner of a pair of Pincers, as the Gentleman represented it to me, which they always hang about their Necks by a piece of Pack thread; before they jump into the water they put it upon their Nose like a pair of Spectacles, and that keeps their Nostrils so close that the water cannot enter them, nor can they fetch breath above water by the Nose neither. Besides this accoutrement, every Diver provides himself of a great stone, which he fastens to a long Rope, and of a Basket tied to another; and putting the Rope to which the stone is tied betwixt the Toes of one of his Feet, and taking the Basket in his Hand, he leaves the ends of the two Ropes on Board, and Dives into the Sea. The stone carries him immediately to the bottom, where being come, he casts lose the Rope of the stone from his Foot, which they on Board pull up, and without losiing time he quickly picks up all the Nacres he sees, and puts them in his Basket, and when it is full, comes up again. The rest hall up the Basket, whilst he takes a little breath, and smokes a Pipe of Tobacco; and having done so he returns again to the bottom in the same manner, coming and going so from eight a Clock in the Morning till Eleven. Then he goes to Dinner, with his comrades and feeds on Pilau and Dates, which are their common Food; and about Noon he goes a Diving again, and continueth at work till three a Clock, but no longer, because the water is then too cold. When they have got on Board a good quantity of these Nacres, they unload them upon some bank of Sand, and there open them, every one having an Iron Instrument purposely for that; the Master of the Bark, in the mean time, never taking his Eyes off of them, lest they might purloin a Pearl, for if they be not carefully looked to, they will cunningly whip them into their Mouth as soon as they have opened the Nacre. Now if the Master made them open them on Board, it would be worse still; for if any of them found a fair Pearl, he would nimbly throw the Nacre down into the hold without being perceived, and when the Bark were to be made clean, he would not fail to be Swabber, and throwing all the Shells and Fish into the Sea, (for they know not what it is to make any Works of Mother of Pearl) he would hid the Pearls he had thrown down, and then go sell them for a small matter in the Town; and (which would be worst of all,) he would Work no more after; because when these Blades have once got at little money by such means, it is not possible to make them Fish any more; so long as it lasts.  

The Revenue of the Bassa of Bassora.  But to return to the Bassa of Baslora; he has a considerable Revenue, and I have been assured that it amounts to no less than eight hundred thousand Piastres; though in exacting it he be a little Tyrannical. The Custom-house of Bassora yields him a great deal, and he lets it not out to Farm, as is usual in other places, but entertains a Customer or Schah Bender, (as they call him,) who has a Salary from him, and is accountable for all he receives. Besides he has from every Palmtree half a Schai a year, and that branch of his Revenue he lets out to a Man, who yearly pays him for it fifty thousand Piastres. He gets moreover, a great deal of the Persians who go every year to Mecha, 
Pilgrims of Mecha.  for all of them pass by Bassora, and the Bassa sells them the Camels they stand in need of, at what price he pleases; besides they give him thirty five Chequins a Head for which he sends with them a Guard of three hundred Troopers to wait upon them to Mecha, and back again to Bassora. These Pilgrims willingly pay the money to be secured from the Arabian Robbers. In five and twenty days time they go from Bassora to Mecha, and when they are come back, the Bassa buys their Camels at an easy rate, and sells them Horses very dear to carry them home; he takes the same course with the Merchants, who during the Mouson buy Horses from him to be Transported; they must buy them at what price he pleases to demand if they would have them; because it is Prohibited that any man whosoever sell Horses during that time, nor dare they sell at any other time without a Licence from him, which is never obtained without a Present. Indeed, last year the Bassa of Bagdad did him a bad and un-neighbourly Office; for by Letters he invited the Persians that intended to go to Mecha to come and pass by Bagdad, promising to give them safe Conduct for twenty Chequins a Man, so that most part (to save fifteen Chequins,) went by Bagdad, and a very few came by Bassora.  
This is the Road from Bassora to Mecha which the Pilgrims commonly take. 
The Road from Bassora to Mecha.  They set out from Bassora by the East Gate, and go to Dgiam-Hali three Agatsch from Bassora, where there is bitter water in the Ditch of a Castle that stands in that place where heretofore the Town of Bassora was built: the way to it from Bassora is by a Causey, which hath salt-water on each side. They go from thence to Dgebel-Senan, five Agatsch off, where there is freshwater; from Dgebel-Senan to Tscha-Haffer, where they find a Well of indifferent good water, and that is six Agatsch Journey. In this place they make Provision of water for seven days Travelling, in all which way there is neither water nor Habitation to be found. Having Traveled seven days, they find a Well of good water, where they provide themselves for six days, at the end of which they come to Anize, which is a Well of freshwater, where they make provision again for three days, in which time they arrive at Niged, where there are two Castles opposite to one another, and inhabited by Arabs. They may have Victuals here for money, but the water is bad; however they must make provision of it for five days, and at five days end they find a Well, where they take for two days more: after that, they find another Well of bitter water; and yet must make Provision of it for four days, which being over, they come to a Well called Heram-Baglar-lar. In this place all the Pilgrims strip, and leave nothing upon their bodies, but a Cloth to cover their Nakedness. Having taken water at this Well for seven days, they continue their march to Dgebel-Harafat, where they spend the night in throwing stones at the Devil; and next Morning, having made the Courban, they put on their clothes again. There are Wells at Dgebel-Harafat, 
Dgebel-Harafat.  where they take water enough to serve them to Mecha, which is but a day and a halfs Journey distant. From Mecha they go to Vadi-Fatima, the place where the Tomb of Fatima is, twelve days Journey distant, wherein there are Wells, but no Habitation to be found. From Vadi-Fatima they go to Medina five days Journey distant; 
Tschah-Haffer.  and they come from Medina to Tschah-Haffer in five and thirty days, and from thence to Bassora.  
The Bassa hath a great many lovely Country-Houses, and amongst others Gourdilan, which is opposite to the mouth of the little Canal of Bassora, and on the other side of Schat-El-Aarab.  
The Subjects of the Bassa of Bassora are either Aarabs or Sabeans, 
Who are the Subjects of the Bassa of Bassora. Carmelites.  but besides these, there are some Persians and Indians that live in the Capital City, and these last have Pagods there. No Franks live there, except the Reverend Fathers Carmelites who have a House, on the Terrace whereof they put out the Banner of the Cross. They have their Church in that House, which not only serves the Franks, but also the Armenians and Nestorians, who come to the Town during the Mouson; they come there to Pray, but say not Mass in it. The Bassa hath always some Present from these good Monks for that House. The other Franks, to wit, the Portugese, English, or Dutch, come not to Bassora but in the Mouson, and departed in their Ships at the end of it.  
But two days before I came to Bassora, 
Cunning of the Dutch in burning their Cinnamon.  the Dutch had burnt a great deal of Cinnamon, because the Merchants would not give them the price they demanded for it, which made them in anger say publicly that they would burn it, which they did at home in their House; and they consumed so great quantity of it, that it was smelled all over the Neighbourhood.  
During the Mouson, the Franks and all other strangers are well received at Bassora, 
Liberty at Bassora.  and no body molests or wrongs them. Every one may wear a white Turban, and the green colour there, of whatsoever Religion he be; and that not only during the Mouson, but at any other time; not but that I have been told that out of the Mouson, they pretty often squeezed the Franks who stayed behind there.  
I must now say somewhat of the Sabeans. 
The Sabeans or Christians of St. John.  They are otherwise called Christians of St. John, (but very improperly,) for they are more Gentiles than Christians, and one of them (who turned Roman Catholic, and was of those who went to Rome some years ago,) assured me that they were partly Christians, partly Turks, 
The Baptism of the Sabeans.  partly Jews, and partly Gentiles. The truth is, if because of Baptism (which they retain, in memory of St. John's Baptising our Saviour,) they ought to be called Christians, the Turks may in the same manner be said to be of the Jewish Religion, because of Circumcision. It is in reality but a name of Baptism, for they Baptism not in the name of the Holy Trinity; nor do they perforn it but on Sundays, and if the Child be born any other day, they stay till Sunday, though it be even in danger of dying. A man carries the Child to the Riverside; for they hold that there can be no Baptising but in running water, and therefore they always live near the Rivers, and inhabit not those places where there are none. One of their Ministers goes along with the Man that carries the Child; and when they are come to the Riverside, the Minister says these words, In Biscemon edai rabbi ead mai nocrai men hale me, (that is to say,) In name of the Ancient Mighty Lord God, who knows all that we do before the light of the world; then he throws a little water upon the Head of the Infant, and repeating the same Prayer, casts water again upon the Head of it; afterwards he reapeats the same words a third time, and throws water a third time upon the Child's Head: this being done, he who holds the Child dips it three times into the River, and that is all the Ceremony of their Baptism. It is not enough for them to have been so Baptised once in their life-time; but they often reiterate these Ceremonies; and every year during the space of five days, every person, great and small, young and old, Male and Female, is Baptised and Rebaptised: and when any of them Marry, the Minister again Baptises the Bridegroom and Bride. 
The Sacraments of the Sabeans.  They hold only four Sacraments, to wit, Baptism, the Eucharist, Orders and Marriage, they acknowledge neither Confirmation, Extreme Unction, nor Penance. As to the Sacrament of the Eucharist, which is but a nominal Sacrament, no more than their Baptism, they pronounce not the words of Consecration over the Host but only some Prayers. 
The Hosts of the Sabeans.  They make their Hosts of Flower kned with Wine and Oil. As for the Wine of their Consecration, they make use of Wine drawn from dried Grapes steeped in water, which they press; and they use the same Wine for moistening the Flower whereof they make the Host. In relation to Orders, 
The Ministers of the Sabeans.  they have Superior and Inferior Ministers, but they use no great Ceremony in Consecrating them: for Children succeed to their Fathers in the Ministry, provided they be sixteen or seventeen years of Age, and failing Sons, the next of Kin succeed: this is all the Ceremony of their Consecration; a Minister says some Prayers over him who is to be a Minister, and that is sufficient with them. 
The Marriage of the Sabeans.  As to Marriage, the Minister who is to Officiate, takes an Oath of the Bride, in presence of the Women that are called to the Ceremony, that she is a Virgin; and let her swear what she please to him, the Minister's Wife must still search her, and make her report; afterwards the Minister Baptises the Bridegroom and Bride, and then sets them Back to Back, saying some Prayers over them, which completes the Ceremony of the Marriage. Every man may have two Wives, both Laymen and Ministers; but all the Wives that Ministers take must be Virgins when they Mary them. 
The Sabeans know not the Gospel.  They know not what the Gospel is. All their Mass consists in some Prayers, and in Communicating with their Host made and Consecrated after their manner, and their Wine of dry Grapes. They do not say Mass at Bassora, because they have no Church there. They Work not on Sundays; and have three Festivals in the year, 
Festival of the Sabeans.  to wit, one at New-year, which lasts three days; and that is in memory of the Creation of Adam. The second is at the beginning of the fourth month, it likewise lasts three days, and is the Festival of St. John. The third is at the beginning of the seventh month, it lasts five days, and is in memory of our Saviour's being Baptised by St. John. They are all Baptised during these five days, 
Pendgia.  once a day, and they call this last Feast Pendgia. They acknowledge no other Saints but St. John, St. Zacharias his Father, and St. Elizabeth his Mother. 
Their belief of JESUS CHRIST. The Opinion of the Sabeans concerning the other Life.  They acknowledge JESUS CHRIST but only as St. John's servant. As for the other World, they admit not of Purgatory, but only a Heaven and a Hell; they say that the wicked after their death shall pass through a narrow way, Guarded by Lions, Serpents, and such other Creatures which will devour them; and the good shall go the same way, but over these Beasts, straight to Paradise, which they fancy (as well as the Turks) to be Material, having borrowed from them many Fables, which make a great part of their belief.  

The Meat of the Sabeans.  They eat no meat but what hath been killed by a Sabean; and whatsoever it be else that hath been touched by any that are not of their Religion, they look upon it as unclean, 
The Sabean Ministers are their Butchers.  and will not eat of it. Their Ministers kill their Pullet's, Sheep, and Fish, who for performing of that Office, lay aside their clothes, and put on a pair of white Drawers, with a Rope for a Girdle; a white Shirt girt about with a Rope: a white Turban, with the end of it hanging on their Left Shoulder; a white Napkin about their Neck in fashion of a stole; and another rag, which is a Fillet like to those that are used to bind up the Arm after blood-letting, these make in all seven pieces, being thus accoutered, they wash, (for instance,) the Feet and Beak of the Pullet they are to kill; because they say it eats, and many times treads upon unclean things: then they kill it, saying in their Language: In the name of the merciful God, may this be blessed to those that eat it. They do the same with Sheep, saving that they wash them not, saying that they eat only Grass and no unclean things, and the like also with Fish. The power of performing this Office, extends to the Children of the Minister, so soon as they have attained to the sixteenth or seventeenth year of their Age, provided their Fathers have discharged that duty; otherwise it is not lawful for them: I have been so curious as to see that pleasant Ceremony. These people (who think all that are not of their Religion Profane,) have a special care not to drink in a Vessel wherein one that is not a Sabean hath drank; but if it be their own they break it, 
The Sabeans suffer none of any other Religion to drink in their Glass. The Sabeans abhor the colour Blew.  that so none that belong to them may be polluted by drinking in it. They have another strange whimsy, which is, that they abhor the blue colour, as much as the Jews do Hog's Flesh, and that for a very ridiculous reason. They say that the Jews knowing by their Books, that Baptism was to destroy their Law, were so malicious, as that when St. John was about to Baptism our Lord, they threw into Jordan a good deal of Indigo, thereby to spoil the water; but that God sent an Angel with a Vessel full of pure clean water, taken out of another place of the River of Jordan, wherewith St. John Baptised our Lord; and that from that time forward God cursed the blue colour. This is the opinion of the Vulgar, but one of them told me, that the reason why they hated that colour is, because there is Dog's Turd used in dying of it, and they look upon a Dog to be an unclean Beast. Most part of the Sabeans are Goldsmiths, all very poor, and a great many of them live in Bassora upon the Canal; several of them also live in the Villages of Dgezire, but the greatest part in Harvize and Souster, 
Harvize.  two Towns belonging to the King of Persia in Chusistan. The first which is four days Journey from Bassora is watered by the River Karrah, which falls into the Tigris a little above the place where it joins Euphrates. 
Karrha.  The second which is Souster the chief Town of Chusistan, is eight days Journey from Bassora, and is watered by the River Charon, as I have said already. The Sabeans are extremely ignorant, and their Doctors have not much to study upon account of their Religion; for they have but two Books, and these not long since made neither, though they give it out that they were in being in the days of Adam; but the truth is, their ancient Books were with their Churches burnt by Mahomet and his Successors. For an instance of the stupidity of those people, having asked them how many months they had in their year, they made answer that they knew not, and that I must ask that of their Scheik; it is so with them in every thing else. Nevertheless the second of November of this present year one thousand six hundred sixty five, when I saw the Sacrifice of the Pullet; I put so many questions to them, 
The Sabeans Sacrifice of the Pullet. The Sabeans Year.  that at length I learned that their year consists of three hundred threescore and six days; to wit, of twelve months, of thirty days apiece; and besides these twelve months they have six days over. I also knew that they reckoned that same day the second of November, to be the twentieth of their first month; so that their year must have begun the thirteenth of October. I did what I could to learn something of their Epoch, but could not. I was informed besides, that their first Feast gins with their year, the second three months after, and the third after three months more.    
The End of the Third Book.   

TRAVELS INTO THE LEVANT. PART II.  

BOOK IU.  

CHAP. I. Of the Voyage from Bassora to the Indies.  
FRiday the sixth of November I Embarked at Bassora in the Ship of an Armenian of two hundred and threescore Tun burden, 
Departure from Bassora. The Ship Hopewel.  called the Hopewell. This Ship carried eighteen Guns, and had on Board one and thirty Seamen, of whom six and twenty were Banians, and the other five Mahometans. We had no Franks on Board, but the Captain who was of Legorn, the Gunner a Native of Toulon, and two Sailors, the one a Venetian, and the other a Greek of Candy. This was an English built Ship, and formerly belonged to the English Precedent at Surrat, who had three others besides, and then she carried twenty eight Guns: but War breaking out betwixt the English and Dutch, and the Precedent finding that he was not able to maintain them against the Hollanders, who at that time had many Ships in the Indies, sold them about a year ago to Armenians, and one Codgiaminas, whom I mentioned already, bought two of them, of which this was one; he paid for her to the English sixteen thousand Roupies, which make eight thousand Piastres, and put up the Armenian Colours upon her.  
The Captain had three Passports, one from the Portuguese, another from the English, and a third from the Dutch. The Ship had been for several years Commanded by a Greek Candiot, called Captain Vscolo, a Man of much experience in those Seas, and skilful in taking Observations; but he died at Bassora in the month of September this present year one thousand six hundred sixty five, of an Inflammation in the Throat: and the Armenians put in his place, a Man of Legorn called Bernardo, who had formerly been Boatswain in the same Ship. He was a good Sailer, but knew not how to set off a Course, nor take an Observation, and indeed, could neither Read nor Write, he had only learned a little experience by several Voyages he had made in those Seas. The Armenians would have made an English Man Master, who was a good Navigator, and had discharged the same Place in other Ships; but since the War was then breaking out betwixt the English and Dutch, and that the Dutch told him they could not secure him from their Men of War, who would certainly make him Prisoner, if they met with him, he refused the Employment. Besides our Captain we had two Mahometan Pilots, one who was to carry us as far as the Isle Carek, and the other to Surrat where he was born.  

The Cargo of the Ship Hopewell.  The Ship was loaded with Indigo, clothes, and Indian Commodities that could not be vended at Bassora, which we were to unload at Carek, to be Transported into Persia. Besides, she had on Board a great quantity of Dates, ten Horses, some Chests of Glass in pieces, some great Venetian Looking-Glasses, and a great many bags of money.  


The price of Passage from Bassora to Surrat.  
A Cabin in the Ship.   We paid for our Passage from Bassora to Surrat forty Abassis, which are ten Piastres Ryals a Head; but in Mahometan Ships this Passage costs nor more but fifteen Abassis. I hired also of the Gunner a little Cabin for myself in a corner of the Gun-Room, at the rate of forty Abassis for the Voyage from Bassora to Surrat. It was six Foot long, much about the same height, and four or five Foot wide; so that I was pretty well accommodated, having a Bed of Board's, two Foot raised from the Deck: there was room enough in it for my Baggage, and I could Read and Writ therein by day, by the light I had from a little scuttle; but in the nighttime I could only sleep in it, because I had neither the convenience nor liberty of a Candle. I took care to carry on Board with me a good large Jar, which I had filled with very good water. Such as understand the benefit of this, never fail to do so; it is covered with a wooden cover, and shut with a Padlock; and is very useful, when fresh water gins to be scarce on Board; for then every one betakes himself to his Jar; and though the Captain had laid in good store of fresh water, yet we had reason to apprehend a scarcity, because besides a great many people, we had ten Horses, several Sheep, Goats, and Pullet's on Board. I made also a provision of Biscuit, and other necessaries for subsistence; though I eaten with the Captain and the other three Franks that were on Board.  

The Ships departure from Bassora. Schat-el-Aarab.  We spent four days betwixt Bassora and the mouth of Schat-el-Aarab; because all Saturday the seventh of November we lay still before Bassora, that day being employed in clearing the Ship, and drinking Brandy with the Owners Vikil, who stayed at Bassora, and sent another in his place to Surrat, where his Master was. That day then, was spent till night in drinking the Selomet in schallah, (that is to say to the good luck, if it please God) or the Foy, and that with the noise of Guns. At length the Merchant being gone, we weighed Anchor, but for a very short while; for we were obliged to drop it again at midnight, because we could not advance but by the help of the Tide; so that it behoved us to stay for the Ebb before we weighed, and come to an Anchor again when it made Flood: and this course we were forced to take, not only till New Moon, which changed not till Saturday the seventh of November, because of the Southeast Wind that blew till that time; but also for some days after the New Moon, though the Wind was got about to North-West, because it was too easy to serve our turn. Besides, the dissension that was on Board the Ship was a great hindrance to us, for the Captain was of one mind, and the two Pilots each of another, all the Merchants likewise putting in for their share in advising, This made the greater confusion, that one spoke Armenian, another Indian, a third Persian, a fourth Turkish, and a fifth Portuguese; insomuch that most commonly they understood not what one another said, which made a confusion amongst them, like that which God sent amongst the bvilders of the Tower of Babel.  
All that I thought fit to observe in this Voyage till we got out to Sea, is that we passed betwixt the main Land of Bassora, 
El-Feyadi. Bochali. Bovarin.  and the Isle El-Feyadi, having that Isle to the Larboard, as well as Bochali and Bovarin. Two men did nothing but heave out the Lead, to know how many Fathom water we had, and most commonly they found three, four, or five Fathom: nevertheless, Monday the ninth of November, 
Chader.  our Ship struck a ground, at the point of the Isle of Chader, which lies towards the River that goes to Bahrem; having but there eleven Foot water, a Foot less than two Fathom, and the Ship drew at least twelve Foot water. This obliged us to wait till next Flood carried us off; and then we left that Island to the Starboard. About seven a Clock at night we passed by the mouth of the Channel Haffar, which was to our Larboard; and there gins the Isle of Gban, 
Isle of Gban.  which reaches from that place to the Sea.  
Tuesday the tenth of November, the Tide of Ebb beginning an hour before day, we weighed Anchor, and continued our course betwixt the Isle Chader, and the Isle Gban, and there we found the water brackish. At this place the Palm-Trees end; and the Land on both sides is only level and barren Plains, and so low, that at high water they are almost all overflown: about two hours after day, the water cast us so much upon the Land on the South side, that our Poop raked the shore; and that is in a manner unavoidable in this place, where all Ships are forced a shore; nevertheless, though we were so near, we had two Fathom water a Stern, and three a Head; and the current of the water drove us forward at a great rate: in the mean time our men did what they could to get out again into the Channel, and at length with the help of our Boat that Towed us, they accomplished it: We found three Mahometan Ships which set out the same day that we did from Bassora, and all three had had the same luck, having been by the force of the stream cast a shore as well as we. The Course we stood from Bassora till we came to the Sea, was in the beginning, whilst we had the Wind at Southeast, South, South West, and after we had it at North-West, we Steered always East, Southeast, or South, Southeast.  
About nine a Clock in the morning we had a pretty brisk Gale from North-West, which made us spread our Mizan and Mizan-Top-Sail, the Main and Main-Top-Sail, and the Foresail, and Fore-Top-Sail; and then we steered away South, South-West, making the more way as the Wind grew fresher: the water is very broad at this place. About half an hour after three a Clock in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor near the Mouth of the River, because our Men would not venture out to Sea in the nighttime, for fear of being stranded; for in the mouth of this River, there is but two Fathom water when the Tide is out; and the other Ships did as we did: the Wind in the mean time ceased about midnight.  
Next day, we weighed Anchor about half an hour after six in the Morning, and having spread the Fore-Top-Sail, we Steered away South, Southeast, but seeing it was little better than a calm, we made but very little way: nevertheless we began to lose sight of Land on all hands, and had betwixt five and six Fathom water. About nine a Clock, we came to an Anchor to stay for the Tide, because than we had but little water: about eleven a Clock, it being flood, we weighed, and a North-West Wind rising at the same time, we clapped on all our Sails, Steering our Course sometimes Southeast, sometimes South, and sometimes South-West, according to the water we found, which was sometimes but three, and sometimes four Fathom. Half an hour after one of the Clock, we had four Fathom and a half water; and at two a Clock five: but at the same time the Wind chopping about to South, we were forced to furl our Sails, and come to an Anchor. It is very dangerous putting out of that River after the first days of November, 
The season of Sailing.  for commonly the South Winds begin to blow at that time, and last all November, whereby many Ships that put out too late, are cast away.  
Thursday the twelfth of November, the Sun risen with a stiff Wind from South, and at the same time the Sky was on all hands overcast with such a thick Fog, that we could hardly see the other Ships, which yet weighed Anchor and were Towed by their Boats: we did the same, though it was against the Captain's mind, who feared a storm, and would have kept still at Anchor. We got our Boat then to Tow us, the Ships Head standing East, Southeast, in five Fathom water. About half an hour after eight we unfurled the Fore-Top-Sail, and stood away East, North-East, and a little after, North, North-East. About nine a Clock, we spread the Mizan-Sail, whilst our Boat still Towed us. About half an hour after nine, the Wind shifting about to East, we presently furled our Sails, and turning our Ships Head Southeast, came to an Anchor a quarter of an hour after, in three Fathom water. That day they began to allow every one but two measures of water by day; one to boil the Kettle, and the other to drink; (each measure is about three Pints.) About a quarter after ten a Clock, we weighed Anchor, and were Towed by our Boat, spreading our Mizan; Main-Top-Sail, and Fore-Top-Sail, though we had no settled Wind, but sometimes one way and sometimes another, and we turned the Ships Head North-East. A little after, the Wind getting in to Southeast, we bore away East, and presently it shifted to South; so that three quarters after ten, we came to an Anchor.  
Friday the thirteenth of November, the Pilot of Carek and the Merchants prevailed so far with the Captain, that he gave way to the weighing of Anchor at three quarters of an hour after seven, though he was of a contrary Opinion; and the truth is, there was no reason to weigh, because it blew a strong Wind from Southeast, and we had but little water on all hands. We had indeed four Fathom at that time, but seeing it was a Tide of Ebb, we had reason to fear running a ground; and to put out to Sea, which was the thing the Merchants desired, was to run into the storm. In fine, notwithstanding all these Reasons, our men Towed us, and we spread the Fore-Top-Sail, but we held no certain Course: the other Ships did as we did, and perceiving us to cast Anchor, three quarters of an hour after, they did the like. This is the inconvenience where many Ships are together, that if one weigh or come to an Anchor, the rest must do the same; for if they should fail to do it, and any misfortune happened, the blame would be laid at the Master's door, in that he did not do as the rest did, who are all supposed to understand their Trade.  
Saturday morning the fourteenth of November, we made a Mahometan Ship coming from Bassora, where we had left her; for all the strong Southeast Wind, which had constantly blown since the day before, we weighed Anchor at nine of the Clock in the morning, and made Sail with our Mizan, Maintop, and Fore-Top-Sails, Steering our Course East, North-East. Half an hour after nine, the Wind getting about to South-West, we let fly the Mizan Topsail and Foresail, and stood away East, Southeast. At ten a Clock we tacked about, and bore away West, North-West, and so kept beating to and again every half hour, until three quarters of an hour after eleven, that the Wind chopping in to South, we came to an Anchor in three Fathom water; we made short Tacks because of the little water we had in all places, not finding above three or four Fathom at most. The Wind continued in that corner all day, blowing fresher and fresher still, and in the evening though the Wind was high, yet the Clouds raked contrary to it from North-West to Southeast; from eight till ten a Clock at night, we had several small showers of Rain, at length after midnight, the Wind changed into the so much desired North-West Wind, and blew very hard.  
Sunday the fifteenth of November, the other Ships made Sail about break of day, and we lay still at Anchor, which extremely vexed the Merchants, who thereupon came to words with the Captain; but he told them that the other Ships, were bound for Congo, and that his must put into the Isle Carek which was near, so that it would be time enough to weigh at noon, that we might not run in, too near the Land, in danger to be cast away by so high a Wind; nevertheless to please them he commanded to weigh about seven a Clock in the morning, but he made Sail only with Foresail, Fore-Top-Sail, and Spritsail; we Steered our Course Southeast, and the Ship run about four Miles and a half an hour. About six a Clock at night, we stood away East, and about seven a Clock, North-East, and then furled all our Sails, except the Spritsail, and Fore-Top-Sail; having then fifteen Fathom water. About ten a Clock, we furled all our Sails, but the Spritsail.  
Monday the sixth of November, the Wind ceased about two a Clock in the morning, and began to blow again about six, but not so strong as the day before: that we might not lose it, about half an hour after, we spread all our Sails, and Steered away Southeast. It was not long before we made the main Land of Bender-Regh to the Larboard. About half an hour after nine we made the Isle Carek on Head, 
Cargou.  and about noon we Sailed near to the Isle Cargou, which was to our Larboard. This Isle reaches in length from North to South; it is but small and all of white Sand, which is the reason it is not inhabited; it is close by, and almost over against the Isle Carek; but a little lower, towards Bender Regh. Then we furled our Mizan and Mainsail, and Steered away South. At one of the Clock, we found thirteen Fathom water. About half an hour after, we began to have the Isle Carek on our Starboard, and bore away South, Southeast, having then six Fathom water. Half an hour after two, we had eight Fathom water, and turned the Ships Head Head South-West. Three quarters after two, we came to an Anchor to the East of the Island, towards the point of it that looks to the Southeast, in ten Fathom water. There we found one of the three Ships that had left us at Anchor, having some Goods to unload, but the other two kept out at Sea.  
The Isle of Carek reaches in length, from Southeast to North-West; 
Carek.  it is very narrow, and about three or four Leagues in compass: it is about twelve Leagues from Bender-Regh, and fifty from Bassora. This Island is partly hilly and partly plain, it produces Wheat, Barley, Dates, and good Grapes; there is very good water upon it also, which comes from a Hill, that has many ancient Wells ten or twelve Fathoms deep, dug in the Rock on the top of it; and (as I was told,) there are steps in them to go down to the bottom, and the people of the Island go thither to take the fresh Air in the Summertime. The water passes at the bottom of these Wells, and from thence runs under ground into the Plain; near to these Wells, there is a Mosque upon the Hill. There may be at least an hundred and fifty Houses in all the Island, (as I was told,) but they are scattered up and down, and to speak properly, they are no more but pitiful Huts; nevertheless every one of them has a Well of Spring-water. Near to that Isle, they Fish for Pearl, 
Pearl-Fishing.  at the same time, they do at Bahrem; and I was told that during the season of Fishing, which is in May, June, July, and August, there are to be seen about this Island above an hundred Taranquins or Fisherboats. The King of Persia is Lord of it, and has a Governor there, who depends on the Governor of Bender Regh. The people of this Island are all Fishermen, and live only on Salt Fish and Dates. The Ships that are bound for Bassora, commonly touch at this place to take in a Pilot who conducts them to Bassora, and brings them back again at four months' end to the same Island, where they leave him. There we left ours, 
Arrival at the Isle of Carek.  who had been taken in four months before. But it was not only to set him a shore that we touched at that Island; our chief business was to unload Goods belonging to Codgiaminas, which were Indigo, clothes, and other Indian Commodities, brought in the same Ship, and which not being disposed of at Bassora, through the bad Conduct of the Vikil, he was necessitated to reimbark, and send them to Carek to be conveyed from thence to Bender-Regh, and so to Ispahan. Besides, they made account to take on Board several Armenian Merchants and their money, who waited on this Island for a passage to the Indies: for within these late years, the Armenians that they may not pay Custom at Congo have taken the Course to go straight from Schiras to Bender-Regh, where there is no Customhouse, and from thence pass over to Carek, where they wait for the opportunity of some Ships coming that way, which may carry them and their money. However the Mouson before, some Armenians upon their return from the Indies, having put a shore at Bender-Regh to avoid the Customs of Congo, the Customer went to Law with them about it at Ispahan, pretending that they ought to pay him the Custom, and it was thought that it would cost them at least a good part of the money, which they must have paid at Congo, and that for the future there would be a Customhouse established at Bender-Regh. The Ships that touch at Carek, keep out at Sea to the Westward of it, to shun the danger of being cast away in that narrow strength which is betwixt Carek and Cargou.  
As soon as we were come to an Anchor, five or six small Taranquins, (which are those sowed Boats I described before,) came a Board of us to take in all the Goods that were for Persia, which lasted from five, till half an hour after seven a Clock at night. Our Company were much deceived as to the Armenian Merchants, for contrary to their expectation, they found not one: which was occasioned by a trick of a Dutchman, Captain of the Ship called the Masulipatan, 
The trick of a Dutch man.  who had given them a cast of his Trade. This Ship being gone from Bassora a day before we put out, was come to Carek two days sooner than we did; the Captain making use of the occasion, failed not to tell the Merchants who waited for our Ship, that she would not come this year, which they believed to be true, and went aboard with their money on his Ship. All this proceeded from the fault of the Vikil, that stayed behind at Bassora, who detained the Ship in the Harbour a Fortnight longer than he should have done, to get on Board some Goods which paid not above an hundred Piastres Freight; and in the mean while he lost the Freight of a great deal of Goods and Money, and of many Passengers that were at Carek, Congo, and Comoron who embarked in the Ships which touched at these Ports before us.  
When we had put a shore all the Goods, and the Man who was to take care of them; we weighed Anchor three quarters of an hour after seven, making all the Sail we could, and Steering away South, Southeast, with a very easy Wind; about ten a Clock we were becalmed till midnight, when there blew a little Gale at East, but as easy as the former, and with it we bore away South.  
Next day about two or three a Clock in the morning, we Sailed by the Isle of Rischer, which was to our Larboard. This Island is very near the main Land, and makes a little Port, which is called Bender-Rischer, a days Journey from Bender-Regh; and there is a Fort on it, which belonged formerly to the Portugese. At break of day, we made two Ships on Head of us, one of which had put out from Carek five days before us. Half an hour after seven, we were off of the Isle of Coucher, 
Coucher.  that was to our Larboard; and is a pretty big Island. At eight a Clock we got a Head of one of the Ships that had been before us: the other which was at some distance, put us into some apprehension for a few hours time; for by his manner of working, he gave us cause to think that he had a mind to be up with us; and we were afraid he might be a Corsair; but at length, he Steered the same Course that we did. About ten a Clock we were becalmed. Three quarters after twelve, the Wind being Southerly, we Steered away East. A quarter after two, we Steered Southeast. Three quarters after three a Clock, the Wind chopping about to South-West, we stood away South, Southeast. And thus the Wind being but very easy, did nothing but chop and change until the evening that we were becalmed.  
Wednesday the eighteenth of November towards day, having an easy Gale from East, Southeast, we Steered our Course South, South-West: about half an hour after nine, it blowing hard from South, we bore away West, South-West. About three quarters of an hour after ten, the Wind turned South, Southeast, and we Steered East. Half an hour after noon, the Wind slackened much, and about five a Clock in the evening we were becalmed. About half an hour after nine, we made a Sail to the Windward of us, and another on Head, but a great way before us; we cast the Lead and found seventeen Fathom water. At ten a Clock at night, the Wind turned East, Southeast, and blew pretty hard, and we Steered away South, South-West; finding only thirteen Fathom water, when we heaved the Lead.  
After midnight, we past Cape Verdestan, which was to our Larboard. This is a very dangerous Cape, and one night several Portugese Ships being Land-lockt there, (when they thought themselves far enough off of it,) were cast away. We Sailed within three or four Leagues of it, and when it was day saw it a Stern of us. About half an hour after nine, the Wind turned South, Southeast, and we Steered East. About noon we saw several Taranquins. Half an hour after one, the Wind turned South, South-West, and we bore away Southeast. We were then off and on Cape Naban to our Larboard, 
Cape Naban.  and made it but very dimly; but coming up more and more towards it, we made it very plain, and saw along the Seaside, Rocky Hills, which seemed to be very steep, and at the foot of them, a great many Palm-Trees. We continued our Course off and on with these Rocks, till five a Clock that we saw the end of them; at least in this place they run far up into the Land, and leave a very level Coast: in this low Country is the Village called Naban, which gives the name to the Cape. Here we cast the Lead, and found only seven Fathom water: there is but little water all along that Coast, and therefore we presently tacked and stood off to the West, about ten a Clock at night the Wind turned North-East, and we Steered away South, Southeast.  
Friday the twentieth of November, by break of day, we made the three Ships, that put out the same day with us from Bassora, two of which were at a pretty good distance to the Starboard, and the other very near a Head of us, it was this last which some days before, we had taken for a Corsair: we made also to our Larboard the Land of Persia, but at a great distance. A quarter after nine a Clock in the morning, having a very easy Gale from North, North-West, we put out our Main and Fore-Top-Galant-Sail, and kept on our Course South, Southeast: in a short time we left all the other Ships a Stern. About noon the Wind blew much fresher; and about three a Clock, we stood away East, Southeast: about five a Clock, we took in our Top-Galant-Sails, the Mizan, and Mizan-Top-Sails, because it would have been dangerous to have made so much way in the nighttime that was now coming on, for we might have run within Land, considering that the Wind freshened more and more, and we bore away South, Southeast, that we might keep without the Isle of Lara. If it had been day, we would have Steered our Course betwixt the main Land and that Island, but we durst not venture it in the nighttime, being safer to leave it to the Larboard: we made account to have Sailed by that Island about midnight, but we saw it not, though we had all along light enough, to discern a little of the main Land near to which it lies.  
We concluded then, that we had past that Isle of Lara in the nighttime, but next day we found that we were out in our reckoning. Nevertheless, seeing we did not find out our mistake till after noon; about six a Clock in the morning, we Steered away East, bearing in towards the Land, for fear we might be cast too far to the Leeward of Congo. About half an hour after six our Longboat that was fastened to the Stern filled full of water, and sunk under the surface of the Sea: we presently furled all Sails but the Spritsail, and three Seamen swum to the Boat to fasten another Rope to it which they held by the end; then they went into it, and we halled it to the Leeward side of the Ship, and took out a little Anchor that was in her; this being done our men attempted to hall her out of the water by one side, that she might be emptied by the other; but the weight of the water bulged one of her sides, and then she overset; so that despairing to recover her, unless with much labour and the loss of a great deal of time, and fearing besides that she might dash against the Hold of the Ship, because it was then a very rough Sea, they cut the Ropes and let her go, though it was near a hundred Piastres' loss to the Owner of the Ship, This made us lose a whole hours time, and in the mean while one of the Ships (which the day before was to our Starboard,) got a Head of us. About half an hour after seven in the morning, we made Sail with a North Wind. About half an hour after nine, we were off of an Island to our Larboard, which we took to be Audarvia, but we were mistaken. About ten a Clock the violence of the Wind began to abate, and we Steered away East, Southeast. About two a Clock afternoon, we made a little Island to the Larboard very near the main Land, and knew it be Audarvia, and that the other which we passed about half an hour after nine in the morning, and took for Audarvia, was Lara. This Isle of Lara is a little Desert very low place, 
Lara.  close by the main Land, which is the reason that it is not easily discovered: it bears nothing unless it be some wild Trees, and that too only at one end of it, which lies to the West, North-West, and was to us the beginning of the Isle, as our Course lay; it may be known by these Trees. It lies in length from West, North-West, to East, Southeast; and is threescore and ten Leagues from Carek. 
Audarvia.  The Isle of Audarvia is in like manner little, low, and very near the main Land, and lies in length as Lara does from West, North-West, to East, Southeast: there is good water in this Island, and in the middle of it some wild Trees, and the Cottages of some Fishermen, who come from the main Land to Fish there; it being seven or eight Leagues from Lara. It is worth the observing that though these two Isles be very near the Land, (as I have been saying,) yet they leave a passage betwixt them and the main Land, which may admit of Ships, because it is very deep water, and Ships sometimes shoot that passage. The Wind freshning in the afternoon, at three quarters of an hour after two a Clock, we were got to the farther end of the Island, and an hour after, made the Isle of Keys to the Southeast. About half an hour after four, we got on Head of the Ship that was before us in the morning, and at the same time we were off and on with the hithermost end of the Isle of Keys, 
Keys.  which was to our Starboard side. This Island is about two Leagues and a half from the main Land, or three at most, and about five Leagues from Audarvia, though they reckon it fifteen Leagues from Lara to Keys: it reaches in length from West, South-West, to East, North-East, and is about five Leagues in Circuit; it is very low and flat like the two former, but it is inhabited by several people, who have Houses dispersed here and there upon it.  
I was told that heretofore the Inhabitants of that Island, having killed a Portuguese who had gone a shore there, for some insolence which he had committed; sometime after, other Portuguese Ships coming thither, the Admiral called Rovi-fereyra-andrada, went a shore upon the Island, and taking a Sucking-Child, put it into a Mortar; and by an unparalelled piece of cruelty, 
A horrid piece of cruelty of a Portuguese.  made the Father and Mother of the innocent Babe pound it themselves in the Mortar. This General was a Devil incarnate, and it was his usual way so to revenge himself on the Inhabitants of those Coasts, when they had done him any displeasure: his name is to this day so terrible unto them, that they use it to still their little Children when they cry, threatening them with Lowis de Fereyra. In the mean time that inhumanity made many forsake the Island, that they might not be exposed to such cruel usage; nevertheless some abode still, and have cattle there. I was told that heretofore there were all sorts of Fruits on this Island, but that since the Portuguese have left off to go thither, there are no more to be found: I was likewise assured that there is excellent water in the North-West, and East ends of the Isle.  
About five a Clock in the evening, we furled our Mizan, Mizan-Top, Maintop, and Fore-Top-Sails, that we might not make so much way, because on this Coast there are places where the water is very shallow. About seven a Clock at night, we were got off of the other end of the Isle of Keys, and then the Wind slackened much, half an hour after, we came off and on a place of the main Land, where the shore opens towards the East, and forms a Gulf in shape of a half Circle, and the outmost point of that half Circle is called Gherd. All that day we had kept very near the main Land, which to that Gulf bears West, North-West, and East, Southeast. When we were just off the beginning of this Gulf, a gentle Gale blowing from East, North-East, made us to Steer our Course Southeast, and we made the Land called Gherd, to the East, South East. About ten a Clock at night, we stood away South, Southeast, and heaving out the Lead, found seventeen Fathom water: within a quarter of an hour after, the Wind turning North-West, we bore away South, but because it instantly blew too hard, we furled the Mainsail, and Steered South, Southeast. About three quarters after ten, we Steered Southeast, and casting the Lead, found fifteen Fathom water.  
Sunday the two and twentieth of November, at two a Clock after midnight, we were got off of the Isle of Paloro to our Starboard; 
Paloro.  our Course was then East, Southeast, and having sounded, we found thirteen Fathom water; whereupon we turned the Ships Head South, Southeast. A quarter after two, we heaved the Lead several times, and found betwixt six and seven Fathom water. Three quarters after two, we bore away East, Southeast, and casting the Lead, found first fifteen, than ten, and a little farther only eight Fathom water; we had then to the Larboard a Mountain on the main Land, 
Mount Sannas.  called Sannas. Half an hour after five in the morning, we had but five Fathom water. At six a Clock we found twelve, and then we Steered East, North-East, and at eight a Clock in the morning, came before Congo, distant from Keys fifteen Leagues by Land, and thirty by Sea; an hundred from Carek, and an hundred and fifty from Bassora: from Congo to Comoron, it is twenty Leagues by Land, and thirty by Sea. We came to an Anchor in the Road a long half League South, Southeast, from the Town: There were four Ships at Anchor there already, and the same day four more came after us, on their way from Bassora to Surrat.   

CHAP. II. The Continuation of our Voyage from Bassora to the Indies.  
COngo, a little Town in the Kingdom of Persia, lies twenty seven degrees, 
Congo.  and fifteen minutes North Latitude; it stands upon the Seaside, almost at the foot of a blackish Rock, which is very near the shore, and for some thousands of paces reaches from West to East; it shelters all the Town from the North Wind, and behind it there is a high white Hill, as all the Hills along the Coast of Persia are white. This Town lies in length from West, North-West, to East, Southeast; it is but very small, and has a little Castle defended by three pieces of Cannon. It has a safe Road for Ships, though they be often tossed by high Winds, whilst we were there, it blew so strong an East Wind for four days time, that no Boat could come or go a shore, and all the Ships that were at Anchor drove except ours, though they had two Anchors a piece a broad; but they being small Anchors, took no strong hold in the ground, but easily came home: we road it out very well with a great Anchor, and all that we were afraid of, was lest the other Ships that drove might run foul of us; as indeed it happened one night, when the Wind having broken the Cables, and forced a Turkish Ship from two Anchors, if she had not had a third, (which they speedily let fall,) she would have put us in danger; for she was just upon our Head; nevertheless, I never heard of any Ship cast away in that Road. The Territory of this Town is of small extent, consisting of a little Plain that is to the Eastward, Westward, and Northward of the Town, betwixt it and the Rock; but this spot of ground produces good Fruits, as Figs, Grapes, good Quinces, Pears, Oranges, Lemons, very large and good Pomegranates, Melons, Water-Melons, and plenty of good Turnips: it produces also Palm-Trees and two kinds of Indian Trees, to wit Mango-Trees, 
Mango- Trees. Arbour de Reyzes.  and those Trees which are by the Portuguese called Arbour de Reyzes, (that is to say,) the Tree of Roots, because their Branches take Rooting in the ground. They have Schiras Wine there, but it is very dear, and good Brandy made of Dates. There are Sulphur-Hills near this Town, and Ships take in great quantities of it in flat Cakes of two or three pound weight a piece, to be Transported to the Indies. It is very hot in this Town, but the Air is good; the Water is brackish, and taken out of Wells, there is some pretty good, but that is only for the richer sort, because it is dear, being brought upon Asses a Parasangue from the Town; and after all, it is but Well water, and hath always some bad relish. This Town depends on the Chan of Lar, in whose absene the Schah-Bender, (that is to say,) Customer, or to render it word for word, King of the Port; for so they call the Customers in Persia, governs all. This Customhouse receives a great deal of money, both for Goods Imported and unloaded there, and for the Commodities of Persia, that are Exported from that Port to the Indies; especially within these two last years, that Ships go but very seldom to Benderabassi, because of the exactions and extorsions of the Governor of that place. exacting seven Tomans for Anchorage, whereas at Congo they pay much less: 

Less to be paid at Congo than Benderabassi.  
Half of the Customs of Congo belong to the King of Portugal.   which makes Ships from all quarters come thither, when formerly they never touched there, unless they had been obliged to put into it for water. One half of the profit of that Customhouse belongs to the King of Portugal, who after the loss of Ormus, still so infested the King of Persia, by his Ships that continually kept cruising along that Coast, that the Persian was constrained to make peace with him, upon Conditions, of which this was one, that he should have the half of the profits of those Customs, and five Persian Horses every year: and therefore the King of Portugal keeps an Agent there, who has the Portugese Colours aloft upon his House. The Portugese Augustine Monks have also a Convent and Church there. The Dutch were accustomed to send a Factor thither yearly, to buy the Pearls of Bahrem, which are for the most part brought thither, it being but fifty Leagues from Congo to Bahrem, and the Pearls that go from thence to Bassora being but the smaller: but this present year one thousand six hundred sixty five, they have begun to settle a permanent Factory there.  
Being at Congo, I had thoughts of leaving the Ship Hopewel, and to take the opportunity of a Bark for the Sindy, 
Sindy.  which is the hither part of the Indies, and the place where the River of Indus discharges itself into the Sea. I had two reasons to incline me to this; the first, that I might the more regularly make the Tour of the Indies, and besides I was willing to learn at a distance news of some Hollanders my enemies, who were at Surrat, before I came too near them. Since I had the same design at Bassora, where there were two good Barks, each mounted with six Brass Guns, ready to set Sail for the Sindy, I was resolved to have taken passage in one of them, and for that end had spoken to the Reis who was a Turk of Bassora: but the War of the Bassa supervening, he caused those Barks to be unloaded of their Goods, and loaded with Corn for the Castle of Corna, where he designed to maintain the brunt of the War; and besides he made account, (in case he should be overcome,) to put on Board those two Barks, the best of his Goods, and make his escape with them, not into Persia, (where the last time he had taken refuge there, they would have Arrested him,) but to the Indies. In the mean time, that unexpected War broke all my Measures, and left me none other to take for the same design; because there was not a Ship at Bassora bound for that Voyage; and that a little before, hoping to have a passage in one of these two Barks, I had let slip the occasion of a Galliot going to Congo, where she expected to take in money, and then continue her Course to Sindy; finding myself frustrate of my expectation, I was obliged to take Shipping in the Hopewel, that being come to Congo I might take the occasion of a Bark for Sindy; 
In the beginning of December they put out from Congo for the Indies.  for every year in the beginning of December several small Barks Sail from Congo to Sindy; but we found none there but the Galliot which set out from Bassora, there being no other to make the Voyage this year. I made enquiry whether or not it was safe to go in that Galliot, and was informed that no body would venture any thing on Board of her, for fear of the Zinganes, who are Indians Neighbouring upon the Sindy, that rob most part of the Barks that put in or out of it. 
Zinganes, Robbers.  The King of Mogul sends them Presents every year, though they be his Subjects, to oblige them to leave off their Piracy; but being Rebel Subjects, they take his Presents, but still continue their Robberies.  

The Zinganes way of Robbing.  These Zinganes have a pretty odd way of taking Prizes; they keep with their Barks upon the Bar of the Sindy, and when they see any Merchant Bark coming, they get to the Windward of him, and being come up pretty near before they lay him on Board, they throw into the Bark a great many Pots full of Lime reduced into a very small Powder; the Wind driving this dust against the Men that are on Board, blinds them, and renders them unable to make defence. In the mean time, they Board and leap into the Bark, putting every living soul to the Sword, (for they have no other Arms but Swords and Arrows:) and if any have a mind to save their lives, there is no other way for it, but to jump into the Sea, and so avoid their fury until they be wholly Masters of the Vessel; for till then, they give no Quarter: but when they find themselves sure of their Prize, they shed no more blood, and make Prisoners of all that remain alive; to hinder whose escaping, they cut the great Tendon that is above the Heel in each Leg, which renders them for ever unable to run away; and indeed, it is not possible for a Man who has these Nerves cut, to go. Then they carry them to their Habitations, and set them to keep their Flocks, without any hopes whilst they live of being delivered from that Bondage which is worse than death itself. Having informed myself then, of that Galliot, I learned that she was not only in danger of being taken by the Zinganes, but also that the Men who were on Board of her, and were all Banians, were resolved to make no Defence, but to let themselves, (according to their Custom,) be taken like so many Calves: besides should these Men have been Friends of the Zinganes, I had reason to fear that they might sell me to these Pirates, or to the Arabs of Mascate: so that finding myself every way in danger of losing my Liberty or Life, and not permitted to defend myself; I resolved to continue in the Hopewel, and to proceed to Surrat, laying aside all thoughts of the Galliot, which set out from Congo, Thursday the thirteenth of December. I have observed these things, because I think the knowledge of them may be useful to those who are bound for the Sindy, to the end they may take their Measures accordingly.  
We lay sixteen days before Congo, and I kept on Board all the while, not thinking it convenient to go a shore, because of the King of Portugal's Agent, with whom I had had a little clashing at Schiras. This Man was powerful at Congo; nevertheless he daily invited me to come a shore, and spend some days merrily at his House, and complained to all our Men that I would not: to this I made answer, that I was resolved not to set a Foot a shore, until I could walk upon Indian ground. And (the truth is,) when I reflected upon what befell me at Comoron, I looked upon it as a Trespass against human prudence, to run the hazard a second time of being hindered to go into the Indies. So that all the Armenians being a shore, and our Franks going thither a days, and never returning till night, I was many times the only White Man that remained on Board with the Blacks, 
The Blacks and Whites.  for so they call the Indians; and in the Indies they put as great a difference betwixt a White and a Black, as betwixt a Master and a Slave; the Sons of Europeans, born in the Indies are called Metisses; they are not so despicable as the real Indians, 
Metisses.  (that is to say,) those whose Father and Mother are both Indians; but after all, the Europeans look upon them still, as people infinitely below themselves.  
In the mean time it was very ill ordered that the Ship should be so abandoned, for a Captain is, (as it were,) the Master of a Family, he ought never to lie out of his Ship, or if he does, he ought at least to leave some body in his place, to give Orders when any accident happens, as very often there does; and indeed, we were like to have been ruined on Monday morning the thirtieth of November, when one of our Italians having lighted a Pipe of Tobacco aloft upon the Deck, before the Master's Cabin, he laid down his Match upon the Binnicle, so near the hole of the Whipstaff, that it fell down through that hole into the Gun-Room, at the foot of the Mizan-Mast, upon which many Horns full of powder hung, and where there were several Bandeliers, and Cartaradges ready filled with powder for the Guns. By good fortune my man went down at the same time; and being in the Gun-Room smelled fire, which made him look about on all Hands, until he found the lighted Match, which he snatched up, and in great fear brought it above Decks, and in all probability if he had not gone down at the very nick of time, the Ship could not have failed of being very quickly blown up. But God of his infinite mercy delivered us.  
Whilst we lay at Anchor before Congo, we put a shore two Horses for Persia, and took on Board four others belonging to the Sieur Manuel Mendez Henriquez Agent of the King of Portugal, who left his Residence at Congo, upon discontent, because the Customer would not pay him all that belonged to the King of Portugal of the profits of the Customs this year and the year before. And for that reason he was resolved to go to Daman, and from thence to Goa, to complain to the Viceroy, designing to come back with two Galliots of War, and plunder what he could along the Coast of Persia, and chief at Congo: which would have been easy for him to do, even with so small a Force as two Galliots. He put on Board, than two Women Slaves, and seven or eight Men, Servants and Slaves, with a great deal of Goods, leaving no body at Congo, but a Deputy and a Clerk, whom he charged not to see the Customhouse, nor Customer, nor yet to receive any thing from him, until new Orders from the Indies. The Customer employed several to Mediate an Accommodation with Manuel Mendez, 

Manuel Mendez.  
The Ships Lading at Conggo.  
Bassora Tobacco.   but ill Language was all the answer he had. Besides all this Equipage, we took on Board several Bags of money belonging to Armenian Merchants; several Bales of Persian Carpets; several Bags of Gentian, which is Transported from Persia, where it grows, into the Indies, where it is used for dying red, and several Bags of Tobacco; for neither the Indian nor Persian Tobacco is good for any thing, and cannot be taken but with a Bottle full of water, through which the smoke passes before it come at the Mouth; so that they who carry good Tobacco to the Indies, make a great profit of it; we took on Board also several Chests of Schiras Wine; and our Franks of the Ships Company, carried some Bags of Nuts, of which they hoped to make, at least fifty per cent; 
Bags of Nuts.  but you must take notice that this is a Commodity proper only for those who have not above twenty Piastres to lay out in Trading, and pay no Freight, such as the inferior Officers or Seamen; for every Officer and Seaman may put on Board so many Bags Freight free, according to the Office he discharges in the Ship.  
Besides all these Goods, there came on Board so many people with their Chests, Jars, and other luggage, and such a quantity of Pullet's, Goats and Kids; (for in that Climate it is the best and wholesomest meat, the Mutton there being good for nothing, 
A great clutter in the Ship. ) that the Ship was thwacked full above and below Decks, and so pestered, that one had much a do to stir. Many more Goods were offered to be put on Board, but the Captain refused them, having no more spare room. With all this clutter and confusion, we had the vexatious humour of the Captain to suffer, who was so imperious and haughty, 
The Captain a hasty man.  that the least trifle offended him, and he was continually quarrelling with one or other of the three Franks who were Officers in the Ship, though they never gave him a word again: when the fancy took him in the Head, he would break out into such extravagancies of rage, that he would fall a Cursing and abusing the first Man that stood in his way; and sometimes he would challenge all the Ship to fight him when he came to Surrat, adding that he was an Italian, yes that he was. He would suffer no body to say any thing to him, and to hear him vapour, there was no Man greater than he: he had many debates with the Soubrescart at whom he had a great Pique, as with the rest of the Armenians also; sometimes he was so inflamed with rage, that no less would serve his turn, than to go a shore and leave the Ship; but then considering on it better, he would burn her or run her against a Rock. All the Armenians were to have their Heads broken; nay more than that, he was resolved to come some time or other and take all the Ships on those Seas, and a hundred such extravagancies that blew away with the Wind: the Pilot had no easy task of it, for he could not endure that he should give his Opinion, thinking it an indignity that any Man should seem to know more than himself. When he was in all his rage no body made him answer, no more than if he had been a Madman, and indeed, it was commonly the Shiras Wine, or Congo Brandy, that raised all this huff and din. When he was at a stand whom to fall soul on, he turned to the Merchants that came last on Board, who had their Goods in some place upon the Deck, not knowing where else to put them; he would tell them that he must have so much money, to suffer their Goods to lie in such a place, or else threaten to throw them over Board: if they told him that they had paid so much to the Soubrescart, and that they knew not where to lie, he shown them little Cabins, but he would have so much money for the hire of them, that no body would take them. The truth is, he was not altogether in the wrong, as to this last point, for they suffer not commonly Goods to lie upon the Deck, because they hinder the working of the Ship; and as for the Cabins, it is usual to let them at a very dear rate in Indian Ships, because of the many Passengers they have commonly on Board.  

An hundred and sixteen souls on Board.  We were in all an hundred and sixteen on Board, of whom about fourscore were Passengers, all Armenians, except the Sieur Manuel Mendez and his Company, my Man and I. A Cabin five Foot long, two Foot wide, and three Foot high, was let for a Toman and a half, during the Voyage to Surrat, and the Boat was let for fourscore Abassis. It is the Custom that so soon as the Ship is out at Sea the Boat is halled in, and lashed to Midships betwixt the Mainmast and Foremast. 
Cabins belonging to the Captain.  In short, all know that there are some Cabins which belong to the Captain, as also all the Deck; and those who would accommodate themselves there, must pay for it, especially when there is a Soubrescart on the Ship, who takes the money for the passage, 
What a Passenger is furnished with.  for which you are allowed no more but Salt, Water, and Wood, and these two last too are given out every day by Measure; but you must hire a place to lie and be in from the Captain, or some of the Officers of the Ship who have Cabins, and have no share of the money that you pay for your passage. These things are all but trifles, and have but little relation to the Voyage, yet I thought it might not be a miss to mention them, to show how much Ships are commonly pestered, in that passage; for it is to be concluded that it is the same thing on Board all other Ships; 
A Moorish or Mahometan Ship.  nay in Moorish Ships the accommodation is worse, where you have no Cabins, and where Christians are used like Dogs; only the noise is not so great there, because commonly in them the Master has absolute command, and is not so great a Fool as ours was.  
The greatest inconvenience Men endure on Board these Ships, is the want of water, for though every one has no more allowed him but two measures a day, to drink, boil his Victuals, water his Poultry, etc. each of which measures containing three Pints or there abouts, and every Horse eight measures; nevertheless it is many times wanting, and then happy is he that hath a Jar. Care was taken to fill our two Cisterns and all our Casks with the best water that is drank at Congo, and these Cisterns held sixteen Hogsheads a piece.  
Monday the sixth of December, a West Wind coming in with the New-Moon, the Ship Masulipatan, made Sail in the morning, without firing a Gun, and all day long such as were to go with us were coming on Board, until five a Clock in the evening, when we weighed, made Sail, and Steered away South. We were then in five Fathom water, and about half an hour after six, we found six Fathom. About seven a Clock the Wind veered about to North-West, and we stood away South, Southeast. Half an hour after eight, we had seven Fathom water. About ten a Clock, seven Fathom a Foot less. About half an hour after eleven, seven Fathom; and then we set the Ships Head East, South East; but at midnight held our Course South.  
Next morning half an hour after five, we had thirteen Fathom water, and were almost at an equal distance from the Isle of Queschimo, which was to the North-East of us; the Isle of Nabdgion or Pitombo, South, South-West of us, and the Isle of Tonbo, South East from us, and we bore away East.  
Queschimo is a great Isle but low Land; though it hath several Hillocks, 
Queschimo.  yet they are all so low, that Sailing along this Island, on any side, you may see the Mountains of the main Land over it. It lies in length East and West, is not very broad, but twenty Leagues long: it is to the East of Congo, and West, South-West from Comoron; it is a fruitful and well inhabited Island, the West end of it not being above a good League and a half from Congo, and the East end about a League from Benderabassi. On the East part of this Island there is a Fort, before which Ships may come to an Anchor in six Fathom water, to take in fresh water, which is very good in this place. The Portuguese formerly held this Fort; and it may be worth the observing that though the Island be very near the main Land yet Barks and Galliots pass betwixt the two.  
Nabdgion, or Pitombo, is a little low Desert Island lying South, 
Nabgion or Pitombo. Tonbo.  Southeast from Queschimo.  
Tonbo is another little low flat Island and Desert affoarding only a great many Antelopes' and Conies. It lies to the East of Nabdgion or Pitombo, and South from Congo, from which it is but four Leagues distant. Manuel Mendez (who had much experience in those Seas, being very young when he came into that Country, where he hath during the space of many years made several Voyages,) made me observe, that if any one should build a Fort on that Island, and keep some Men of War there, he might easily raise a Toll upon all the Ships that Trade in those Seas; for they must of necessity Sail near to that Island on the one side or other. Towards the Southeast, it has fifteen or twenty Wells of good water; but especially one that is excellent, and a good Road before it. When the Portuguese were possessed of Mascate, they came every year with some Galliots to the Isle of Tonbo, to receive the Tribute that was paid them in all the Ports of those Seas, and brought thither by those who were obliged to pay it. The yearly Tribute they had from the Isle of Queschimo consisted of five Persian Horses, and two Falcons; Congo paid four hundred Tomans; Bahrem sixteen thousand Abassis; and Catif the half of the yearly profits of its Customs: as for Bassora, there was a Portuguese Agent that resided there, who received a Chequin a day of the Bassa, and as often as the General came to that Town, the Bassa made him a Present. This Island is encompassed all round with Banks under water, nevertheless there is almost every where, four, six, eight, nay in some places nine Fathom water.  
About half an hour after seven, the Wind slackened much, and we Steered South, South East, about eleven a Clock we found nine Fathom water: and seeing we were almost becalmed, and the Tide cast us to the Westward, we were obliged to drop an Anchor half an hour after one a Clock at noon. We were some three Leagues off of Sannas, which was to the West, North-West of us, to the North-West and by West, it makes a Peak, but the Hill is higher than the Peak: we went thither to take in water, for the water is very good there, though it be about two Leagues from the West point of Queschimo, which was to the North-West of us. About four a Clock we had a Breeze from South, South-West, which made us Steer our Course Southeast. About six a Clock we had twenty Fathom water. Half an hour after seven, the Wind turned North-West, and we bore away East; at eight a Clock we found eighteen Fathom water; half an hour after that, eighteen and a half, and we stood away East and by North. About nine a Clock the Wind freshened a little, and we had twenty Fathom water; at ten a Clock we had one and twenty; and about half an hour after ten we Steered our Course East.  
Wednesday the ninth of December about day break the Wind ceased, and we Steered still East; the Isle of Angom was to the North-East of us, and not far off, and on the other side to the Southeast we had a Port of Arabia Foelix, called Julfar, which is a good Harbour, where many Indian Barks carrying money, come to buy Dates, 
Julfar. Pearl-Fishing.  and Pearls which are Fished all along that Coast from Mascat to Bahrem; there is a good Castle at Julfar. From that Port to the Cape of Mosandon, the Coast of Arabia the Happy, is all Mountainous, bearing South-West, and North-East, and runs so near the Persian shore, that there is but five Leagues betwixt the main Land of Mosandon, and the Isle of Lareca, which is close by Comoron. Betwixt Julfar and Mosandon, 
Good Ports in the Gulf which are not set down in the Maps.  there are a great many good Ports that are not set down in the Maps, where notwithstanding, several Ships may safely Winter, secure from all Winds, and there is every where very good water. About half an hour after seven in the morning, the Wind turned North-East, and we Steered our Course East, Southeast. We were then off and on with the Point of Angom, which bears West, North-West.  

Angom.  Angom is a little low Island to the South of Queschimo, and reaches along Queschimo from West, North-West, to East, Southeast; no body lives in it but two or three Fishermen, who keep some Goats, which they sell to Ships that come there to take in fresh water, where it is very good. Though this Island be very near to Queschimo, yet Ships may pass betwixt them, and all that take in water there shoot the Straight. About noon we bore away Southeast, and at one a Clock having cast the Lead, we had eight and thirty Fathom water: we were then becalmed, and made no way but by the Tide of Ebb, which cast us upon Arabia; so that we were obliged, to stand off of it as far as we could, to turn the Ships Head East, North-East: nevertheless towards the evening we were got very near the Mountains of Arabia; wherefore to keep off of that shore as much we could, we Steered away North-East, and by East, and the Tide of flood did us some service. About seven a Clock the Wind seemed as if it would get in to North, but it blew so gently, that it hardly curled the water.  
Thursday the tenth of December about half an hour after four in the morning, we had an easy Gale from North-East; and immediately after, we passed the point of Angom that bears East, Southeast. Over against this point (which is at the entry of the Straight betwixt Angom and Queschimo) there is five Fathom water; and when you are got within that Straight, you will find above twelve. At break of day we had the East point of Queschimo to the North, North-East of us, and the West point of Lareca, to the North-East and by North: and the biggest of the four Isles of Selame, with a little one near to it, bore Southeast and by East of us; as the third, which is a little separated from the rest, did to Southeast; we could not see the fourth, because it lay under the biggest. These Isles are four Rocks over against and close by Cape Mosandon; the Mahometans call them Selame, the English Coin; 
Isles of Selame or Coin.  and (a wedge,) the Dutch Mahomet Selame, a very unfit name to be given by Christians. One of these Rocks is bigger than the rest, rising a little into a point, on which they say there are wild Goats, and the other two are less and lower, one of them being very near the great one, and the other more remote; these two little ones bear South and by West from the great one; and the fourth bears South from it, which made that we could not see it from where we were.  

Lareca.  The Isle of Lareca lies in length from North, North-West, to South, Southeast: it is a low Island, having only some little Hillocks. On the North side of it there is a Fort, which the Dutch began to build under pretence of settling a Factory there, but the Persians smelling out their design, drove them out and finished it; nevertheless there is but a small Garrison in it. They assured me that there is in that Island a fair Salt-pit, 
A Salt-pit.  dug under ground in form of a Hall, but so lofty and spacious, that a thousand Men may be there at their ease. They sell the Salt they get there at Comoron, and along the Coast of Arabia.  
About eight a Clock we stood away Southeast, and then we had Lareca to the North and by East of us, and the great Rock with its neighbour to the East: but the other that is at some distance from it, to the East and by South. Behind the fourth Rock, at some distance there is another so big, that it appears to be main Land, but it is an Island, and makes a Channel betwixt it and the main Land, which is deep, but very narrow. Some English one day being half drunk, and having a good Wind, would needs in a frolic Sail through that Channel, but so soon as they were got in, the Wind failed them, 
A dangerous passage.  and they were in great danger of splitting against the Rock, however they preserved themselves with Fenders and Poles, but not without a great deal of trouble, and were sufficiently scared before they got out again; if it had blown hard, they must infallibly have been split; for it is impossible to come to Anchor there, there being nothing but Rock at the bottom.  
A quarter after eight, the Wind chopped about to East, and we stood away North and by East, having then Lareca to the North-East, and by North of us; and the great Rock with its neighbour to Southeast, and by East, and the other that is separated to the Southeast. In going to Comoron one may Sail betwixt Queschimo and Lareca, which are but a League and a half distant from one another; though the Map makes this Straight five Leagues over: or else betwixt Lareca and Ormus, 
A fault in Geography.  according as the Wind serves. Ormus is to the North-East of Lareca, and a League from it. From Bassora to Ormus, or to Cape Mosandon, which is near to it, it is a hundred and fourscore Leagues. The Cape of Mosandon lies in twenty seven degrees of North Latitude, and that is also the Latitude of Ormus which, (as I just now said,) is very near to it.  
After noon the Wind quite ceased, so that at five a Clock at night we were becalmed, and turned the Ships Head Southeast and by South. At six a Clock at night we had a breeze from North, North-East, but so weak that it could hardly move the Sails, and we Steered away East. About half an hour after nine, it shifted about to East, and we stood away North. About half an hour after ten, it blew fresher, and having heaved the Lead, we found two and thirty Fathom water. Towards midnight we tacked, and bore away South and by East.  
Friday the eleventh of December, about four a Clock in the morning, we tacked again, and stood North and by East. At break of day we were close in with the point of Queschimo, having to the Right Hand also the Isles of Lareca and Ormus very near us. At seven a Clock in the morning, we tacked, and stood away South and by East. Three quarters after seven, the Wind shifting to Southeast, we Steered North-East. About half an hour after ten, we found twenty eight Fathom water, and only eighteen at noon; but a quarter of an hour after, we had three and twenty. Half an hour after, twelve a Clock, it Reigned at little, which was followed by Hailstones as big as small Nuts, and exactly round, 
An extraordinary Hail.  except in one side which was flat and smooth; and these stones were so clear and transparent; that one might easily see within them little white Roses of six blunt points, with a little white Circle about their Centre, and in the middle a White point, which was exactly the Centre, according to the description that Descartes has given us of these Meteors. This Hail was the beginning of a great Storm, and therefore we quickly furled all our Sails, and scarcely was that done, when the Storm broke with great fury and noise: it began with such loud Thunderclaps, 
A great Tempest.  that I never heard the like: on one side we saw a Rain Bow, and on Head, the Air as black as it could be, half an hour after Sun set.   

CHAP. III. A Continuation of the Voyage to the Indies. SPOUTS.  

Spouts.  WHilst the Tempest tossed our Ship with all imaginable violence, they called me to see a Spout, that was to the Larborad, near Land, and a Musket shot from the Ship: it was to the Leeward of us, and lasted but a little while. Turning to the other side, just as it was spent, I perceived another beginning not much above the same distance from us: it was likewise to the Leeward, for the Wind turned and changed then into all corners. Whilst I observed it, a second broke out at the side of it, and within a trice a third, by the side of the second. I presently began to say the Gospel of St. John, 
The Gospel of St. John.  which is said at the end of Mass, that God Almighty might, for the sake of that Gospel, preserve us from those Spouts; not that I thought the danger so very great, being they were to the Leeward of us, and in reality, they wrought more admiration than fear in me. Nevertheless there was a great consternation amongst our Company, all Hands were at work, and our Franks kept a heavy stir, calling and ask, whether any one had the Gospel of St. John; they addressed themselves to me, and I told them that I was a saying it; and whilst they prayed me to continue, one of them brought a Knife with a black handle, ask if any body knew how to cut the Spouts: I made answer that I had been informed of the way that some used to cut them, but that I would not put it in practice, because it was a bad and unlawful superstition; he objected, that the Spouts were so near, that they would quickly fall upon the Ship, and infallibly sink her, and that if he knew the secret, he would do it: I endeavoured to reassure him and the rest from the fear which made him speak so, telling them that the Spouts being to the Leeward, there was not so much danger as they imagined. And in short, to put that thought quite out of their Heads, I plainly told them that I neither would do that superstitious Art myself, nor teach any body else how to do it; and that for the Gospel of St. John I should willingly persist in saying it, because it was a good and lawful means to procure protection from God Almighty. And indeed, I forbore not to say it, till all the Spouts were dispersed, which was not before one a Clock after noon or thereabouts.   diagram of water funnels 
A  
B  
C  
D  
E  
F  
G  
H  
I  
At length, seeing the Air on all Hands full of tempestuous Clouds, he ordered the Ships Head to be turned North-West, which was very hard to be done, for the Sea hindered the Ship from coming about, though the Wind was then at East; and we stood in to Quesomo, near which about a quarter after two, we came to an Anchor in seven and twenty Fathom water, to the South of that Island; so that we put back again above a League. Then the Pilot was for bringing the Yards by the Board, and lowering the Maintop, and Fore-Top-Masts, fearing they might be damaged by the storm; but the Captain would not give way to it. During the rest of the day we had many flurries, with continual showers of Rain; but whilst these are blowing over, I will enlarge a little in the description of the Spouts, which I have only occasionally mentioned.  
I am apt to believe that few have considered Spouts with so much attention, 
A description of Spouts.  as I did those I have been speaking of, and perhaps no man hath made the Observations, which chance gave me the occasion of making; I shall here give an account of them, with that plainness I profess in the Relation of all my Travels, thereby to render things mere sensible and easy to be comprehended.  
The first we saw, was to the Northward, betwixt us and the Isle of Quesomo, about a Musket shot from the Ship: we were then Steering North-East. The first thing we perceived in that place was the water boiling up about a Foot high above the surface of the Sea; it looked whitish, and over it, there appeared somewhat like a blackish smoke, but not very thick; so that the whole looked very like a bundle of straw set on fire, but only as yet smoking, (see the Figure A:) this made a dull noise, like to a Torrent running impetuously in a deep Valley; but it was mingled with another somewhat more distinct noise, resembling the loud hissing of Serpents or Geese. A little after, we saw as it were a dark puff of steam, much like to a smoke which turning very fast, tapers up to the Clouds; and this puff seemed to be a Pipe as big as one's Finger; (see the Figure B;) the same noise still continuing. Then the light put it out of our sight; and we knew that that Spout was spent, because the water boiled no more up; so that it lasted not above half a quarter of an hour. This being spent, we saw another Southward of us, which began in the same manner, as the former did; presently after, there appeared another by the side of this Westward; and then a third by the side of the second. The most remote of the three, might have been somewhat more than a Musket shot distant from us, and all the three appeared like so many bundles of Straw, a Foot and a half, or two Foot high, that yielded a great deal of smoke; (see the Figure A) and made the very same noise that the first did. Afterward we saw so many Pipes reaching down from the Clouds, upon the places where the water bubbled, and every one of these Pipes, at the end which joined to the Cloud, was as large as the wide end of a Trumpet; and resembled (that I may explain myself intelligibly) the Teat or Dug of a Beast, stretched perpendicularly downwards by some weight; (see the Figure, C.) These Channels or Pipes seemed to be of a paleish white, and I believe it was the water in these transparent Pipes, which made them look white; for in all appearance they were already form before the water was sucked up in them, as may be judged by what follows; and when they were empty they appeared not; in the same manner as a Glass-Pipe that is very clear, being set in the light at some distance from our Eyes, appears not, unless it be full of some coloured liquor. These Pipes were not straight, but in some places crooked, (see the Figure D) neither were they perpendicular; on the contrary, from the Clouds (into which they seemed to be inserted, to the places where they drew up the water,) they sloaped very Obliquely, as you may see by the Figure D: and what is more singular, the Cloud to which the second of these three was fastened, having been driven by the Wind, the Pipe followed it without breaking, or leaving the place where it drew up the water, and passing behind the Pipe of the first, they made for sometime a Saltier, or the Figure of St. Andrews Cross, (see the Figure E,) in the beginning they were all three as big as one's Finger, as I have already observed; but in the progress, the first of the three, swelled to a considerable bigness. I can say nothing of the other two, for the last that was form was almost as soon spent: that to the South continued about a quarter of an hour; but the first on the same side, lasted somewhat longer, and was that which put us into the greatest fear, and whereof I have still somewhat more to say: at first the Pipe of it was as big as one's Finger, than it swollen as big as a man's Arm, after that as big as one's Leg, and at length as big as the Trunk of a good Tree, as much as a Man can Fathom about; (see the Figure F.) We could plainly see through that transparent body, the water winding and turning as it mounted up; and now and then the thickness of it decreased, sometimes at the top; (see the Figure G;) and sometimes at the Root; (see the Figure H.) At that time it exactly ressembled a Gut filled with some fluid matter, and pressed with ones Fingers, either above, to make the liquor descend; or below, to make it mount up; and I was persuaded that the violence of the Wind made these alterations, making the water mount very fast when it forced upon the lower end of the Pipe, and making it descend, when it pressed the upper part: after that, the bigness of it so lessened, that it was less than a Man's Arm, like a Gut when it is strained and drawn perpendicularly out in length; than it grew as big as one's Thigh, and afterwards dwindled again very small. At length I perceived that the boiling on the surface of the Sea began to settle, and the end of the Pipe that touched it, separated from it, and shrunk together, as if it had been tied; (see the Figure I,) and then the light (which appeared by the blowing away of a Cloud,) made me lose fight of it; however I still looked out for some time, if I might see it again, because I had observed, that the Pipe of the second on that side, had appeared to us three or four times, to break short off in the middle, and that immediately after, we had seen it whole again, one half of it being only hid from us by the light; but it was to no purpose for me to look sharply out; for this appeared no more; so that there was an end of our Spouts, and I gave God thanks, (as all the other Franks did,) that he had delivered us from them. They attributed that mercy to the Holy Gospel, which I had said, wherein I arrogate nothing to myself, being not so unreasonable as to think that my merit contributed any thing; but perhaps God had some respect to our good intention, and the trust that all of us reposed on his Holy Gospel. In fine, there is nothing more certain, than that notwithstanding the inconstancy of the Wind which shifted all Points, none of these Spouts came nearer us, than the place where first they began; and this I may with sincerity affirm, that in all dangers of Storms, Pirates, and other accidents, wherein I have been often engaged, it was always my practice, to rehearse this Holy Gospel, and God in his great mercy hath preserved me from all.  

The effects of Spouts.  These Spouts are very dangerous at Sea, for if they come upon a Ship, they entangle the Sails, so that sometimes they will lift it up, and then letting it fall down again, sink it to the bottom; which chief happens when the Vessel is small; but if they lift not up the Ship, at least they Split all the Sails, or else empty all their water into it, which sinks it to rights; and I make no doubt, but that many Ships that have no more been heard of, have been lost by such accidents: seeing we have but too many instances of those which have been known to have perished so of a certain. Besides the Devotion of the Holy Gospel, the human remedies which Seamen use against Spouts, is to furl all the Sails, and to fire some Guns with shot against the Pipe of the Spout; and that their shot may be surer to hit, instead of Bullet, they charge the Gun with a cross-bar-shot, wherewith they endeavour to cut the Pipe, if the Spout be within shot of them; and when they have the good luck to levelly their shot just, they fail not to cut it short off: this is the Course they take in the Mediterranean Sea; but if that succeed not, they betake themselves to the Superstition, which I would not practise, though I knew it, having learned it in my former Travels. One of the Ships Company knelt down by the Mainmast, and holding in one Hand a Knife with a Black Handle (without which they never go on Board for that reason) he Reads the Gospel of St. John, and when he comes to pronounce those Holy words, Et verbum caro factum est, & habitavit in nobis, he turns towards the Spout, and with his Knife cuts the Air athwart that Spout, as if he would cut it, and they say that then it is really cut, and lets all the water it held fall with a great noise. This is the account that I have had from several French Men, who, (as they said,) had tried it themselves; whether that hath succeeded so or not, I know not; but for the Knife with the black Handle, it is a foul Superstition, which may be accompanied with some implicit compact with the Devil, and I do not think that a Christian can with a good Conscience make use of it: as to the virtue of these Holy words, which (as I may say,) put God in mind of the Covenant that he hath made with Man, I make no doubt, but that being said with Devotion, without any mixture of Superstition, they are of great efficacy to draw a blessing from God upon us on all occasions.  
And so much for the Spouts by which we were more afraid than hurt; but the Storm did our Ship more prejudice in its Course; for we were obliged to lie at Anchor all that day and the night following, until next morning, when though it blew very hard from North-East, we weighed at seven a Clock, and stood away East, Southeast. About nine a Clock we Sailed along Lareca, which was to the Windward or Larboard of us. About three quarters after nine, we saw the Sky on Head over cast, and the Air black, with stormy Clouds and flurries, but they were to the Leeward of us, and therefore at first we dreaded them not; but having more attentively considered them, we found that they came from South to North, and seeing it blew fresher and fresher, perhaps because of the resistance it met with from those Clouds driven by a contrary Wind, we furled our Mizan Sail, and Steered away Southeast and by East, that we might avoid the Storm. About a quarter after ten we took in all our Sails, except the Main Course and Spritsail. About half an hour after ten, it cleared up to the South, and we made the biggest of the four Isles of Cape Mosandon, (called Selame) which bore South and by West of us; and at the same time we made the fourth of these little Isles, which we had not seen before; to the South and by East. This little Isle lies to the Southward of the biggest, and is not far from it; it seemed to me to reach North and South, and is very low Land, except at the end towards the big Island, where it rises a little. About three quarters after ten, we set our Mizan and Main-Top-Sail again, and stood our Course Southeast, the Wind being then North-East and by East, and immediately after, we had a shower of Rain: For two hours after, the Wind did nothing but chop and change, from North-East to Southeast; and all that while we kept on our Course, as much as the little Wind that then blue would allow us. At one of the Clock we were got very near Lareca, standing North and by East, and therefore we tacked about and bore away South and by East, the Wind being then East and by North. About two a Clock we stood Southeast and by South. About seven a Clock it blew hard from North-East, and we Steered our Course East, Southeast. About eight a Clock it blew a stiff Gale from South, Southeast, and we Steered East.. Three quarters after eight it got into South, and we bore away East, Southeast; a quarter of an hour after, we had some Rain. In this manner every hour, or every half hour the Wind shifted about; and with every change we had a scud of Wind and Rain; which obliged us to furl all our Sails but the Foresail, but so soon as the flurry was over; the Wind was but very easy. Thus all night long we had flurries, and changes of Wind.  
Sunday the thirteenth of December, at six a Clock in the morning, the Wind turned East, Southeast, and we stood away South. We had to the Starboard the Land of Arabia, and the four Isles of Selame, of which the biggest bore West and by South of us: on our Larboard we had the Land of Persia, part whereof called Marsan, bore Southeast of us, and we made particularly one Hill of that Land, shaped like a Sugar-Loaf. About seven a Clock the Wind shifted into Southeast, but it was an easy Gale, and we Steered East, North-East. About nine a Clock we had the biggest of the Isles of Selame to the South-West and by West of us, and the Port of Lima to the South-West and by South.  
Lima is a very good Port in Arabia the happy, where several Ships may Winter secure from all Winds, and there is good water there. At noon the Wind turning South, westood away East, Southeast. At two a Clock it shifted about to South, South-West, and we Steered Southeast. Half an hour after three we tacked and bore away West. At five a Clock the biggest of the Isles of Selame bore West, South-West from us. About seven a Clock we tacked, and stood away Southeast. At midnight we tacked again, and Steered West. Monday morning at six of the Clock, the Wind being at Southeast, we Steered our Course South, South-West. Half an hour after eleven we bore away East, Southeast, because the Wind had chopped about to the South; and at one a Clock being got South, South-West, we Steered Southeast, and at two of the Clock, South, Southeast, the Wind having veered about to South West. Thus did we trip to and again in that Straight, the Wind continually shifting and turning, though it held always Southerly, and seeming to play with us: for it happened exactly, that when we were towards the Coast of Arabia, the South-West Wind that was good for us, changed to Southeast; and when we were on the Coast of Persia, the Southeast that then was fair to bring us forward, changed to South-West. In the mean time every body was much surprised that the South Wind continued so long; and an Armenian told me that in the space of eigthteen years that he had yearly made that Voyage, he never knew it blow so long at a time: In November, December and January. The East Wind commonly reigns in those quarters; 
The proper season for Sailing to the Indies.  and therefore the proper Mouson for going from Persia to the Indies in a short time, is in March, April, and the beginning of May. However we still advanced forwards a little, because we had the Currents with us; for from the end of July, until January, the Currents set from the Indies towards Ormus, and from January till the month of August, they set from Ormus towards the Indies. About five a Clock at night being got very near a low point of Land in Persia, 
Nataly.  called Nataly; we cast the Lead and found twelve Fathom water and muddy ground; immediately after, having cast it out again, we had but six Fathom water, and a sandy ground: which made us tack about, and the rather because the Wind was South, South-West: we had then the biggest of the Isles of Selame to the West, North-West of us. Half an hour after six the Wind turnning South, we stood away West, South-West, and in the nighttime made two tacks more.  
Tuesday the fifteenth of December, about seven a Clock in the morning we were close in with the Land of Arabia, and the Wind was then at South, Southeast, and therefore we stood away East: but about nine a Clock the Wind shifting to Southeast, we were obliged to tack, and stand away South, South-West. About eleven a Clock the Wind came to South, and we Steered North and by East, that we might put into Lareca and Ormus, and wait for a favourable Wind in one of those two Islands, being weary of beating up and down in this manner, and making no progress in our Voyage; which only wore our Sails; and besides, we made account to take in water there; for we were apprehensive it might fall short.  
In the mean time this design was not without contradiction on the part of the Mate and Seamen, as well as of the Merchants, who could not willingly resolve to lose that little way we had made: however the Captain did as he intended, and in the sequel they were all glad of it, when about half an hour after three they perceived the Heavens overcast with thick Clouds, which shortly after broke out into bitter gusts of Wind and Rain, 
Other Spouts.  with three Spouts more, but at a distance from us. Then did all applaud the Captain's Orders; every one being of opinion that if we had been surprised with that storm in the Straight where we were in the morning, we should have been hard put to it, and it even appeared visibly to us, to be more violent in that part than any where else.  
Nevertheless as it is usual with those kind of Men never to fear danger but when it is present; no sooner did it begin to blow from South-West about five a Clock, but the Merchants persuaded the Mate to pray the Captain to set Sail again and pursue our Course: he presently condescended out of spite; for he no ways approved the design, nor indeed had he reason; a fierce Wind still blowing with several Gusts and flurries; however he ordered to Steer away South, Southeast. About six a Clock at night, the so much longed for North Wind began to blow, but it was so high that we could carry no Sails but the Foresail and Spritsail, and there went a rough Sea on Head, that furiously beat against the Ship: in the mean time we Steered away South and by East, that we might not be Land locked by the Cape of Mosandon, which we had on Head. About seven a Clock the Wind slackened much, and we let lose the Mainsail; though we had still several gusts of Wind and Rain; we had besides the Currents to struggle with, which turned the Ships Head towards the Coast of Arabia with so much force, that it was sometimes above a quarter of an hour before the Ship could be brought about again to our right Course of South and by East. The Sea became smother in the nighttime, though the Wind freshened a little.  
Wednesday the sixteenth of December, about break of day, we made on Head six of the Ships which we left at Congo, that were not to set out till some days after us: during the late storms they had kept at Anchor at the Isle of Angom; and the Wind being good this last night, they had set Sail, and coasted along Arabia, and when we made them, they were Steering away Southeast, to double Cape Jasques. Half an hour after nine, we set our Main-Top-Galant-Sail. About a quarter after four a Clock, we were got within a League and a half of the shore of Persia, off and on with a place, where there are high white Hills, a little up on the Land; which with a blackish Rock, that ranges all along the Seaside, makes a very pleasant prospect: for seeing at a distance over that black, a great many pieces of white Rock that rise in various figures; one would take it to be a City; and to the South of that imaginary Town, upon the same Hill, there is a piece of whiteish Rock broken off from the rest, which looks like a Tower or Pillar upon a high Pedestal; from thence it is but a League to Bombareca. 
Bombareca.  Half an hour after five we were off of Bombareca, which is only a very high square, white Rock; and flat on the top; it seems to be very steep, and at a distance one would take it for a square Fort: this Rock is very near the Land, and it is dangerous to approach it, because it is surrounded with a Bank of Sand. A little after, we came up with the Ships that were on Head of us, and after the Selame or mutual Hailing, they told us that it was but six days since they parted from Congo; they had all signed Indentures to go in Consort, and not to leave one another till they came to Surrat; nevertheless one of them Hailed us, and told us that if we would go in Consort with him, he would leave the rest; and our Captain and the Mate whose Brother was Mate of the other Ship, having made answer that they were content, he packed on all the Sail he could and followed us. About six a Clock we got a Head of the Headmost of all the Ships, and our Men handed the Main-Top-Galant-Sail, and would have furled the Mainsail, to stay for our Consort, who was a Stern of us; but the Captain would first have the consent of the Souhreseart, who was not of the same mind, saying it was better to make the best of our way whilst the Wind was good: so that we only took in our Main-Top-Galant-Sail, and Steered our Course Southeast and by South. The Seamen in the mean time kept a heavy muttering that we should leave the other Ship, after we had promised to stay for her, and occasioned her leaving of the rest: but the clutter was far greater, when our Mate who had turned in, came out, after an hours sleep, and not seeing our Consort, would needs spare Sail; for when he was told what resolution had been taken, he made a fearful noise, complaining of our breach of promise; but after all he was fain to have patience.   

CHAP. IU. Of the rest of the Voyage to the Indies.  

An Invention for Reckoning the Ships way.  WEdnesday about Sun set, we began to keep reckoning of our way, which is done in this manner. At the Stern of the Ship they heave out a little piece of board, about half a Foot long, four Inches broad, and very thin and smooth, which is fastened to a Line; at the same time they turn a minute Sand-Glass, which is the sixtieth part of an hour; and so long as this minute is running, they veer off the Line, but stop it so soon as the the Glass is out; and when they have pulled it up, they reckon how many Fathom have run off in that minute's time, allowing for every seven Fathom a Miles running in an hour. But it is to be observed that before the Glass be turned, they let off with the Log fourteen Fathom of the Line, and these fourteen Fathom are not accounted in the reckoning, for they reckon none but those that run off whilst the Glass is running; and therefore there is a mark to distinguish the beginning from the end of the first fourteen; and at the instant that that mark gins to go off, they turn the minute Glass. This reckoning is found by experience to be pretty just; and thereupon I told our Captain, that I had seen the English do the same thing in the Mediterranean, save that they did not allow those fourteen first Fathom, and that they used but half a minute Glass, or the hundred and twentieth part of an hour, and that nevertheless they reckoned seven Fathom of the Line that run off during that minute for a Mile an hour of the Ships way; that according to that reckoning, he ought to allow fourteen Fathom for an hour, his being a minute Glass, and cut off these first fourteen. He made me no other answer, but that the Currents of the Ocean▪ were stronger than those of the Mediterranean: nevertheless, one would think that since they reckon not those fourteen Fathom, and turn not the Glass till they be run out, they are altogether useless; unless it be, perhaps, that they let them run off, to the end that when those which they reckon begin to run, the Log may be so far off, that the Sea which beats against the Ship, may not drive it neither forwards nor backwards: and indeed before the Glass be turned, they take notice whether or not the Log runs straight in the Ships wake; and there is a red mark at the place where they begin to reckon, to prevent their being mistaken: otherwise if they should reckon as soon as they heaved out the Log, the Ship runs some times so fast, that they would not have time to consider whether or not the Log, we●t straight in the Ships way. Once an hour they heave that Log, and then mark down every time how many knots or Fathoms of the Line has run out; and every day at noon they cast up the account of their running; so that they reckon by this means, how many Miles the Ship has run in four and twenty hours; (that is to say,) from noon of the preceding, to noon of the present day; and this they set off with a Compass upon the Sea Chartley, that they may know where the Ship is. Though this be a very useful invention, yet it is not too much to be relied upon; else they would be in danger of committing great errors at Sea, because of the Tides and Currents, that either drive the Log forwards or backwards; and to be assured of the exactness of that account, the Log must be fixed and immovable. But the English are not mistaken, for besides that invention of Miles, they daily take an observation of the Sun's height: besides they heave out the Log, at every change, increase or decrease of the Wind. The English reckon their Miles, at five hundred Geometrical paces only, (that is,) five Foot to the pace.  

Cape of Jasques, Carpella. The distance of Ormus from Cape Jasques.  About half an hour after six we were off of the Cape of Jasques, (anciently called Carpella;) it lies in five and twenty degrees and a half North Latitude, and in thirty Leagues from Ormus. From that Cape, the Land bears East and by South, to the River of Indus. At Cape Jasques about half a Mile or a Mile up on Land, there is a kind of a sorry Fort, with about forty Houses, inhabited by a sort of very poor people, who live on Barley, and drink nothing but water, and that very brackish too: they have two Barks or Taranquins, wherein they carry Wood to sell at Mascat. That wretched place is called Jasques, and depends on the Governor of Comron, who sends whom he pleases to Command in it.  
Thursday the seventeenth of December, about six a Clock in the morning, we clapped on our Main-Top-Galant-Sail, and stood away East, keeping in sight of the Land of Persia, lest the Wind might force us too far out to Sea, which about eleven a Clock turned North-East. At noon we found that from Sun setting the day before, we had run threescore and one Miles, or twenty Leagues, and a third, at the rate of three Miles a League. At one of the Clock, we bore away East and by South. About four a Clock, the Wind chopping about to West, we bore away Southeast and by East. About half an hour after five, we had East, North-East of us, a little low Isle, close by the Persian shore, which in that place is very low. About six a Clock we were off and on with that little Isle. Friday the eighteenth of December in the morning, we Steered our Course East and by South; and at noon we found that from that time the day before, we had made eight and thirty Leagues: then the Wind got into North-West, and we bore away Southeast and by East, that we might not run within Land, which we obscurely made on Head, a little to the Larboard.  
Next morning the Wind abated, and therefore we stood away East and by South. At noon we found by our reckoning, that we had in the last four and twenty hours, made five and twenty Leagues and a half. Then the Captain, Mate, and Gunner took an Observation of the Sums height with a Quadrant, as well as they could; for none of the three had much skill in it, and the Ma●e lest of all: all three agreed that we were in twenty four degrees, thirty minutes Latitude. About evening the Wind shifted into South-West, but it was so easy that scarcely did it curl the water; yet we Steered away Southeast and by East, that we might not be cast a shore.  
Sunday the twentieth of December it continued still calm weather, so that at noon, we found we had made but five League's way, and our Men having taken their Observation, found that we were still in the Latitude of twenty four degrees thirty minutes, as we were the day before: and that day every one was stinted to a measure and a half of water by day. Towards the evening we made the Land of Persia, and were but about five Leagues off of it, which made us Steer away Southeast and by South, and stand out to Sea, contrary to the opinion of the Mate who would have kept in by the Shoar, giving this reason for it, that we needed not fear to be cast too far to the Leeward, as the Captain said, because at that time the East Wind blows along the Coast of Sindy; and besides, being near Land, in case it proved bad weather, we might come to an Anchor, and take in water, which we were afraid we might come to want. But the chief reason why he would have stood in to shore, and which he kept to himself, was that he might know the place where he was, for these are such an ignorant sort of Men, that so soon as they lose sight of Land, they know no more where they are. The Captain made answer to all his reasons, that it was bad advice, to make us double our way without any necessity, and that we had no reason to go look for East Winds, having the Wind at South-West, which though it was easy, still kept us going on in our Course, and would, (if it freshened,) bring us in a short time whither we were bound; and in that case, we needed not go look for water, whereof as yet we had no want: besides that, by standing in to shore, we run a risk of meeting the Zinganes, those Pirates I mentioned before, whom no body desired to see; and we put ourselves also in danger of not being able to get out to Sea again for a long time, if the Wind (which we had,) lasted, because we must wait for another Wind, which perhaps, might not offer in some week's time. In fine, it behoved the Pilot to acquiesce to this judgement, which was approved by all of us; nay the Gunner was for having us steer our Course more to the Southward, and he was not out in that; for the Coast of Cape Jasques bears West and by North, and East and by South, and we Steered Southeast and by East, from which substracting a Point and a half which is the variation of the Needle; and then our Course would prove to be East, a Point and a half towards South, and so we were but half a Point to the Windward of the Land of Persia, and this Course carried us straight to the Gulf which is to the Northward of the Isle of Diu, but the Captain would not change his Course, fearing to meet with an East Wind, which would have driven him too far above the place whither we were bound; and therefore he would not bear away South, till he was near the Isle of Diu.  
Monday the one and twentieth of December, our Observers found at noon that we were in twenty four degrees twenty five minutes Latitude, and that we had run ten Leagues.  
Next day they found twenty four degrees five minutes Latitude, and that we had run fourteen Leagues the last twenty four hours. About four a Clock in the afternoon the Heaven was on all Hands overcast with thick black Clouds, and at the same time there arose a small Gale from West, North-West, which presently drove the Clouds upon us; we expected a strong Gust of Wind, but we were excused for a shower of Rain, which was indeed violent, but lasted not, without any flurry of Wind, or rough water, for the Sea was not at all moved. At the same time these Storms began to appear in the Air, others began to work in our Captain's Head, which caused a real Tempest in the Ship. He had drunk several Cups of Brandy, which began to heat his Brains; however he ordered the Sails to be taken in, as it is usual when they see a Storm a coming: but presently after, a fancy taking him in the Head, that they accused him of timorousness, and saying that he had heard some say he was afraid, though no body had spoken a word; he fell into a sudden rage, and (to show that he was a Man of Courage,) commanded all the Sails high and low to be set again, though the Mate prayed him not to do it, and that the Seamen stayed two or three Orders before they obeyed him; which incensing him the more, he swore that the Sails should stand, whatsoever weather blew, that he might make those dy for fear, that had said he was afraid, adding a thousand more impertinent raveings. Never did Captain on a Stage show so many Rodomontades, and that for several hours, during which he tried all the Ships patience, without the least word of answer from any Man. At four a Clock the Wind turning West, we stood away East, Southeast. Half an hour after four, we had a great shower of Rain, which soon was over, and immediately after, the Wind fell a shifting into all the Points, till at length it settled at North-East, and we bore away East, Southeast. In the mean time all our Sails were abroad, except the Main-Top-Galant-Sail, which he had likewise caused to be put on, but was immediately after taken in. About six a Clock the Wind veering about to East, we Steered away South, Southeast. At seven a Clock we were more becalmed than before, and we turned the Ships Head East and by South.  
Wednesday morning the three and twentieth of December, one of our Seamen took with a Hook a Fish called a Dorado, 
Dorado, a Fish.  which was about two Foot long, and four Inches broad from the middle of the Back to the middle of the Belly, but not very thick; the Skin a long the Back, and half way the Sides of it, was of a Violet blue, and the Belly of a yellowish white, but full of little round Violet coloured specks; it had along the Back a blue Skin, stretched as it were, upon little bones or prickles, which made it bristle up about an inch and a half high: the Eyes of it were large and round; under the Gills, it had on each side a Fin three Fingers breadth long, which stood out very straight; and two others under the Throat, near one another, and another at the Roots, and then widening by degrees to the points, it had two more of the same fashion near the Tail; but it had no Teeth. It was very brisk and lively when it was pulled out of the water; but as the force of it spent, that Skin which before was stretched like a piece of Cloth, upright upon the Back of it, flagged and fell flat to the Body as well as its Fins. They told me that there were some of those Fish a Fathom and a half long, that they call them Doradoes, that is to say gilded, because the ground of their Skin, is in some manner of the colour of Gold; the English call them Dolphins. It is good meat and of easy digestion; the Flesh of it is firm and delicate, and it feeds on a kind of small flying Fish, which being pursued, rise out of the water, and fly above a Ships length, falling sometimes into Ships, as one did into ours. On Sunday the seven and twentieth of December, I handled and considered it at leisure; it was shaped like a Herring, and seven inches long; the Back of it was of a very dark blue, and the Belly white; on each side it had a Wing almost five inches long, and about four inches broad: these Wings are only a thin Skin of a very obscure blue colour, stretched upon little Nerves or Bones, which reach from the side of the Fish, to the extremity of the Skin. When it is pursued by the Doradoes it leaps out of the Water, and flies in the Air so long as the Wings of it are moist, and when they dry it falls again into the water. When these Wings are dry they fold together like a Fan, and that Fishes Wings which I Handled were folded in that manner; it is very good to eat.  
We could have no Observation at noon, because the Sun was over Clouded, and must then be satisfied with our dead reckoning, according to which we had made but nine Leagues from noon to noon. At eight a Clock at night, a Coal of fire fell out of a Tobacco-Pipe into the Gun-Room, through the hole of the Whip-staff; and by good fortune the two Women slaves of Manuel Mendez, (who lodged in that place,) soon perceived it, and put it out; and then being all in a fright, they cried out for help: they who had done this were enquired after, but in vain, for it was impossible to find out the Authors: had not God in his great mercy preserved us from the danger of that accident, we must all have unfortunately perished.  
Thursday the four and twentieth of December, at four of the Clock in the morning there fell a great deal of Rain, and it continued showering by intervals, with great Thunderclaps, till half an hour after six: when the Rain was quite over, we had a good Wind from North-West, which made us run a League and a half an hour; but it was close weather, and the Captain ordered to Steer away East, whereby we altered our Course, and stood in to Land; when I asked him the reason of it, he told me, he was afraid he might find the Wind at East, North-East, which would force us out from the place to which we were bound: but the truth was, he had a mind to make the Land, that he might know where we were; for neither he, the mate, nor Gunner could tell it. At eight a Clock the Wind turned Easterly, and we stood away South, Southeast. At nine a Clock it shifted to Southeast, and we Steered South, which was a very bad Course, for following it we must have run far below the place whither we were bound. About ten a Clock the Wind being got into the South, Southeast; we bore away East; but all of a sudden the Wind slackened. At noon we had the Wind at South, and we Steered away East, Southeast. We could have no Observation this day neither, because of Cloudy weather, and they found by their dead Reckoning that we had made nine Leagues: most of this way we had made since six a Clock in the morning, for the eighteen hours before, we had advanced but little or nothing at all. A quarter after twelve, the Wind turned South-West, and we Steered our Course North-East, but we were presently after becalmed. At two a Clock we had a breeze from North-West, and we bore away Southeast and by East. About six a Clock the Wind slackened much. About seven a Clock our Ships Head stood Southeast.  
Friday the five and twentieth of December, at six a Clock in the morning, it blew a West, North-West Wind, and we steered on our Course still Southeast. About seven a Clock the Sky was overcast with Clouds, which brought Rain with them, and we saw some more Spouts at a pretty good distance, and a Weathergall: this Weathergall was like a Segment of a Rainbow, rising from the Horizon about three degrees; or, if you will, it seemed to be three Foot high. Sometimes they appear over a Ship, and that is commonly a presage of a Tempest; and the Portuguese call this Phenomenon a (Ox's Eye.) About eight a Clock it blew a pretty fresh Gale from North; but immediately it veered about to North-East, and became very weak. At noon we were by our Observations in three and twenty degrees two and fifty minute's Latitude, and had made from noon to noon, thirteen Leagues. Then the Captain and Mate made account that we were eight or ten Leagues off of the Land of Sindy, and about five and twenty Leagues from Jaquelte: for my part, by what I could make out by my Map, we were twenty Leagues off, 
Malan.  and to the Southward of Malan, and forty Leagues from Sindy, and near threescore Leagues from Jaquelte, and this agreed with the Gunner's Observation; but he durst not say any thing, for fear of quarrelling with the Captain, who thought every body ignorant in respect of himself; and nevertheless it was found afterwards that he and the Mate were in the mistake. About four a Clock, the Wind turned East, Southeast, and we Steered North-East. About five a Clock we had a great shower of Rain from a thick Cloud over head, which being passed, we had the Wind at Southeast, and bore away North-East. Half an hour after six, we had Rain again with Lightning, but we were becalmed, and turned the Ships Head North-East. At seven a Clock the Wind turned South and by East, and we bore away East and by South. Half an hour after ten, we were becalmed; but about eleven a Clock had a great flurry, which made much noise at first, and this made us furl all our Sails; but a great shower of Rain soon carried it off, and the Sea being smooth, we Steered away Southeast and by South. At midnight we cast the Lead, but though they veered out sixty Fathom of Rope, yet we had no ground, which was like to have made the Captain mad for shame; for he believed us to be very near Land, and he fell into a Passion with the Mate, saying that he had not left importuning him for two days to heave out the Lead. We were all night becalmed, though at times we had several showers of Rain.  
Saturday the six and twentieth of December, about seven a Clock, there blew a gentle Gale from East, North-East, which made us Steer away Southeast and by South. About half an hour after nine, the Wind being all Easterly, we stood away Southeast: then master Manuel Mendez, (who perceived very well that no body knew where we were;) advised the Captain to stand in to Land and gratify the Pilot, which highly offended him, saying that since they took him for an ignorant blockhead, for the future he would only sleep and take his rest, and let the Ship go which way she pleased; and that to content us, he would put back and make the Land at Jasques; however this went no farther. About ten a Clock the Wind turned East, North-East, and we stood away Southeast. At noon the Gunner found by his Observations that we were in twenty three degrees forty five minutes, the Captain, in twenty three degrees five minutes, and the Mate in twenty three fifteen minutes; and in four and twenty hours we had only made about six Leagues. That day we began to see of those Birds which the Portuguese call Rabo de Junco, 
Rabo de Junco, a Fowl.  and are a kind of Sea-Mews, only they are bigger, and have the Tail all of a piece, and pointed like a Rush, wherefore they are called Rush Tails; and they keep upon the water as the Sea-Mews do. At one a Clock the Wind slackened, and chopped into the East, and we Steered South and by East. About four a Clock we tacked, and stood away North. About half an hour after five the Wind having veered about to East, North-East, we Steered Southeast. About half an hour after seven, the Wind turned North-East and by East. About ten a Clock it was full North-East, and we bore away East, Southeast.  
Sunday morning the seven and twentieth of December, at five of the Clock, the Wind turned East and by North, and we Steered our Course Southeast and by South. About nine a Clock we bore away Southeast, because the Wind was at East, North-East, and blew pretty fresh. Our Officers took an Observation at noon, and were again of different opinions; the Captain had two and twenty degrees fifty two minutes; the Mate twenty three, and the Gunner three and twenty degrees and two minutes; and in twenty four hours, we had made fourteen Leagues. In the Evening a flying Fish leapt into our Ship. The Wind freshened so much in the nighttime that we were obliged to furl our Top Sails.  
Monday noon the twenty eighth of December, the Captain found out by his Observation, that we were in the Latitude of twenty two degrees eight minutes, and the Gunner, in twenty two degrees eighteen minutes; in four and twenty hours we had made fourteen Leagues. That day we saw a great many Weeds or Herbs floating upon the water, which the Portuguese call Sargaso; 
Herb Sargaso.  and that is one sign of being near the Land of the Indies; many such are also to be seen towards Brasil. The stalk of that Herb is small, blackish and as supple as a hair, the Leaves of it are long and narrow, and a little jagged, besides the Leaves, it hath a great many small, clear, and transparent Berries, as soft as little Goosberries, that stick to the stalk. This Herb grows upon the Rocks in the Sea, and being torn off by storm, it floats upon the water, till it be cast a shore. About two in the afternoon the Wind slackened much, and therefore we spread our Maintop, and Fore-Top-Sails, the Sea (which had been very high before,) growing calm and smooth within a few hours.  
Tuesday morning the nine and twentieth of December, about seven a Clock, the Wind was at North, North-East, and we Steered our Course East. At noon the Gunner found that we were in one and twenty degrees, forty four minutes Latitude, and that in the space of twenty four hours we had made thirteen Leagues and a half: at midnight we Steered East and by South, that we might keep off of the Banks that are towards Diu, our Company thinking themselves nearer to it, than indeed they were.  
Next morning we saw two Snakes upon the water, 
Snakes upon the water are a sign of the nearness of Land.  which occasioned great joy in the Ship; for when they begin to see Snakes, it is an infallible mark that they are not above forty Leagues off the Land of the Indies; wherefore one may boldly come to sounding; and indeed, when at nine a Clock we heaved out the Lead, we found fifty three Fathom water. At noon by the Gunner's Observation we were in one and twenty degrees, thirty three minutes Latitude, having in the last twenty four hours run five and twenty Leagues and a half; we sounded a second time, and had forty Fathom water; whereupon we stood away Southeast and by East, that we might not run upon the Land of Diu, where we had nothing to do, and which is the Rendez-vous of the Malabar Corsairs, and the Zinganes. Half an hour after five in the evening, we had but thirty five Fathom water, and then we saw upon the water a great many little yellow Snakes, a Foot long, and as big as one's little Finger, which made us know that we were near the Coast of Diu, along which the Snakes are small; for from thence forwards along the Coast of the Indies they are big. That we might not then run within Land, we stood away Southeast. About six a Clock we began to see some Excrements of the Sea, which the Provensals call Carnasse, the Italians, Potta-Marina, 
Carnasse, or Potta Marina, or Alfareca.  and the Portuguese call Alfareca; I fancy that I have seen the figure and description of them, by the name of Potta-Marina, in a Treatise of Fabius Columna, de Conchis, which is at the end of the Treatise de Plantis of the same Author. Our Ships Company told me it was like a frothy Flesh, which the Fish eat, and when it touches a Man's Flesh, it sticks to it like Glue, and puts him to hot stinging pains. This puts me in mind, that heretofore being at Calais, a Gentleman of Honour told me, that in the Sea of Calais, there were some certain Sea-Excrements, which stung and occasioned such burning pains when they touched a Man's Flesh; that he had seen some Soldiers of the Garrison run about the streets roaring and crying out like Madmen, through the violence of the pain they suffered by these Excrements, which had touched their Flesh, when they washed themselves in the Harbour; and that this pain lasted two or three days. In all probability those Excrements he spoke to me of, were Carnasses. (If the Translator be not mistaken, the English call that Excrement a Carvel.) We saw so great a quantity of them all the evening, that sometimes they made the Sea look all white, and they lay as it were in veins; so that to judge by the sight, one would have taken them for great Banks of Sand, but of a very white Sand, or else for Rivers of Milk; and certainly a Man that had never seen them, nor been told what they were, would think himself to be upon a Bank of Sand. No sooner was one of these veins past, but we saw another a coming, and each of them was above five hundred paces in length, and proportionably broad. Those that floated along the Ships side, looked like so many very clear Stars, and at first I took them for sparks that are many times seen to flash out of the Sea, when the water is very rough, but having observed that they lost not their splendour, as commonly that sort of sparks does, which disappear as soon as they are seen, I took notice of them to the Captain and the rest that were upon the Quarter Deck, and asked them what they were; they all told me they were Carnasses; and they knew by that, that we were near Land: for these Excrements are not commonly seen but very near the shore, and are the fore runners of a Gale of Wind: but when the Captain considered them, and saw them coming in so great a quantity, he acknowledged to me, that he had never seen so many of them together; and about eight a Clock the Lead being heaved out, we found thirty Fathom water. After eight a Clock we saw no more Carnasses. A little after eight the Wind blew very fresh, which made us take in the Main-Top-Sail. At the same time we perceived to the Windward at East, North-East, a great light which all presently knew to be some great fire a shore, and we saw many such until midnight, which confirmed us in the opinion that we were very near the Land of Diu. Wherefore we Steered on our Course Southeast, bearing rather to South than East. About eleven a Clock the Wind slackened much.  
Thursday the last day of the year one thousand six hundred sixty five, about three a Clock in the morning, the Wind turned North-East, and we still Steered our Course Southeast. About break of day we made to the Leeward, South of us, a great Ship, with all Sails abroad, even their Top-Gallant-Sails, though it was no good weather for carrying such Sails; which made us conclude it was the Masulipatan, which put out from Congo, the same day that we did in the morning, and which we thought had been at Comoron. In all appearance he took our Ship for an English man, for the Captain of the Masulipatan was a Hollander, and therefore he had put out his Top-Gallant-Sails to run for it; and the truth is, he made so good way, that in an hours time he was got almost out of fight. Half an hour after six, we cast out the Lead, and had thirty five Fathom water. According to the Gunners Observation at noon, we were in twenty degrees forty minutes Latitude, and in four and twenty hours' time we had made seven and twenty Leagues and a half. We were then becalmed, and half an hour after five, we had thirty three Fathom water. At eight of the Clock at night we had a small Gale from North-East, which made us Steer away East, Southeast. At midnight having sounded we found still thirty three Fathom water.  
Friday New-years-day one thousand six hundred sixty and six, at five a Clock in the morning, we had twenty six Fathom water. At break of day we made to the Leeward, South, Southeast of us, the same Ship which we saw the day before, but somewhat nearer to us. We also made Land, which was known to be the Point of main Land, 
Point of Diu. The Isle of Diu, belonging to the Portuguese, Alambater.  called the Point of Diu, and immediately after we made the Island, which bears the same name, and is near the main Land of the Country of Cambaya. This Island was anciently called, (I think,) Alambater, lies in the Latitude of twenty degrees forty minutes, or one and twenty degrees: the Portuguese are masters of it, and have a Town there of the same name with the Island, and a Fort which is thought to be impregnable, being surrounded with two Ditches, filled with the water of the Sea, and the first big enough to admit of Ships; being besides defended by several stone-Bastions, built very high upon a Rock; which are mounted with many great Guns that play on all Hands; so that it will be no easy task to take it, unless being unprovided of Victuals an Enemy might attempt to starve it: it hath no water but Cistern-water, yet every House has its Cistern. There is a good Port in Diu, and heretofore all the Trade of the Indies was managed there, and at Chaoul, 
Chaoul belonging to the Portugese.  which is another place belonging to the Portuguese; but the Dutch so ordered matters, that it was wholly removed to Surrat, where it is at present.  
About seven a Clock we found by observing the Land, that we had made eight Leagues since the day before at noon; for you must know that so soon as they make Land, they heave the Log no more, to know the Ships running, because it is well enough known by the Land. At eight a Clock the Wind turned East and by North, and we stood away Southeast and by South. About eleven a Clock, it turned East, Southeast, and we Steered away South. That day we took no Observation, because the Land interposed betwixt us and the Horizon; nevertheless we lost sight of it immediately after noon, and about six a Clock we tacked about, and stood North-East and by East. About seven a Clock we tacked again. About eight a Clock we were becalmed. Half an hour after nine, we tacked again a third time; and at ten a Clock having cast the Lead, we had thirty eight Fathom water. About eleven a Clock we had a good Wind at North, North-East, which made us bear away East.  
Next day the second of January about five a Clock in the morning, the Wind having veered about to North-East, we Steered our Course East, South East. At break of day having furled our Main-Top-Sail, we put out our Colours, and waited for the Masulipatan, which was close up with us; he presently also shown his Colours, and within a quarter of an hour after, sheered a long on head of us; we hailed one another, but could have no discourse together, because he had stood too much on head; and in a trice fell off from us. This was the Hollanders fault, for he was vexed that Master Manuel Mendez would not Sail with him, though he had invited him; and besides, he was angry that we should have come up with him; which was the reason he would have no Conversation with us; though ever since the day before he might many times have born up near enough to have Discoursed with us, when we were upon our tacks. Half an hour after six we sounded, and found six and twenty Fathom water. About seven a Clock the Wind came in to East, North-East; and we Steered Southeast. About eight a Clock it blew much fresher from East and by North; which convincing us that we were off of the mouth of the Bay of Cambaya, 
The mouth of the Bay of Cambaya.  we steered away Southeast and by South; and about nine a Clock, the Wind turning due East, we stood away South, South East. We could have no Observation that day, because of the motion of the Ship, and must rest satisfied to know that from noon to noon, we had made fifteen Leagues. About five a Clock the Captain of the Musulipatan being in a better humour, bore up with us, and after the Selam, and three or four Cups drunk to our good Voyage, he asked us if we would go in Consort, and we agreed to it. About six a Clock the Wind ceased, and left us becalmed. About half an hour after ten we had a small Gale from North, North East, which made us bear away East. At midnight the Wind veering in to North-East, we steered away East, Southeast. Then we heaved the Lead, and found forty Fathom water.  
Sunday morning the third of January we perceived several pieces of Wood floating upon the water, and some Snakes bigger than one's Thumb, four or five Foot long, and of a blackish colour; and about noon we saw the Sea water look whitish; these were so many signs that we were near the Indian shore. At noon the Gunner took an Observation, but how right, I cannot tell, because of the Ships great Travel; and he found that we were in the Latitude of nineteen degrees, fifty four minutes, but we could not tell how much we had run, for in twenty four hours time, we had not heaved the Log, knowing that we were near Land: we only cast the Lead and found thirty three Fathom water; having cast it out again at three a Clock in the afternoon, we had no more but thirty Fathom. About five a Clock the Wind turned East, North East, and we stood away Southeast. Half an hour after five, we had again thirty three Fathom water. About eight a Clock the Wind was got into East and by North, and we steered Southeast and by South; and had still thirty three Fathom water. About half an hour after ten, the Wind turned North and by East, a brisk Gale, and we bore away East and by North. At midnight we had twenty five Fathom water.  
Monday the fourth of January, half an hour after five in the morning, we had the Wind at North-East, and steered away East, Southeast; but this hot Wind blew so fresh, that we were obliged to furl our Main-Top-Sail; and then we had twenty five Fathom water. A North-East Wind blows commonly on that Coast all the Moon of December, and the beginning of the Moon of January, and after it comes the North-West Wind. About eleven a Clock the Wind flackning a little, we unfurled our Main-Top-Sail again. At noon the Gunner found that we were in the Latitude of nineteen degrees twenty four minutes, and having cast the Lead, we had two and twenty Fathom water, and at five a Clock the same. Half an hour after five, the Wind turning North, North-East, we steered away East. At nine a Clock we had only twenty Fathom water; and at midnight but eighteen.  
Tuesday the fifth of January after midnight, the Wind was at North-East and by East, but a very easy Gale, and we bore away Southeast and by East. At five a Clock in the morning we had but four Fathom water. At break of day we made the Land of Bassaim on Head, which was very near us, and we had made it the day before, if it had not been hazy upon the Land.  

Bassaim.  Bassaim is a Town held by the Portuguese, lying about the nineteenth degree and a half of North Latitude. There are very high Mountains at this place. At six a Clock we tacked, and stood away North and by East. At two a Clock in the afternoon, we came to an Anchor in fourteen Fathom water, because it began to Ebb; and it is the custom for Ships that put into the Bay of Cambaya, when they are near shore, to Tide it only up, unless they have the Wind in Poop, and a fresh Gale from South; for those that go upon a Wind against Tide, are driven back instead of going forward, the Tides running very strong on that Coast, and South Winds being rare. Half an hour after eight at night, we weighed Anchor, and stood away North and by West, the Wind being then North-East and by East.  
Wednesday the sixth of January, at two a Clock in the morning we came to an Anchor in seventeen Fathom water. Having weighed again about nine a Clock, we steered North, North-East; the Wind was then at East, a little to the Southward, but so weak, that at ten a Clock it left us becalmed. About three a Clock we had a Gale from West, when we least expected it; for it seldom blows on that Coast: that was the reason we came not to an Anchor, though it began to Ebb, and we stood away North and by East. Half an hour after five, we had twenty Fathom water, and at six a Clock we were becalmed. Half an hour after eight, we had the Wind at East, North-East, which made us steer away Southeast; but at ten a Clock the Tide of Flood beginning to make, it behoved us to tack and stand away North and by East.  
Thursday the seventh of January, about four a Clock in the morning, we came to an Anchor in ninteen Fathom water. About nine a Clock a small Gale blowing from Southeast, we weighed, though it was above an hour and a half to Flood, and bore away East, North-East; but seeing the Wind did not last, about half an hour after eleven, we came to an Anchor again in seven Fathom water, though it was Flood then, but it did us no kindness, because it carried us to Surrat, and we were bound for Daman, being so near it, that some of the Ship discovered the Steeple of a Church in the Town. Half an hour after one of the Clock, we had a small Gale from North-East, which made us presently weigh, and bear away Southeast, and sounding every quarter of an hour, we found first fifteen Fathom water, than twelve, after that ten, and at least nine. About four a Clock, we steered away East, Southeast; about five a Clock South, Southeast: a little after, we were becalmed, and having cast out the Lead, found eight Fathom water. About six a Clock we turned the Ships Head East and by South; half an hour after, North-East and by East. About seven a Clock we came to an Anchor in eight Fathom water, and about a good League and a half from Land, because there was no Wind, and the Tide of Ebb cast us toward the South-West.  
Next morning about nine a Clock, we weighed, though it was still low water, only we had a Gale from Southeast; we steered East, North-East, that we might stand in to shore, and about half an hour after eleven we came to an Anchor, a League off of the Town of Daman, and Westward from it. I did not go a shore, because the Captain told me, that I could not stay there above an hour or two, having ordered the Boat that carried a shore Master Manuel Mendez, to return immediately, and being resolved so soon as he had unloaded his Goods to weigh Anchor, and wait for no body: I did not think going a shore to be worth the pains of running the risk of being taken; for there are Malabar Barks commonly upon the scout, especially in the evening, skulking behind some Points of Land, and when they perceive any small Vessel, make up to it and carry it away.  
Daman is a Town belonging to the Portuguese, who have made it very strong, 
Daman. Latitude of Daman.  and have a good Fort in it. It lies in the twentieth degree of North Latititude; and is fifteen Leagues distant from Bassaim, and forty from Diu. They have most delicate Bread at Daman, and drink only water of a Tanquier, but, which they say, is very good. From Daman to Cape Comorin, 
Cape Comorin.  a range of very high Hills runs along the Coast. This Town has no other Harbour but a little Canal or Cut which is full at high water, and remains dry when the Tide is out; small Barks come into it, but Ships ride out in the Road. Ours stayed there a little more than four and twenty hours, for the Boats that were to come for the Goods of Master Manuel Mendez, came not a Board of us till the next day, which was Saturday; it was noon before we had loaded them, and it behoved us afterwards to stay till two a Clock for our Boat, though we had fired a Gun in the morning as a signal for them to put off; but the Seamen being got drunk, made never the more haste for that: we did not weigh Anchor then, till three a Clock in the afternoon, and we stood away North, the Wind being then at West, North-West. About seven a Clock we were forced to come to an Anchor, because the Wind was down, and the Tide of Ebb made us lose way. About nine a Clock, with a little Gale at East, we weighed again, and bore away North; in five Fathom and a half water, and for above an hour, we had no more.  
Next day being Sunday the tenth of January, by break of day we were got within a Cannon shot of Land, which was to our Starboard, and to the Larboard we saw two great Ships at Anchor: they were presently known to be Ships belonging to the King of Mogul, which Trade to Moca, 
Ships of the King of Mogul.  whither they carry at every Voyage above two Millions. We saw many other Ships on Head, some at Anchor, and others under Sail; amongst these there were two Dutch Ships, who failed not to send off their Boats to know who we were, taking us to have been an English Ship. At length, half an hour after ten, we came to an Anchor at the Bar of Surrat, 
The Bar of Surrat.  in six Fathom and a half water; and presently a Customhouse Waiter came on Board of us, being there accidentally; for commonly they come not, till after the Captain be gone a shore.  
Next day Monday the eleventh of January, several of the Customhouse Boats came on Board of us, to take in all the Passengers and their Goods: we went down into them, and they put off from the Ship about half an hour after two: at first we made towards shore apace, the Wind being good; but it being low water, an hour after we stuck a ground, and it behoved us to stay for Flood to get off again, which was not till half an hour after three, when we weighed again the Anchor which we had dropped. We went on then, with the Tide, for the Wind was contrary; and within half an hour after, ran a ground again; where we were another half hour before we could get off: having afterwards advanced a little farther, we saw a small Isle to our Right Hand, and from thence the Channel grows narrower and narrower. About eight a Clock we passed by the Castle of Surrat, 
Arrival at the Customhouse of Surrat.  which was to our Right Hand; and a little after, arrived before the Customhouse; where we came to an Anchor, and spent the rest of the night.  
Next day being Tuesday the twelfth of January, about ten a Clock in the morning, we were brought into the Customhouse, where we were searched in a very odd manner, of which I shall give an account in another place, by the help of God, who hath safely brought us hither, praised for ever be his name for it. Amen.  
Laudate dominum omnes gentes, etc. Gloria patri, & filio, & spiritui sancto: sicut erat in principio, etc.    
FINIS.   

THE TRAVELS OF Monsieur de Thevenot.  
The Third PART.  
Containing the Relation of INDOSTAN, THE New Moguls, And of other PEOPLE and COUNTRIES OF THE INDIES.  
Now made English.  
LONDON: Printed in the Year, MDCLXXXVII.   

THE THIRD PART OF THE TRAVELS OF Mr. de Thevenot, CONTAINING The Relation of Indostan, the New Moguls, and of other People and Countries of the Indies.  

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I.  
I Set out from Balsora in the Ship Hopewel, the sixth of November, 1665. six Days before the beginning of the Monson, and the tenth of January 1666, arrived at the Bar of Surrat; 
Bar of Surrat.  so that I had above two months' Voyage of it. That place which is about six French Leagues from Surrat, is called, the Bar, because of the many Sand-banks that hinder great Ships from entering the River, before they be unloaded; and the proper season for Sailing on the Indian-Sea, is called Mousson or Monson, by corruption of Moussem. 
Monson.  I have mentioned in the Second Part of my Travels, that that season wherein there is a constant Trade-Wind upon that Sea, gins commonly at the end of October; that it lasts to the end of April, and that that is the time to go from Persia to the Indies, if one would avoid the Tempests.  
Next Day, being the Eleventh, about half an hour after two a Clock in the Morning, I went with the rest of the Passengers into a Boat, and at Eight at Night we arrived before Surrat, near to the Custom-house, where coming to an Anchor, I passed the Night in the Boat; and next Day, the twelfth of Jaavary, about ten of the Clock in the Morning the Custom-house being open, our Boat upon the signal given, put in to Land as near as it could: From thence we were carried ashore upon men's backs, who came up to the middle in the Water to take us up, and immediately we were led into a large Court; having crossed it, we entered into a Hall, where the Customer waited for us, to have us searched.  
Visited we were; but in so severe and vexatious a manner, that tho' I did expect it, and had prepared myself for it before hand, yet I had hardly patience enough to suffer the Searchers to do whatsoever they had a mind to, 
A strict search  tho' I had nothing about me but my clothes; and indeed, it is incredible what caution and circumspection those People use to prevent being cheated. And in this manner they proceed.  

The Bar is six Leagues from the Town.  So soon as a Ship comes to an Anchor at the Bar, the Master is obliged to to go ashore in his Boat, and acquaint the Custom-house with his arrival, and presently he is searched from Head to Foot, at the same time a Waiter is sent on board the Vessel, to hinder them from breaking bulk, running any thing ashore, or on board another Ship that hath been already searched; and in the mean time, if they have still time enough, they send off several Barks to bring the Men and Goods ashore to the Custom-house. The Waiter has for his deuce from every Passenger an Abassy which is worth about eighteen Pence; 
Abassy 18 pennce. Half a Rupee 15 pence.  and the Bark has half a Rupee a Head, that is, about fifteen Pence for the passage. If when the Passengers come to the Town, the Custom-house be not as yet shut, they presently come ashore; but if it be, they must tarry in the Bark: In the mean while it is never open but from ten in the Morning till Noon, and it requires a whole Tide to come from the Bar to the Town, unless by good luck one have the Wind and Tide with him.  
Seeing the rest of the Day and all the following Night are to be spent in the Bark, Waiters are set over it, Who keep constant Watch to see that none enter in or go out. When the Custom-house is opened, and the Passengers suffered to come ashore, then double diligence is used, and the number of Waiters increased. One Bark advances at a time, and she lands just against the Custom-house Gate which is upon the Key.  
There is a Kiochk, or covered Pavilion, where Sentinels are placed to observe and view all that goes in or comes out of the Bark; and the Custom-house Porters go into the Water, and bring the Men and Goods ashore upon their Backs.  

Pions.  In the mean time, there are upon the Riverside, a great number of Pions, who are Men ready to be employed in any kind of Service, and to be hired by the Day, if one pleases, as the Staffieri in Italy are. These Pions of the Custom-house have great Canes in their Hands to keep off the People with, that those who come ashore may not have the least communication with any body; and for the greater security, they draw up in both sides, and make a Lane for the Passengers. This is no inconsiderable service to new comers, for if any body came near them, they would certainly be accused of smuggling Goods; and then besides the Caning they would be exposed to, they must also expect to be roundly fined, and some have been fined in above Ten thousand Livres, though, in reality they had not saved a bit of Goods. And, indeed, they who have a mind to conceal any thing, and defraud the Custom-house, order their Affairs more truly: They stay not till they come to Surrat, there to beg the assistance of their Friends. I have known some bring in a great many precious Stones, and other rich Jewels, which the Officers of the Custom-house never saw, nor got one Farthing by, because the Dutch Commander was their Friend, and had assisted them.  
From that Court of the Custom-house, one is led into the Hall, where the chief Customer sits on his Divan, after the manner of the Orientals, and his Clerks underneath him. I shall say nothing of the Indian Divans in this place, because they are like to those of Turkey and Persia. The Passengers enter into that place one after another, and but one at a time. Presently they writ down in a Register the name of him that enters, and then he is searched. He must take off his Cap or Turban, his Girdle, Shoes, Stockings, and all the rest of his clothes, if the Searchers think fit. They feel his Body all over; and handle every the least inch of stuff about him with all exactness if they perceive any thing hard in it, they immediately rip it up, and all that can be done, is to suffer patiently. That search is long, and takes up above a quarter of an Hour for every Person severally, though at that time they only examine what they have about them. If they find Gold or Silver, they take two and a half per cent. and give back the rest; then the party is let go, but must leave his Goods and Baggage. He that hath been searched marches out by the Wicket of a Gate that opens into the Street, where there is a Guard that suffers him not to pass without Orders from the Customer.  
Next Day, all who have left their Goods or Baggage, fail not to come to the same Gate. The Customer comes also about ten of the Clock in the Morning, and having considered whether the Seal which the Day before he put upon two great Padlocks that hold the great Gate and Wicket shut, be whole or not, he causes both to be opened. He and his Men go in; the Gate is shut again, and the Wicket only left open. So all wait without till they be called in; and it was my good fortune to be introduced with the first.  
They presently bid me own what belonged to me, and my Cloakbags being brought into the middle of the Hall, they were opened and emptied; every thing was examined one after another: Though I had no Merchant-goods, yet all was searched; my Quilt was ripped up, they undid the Pommel of one of my Pistols, with Pegs of Iron felt in the Holsters; and the Clerks at length, being satisfied with the view of my things, I was let go, and paid only Custom for my Money. It was no small fortune for me to be so soon dispatched; for Men may wait sometimes a Month before they can get out their Baggage, and especially they who have Merchants-goods, for which at that Custom-house they pay Four in the Hundred, 
What is paid at the Custom-house.  if they be Christians, and Five in the Hundred if they be Banians.   

CHAP. II. Of the Indies.  
BEfore I enter into a particular Description of what I have seen in the Indies, it is necessary for the understanding of the Country, that I describe the Limits thereof, and say somewhat of their Extent. 
The Limits of India.  If one would comprehend in the Indies all the Countries which to the West border on the Provinces of Macran, or Sinde, Candahar and Kaboul; to the North, or Tartary; to the East, on China and the Sea; and to the South, on the Ocean, there is no doubt but that so great a number of Kingdoms and Provinces must make a very vast Country: But it may be truly said, that to the East the extent of it, (which is very large) is not as yet well known, seeing the Traders of Indostan, who traffic in China, spend above a Year in Travelling from their own Country into that; and that long Journey is a good Argument that there are several Kingdoms betwixt the Great Moguls Country, and that of the Emperor of China.  
In the usual Division of the Indies, 
The Division of the Limits of Indostan.  that Eastern part is called India beyond the Ganges, as the Western is named India on this side of Ganges. This latter part is best known, and is called Indostan, having for its natural Limits to the West and East, the Ganges and Indus, 
The Source of Ganges.  which have their Sources in the Mountains of Zagatay and Turquestan. These two last Country's border Indostan on the North-side, as the Indian Sea limits it on the South, round the Cape of Comory, from the Mouths of Ganges to those of Indus.  
The Empire of the Great Mogul which in particular is called Mogulistan is the largest and most powerful Kingdom of the Indies; and the Forces of the other Kings of Judostan ought the less to be compared to his, that most of them are in some dependence on that Prince. I shall write what I know of their Kingdoms, when I have treated of his and of himself.   

CHAP. III. Of the Great Mogul.  
THe Great Mogul descends in direct line from Tamerlan, whose Successors that settled in the Indies, took to themselves the Name of Moguls, that they might be distinguished from those to whom that Prince left Zagatay, Corassan, Persia, and other Countries to be Governed after him. They thought that that Name might contribute much to the Glory of their Family, because by taking it they would more easily persuade Men, that they are of the Race of Ginguis Can, 
Ginguis Can.  the First Emperor of the Ancient Moguls, who had carried it above Twelve Ages before them, and who under that Title began the Greatest and most Powerful Empire in the World.  

Mogul.  Mogul was heretofore the Name of a mighty People, who inhabited a vast Country at the extremity of East Tartary, towards the North, which some have called Mogul, others Mongul and Mongal, and others Mogulistan, where Ginguis Can was Born. That Emperor or Great Chan, reduced it wholly under his Obedience, before he undertook the Conquest of the rest of Asia; and his Subjects, as well as he, were called Moguls. This gave occasion to those of India, to take the same Name, thereby to signify that they are descended from him.  

Tamerlan.  As for the Genealogy of Tamerlan, it must be examined some where else than in the relation of Travels, if one would know the truth of it, because of the diversity of opinions that are to be found amongst the Oriental writers upon that subject.  

Gazna.  Tamerlan had already given great jealousy to the Indians, by Conquering the Province of Gazna, which had been sometimes in their dependence, though lying a great deal on this side of the Indies, and which in his own life-time was Possessed by Pir Muhemmed, 
Pir-Muhemmed. Gayetedden. Mirza Baber.  Son of his Eldest Son Gayeteddin, but when Mirza Baber, who descended from the Third Son of that Emperor, retreated thither after the loss of Maurenahor or Zagatay, he bestirred himself so well in settling his Dominion there, as he did in some other Countries of the Indies that lay next to him, and were, according to the Lebeltaric, 
Humayon.  (he Reigned Forty three Years,) that his Son Humayon had no great difficulty to get Footing in Judostan after the death of his Father, which happened in the Year 1530. and who had already made some unsuccessful attempts in that Country.  
This young Prince made himself Master of Candahar, Caboul, and many other Towns, the greatest part whereof he lost sometime after by the Valour of Chaalem King of Bengale and Deran; but he recovered them in process of time by the means of Tahmas Kings of Persia, whose Sister he Married, and having carried his Conquest farther on, he made Delby the Capital of his Kingdom.  

Ecbar.  His Son Ecbar Succeded him; and having joined a great many Provinces of Judostan to those which his Father left him, died in the Year 1604.  

Gehanguir.  Selim his Eldest Son, was immediately Crowned by the Name of Gehanguir; and having Reigned Three and twenty Years, and enlarged the Conquest, he died in the Year 1627.  
After his death, his Grandson Boulloquoy Reigned about Three Months, 
Bulloquoy.  but he was strangled by Order of Sultan Corom, a Rebel Son of Gehanguir, 
Corom.  who having made sure of the Empire, 
Chagehan.  took to himself the Name of Chagehan in the Year 1628.  
Seeing Blood and Rebellion raised him to the Throne, he had experience of the same disorders amongst his Children, which he had caused to his Father; for through their jealousy his Empire was almost always in confusion, 
Auranzeb.  and at length fell into the hands of Auranzeb the Third of his Four Sons, who Reigns at present.  
In mounting to the Throne, this Prince imitated the crimes of his Father; for he put to death Dara his Eldest Brother, imprisoned Mourad his other Brother who confided in him, and clapped up his own Father in Prison, 
The death of Chagehan.  who died Five or Six Years after, about the end of the Year 1666.  
The Great Mogul is certainly a most Powerful Prince, 
The Power of the Mogul.  as we may Judge by his Riches, Armies, and the number of People that are within the extent of his Empire. His yearly Revenues, they say, mount to above Three hundred and thirty French Millions. The Canon Name, 
The Registered Forces of the Mogul.  which is a Register containing a List of his Forces, makes it appear, that that Prince entertains Three hundred thousand Horse, of which betwixt Thirty and Thirty five thousand, with ten thousand Foot are for a Guard to his Person both in time of Peace and War, and are commonly quartered in those places where he keeps his Court. This Empire extends from East to West above Four hundred Leagues, and from North to South above Five hundred, and that vast space, (excepting some Mountains and Deserts,) is so full of Towns, Castles, Burroughs and Villages, and by consequence of Inhabitants who till the Land, or emprove it by manufactures, and the commerce which that Country affords, that it is easy to judge of the Power of the King who is Master thereof.  
The true bounds of his Empire are to the West, 
The bounds of Mogulistan.  Macran or Sinde and Candahar; to the East, it reaches beyond the Ganges; to the South it is limited by Decan, the great Sea and the Gulf of Bengale; and to the North by the Tartars. The exageration of many Travellers, concerning the extent of the Countries of this great King of the Indies, was the cause that I made it my business to consult the most knowing Men, that I might learn what they thought of the greatness of it, and what now I writ is their Opinion.  
They affirm not as some do, that when the Mogul makes War, 
The true Forces of the Mogul.  he sends Three hundred thousand Horse into the field. They say, indeed, that he pays so many; but seeing the chief Revenues, or to say better, the rewards of the Great Men, consist particularly in the pay which they have for more or fewer Troopers, it is certain that they hardly keep on Foot one half of the Men they are appointed to have; so that when the Great Mogul marches upon any expedition of War, his Army exceeds not an Hundred and fifty thousand Horse, with very few Foot, though he have betwixt Three and four hundred thousand Mouths in the Army.  
Besides, I was informed by any Indian who pretends to know the Map of his Country, that they reckon no more but twenty Provinces within the extent of Mogulistan in the Indies, and that they who have reckoned more, have not been well informed of their number, since of one Province they have made two or three.  
This Indian had a list of the Prince's Revenues calculated for the twenty Provinces, and I made no doubt of the truth of his System; 
Twenty Provinces or Governments in Mogulistan.  but I had rather call them Governments, and say that every Government contains several Provinces. I shall observe the Revenues of the Governments, in the description I give of them, and shall call each Government a Province, that I may not vary from the memoirs which I have; and as I entered the Indies by the Province of Guzerat, so I shall describe it before the others.   

CHAP. IU. The Province of Guzerat  

Guzerat.  THe Province of Guzerat, which was heretofore a Kingdom, fell into the Possession of the Great Mogul Ecbar, about the year 1565. He was called into it by a great Lord, to whom the King of Guzerat, Sultan Mamoet gave the general Government thereof, when being near his death, he trusted him with the tuition and regency of his only Son, in the Year 1545, or 1546. during the Reign of Humayon the Father of Ecbar.  

Government.  The ambition of that Governor who was envied by all the great Men of the Kingdom of Guzerat, that were his declared Enemies, and against whom he resolved to maintain himself at the cost of his own lawful Prince, made him betake himself to the King Mogul, under pretext of soliciting his protection for his Pupil named Mudafer, who was already of Age, but not yet of sufficient Authority to maintain his Guardian against the faction of the great Men whom he had provoked. 
Mudafer King of Guzerat.   

Ecbar seizes Guzerat.  Ecbar entered Guzerat with an Army, and subdued all those who offered to make head against him, and whom the Governor accused of being Enemies to his King: But instead of being satisfied with one Town which with its Territories had been promised him, he seized the whole Kingdom, and made the King and Governor Prisoners. That unfortunate Prince being never after able to recover it again; not but that having made his escape, he attempted once again to have reestablished himself, but his efforts were in vain, 
Mudafer kills himself.  for he was overcome, and made Prisoner a second time, so that despair at length made him destroy himself.  

Guzerat a pleasant Province.  This is the pleasantest Province of Judostan, though it be not the largest. The Nardaba, Tapty, and many other Rivers that water it, render it very fertile, and the Fields of Guzerat look green in all the seasons of the Year, because of the Corn and Rice that cover them, and the various kinds of Trees, which continually bear Fruit.  
The most considerable part of Guzerat is towards the Sea, on which the Towns of Surrat and Cambaye stand, 
The Ports of Surrat and Cambaye.  whose Ports are the best of all Mogulistan. But seeing Amedabad is the Capital Town of the Province, it is but reasonable we should treat of it before we speak of the rest.  

Departure from Surrat to Amedabad. The Boats on the Tapty incommodious.  February the First I parted from Surrat to go to that Town, and going out at Baroche Gate, I marched straight North. Two hours after I crossed the River Tapty, in a Boat big enough, but very incommodious for taking in of Chariots, because the sides of it were two foot high. Eight men were forced to carry mine, after they had taken out the Oxen, and I was about half an hour in crossing that River. I continued my Journey by the Town of Beriao, 
Beriao a Town. Kim a River. Ouclisser a Town. Nerdaba a River. Coss.  the River of Kim, which I crossed with the same trouble that I had done the Tapty, by the Town of Ouclisser, the River of Nerdaba, and at length I arrived at the Town of Baroche, which is distant from Surrat and the Sea, Twenty Cosses which makes about Ten French Leagues, because a Cosse which is a Measure amongst the Indians for the distance of places, is about half a League.  

Baroche.  Baroche lies in 21 degrees 55 minutes North Latitude. The fortress of Baroche is large and square, standing on a Hill, which makes it to be seen at a great distance. It is one of the chief strengths of the Kingdom, and had heretofore a very large Jurisdiction. The Town lies upon the side, and at the foot of the Hill, looking towards the River of Nerdaba. It is environed with Stonewalls about three Fathom high, which are flanked by large round Towers at Thirty or Thirty five Paces distance one from another. The Bazards or Market-places are in a great Street at the foot of the Hill; and there it is that those Cotten-Stuffs are made, which are called Baftas, 
Baftas.  and which are sold in so great plenty in the Indies.  
The Hill being high and hard to be mounted, it might be a very easy matter to put the fortress in a condition not to fear any Attack, but at present it is so much slighted, that there are several great breaches in the Walls to the Land side, which no body thinks of repairing. In that Town there are Mosques and Pagodes, that's to say, Temples of the Heathen, as well above as below. The Riverwater is excellent for whitening of clothes, and they are brought from all parts to be whitened there. There is little or no other Trade there, but of Agates; but most of those are Sold at Cambaye. There is great abundance of Peacocks in the Country about Baroche. 
Peacocks at Baroche.  The Dutch have a Factor there for the quick dispatch and clearing at the Custom-house, the other sorts of clothes that come from Amedabad and elsewhere, because since all Goods must pay duties as they enter and come out of Baroche, there would always happen confusion, if the care of that were referred to the carriers who transport them.  
Leaving Baroche, I continued my Journey Northwards, to the little Town of Sourban, which is seven Leagues distant from Baroche, 
Sourban.  and then having crossed the Brook Dader, and several Villages, 
Debca.  I arrived at Debca which lies on the side of a Wood seven Leagues from Sourban. The Inhabitants of this Town were formerly such as are called Merdi-Coura or Anthropophagis, Man-eaters, 
Anthropophagis.  and it is not very many Years since Man's flesh was there publicly sold in the Markets. That place seems to be a nest of Robbers; the Inhabitants who are for the most part Armed with Swords, are a most impudent sort of People: In what posture soever you be, they continually stare you in the Face, and with so much boldness, that let one say what he pleases to them, there is no making of them to withdraw: Passengers that know them, are always upon their Guard, nay, and are obliged to carry a Lance with them, when they go to do their needs.  
Next day we parted from thence and went to Petnad, 
Petnad.  a little Town seven Leagues and a half from Debca, and arrived there, having first past the Gulf or River of Mai, where there is a Watch to secure the Rode. We found in our way two great Tanquiez and a great number of Monkeys of an extraordinary bigness. 
Tanquiez.  These Tanquiez are standing Ponds or reservations of Rain-water; there are many of them in the Indies, and commonly there is great care taken in looking after them, because Wells being rare in that Country, there is an extreme need of these public reservatories, by reason of the continual thirst which the heat causes in all Animals there, and some of them are as big as Lakes or large Ponds.  
Next we came to the Town of Sousentra, where we say a very lovely Well, which I shall not describe in this place, 

An account of the Road from Surrat to Amedabad. One must go out by Baroche gate and cross the River of Tapty a league and a half from Surrat.  
There is a great Wartree four leagues from Surrat where one may repose. Kim a River. Ouclisser a Town. Nerdaba a River are to be passed, and then one comes to Baroche, 10 leagues from Surrat. Sourban a Town 7 leagues from Baroche. Dader a River or Brook. Debca 7 leagues from Sourban. Maï a River. Petnad 7 leagues and a half from Debca. Sousentra a Town. Mader 6 leagues and a half from Petnad. Matrous a River.   because it is almost like to that of Amedabad, whereof I shall speak in its proper place. From thence we went to Mader which is six Leagues and a half from Petnad. Upon the Road we saw an infinite number of Apes of all sorts, not only upon the Trees in the Fields, but even those also by the way side, which were not in the least afraid of any body. I several times endeavoured to make them fly with my Arms, but they stirred not, and cried their pou pou like mad, which is, as I think, the houp houp of which Monsieur de la Boulaye speaks.  
We went next to Gitbag, five Leagues from Mader, 
Gitbag 5 leagues from Mader.  we met a great many Colies, which are a People of a Cast or tribe of Gentiles, who have no fixed Habitation, but wander from Village to Village, and carry all they have about with them. Their chief business is to pick and clean the Cotten, and when they have no more to do in one Village, they go to another. In this Village of Gitbag, there is a pretty handsome Garden of the Kings: I walked in it; it lies along the side of a reservatory, and I saw a great many Monkeys and Peacocks therein. The dwelling which remains appears to have been handsome, but it is let run to ruin; and a Royal-house, not far off, is in very bad repair also. It is but two Leagues and a half from Gitbag to Amedabad. 
Amedabad two Leagues from Gitbag.    

CHAP. V Of Amedabad.  

Amedabad the Capital of Guzerat.  AMedabad is distant from Surrat fourscore and six Cosses, which make about forty three French Leagues. It is not improbable but that this Capital of Guzerat is the Amadavistis of Arian, though modern Writers say, That it hath its name from a King called Ahmed or Amed, who caused it to be rebuilt, and that it was called Guzerat as well as the Province, before that King reigned. 
Guerdabad.  King Chagehan named it Guerdabad, the Habitation of Dust, because there is always a great deal there. This Governor of the Province has his residence in it, and he is commonly a Son of the Great Mogul; but at present a great Omra called Muhabbat-Can is the Governor; and the Kings of Guzerat resided there also, before King Ecbar seized it.  

The Situation of Amedabad, Sabremetty a River.  This Town lies in twenty three Degrees and some Minute's North-Latitude. It is built in a lovely Plain, and Watered by a little River called Sabremetty, not very deep, but which in the time of the Rains prodigiously overflows the Plains. There you may see many large Gardens, enclosed with Brick-walls, and which have all a kind of Pavilion at the entry. After that I saw a very spacious Reservatory, 
A Reservatory of Water, with a Garden in the middle.  that hath in the middle a lovely Garden fourscore Paces square, into which one enters by a Bridge four hundred Paces long, and at the end of the Garden there are pretty convenient Lodgings.  
Then you see several Houses here and there, which makes, as it were, a great Village, and a great many Tombs indifferently well built. This might be called an Out Suburbs, because, from thence one enters by a Postern into a Street with Houses on each side, which leads straight into the Town, and is on that side the true Suburbs of Amedabad.  

The Walls and Towers of Amedabad.  The Town is enclosed with Stone and Brick-walls, which at certain distances are flanked with great round Towers and Battlements all over. It hath twelve Gates, and about a League and a half in its greatest length, if you take in the Suburbs. It is one of the places of Guzerat that is most carefully kept in order, both as to its Walls and Garrison, because it lies most conveniently for resisting the incursions of some neighbouring Rajas. They are afraid particularly of the Inroads of the Raja of Badur, 
Raja of Badur.  who is powerful by reason of the Towns and Castles which he hath in the Mountains, and which are not accessible but by narrow passes that can be most easily defended. King Ecbar used all endeavours during the space of seven Years to ruin that Raja; but he could not accomplish it, and was forced to make Peace with him. However his People are always making Incursions, and he comes off by disowning them. His usual Residence is in the Province of Candich.  
So soon as I arrived at Amedabad, I went to lodge in Quervanseray, where I found the Monument of the Wife of a King of Guzerat: After I had taken a little repose there, I went to see the Dutch Factors, for whom I had Letters from the Commander of Surrat. 
Dutch in Amedabad.  They detained me, and no excuse would serve, but that I must needs lodge with them; nay, they were so kind, as to accompany me by turns to all the places of Amedabad, whither my Curiosity led me: They are lodged in the fairest and longest Street of the Town. All the Streets of Amedabad are wide, but this is at least thirty Paces over, and at the West end of it there are three large Arches that take up its whole breadth.  
Going from their Lodgings, one enters by these high Arches into the Meidan-Chah, which signifies the King's Square. 
The Meidan of Amedabad.  It is a long Square having four hundred Paces in breadth, and seven hundred in length, with Trees planted on all sides. The Gate of the Castle is on the West side, opposite to the three Arches, and the Gate of the Quervanseray on the South. On the same side there are six or seven pieces of Canon mounted, and on the other, some more great Gates which are at the Head of pretty fair Streets. In this Meidan there are several little square Buildings about three Fathom high, which are Tribunals for the Cotoval, who is the Criminal Judge. In the middle of the place there is a very high Tree, purposely planted for the exercise of those who learn to shoot with the Bow, and who with their Arrows strive to hit a Ball which for that end is placed on the top of the Tree.  
Having viewed the Meidan, we entered the Castle by a very high Gate, 
The Castle of Amedabad.  which is betwixt two large round Towers about eight fathom high. All the Apartments of it signify but little, though the Castle be walled about with good Walls of Freestone, and is as spacious as a little Town.  
The Quervanseray in the Meidan, 
The fair Quervanseray of the Meidan of Amedabad.  contributes much to the beautifying of that place. It's Front is adorned with several Lodges and Balconies supported by Pillars, and all these Balconies which are of Stone, are delicately cut to let in the Light. The entry is a large eight-square Porch arched over like a Dome, where you may find four Gates, and see a great many Balconies: These Gates open into the body of the Building, which is a Square of Freestone two Stories high, and varnished over like Marble, with Chambers on all sides, where Strangers may lodge.  
Near the Meidan, is a Palace belonging to the King, 
The King's Palace in Amedabad.  which hath over the Gate a large Balcony for the Musicians, who with their Pipes, Trumpets, and Oboe, come and play there, in the Morning, at Noon, in the Evening, and at Midnight. In the Apartments thereof there are several Ornaments of Folliages, where Gold is not spared. The English Factory is in the middle of the Town. They are very well lodged, and have fair Courts. Their Warehouses commonly are full of the clothes of Lahors and Dehly, with which they drive a great trade.  
There are many Mosques great and small in Amedabad, but that which is called Juma-mesgid, Fridays Mosque, 
Juma-mesgid Fridays Mosque.  because the devout People of all the Town flock thither on that Day, is the chief and fairest of all. It hath its entry from the same Street where the Dutch-house is built, and they go up to it by several large Steps. The first thing that appears is a square Cloister of about an hundred and forty Paces in length, and an hundred and twenty in breadth, the Roof whereof is supported by four and thirty Pilasters. The Circuit of it is adorned with twelve Domes, and the Square in the middle paved with great square Bricks. In the middle of the Front of the Temple, there are three great Arches, and at the sides two large square Gates that open into it, and each Gate is beautified with Pilasters, but without any order of Architecture. On the outside of each Gate there is a very high Steeple, which hath four lovely Balconies, from whence the Muezins or Beadles of the Mosque, call the People to Prayers. It's chief Dome is pretty enough, and being accompanied with several little ones, and two Minarets, the whole together looks very pleasant; all that pile is supported by forty four Pillars placed two and two, and the Pavement is of Marble. The Chair of the Imam is there as in other Mosques, but besides that, in a corner to the Right hand there is a large Jube resting upon two and forty Pillars eight Foot high apiece, which must only have been built to hid the Women that go to the Mosque, for that Jube is closed up as high as the Sealing with a kind of Panels of Plaster with holes through; and there I saw above two hundred Faquirs, who held their Arms cross ways behind their Head, without the least stirring.  
Amedabad being inhabited also by a great number of Heathens, there are Pagods, 
Santidas, Pagod. The Ceremony of King Auranzeb, for converting a Pagod into a Mosque.  or Idol-Temples in it. That which was called the Pagod of Santidas was the chief, before Auranzeb converted it into a Mosque. When he performed that Ceremony, he caused a Cow to be killed in the place, knowing very well, that after such an Action, the Gentiles according to their Law, could worship no more therein. All round the Temple there is a Cloister furnished with lovely Cells, beautified with Figures of Marble in relief, representing naked Women sitting after the Oriental fashion. The inside Roof of the Mosque is pretty enough, and the Walls are full of the Figures of Men and Beasts; but Auranzeb, who hath always made a show of an affected Devotion, which at length raised him to the Throne, caused the Noses of all these Figures which added a great deal of Magnificence to that Mosque, to be beat off.  

Chaalem a Burying place.  The Chaalem is still to be seen in Amedabad; it is the Sepulchre of a vastly rich Man whom the Indians report to have been a Magician, and the Mahometans believe to be a great Saint; so that it is daily visited by a great many out of Devotion: It is a square pile of Building, having on each side seven little Domes which set off a great one in the middle, and the entry into that place is by seven Ports which take up the whole front. Within this Building there is another in form of a Chapel, which is also square, when one is within the first which is paved with Marble, one may walk round the Chapel that hath two Doors of Marble, adorned with Mother of Pearl, and little pieces of Crystal: The Windows are shut with Copper Lattices cut into various Figures. The Tomb of the Mock-Saint which is in the middle of the Chapel, is a kind of a Bed covered with Cloth of Gold, the Posts whereof are of the same materials as the Doors of the Chapel are, and have the same Ornament of Mother of Pearls; and over all there are six or seven Silken Canopy's, one over another, and all of different colours. The place is very much frequented, and is continually full of white Flowers brought thither by the Devout Mahometans, when they come to say their Prayers: A great many Estrige-Eggs and hanging Lamps are always to be seen there also.  
On the other side of the Court there is a like Building, where some other Saints of theirs are Interred, and not many steps farther, a Mosque with a large Porch supported by Pillars, with many Chambers and other Lodgings for the Poor; and to complete all, there is a spacious Garden at the backside of the Mosque.  
There are many Gardens in Amedabad; and are so full of Trees, that when one looks upon that Town from a high place, it seems to be a Forest of green Trees, most of the Houses being hid by them; and the King's Garden which is without the Town and by the Riverside, contains all the kinds that grow in the Indies. There are long Walks of Trees planted in a straight line, which resemble the Cours de la Rhine at Paris. It is very spacious, 
A spacious Garden.  or rather, it is made up of a great many Gardens raised Amphitheatre-wise; and in the uppermost there is a Terrass-Walk, from whence one may see Villages at several League's distance. This Garden being of a very great extent, its long Walks yielded a very agreeable Prospect. They have in the middle Beds of Flowers, which are not above a Fathom and a half in breadth, but which reaches from one end of the Garden to the other. In the Centre of four Walks which makes a Cross, there is a Pavilion covered with green Tiles. Thither go all the young People of the Town to take the fresh Air upon the Banks of a Basin full of Water underneath.  

The Sepulchre of a King of Guzerat at Amedabad.  Going thither, we saw a pile of Building, where a King of Guzerat lies Interred. It is a square Fabric, and in the Opinion of the Indians, the Magicians and Sorcerers entertain the Devil there. It is covered with a great Dome, having five smaller ones on each side; and on each front of the Building, there are Pillars which support these Domes. Some Streets from thence there is to be seen a Sepulchre, 
The Sepulchre of a Cow.  where a Cow is interred under a Dome standing upon six Pillars.  
They would have me go next to Serquech, 
Serquech.  which is a small Town about a League and a half from the City. The Indians say, that in ancient times that place was the Capital of Guzerat, because of the vast number of Tombs of Kings and Princes that are there; but it is far more probable, that that place was only destined for their Burying, and that Amedabad hath always been the Capital. I observed there a Building much of the same structure as that of Chaalem. It hath the same Ornaments, and is dedicated also to one of their Saints; and all the difference is, that this has thirteen Domes on each side, and the Dome which covers the Chapel, is painted and gilded in the inside. Opposite to this Fabric, there is another like to it, and dedicated also to a Saint.  
Near to these Sepulchers, I saw a Mosque like to that which I viewed at Amedabad, and the only difference is, that it is less. It hath adjoining to it a great Tanquys or Reservatory; in the Chapels on the sides whereof, are the Tombs of the Kings, Queens, Princes and Princesses of Guzerat, to which they descend by several Steps of very lovely Stones. 
Sepulchers of the Kings and Princes of Guzerat.  They are all of good solid work, whereby it sufficiently appears, that they have been made for Kings and Princes; but they are framed according to the same Model. They consist commonly of a large square Building that hath three great Arches on each Front, and over them a great many little ones. There is a large Dome in the middle, and a great many little ones in the sides, and in every corner a Tower with a little pair of Stairs in the thickness of the Wall, to go up to Terras-Walks which are at certain distances upon the Building; the Tomb being exactly under the great Dome. Most of these places are full of the marks of the People's Devotion, both Mahometans and Indians, who on certain days flock thither, of whom the latter bewail the loss of their Princes. There are a great many Pagods in those quarters, 
Indigo at Serquech.  and from Serquech comes all the Indigo which is sold at Amedabad.  
Without the City of Amedabad there is a lovely Well, 
An extraordinary Well.  the Figure of it is an oblong square; it is covered with seven Arches of Freestone, that much adorn it: There are six spaces betwixt the Arches to let light in, and they are called, the Mouths of the Well. It is four Fathom broad, and about four and twenty long. At each end there is a Staircase two Foot broad to go down to it, with six Stories or Landings supported by Pilasters eight Foot high: Each Story hath a Gallery, or place of four Fathom extent, and these Galleries and Pilasters are of Freestone: Sixteen Pilasters support each Gallery, and the Mouths of the Well are about the same length and breadth that the Galleries are: The Figure of the third Mouth differs from the rest, because it is an Octogone, and has near it a little turning Staircase that leads down to the Well; the Water of it rises from a Spring, and it was up to the middle of the fourth Story when I went down, several little Boys at that time swimming in it from one end to the other amongst the Pillars. The Indians say, that this Well was made at the charges of a Nurse of a King of Guzerat, and that it cost thirty Millions; but I could discover no work about it that required so great expenses.  
In this Town there is an Hospital for Birds. 
An Hospital for Birds.  The Gentiles lodge therein all the sick Birds they find, and feed them as long as they live if they be indisposed. fourfooted Beasts have theirs also: I saw in it several Oxen, Camels, Horses, and other wounded Beasts, who were looked after, and well fed, and which these Idolaters buy from Christians and Moors, that they may deliver them, (as they say,) from the cruelty of Infidels; and there they continue if they be incurable, but if they recover, they sell them to Gentiles and to none else.  
There are a great many Forests about Amedabad, 
Panthers for Hunting.  where they take Panthers for Hunting, and the Governor of the Town causes them to be taught, that he may send them to the King. The Governor suffers none to buy them but himself, and they whose care it is to tame them, keep them by them in the Meidan, where from time to time they stroke and make much of them, that they may accustom them to the fight of Men.  

A rare Beast.  The Dutch shown me a Beast they had, which is much esteemed in that Country. It hath the Head of a Conie, and the Ears, Eyes and Teeth of a Hare; its Muzzle is round and of a Flesh-colour, and hath a Tail like a Squirrel; but it is a Foot and a half long: In the Fore-feets it hath four Fingers, and a Claw in place of the fifth: It's hind Feet have five Toes complete, which are very long as well as the Claws: The Sole of its Feet is flat like an Apes, and of a Flesh-colour: Its Hair is long and course, and of a dark Red; but that on its Belly and Fore-feets is greyish tike the Wool of a Hare; it will eat any thing but Flesh, and easily cracks the hardest Nuts: It is neither wild nor hurtful; will play with a Cat, and show tricks like a Squirrel: It rubs its Snout with the Feet and Tail as they do, and has the same cry, but much stronger. The Dutch bought it of an Abyssin, who had it at Moca, though no body could tell the name of it, nor what kind of Beast it was. For my part, I make no doubt but that it is a particular kind of Squirrel, though it be three times as big as those we have in Europe.  

The Commodities of Amedabad.  The Commodities that are most traded in at Amedabad, are Satins, Velvets, Taffeta's, and Tapestries with Gold, Silk and Woollen Grounds: Cotten-Cloaths are sold there also; but they come from Labours and Debly: They export from thence great quantities of Indigo, dried and preserved Ginger, Sugar, Cumin, Lac, Mirabolans, Tamarinds, Opium, Saltpetre and Honey. The chief trade of the Dutch at Amedabad consists in Schites, which are painted clothes; but they are nothing near so fine as those of Masulipatan and St. Thomas.   

CHAP. VI Departure from Amedabad to go to Cambaye.  

Departure from Amedabad to Cambaye.  HAving seen what was curious and worth the seeing in Amedabad, and having thanked my Landlords for their Civilities, who at parting procured me an Officer of the Catoval to see me safe out at the Gates. I departed the sixteenth of February for Cambaye which is but two days easy Journey, that is, about fifteen or sixteen French Leagues from Amedabad. I followed the same way I came after I had visited the little Town of Baredgia, 
Baredgia a Town.  which I left on the Left hand in coming. It is is four Leagues from Amedabad; but I saw nothing in it remarkable. When I was got as far as Souzentra I took to the Right hand, 
The Way of Cambaye.  the way of Cambaye, and came to lodge all Night in the Village of Canara, a League and a half from Cambaye.  

Cambaye.  Cambaye which some call Cambage is a Town of Guzerat, lying at the bottom of a Gulf of the same name which is to the South of it. It is as big again as Surrat; but not near so populous; it hath very fair Brick-walls about four Fathom high, with Towers at certain distances. The Streets of it are large, and have all Gates at the ends, which are shut in the Nighttime: The Houses are very high, and built of Bricks dried in the Sun, and the Shops are full of Aromatic Perfumes, Spices, Silken and other Stuffs. There are vast numbers of Ivory Bracelets, Agat-Cups, Chaplets and Rings made in this Town; 
agates.  and these agates are got out of Quarries of a Village called Nimodra, which are about four Leagues from Cambaye, upon the Road to Baroche; but the pieces that are got there are no bigger than one's fist.  
Most part of the Inhabitants are Banions and Raspoutes, whom we shall describe in the sequel. 
The Castle of Cambaye  The Castle where the Governor Lodges is large, but not at all beautiful. There are so many Monkeys in this Town, that sometimes the Houses are covered over with them, so that they never fail to hurt some body in the Streets when they can find any thing on the Roofs to throw at them. The out skirts of the Town are beautified with a great many fair public Gardens. There is a Sepulchre built of Marble, 
The Sepulchre of the Governor of the King of Guzerat.  which a King of Guzerat raised in Honour of his Governor, whom he loved exceedingly, but it is kept in bad repair. It contains three Courts, in one of which are several Pillars of Porphyry, that still remain of a greater number. There are many Sepulchers of Princes there also. 
An Hospital for sick Beasts.  Heretofore there was in Combaye an Hospital for Sick Beasts, but it hath been neglected, and is now fallen to ruin. The Suburbs are almost as big as the Town, and they make Indigo there. 
Indigo at Cambaye.  The Sea is half a League distant from it, though heretofore it came up to the Town; and that has lessened the trade of the place, because great Ships can come no nearer than three or four Leagues. The Tides are so swift to the North of the Gulf, that a Man on Horseback at full speed, cannot keep pace with the first Waves; and this violence of the Sea is one reason also why great Ships go but seldom thither. The Dutch come not there but about the end of September, because along the Coast of India that looks to Arabia, and especially in this Gulf of Cambaye, it is so bad for Ships in the beginning of this Month, by reason of a violent West-wind that blows then, and which is always accompanied with thick Clouds which they call Elephants, because of their shape, that it is almost impossible to avoid being cast away.  
Having satisfied my curiosity as to what is remarkable in Cambaye, 
Ways to return to Surrat.  I took leave of my Friends; and there being several ways to go from thence to Surrat, I advised which I had best to take. One may go by Sea in four and twenty hours, 
Almedie.  in an Almadie which is a kind of Brigantine used by the Portuguese for Trading along that Coast: But these Vessels go not commonly but in the nighttime, that they might not be discovered by the Malabars. 
The Gulf of Cambaye dangerous.  In the daytime they keep in Harbours, and in the evening the Master goes up to some height to discover if there be any Malabar Barks at Sea. The Almadies Sail so fast that the Malabars cannot come up with them, but they endeavour to surprise them, and when they discover any one in a Harbour, 
Malabar Gorsars'.  they skulk behind some Rock, and fall upon it in its passage. Many of these Almadies are lost in the Gulf of Cambaye, where the Tides are troublesome, and the Banks numerous; and that's one reason why Men venture not to go to Surrat this way by Sea, unless extraordinary business press them.  
There is another way still by Sea, which is to pass through the bottom of the Gulf in a Chariot, over against Cambaye, at low Water; and one must go three Leagues and a half in Water, which then is betwixt two and three foot deep: But I was told that the Waves beat so rudely sometimes against the Chariot, that it required a great many hands to keep it from falling, and that some mischance always happened; which hindered me from undertaking that course, though I knew very well that when I was passed it, I had no more but eight and twenty Leagues to Surrat. And therefore I chose rather to go by Land, what danger soever there might be of Robbers, as I was assured there was.  
When my Friends found I was resolved to go that way, they advised me for my security to take a Tcheron with a Woman of his Cast or tribe, 
Tcheron.  to wait upon me till I were out of danger; but I refused to do it, and found by the success that I had reason to do as I did. These Tcherons' are a Cast of Gentiles, who are highly esteemed amongst the Idolaters: They live, for most part at Baroche, Cambaye, and Amedabad: If one have any of these with him he thinks himself safe, because the Man acquaints the Robbers they meet, that the Traveller is under his guard, and that if they come near him, he will cut his own Throat, and the Woman threatens them that she'll cut off one of her Breasts with a Razor which she shows them; and all the Heathen of those places look upon it to be a great misfortune, to be the cause of the death of a Tcheran, because ever after the guilty person is an eyesore to the whole tribe; he is turned out of it, and for his whole life-time after upbraided with the death of that Gentil. Heretofore some Tcherons' both Men and Women have killed themselves upon such occasions; but that has not been seen of a long time, and at present, they say, they compound with the Robbers for a certain Sum which the Traveller gives them, and that many times they divide it with them. The Banians make use of these People; and I was told that if I would employ them, I might be served for two Roupies a day: Nevertheless I would not do it, as looking upon it to be too low a kind of Protection.  
So then I ordered my Coachman to drive me the same way I came, and to return to Souzentra that I might go to Surrat by the ordinary way, though the compass he fetched made my Journey longer by seven Leagues and a half. For all the caution I could use, my men lost their way beyond Petnad, and we found ourselves at the Village of Bilpar, the inhabitants whereof who are called Gratiates, 
Gratiates.  are for the most part all Robbers. I met with one of them towards a little Town named Selly; he was a fellow in very bad clothes, carrying a Sword upon his Shoulder; he called to the Coachman to stop, and a Boy about Nine or Ten years old that was with him, ran before the Oxen: My Men presently offered them a Pecha which is worth about ten French Deniers, and prayed the little Boy to be gone; but he would not, till the Coachman growing more obstinate, obliged the Man to accept of the Pecha. These Blades go sometimes in whole troops, and one of them being satisfied, others come after upon the same Road, who must also be contented, though they seldom use violence for fear of offending their Raja. I wondered how that Gratiate being alone, durst venture to set upon so many; but the Coachman told me, that if the least injury had been offered to him, he would have given the alarm by knocking with his Fingers upon his Mouth, and that presently he would have been assisted by his Neighbours: In the mean time this small rancounter convinced me that there was not so great danger upon the Roads, as some would have made me believe.  
We found our way again shortly after: We than crossed the River of Mahy, 
Mahy a River. The Raja of the Gratiates makes good Robberies.  and coming out of it I gave half a Rupee to the same Gratiates whom I paid as I went to Amedabad. The role belongs to the Raja of the Country, who is to answer for the Robberies committed within his Territories. And the truth is, he is as exact as possibly he can be to hinder them, and to cause restitution to be made of what is taken, especially if it be Merchants Goods, or other things of consequence: And my Coachman told me, that one day having lost an Ox, he went to the Raja to demand his Ox; The Raja sent for those who he thought had stolen it, and causing them to be cudgeled, till one of them confessing he had it, he obliged him to bring it out, and restore it to the Coachman, who was to give him only a Roapie for the blows he had received. But the Raja of the Gratiates does much more; for if he that comes to complain, have not time to stay till what he hath lost be found, it is enough if he tell the place of his abode, and he fails not to send it him back by one of his People, though it be eight days Journey off. He is so much a Gentleman, that most commonly he sends Presents to People of fashion who pass by Bilpar, and does them all the good Offices they desire of him.  
Seeing the Caravans that pass by that place on their way to Agra, pay him ten Roupies a Man, 
The Raja treats the Caravan gratis.  he treats the whole Caravan gratis, and sends Provisions and Victuals into the Camp; which he order his Cooks to dress. These do what they can to please the Caravan, and earn some Pechas from them, and they are reckoned the best Cooks in the Country; but in truth, their Ragoes are not at all good: Nor does their Master forget to send Dancing Girls to divert the Company; and when they are ready to go, he furnishes the Caravan with several Horsemen for their security, until they be out of his Jurisdiction. His Territories comprehend all the Villages from Cambaye to Baroche, and all his Subjects are called Gratiates.  
Next Day I came to the Town of Baroche, and stayed only a few Hours to refresh my Men and Oxen. The Officers of the Custom-house asked me at parting, If I had any Merchants-goods, and having answered them that I had none; they took my word, and used me civility: So I crossed the River at Ouclisser, from whence next day I went to Surrat.   

CHAP. VII. Of Surrat.  
THe Town of Surrat lies in one and twenty Degrees and some Minutes of North Latitude, and is watered by the River Tapty. 
Surrat.  When I came there, the Walls of it were only of Earth, 
The Fortification of Surrat  and almost all ruinous; but they were beginning to build them of Brick, a Fathom and a half thick; they gave them but the same height; and nevertheless they designed to fortify the place as strong as it could be made; because of the Irruption that a Raja, (of whom I shall speak hereafter) had made into it some time before. However the Engineer hath committed a considerable fault in the setting out of his Walls: He hath built them so near the Fort, that the Town will be safe from the Canon of the Castle, and those who defend it may easily be galled by Musquet-shot from the Town.  
These new Walls render the Town much less than it was before; for a great many Houses made of Canes that formerly were within its Precinct are now left out, for which, those who are concerned pretend Reparation. Surrat is but of an indifferent bigness, 
The bigness of Surrat.  and it is hard to tell exactly the number of its Inhabitants, because the seasons render it unequal: There are a great many all the Year round; but in the time of the Monsson, that is to say, in the time when Ships can go and come to the Indies without danger, in the Months of January, February, March, and even in April, the Town is so full of People, that Lodgings can hardly be had, and the three Suburbs are all full.  
It is inhabited by Indians, Persians, Arabians, Turks, Franks, 
The Inhabitants of Surrat.  Armenians, and other Christians: In the mean time its usual Inhabitants are reduced to three Orders, amongst whom, indeed, neither the Franks nor other Christians are comprehended, because they are but in a small number in comparison of those who profess another Religion. 
Moor's at Surrat.  These three sorts of Inhabitants are either Moors, Heathens, or Parsis; by the word Moor are understood all the Mahometans, Moguls, Persians, Arabians or Turks that are in the Indies, though they be not uniform in their Religion, the one being Sunnis and the others Chiais: I have observed the difference betwixt them in my Second Part. 
Gentiles at Surrat.  The Inhabitants of the Second Order are called Gentiles or Heathens, and these adore Idols, of whom also there are several sorts. Those of the third rank are the Parsis, who are likewise called Gaures or Atechperest, Adorers of the Fire: These profess the Religion of the Ancient Persians, and they retreated into the Indies, when caliph Omar reduced the Kingdom of Persia under the power of the Mahometans. There are People vastly rich in Surrat, 
Rich Merchants in Surrat. English and Dutch Factories at Surrat.  and a Banian a Friend of mine, called Vargivora, is reckoned to be worth at least eight Millions. The English and Dutch have their Houses there, which are called Lodges and Factories: They have very pretty Apartments, and the English have settled the general Staple of their trade there. There may be very well an hundred Catholic Families in Surrat.  
The Castle is built upon the side of the River at the South end of the Town, to defend the entry against those that would attack it, 
The Castle of Surrat.  by the Tapty. It is a Fort of a reasonable bigness, square and flanked at each corner by a large Tower. The Ditches on three sides are filled with Sea-water, and the fourth side which is to the West is washed by the River. Several pieces of Canon appear on it mounted; and the Revenues of the King that are collected in the Province are kept there, which are never sent to Court but by express Orders. The entry to it is on the West side by a lovely Gate which is in the Bazar or Meidan: The Custom-house is hard by, and that Castle has a particular Governor, as the Town has another.  

The Houses of Surrat.  The Houses of this Town on which the Inhabitants have been willing to lay out Money, are flat as in Persia, and pretty well built; but they cost dear, because there is no Stone in the Country; seeing they are forced to make use of Brick and Lime, a great deal of Timber is employed, which must be brought from Daman by Sea, the Wood of the Country which is brought a great way off, being much dearer because of the Land-Carriage. Brick and Lime are very dear also; and one cannot build an ordinary House at less charge than five or six hundred Livres for Brick, and twice as much for Lime. The Houses are covered with Tiles made half round, and half an Inch thick, but ill burnt; so that they look still white when they are used, and do not last; and it is for that reason that the Bricklayers lay them double, and make them to keep whole. Canes which they call Bambous serve for Laths to fasten the Tiles to; 
Bambous.  and the Carpenters work which supports all this, is only made of pieces of round Timber: Such Houses as these are for the Rich; but those the meaner sort of People live in, are made of Canes, and covered with the branches of Palm-trees.  

The time to Build in.  Now, it is better building in the Indies in the time of Rain, than in fair weather, because the heat is so great, and the force of the Sun so violent, when the Heavens are clear, that every thing dries before it be consolidate, and cracks and chinks in a trice; whereas Rain tempers that heat, and hindering the Operation of the Sun, the Mason-work has time to dry. When it reins the Workmen have no more to do, but to cover their Work with Wax-cloath, but in dry weather there is no remedy; all that can be done is to lay wet Tiles upon the Work as fast as they have made an end of it; but they dry so soon, 
The Streets of Surrat.  that they give but little help. The Streets of Surrat are large and even, but they are not paved, and there is no considerable public Building within the Precinct of the Town.  

The Meat at Surrat.  The Christians and Mahometans there eat commonly Cow-beef, not only because it is better than the Flesh of Oxen, but also because the Oxen are employed in Ploughing the Land, and carrying all Loads. The Mutton that is eaten there, is pretty good; but besides that, they have Pullet's, Chickens, Pigeons, Pigs, and all sorts of wild Fowl. They make use of the Oil of Cnicus silvestris, 
Oils at Surrat.  or wild Saffron with their Food; it is the best in the Indies, and that of Sesamum which is common also, is not so good.  

Grapes at Surrat.  They eat Grapes in Surrat from the beginning of February, to the end of April, but they have no very good taste. Some think that the reason of that is, because they suffer them not to ripen enough: Nevertheless the Dutch who let them hang on the Vine as long as they can, make a Wine of them which is so eager, that it cannot be drunk without Sugar. The white Grapes are big and fair to the Eye, and they are brought to Surrat, from a little Town called Naapoura, 
Naapoura a Town.  in the Province of Balagate, and four days Journey from Surrat.  
The Strong-water of this Country is no better than the Wine, that which is commonly drunk, is made of Jagre or black Sugar put into Water with the bark of the tree Baboul, to give it some force; and then all are Distilled together. They make a Strong-water also of Tarry which they Distil; But these Strong-waters are nothing so good as our Brandy, no more than those they draw from Rice, 
Vinegar at Surrat.  Sugar and Dates. The Vinegar they use is also made of Jagre infused in Water. There are some that put Spoilt-raisins in it when they have any; but to make it better, they mingle Tarry with it, and set it for several days in the Sun.   

CHAP. VIII. Of Tarry.  
Tarry is a liquor that they drink with pleasure in the Indies. 
Tarry.  It is drawn from two sorts of Palm-trees, to wit, from that which they call Cadgiour, and from that which bears the Coco; the best is got from the Cadgiour. 
Cadgiour.  They who draw it gird their Loins with a thick Leather-girdle, wherewith they embrace the trunk of the Tree, that they may climb up without a Ladder; and when they are come to that part of the Tree from which they would draw the Tarry, they make an incision one Inch deep and three Inches wide, with a pretty heavy Iron-Chizel, so that the hole enters in to the pith of the Cadgiour, which is white: At the same time they fasten an earthen Pitcher half a Foot below the hole, and this Pot having the back part a little raised, receives the Liquor which continually drops into it; whilst they cover it with Briars or Palm branches, lest the birds should come and drink it. Then they come down, and climb not up the Tree again till they perceive that the Pitcher is full, and then they empty the Tarry into another Pot fastened to their girdle. That kind of Palmtree bears no Dates, when they draw Tarry from it; but when they draw none, it yields wild Dates.  
They take another course in drawing that Liquor from the Coco-tree. 
The Coco-tree.  They make no hole, but only cut the lower branches to a Foot length. They fasten Pots to the end of them, and the Tarry Distils into the Vessels. Seeing the Operation I have been speaking of is but once a year performed on these Palm-trees, they whose Trade it is to fell Tarry; have a prodigious number of these Trees, and there are a great many Merchants that Farm them. The best Tarry is drawn in the Nighttime; and they who would use it with pleasure, aught to drink of that, because not being heated by the Sun, it is of an acide sweetness, which leaves in the Mouth the flavour of a Chestnut, which is very agreeable. That which is drawn in the daytime is eager, and most commonly made Vinegar of, because it easily corrupts and decays. That kind of Palm, or Coco-tree, is fit for many other uses, 
Coco.  for of its trunk they make Masts and Anchors, nay, and the hulks of Ships also; and of its bark Sails and Cables. The Fruit that springs from its feathered branches, is as big as an ordinary Melon, and contains a very wholesome Juice, which hath the colour and taste of Whitewine. The Dutch have a great many of these Coco-trees in Batavia, which turn to great profit to them. The Revenue alone of those which belong to the Company near the Town, with the imposition on every Stand of those who sell any thing in the Marketplace, is sufficient to pay their Garrison: But they are so rigorous in exacting it, that if any one leave his Stand, to take a minute's refreshment in the Rain, or for any other necessary occasion, though he immediately come back, yet must he pay a second time if he will challenge the same Stand.  
At Surrat, are sold all sorts of Stuffs and Cotton-cloaths that are made in the Indies, all the Commodities of Europe, nay and of China also, 
Commodities of Surrat.  as Purceline, Cabinets and Coffers adorned with Torqueises, agates, Cornelians, Ivory, and other sorts of embellishments. There are Diamonds, Rubies, Pearls, and all the other precious Stones which are found in the East to be sold there also: Musk, Amber, Myrrh, Incense, Manna, Salarmoniac, Quicksilver, Lac, Indigo, the Root Roenas for dying Red, and all sorts of Spices and Fruits which are got in the Indies and other Countries of the Levant, go off here in great plenty; and in general all the Drogues that Foreign Merchants buy up to transport into all parts of the World.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Weights and Money of Surrat.  


The weights of Surrat.  
Candy a measure.  
The Man a weight at Surrat.  
The Pound of Surrat.  
Tole. Mangelus. Caracts. Vales. Gongy.  
The Ounce of Paris.   AT Surrat as elsewhere, there are divers kinds of Weights and Measures. That which is called Candy, is of twenty Mans, but the most common Weight used in Trade is the Man, which contains forty Serra or Pounds, and the Pound of Surrat contains fourteen Ounces, or five and thirty Tolls. All Gold and Silver is weighed by the Tole, and the Tole contains forty Mangelis, which makes fifty six of our Caracts, or thirty two Vales, or otherwise fourscore and sixteen Gengys'. The Vale contains three Gongys', and two toll a third and a half, answers to an Ounce of Paris weight, and a Tole weighs as much as a Rupee. The Man weighs forty Pound weight all the Indies over, but these Pounds or Serres vary according to different Countries: For instance, the Pounds of Surrat are greater than those of Golconda, and by consequence the Man is bigger also: The Serre or Pound of Surrat weighs no more but fourteen Ounces; and that of Agra weighs twenty eight.  

The Money of Surrat.  Great sums of Money are reckoned by Leks, Croiels or Courous, Padans, and Nil●. An hundred thousand Roupies make a Lek, an hundred thousand Lek a Courou, an hundred thousand Courous a Padan, and an hundred thousand Padans a Nil. 
Roupies of Gold.  The great Lords have Roupies of Gold, which are worth about one and twenty French Livres; but since they pass not commonly in Trade, and that they are only Coined for the most part, to be made presents of, I shall only speak of those of Silver. 
Roupies of Silver.  The Silver Rupee is as big as an Abassy of Persia, but much thicker, it weighs a Tole; It passes commonly for thirty French Sols, but it is not worth above nine and twenty. They yearly Coin Roupies; and the new ones during the year they are Coined in, are valued a Pecha more than those of the foregoing year, because the Coiners pretend that the Silver daily wears: The truth is, when I came to Surrat, the Roupies were worth thirty three Pechas and a half, and when I left it, the same were worth but thirty two and a half. They have Roupies and quarter pieces also.  

Abassis.  The Abassis that are brought from Persia, pass only for ninteen Pechas, which are about sixteen French Sols and a half. There is also a Mogole Silver-Coin, called Mahmoudy, which is worth about eleven Sols and a half.  

Pecha.  The Pecha is a piece of Copper-Money as big and thick as a Rupee, it is worth somewhat more than ten French Deniers, and weighs six of our Drachms.  

Baden.  They give threescore and eight Baden or bitter Almonds for a Pecha. These Almonds that pass for Money at Surrat, come from Persia, and are the Fruit of a shrub that grows on the Rocks. There are also half Pechas.  

The Moguls Money very fine.  It is to be observed that the Silver Money of the Great Mogul is finer than any other, for whenever a Stranger enters the Empire, he is made to change the Silver he hath, whether Piastres or Abassis, into the Money of the Country, and at the same time they are melted down, and the Silver refined for the Coining of Roupies.   

CHAP. X. Of the Officers of Surrat.  
THere is a Mufty at Surrat, 
Officers of Surrat. Mufty. Cady.  who has the inspection over all that concerns the Mahometan Religion, and a Cady established for the Laws, to whom recourse is had in case of contest. The Great Mogul entertains another great Officer there, whom the Franks call Secretary of State, and whose duty much resembles that of the Intendant of a Province in France. He is called Vaca-Nevis, 
Vaca-Nevis.  that is, who writes and keeps a Register of all that happens within the extent of the Country where he is placed. The King keeps one in every Government, to give him notice of all that occurs, and he depends on no Minister of State, but only on his Majesty.  
There are two Governors or Nabad at Surrat, 
Two Governors at Surrat. Nabad.  who have no dependence one on another, and give an account of their actions only to the King. The one Commands the Castle, and the other the Town; and they encroach not upon one another's rights and duties. The Governor of the Town Judges in Civil matters, and commonly renders speedy Justice: 
The way of suing for a Debt in the Indies.  If a Man sue another for a Debt, he must either show an obligation, produce two witnesses, or take an Oath: If he be a Christian, he swears upon the Gospel; if a Moor, upon the Alcoran, and a Heathen swears upon the Cow: The Gentiles Oath consists only in laying his hand upon the Cow, and saying, that he wishes he may eat of the Flesh of that Beast, if what he says be not true; but most of them choose rather to lose their cause than to swear, because they who swear are reckoned infamous among the Idolaters.  
The first time one goes to wait upon the Governor, as soon as they come they lay before him, five, six, or ten Roupies, every one according to his Quality; and in the Indies the same thing is done to all for whom they would show great respect. This Governor meddles not at all in Criminal Affairs; an Officer named Cotoval takes cognisance of them. 
The Criminal Judge Cotoval:  In Turkey he is called Sousbassa, and in Persia Deroga. He order the Criminals to be punished in his presence, either by Whipping or Cudgelling, and that correction is inflicted many times in his House, and sometimes in the Street at the same place where they have committed the fault. When he goes abroad through the Town, he is on Horseback, attended by several Officers on Foot, some carrying Batons and great Whips, others Lances, Swords, Targets, and Maces of Iron like the great Pestles of a Mortar; but all have a dagger at their sides. Nevertheless neither the Civil nor Criminal Judge can put any one to death. The King reserves that Power to himself; and therefore when any Man deserves death, a Courier is dispatched to know his pleasure, and they fail not to put his Orders in execution, so soon as the Courier is come back.  
The Cotoval is obliged to go about the Street in the Nighttime, to prevent disorders; and sets guards in several places. If he find any Man abroad in the Streets, he commits him to Prison, and very rarely does he let him go out again, without being Bastonadoed or Whipped. Two of the Officers that wait on him, about nine of the Clock beat two little Drums, whilst a third sounds two or three times a long Copper-Trumpet, which I have described in my Voyage into Persia. 
The cry of Caberdar.  Then the Officers or Sergeants cry as loud as they can, Caberdar, that's to say, take heed; and they who are in the Neighbouring Streets, answer with another cry, to show that they are not asleep. After that they continue their round, and begin to cry again afresh until they have finished it. This round is performed thrice a Night, to wit, at nine of the Clock, Midnight, and three in the Morning.  

The Cotoval answers for Robberies.  The Cotoval is to Answer for all the Robberies committed in the Town; but as generally all that are put into that Office, are very cunning, so they find always evasions to come off without paying. Whilst I was at Surrat, an Armenian Merchant was Rob of two thousand four hundred Chequins, his name was Cogea Minas: Two of his Slaves absconding about the time of the Robbery, he failed not to accuse them of it; all imaginary enquiry was made after them, but seeing there was no news to be had neither of them nor of the Money, the report run that these Slaves had committed the Theft; and that they were concealed by some Moor that was in intelligence with them, who perhaps, to get all the Money had killed and buried them, as it had already happened at Surrat.  
In the mean time the Governor told the Cotoval, that he must forthwith pay the Money, because if the Emperor came to know of the matter, all the fault would be laid at their door, that perhaps they might be served worse than to be made pay the Money that had been stolen from Cogea Minas, and that therefore they had best send for the Armenian, and learn from him how much he had really lost. The Cotoval said nothing to the contrary, but at the same time asked leave to commit him to Prison, and to put him and his servants to the Rack, that so by torture he might discover whether or not he had really lost the Money, and if so, whether or not one of his own Men had Rob him. The Governor granted what he demanded; but no sooner was the news brought to the Armenian, but he desisted from pursuing the Cotoval, and chose rather to lose all than to suffer the torments that were designed for him. In this manner commonly the Cotoval comes off.  

The punishment of those who are suspected of Robbery.  When any one is Rob, this Officer apprehends all the People of the House both Young and Old where the Robbery hath been committed, and causes them to be beaten severely. They are stretched out upon the Belly, and four Men hold him that is to be punished by the Legs and Arms, and two others have each a long Whip of twisted thongs of Leather made thick and round, wherewith they lash the Patiented one after another, like Smith's striking on an Anvil, till he have received two or three hundred lashes, and be in a gore of Blood. If at first he confess not the Theft, they whip him again next day, and so for several days more, until he hath confessed all, or the thing stolen be recovered again; and what is strange, the Cotoval neither searches his House or Goods, but after five or six days, if he do not confess he is dismissed.  

Prevost Foursdar.  At Surrat there is a Prevost who is called Foursdar, and he is obliged to secure the Country about, and to Answer for all the Robberies that are committed there; but I cannot tell if he be so crafty as the Cotoval. When they would stop any Person, 
Doa-Padecha.  they only cry Doa-padecha, which hath greater force than a Hue-and-cry; and if they forbidden a Man to stir out of the place where he is, by saying Doa-padecha, he cannot go, without rendering himself Criminal, and is obliged to appear before the Justice. This cry is used all over the Indies: After all, there are but Fines imposed at Surrat, the People live there with freedom enough.   

CHAP. XI. Bad Offices done to the French Company at Surrat.  

Bad Offices done to the French Company at Surrat.  THe Governor of Surrat was making strict enquiry into the French Company, when I came to the Indies. Seeing at first he applied himself to the other Franks, and particularly to those whose interest it was not to have it established at Surrat, they told him a great deal of evil of the French; so that by the Artifice of their Enemies he had conceived a bad Opinion of them. He was thinking to solicit their exclusion at Court, when Father Ambrose, Superior of the Capucins, being informed of it, went to undeceive him, telling him that he ought not to give credit to the Enemies of that Company, for that they were combined to ruin it if they could. He loved that Father because of his Probity, and therefore did not reject him; only adjured him to tell him the truth without dissimulation concerning the matter, and whether the French, who were to come, were not Pirates, as it was reported all over the Country, and as many Franks had assured him they were.  
This thought was suggested in Surrat, so soon as it was known that there was a Design in France of sending Ships to trade in the East-Indies; and the Calumny was easily believed, because one Lambert Hugo, 
Lambert Hugo a Corsar.  a Dutchman, who had had French on Board of him, and whom they brought fresh into the People's Minds, had been two Years before at Moca with French Colours, and a Commission from the Duke of Vendosme then Admiral of France, and had taken some Vessels: But that which offended most, was the story of the Ship that carried the Goods of the Queen of Visiapour, and was stranded about Socotra; 
The Queen of Visiapour. Socotra.  an Isle lying in eleven Degrees forty Minutes Latitude, at the entry of the Red-Sea. That Queen who was going to Mecha, was out of the reach of the Corsar, for luckily she had gone on Board of a Dutch Ship; but being satisfied with a Ship belonging to herself for transporting her Equipage; Hugo met that Ship, and pursued her so briskly, that the Master was forced to run aground. It being difficult for the Corsar to approach the Ship in the place where she lay, he lost no courage, but patiently expected what might be the issue of her stranding: His expectation was not in vain; for the Indians wanting Water for a long time, and finding none where they were, suffered great extremity; and therefore having hid in the Sea what Gold, Silver, and precious Stones they could, they resolved to have recourse to the Corsar himself to save their lives, hoping that he would be satisfied with what remained in the Ship.  
Hugo being come up with them, 
The Cunning of Hugo.  cunningly found out that they had sunk somewhat in the Sea; and a false Brother told him, that none but the Carpenter and his Son knew where the Queen's Treasure was, (for she had carried with her a great deal of Money, Jewels and rich Stuffs to make Presents at Mecha, Medina, Grand Cheik, and other places, resolving to be very magnificent.) In fine, Hugo having sufficiently tortured the Master, Carpenter, and the Carpenter's Son, whom he threatened to kill in his Father's presence, made them bring out what was in the Sea, and seized it, as he did the rest of the Cargoe. This Action had made so much noise in the Indies, that Hugo, who was there taken for a Frenchman, was abominated, and by consequenee all Frenchmen for his sake.  
The Governor talked high of that Corsar to Father Ambrose, who had much ado to persuade him, that he was not a Frenchman, because he came with French Colours, and for certain had a great many Frenchmen on Board. However, after much Discourse he believed him; but for all that excused not the French from the Action wherein they had assisted him, and still maintained, that nothing but a design of Robbing had brought them into that Country: The Father denied that it was their design, but that they only came with Lambert Hugo to revenge an affront done to some French in Aden a Town of Arabia the Happy, 
Aden.  lying in the eleventh Degree of Latitude; and thereupon he told him what was done in that Town to the French, some years before; How that a Pinnace of Monsieur de la Meilleraye, being obliged in a storm to separate from her Man of War, and to put into Aden. The Sunnis by force and unparalleled impiety, had caused all those that came ashore to be Circumcised, though at first they received them well, and promised to treat them as Friends. That notwithstanding that, the King of France as well as the Indians had disapproved the Action of the Corsar and French who were on Board of him, because they had put his Subjects into bad Reputation, by the Artifice of the Enemies of France; but that he was resolved to dispel that bad Reputation, by settling a Company to trade to the Indies, with express Orders to exercise no Acts of Hostility there.  

The French justified by Father Ambrose.  The Governor being satisfied with the Answer of Father Ambrose, prayed him to write down in the Persian Language all that he had told him; and so soon as he had done so, he sent it to Court. The Great Mogul having had it read to him in the Divan, was fully satisfied therewith, as well as his Ministers of State, and then all desired the coming of the French Ships. The truth is, that Governor shown extrordinary kindness to the Sieurs de la Boullaye and Beber, 
Envoys from the French Company.  the Companies Envoys, and told them, that on the Testimony of Father Ambrose, he would do them all the service he could. The English Precedent, an old Friend of that Fathers, shown them also all the Honour he could, having sent his Coach and Servants to receive them, and he assured the Father, that they might command any thing he had. Thus the Capucin by the Credit that he had acquired in the Indies, dispersed the bad reports which the Enemies of France, had raised against the French.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Marriage of the Governor of the Town's Daughter.  

The marriage of a great Lord at Surrat.  Whilst I was at Surrat, the Governor of the Town married his Daughter to the Son of an Omra, who came thither for that end. That young Lord made his Trumpets, Tymbals and Drums play publicly during the space of twelve or fourteen days, to entertain the People, and publish his Marriage upon a Wednesday which was appointed for the Ceremony of the Wedding; 
The Ceremonies of the Wedding.  he made the usual Cavalcade about eight of the Clock at Night, first marched his Standards which were followed by several hundreds of Men carrying Torches, and these Torches were made of Bambous or Canes, at the end whereof there was an Iron Candlestick, containing Rolls of oiled Cloth made like Sausages. Amongst these Torch-lights there were two hundred Men and Women, little Boys, and little Girls, who had each of them upon their Head a little Hurdle of Ozier-Twigs, 
The Cavalcade of the Wedding.  on which were five little Earthen Cruces that served for Candlesticks to so many Wax-Candles, and all these People were accompanied with a great many others, some carrying in Baskets, Rolls of Cloth and Oil to supply the Flamboys, and others Candles.  
The Trumpets came after the Flamboy-carriers, and these were followed by public Dancing-women, sitting in two Machines' made like Bedstids without Posts, in the manner of Palanquins, which several Men carried on their Shoulders. They sung and played on their Cymbals, intermingled with Plates and flat thin pieces of Copper, which they struck one against another, and made a very clear sound, but unpleasant, if compared with the sound of our Instruments. Next came six pretty handsome led Horses, with Cloath-Saddles wrought with Gold-thread.  
The Bridegroom having his Face covered with a Gold-Fringe, which hung down from a kind of Mitre that he wore on his Head followed on Horseback, and after came twelve Horsemen, who had behind them two great Elephants, and two Camels which carried each two Men playing on Tymbals; and besides these Men each Elephant had his Guide sitting upon his Neck. This Cavalcade having for the space of two hours marched through the Town, passed at length before the Governors' House, where they continued, as they had done all along the Streets where the Cavalcade went, to throw Fireworks for some time, and then the Bridegroom retired.  
Sometime after, 
Bonfires.  Bonfires prepared on the Riverside before the Governors' House were kindled; and on the Water, before the Castle there were six Barks full of Lamps burning in tires; about half an hour after ten these Barks drew near the House, the better to light the River: And at the same time, on the side of Renelle, 
Renelle, a Town.  there were Men that put Candles upon the Water, which floating gently without going out, were by an Ebbing-Tide carried towards the Sea. Renelle is an old Town about a quarter of a League distant from Surrat: It stands on the other side of the Tapty, and though it daily fall into ruin, yet the Dutch have a very good Magazine there.  
There were five little artificial Towers upon the Waterside full of Fire-lances and Squibs, which were set on fire one after another; but seeing the Indian Squibs make no noise no more than their Fire-lances, all they did, was to turn violently about, and dart a great many streaks of Fire into the Air, some straight up like Water-works, and others obliquely, representing the branches of a Tree of Fire: They put fire next to a Machine which seemed to be a blue Tree when it was on fire, because there was a great deal of Brimstone in the Firework: After that, upon a long Bar of Iron fixed in the ground they placed a great many artificial Wheels, which played one after another and spread abundance of Fire: They also burned divers Pots full of Powder, from which large flakes of Artificial Lightning glanced up in the Air; and all this while, Squibs and Serpents flew about in vast numbers; and with them many Fire-lances, in which was a great deal of Camphire, that yielded a whitish dazzling flame.  
These Fireworks played almost an hour, and when they were over, the main business was performed. The Maid was married in her Father's House by a Moula, and about two of the Clock in the Morning was conducted upon an Elephant to her Husband's Lodgings. 
The Wedding.   
There were a great many Dancers, Tumblers, 
Dancers, Jugglers.  and players at sleight of Hand in the open places; but they acted nothing, as I could see, but what was dull, and yet I was advantageously placed in Windows to examine their play, being desirous to see, if what was told of their dexterity was true; but I found nothing extraordinary in it, and I should have had a bad Opinion of the Indian Dances, if I had not met with nimbler afterwards in my Travels there.  
The first time I saw Hermaphrodites was there. 
Hermaphrodites.  It was easy to distinguish them, for seeing there is a great number in that Town, and all over the Indies, I was informed before hand, that for a mark to know them by, they were obliged under pain of Correction, to wear upon their Heads a Turban like Men, though they go in the habit of Women.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Burying-places, and the Burning of Dead Bodies.  
THe Burying-places of Surrat are without the Town, 
Burying-places.  about three or four hundred Paces from Baroche-Gate. The Catholics have their own apart; and so have the English and Dutch, 
The Sepulchers of the English and Dutch.  as well as some Religious Indians. The English and Dutch adorn their Graves with Pyramids of Brick whitened over with Lime; and whilst I was there, there was one a building for a Dutch Commander, which was to cost eight thousand Livres. 
The Sepulchre of a Dutch drinker.  Amongst the rest, there is one of a great drinker, who had been banished to the Indies by the State's General, and who is said to have been Kinsman of the Prince of Orange: They have raised a Monument for him, as for other Persons of note; but to let the World see that he could drink stoutly, on the top of his Pyramid there is a large Stone-cup, and one below at each corner of his Tomb; and hard by each Cup there is the Figure of a Suger-loaf. When the Dutch have a mind to divert themselves at that Monument, they make, God knows, how many Ragoes in these Cups, and with other less Cups drink or eat what they have prepared in the great ones.  

The Tombs of the Religious Gentiles.  The Religious Gentiles have their Tombs about two thousand Paces beyond the Dutch Buryingplace. They are square, and made of Plaster; they are about two or three Foot high, and two Foot broad, covered some with a Dome, and others with a Pyramid of Plaster somewhat more than three Foot high; on the one side there is a little Window, through which one may see the top of the Grave; and because there are two Soles of Feet cut upon them, some have believed that the Vartias were interred with the Head down and the Feet upwards, but having informed myself as to that, I learned, that there was no such thing, and that the Bodies are laid in their Graves after the ordinary manner.  

The place where Bodies are burnt.  The place where the Banians burn their dead Bodies, is by the Riverside, beyond the Burying-places; and when they are consumed, the Ashes are left there, on design, that they may be carried away by the Tapty, because they look upon it as a Sacred River. They believe that it contributes much to the Salvation of the Soul of the deceased, to burn his Body immediately after his Death, because, (as they say,) his Soul suffers after the separation from the Body till it be burnt. It is true, that if they are in a place where there is no Wood, they tie a Stone to the dead Body, and throw it into the Water, and their Religion allows them to bury it if there be neither Water nor Wood; but they are still persuaded that the Soul is much happier when the Body hath been burnt.  
They burn not the Bodies of Children that die before they are two Years old, because they are as yet innocent; nor do they burn the Bodies of the Vartias nor Jogues, who are a kind of Dervishes, because they follow the rite of Madeo, 
Madeo.  who is one of their great Saints, and who ordered the Bodies to be interred.   

CHAP. XIV. Of divers Curiosities at Surrat.  

A fair Well.  TOwards the English Buryingplace there is a great Well; a Banian made it for the convenience of Travellers, and it is of an oblong-square Figure, like the Well of Amedabad, which I have described, There are over it divers thin Brick-Arches, at some Feet distance one from another: Several Stairs go down to it, and the Light enters by the spaces that are between the Arches; so that one may see very clearly from the top to the bottom. On the outside there is the Figure of a Red-face, but the Features are not to be distinguished. The Indians say, that it is the Pagod of Madeo, and the Gentiles pay a great Dovotion to it.  

Daman-gate.  Towards Daman-gate, where the loveliest Walk in all the Country gins, there is a Reservatory much esteemed. That Gate is covered and encompassed with the branches of a lovely War, which the Portuguese call the Tree of Roots, that furnishes the pleasantest Restingplace imaginable to all that go to the Tanquie. 
A lovely Tanquie.  This great Reservatory of Water hath six Angles; the side of every Angle is an hundred Paces long, and the whole at least a Musket-shot in diametre. The bottom is paved with large Freestone, and there are Steps almost all round in form of an Amphitheatre, reaching from the brim to the bottom of the Basin; they are each of them half a Foot high, and are of lovely Freestone that hath been brought from about Cambaye; where there are no Steps there is a sloaping descent to the Basin; and there are three places made for Beasts to water at.  
In the middle of this Reservatory there is a Stone-Building about three Fathom every way, to which they go up by two little Staircases. 
A Building in the middle of the Tanquie.  In this place they go to divert themselves, and take the fresh Air; but they must go to it in Boat. The great Basin is filled with Rain-water in the season when the Rains fall, for after it hath run through the Fields, where it makes a kind of a great Chanal, over which they have been obliged to make Bridges, it stops in a place enclosed within Walls, from whence it passes into the Tanquie through three round holes, which are above four Foot Diametre, and hard by there is a kind of Mahometan Chapel.  
This Tanquie was made at the charges of a rich Banian named Gopy, 
Gopy.  who built it for the public; and heretofore all the Water that was drank in Surrat came from this Reservatory, for the five Wells which at present supply the whole Town, were not found out till long after it was built. It was begun at the same time the Castle was, and they say, that the one cost as much as the other. It is certainly a Work worthy of a King, and it may be compared to the fairest that the Romans ever made for public benefit. But seeing the Levantines let all things go to ruin for want of repair, it was above six Foot filled with Earth when I saw it, and in danger sometime or other to be wholly choked up, if some Charitable Banian be not at the charge of having it cleansed.  
Having viewed that lovely Reservatory, 
The Princess' Garden.  we went a quarter of a League farther to see the Princess' Garden, so called, because it belongs to the Great Moguls Sister. It is a great Plot of Trees of several kinds; as Manguiers, Palms, Mirabolans, Wars, Maisa-trees, and many other planted in a straight line. Amongst the Shrubs I saw the Querzehere or Aacla, of which I have treated at large in my Second Part, and also the Accaria of Egypt. There are in it a great many very fair straight Walks, and especially the four which make a Cross over the Garden, and have in the middle a small Canal of Water that is drawn by Oxen out of a Well. In the middle of the Garden there is a Building with four Fronts, each whereof hath its Divan, with a Closet at each corner; and before every one of these Divans there is a square Basin full of Water, from whence flow the little Brooks which run through the chief Walks. After all, though that Garden be well contrived, it is nothing to the gallantry of ours. There is nothing to be seen of our Arbours, Borders of Flowers, nor of the exactness of their Compartments, and far less of their Water-works.  
About an hundred, or an hundred and fifty Paces from that Garden, 
The Wartree.  we saw the Wartree in its full extent. It is likewise called Berinthia, and the Tree of Banians, as also the Tree of Roots, because of the facility wherewith the branches that bear large Filaments, take Rooting, and by consequence produce other branches; insomuch that one single Tree is sufficient to fill a great spot of Ground; and this I speak of, is very large and high, affording a most spacious shade. It's circuit is round, and is fourscore Paces in Diametre, which make above thirthy Fathom. The Branches that had irregularly taken Root, have been so skilfully cut, that at present one may without any trouble walk about every where under it.  
The Gentiles of India look upon that Tree as Sacred; 
A Sacred Tree.  and we might easily perceive that at a distance, by the Banners which the Banians had planted on the top and highest Branches of it. It hath by it a Pagod dedicated to an Idol which they call Mameva; and they who are not of their Religion, believe it to be a representation of Eve. We found a Bramen sitting there, who put some Red Colour upon the Foreheads of those who come to pay their Devotions, and received the Presents of Rice or Cocos that they offered him. That Pagod is built under the Tree in form of a Grot; the outside is painted with divers Figures representing the Fables of their false Gods, and in the Grot there is a Head all over Red.  

Charity towards Ants.  In that place I saw a Man very charitable towards the Aunts: He carried Flower in a Sack to be distributed amongst them, and left a handful every where where he met with any number.  
Whilst we were abroad in the Fields, we considered the Soil of Surrat, it is of a very brown Earth; and they assured us, that it was so very rich, that they never dunged it. After the Rains they sow their Corn, that is, after the Month of September, and they cut it down after February. They plant Sugarcanes there also; 
Sugar Canes.  and the way of planting them, is to make great Furrows, wherein, before they lay the Canes, they put a great many of the little Fish called Gudgeons: Whether these Fish serve to fatten the Earth, or that they add some quality to the Cane, the Indians pretend, that without that Manure the Canes would produce nothing that's good. They lay their pieces of Canes over these Fish, end to end, and from every joint of Cane so interred, their Springs a Sugar-cane, which they reap in their season.  
The Soil about Surrat is good for Rice also, and there is a great deal sown. Manguiers and Palm-trees of all kinds, and other sorts of Trees thrive well there, and yield great profit. The Dutch water their Ground with Well-Water, which is drawn by Oxen after the manner described in my Second Part; but the Corn-land is never watered, because the Dew that falls plentifully in the Mornings, is sufficient for it.  

The River of Tapty.  The River of Tapty is always brackish at Surrat, and therefore the Inhabitants make no use of it, neither for Drink nor Watering of their Grounds, but only for washing their Bodies, which they do every Morning as all the other Indians do. They make use of Well-water to drink, and it is brought in Borrachoes upon Oxen. This River of itself is but little, for at High-water it is no broader than half of the River of Seine at Paris: Nevertheless it swells so in the Wintertime by the Rain-water, that it furiously overflows, and makes great havoc: It has its source in a place called Gehar-Conde, in the Mountains of Decan, ten Leagues from Brampour. It passes by that Town, and before it discharge itself into the Sea, it Waters several Countries, and washes many Towns, as last of all it does Surrat. At low Water, it runs to the Bar; but when it flows the Sea commonly advances two Leagues over that Bar, and so receives the Water of the Tapty.   

CHAP. XV. The Port of Surrat.  

The Port of Surrat.  THe Bar of Surrat, where Ships come at present, is not its true Port; at best it can be called but a Road; and I had reason to say in the beginning of this Book, that it is called the Bar because of the Banks of Sand which hinder Ships from coming farther in. The truth is, there is so little Water there, that though the Vessels be unloaded, the ordinary Tides are not sufficient to bring them up, and they are obliged to wait a Springtide; but then they come up to Surrat, especially when they want to be careened. Small Barks come easily up to the Town with the least Tides.  
The true Port of Surrat is Sovaly, two Leagues from the Bar. 
Sovaly  It is distant from the Town four Leagues and a half; and to go to it by Land, they cross the River at the Town. All Vessels heretofore came to an Anchor in this Port, where the Ground is good; but because the Customs were often stolen there, it is prohibited, and no Ship hath gone thither since the Year One thousand six hundred and sixty, but the English and Dutch who are suffered to Anchor there still, and have their several Magazines in that place. That Port affords them a fair opportunity of getting ashore what they please Custom-free; and the Coaches of the Governors, Commanders, or Precedents of these two Nations, who often take the Air thereabouts, might easily carry off any thing of small bulk from on board their Ships. They have even Gardens at Sovaly by the Seaside, and each a small Harbour, where they put their Boats or Barks; so that it is their own fault if they save not a great many things without paying Custom.  
Since the Prohibition made to other Nations of coming to Anchor at Sovaly, there are always a great many Vessels at the Bar, though it be an incommodious Road for them; for Ships come from Persia, Arabia Faelix, and generally from all Countries of the Indies as formerly; so that the Prohibition of putting in to Sovaly hath nothing lessened the Customs which yield the King yearly, twelve Lecks of Roupies, each Leck being worth about an hundred thousand French Livres. The Master of the Customhouse is a Moor, and has his Commission from the Governor of Surrat. The Clerks are Banians, and the rest of the Officers of the Customhouse, as Waiters, Porters, and others, are also Moor, and they are called the Pions of the Customhouse.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Irruption of Sivagy.  
IN January 1664. 
Sivagy.  Raja Sivagy put the Customers and their Governor to a strange plunge; and seeing he is become famous by his Actions, it will not be amiss, I think, to give a short History of him. 
The History of Raja Sivagy.  This Sivagy is the Son of a Captain of the King of Visiapours, and born at Bassaim being of a restless and turbulent Spirit, he rebelled in his Father's life-time, and putting himself at the Head of several Banditi, and a great many debauched Youngmen, he made his part good in the Mountains of Visiapour against those that came to attack him, and could not be reduced. The King thinking that his Father kept intelligence with him, caused him to be arrested; and he dying in Prison, Sivagy conceived so great a hatred against the King, that he used all endeavours to be revenged on him. In a very short time he plundered part of Vifiapour, and with the Booty he took made himself so strong in Men, Arms and Horses, that he found himself able enough to seize some Towns, and to form a little State in spite of the King, who died at that time. The Queen, 
The Queen Regent of Vifiapour.  who was Regent having other Affairs in hand, did all she could to reduce Sivagy to duty; but her endeavours being unsuccessful, she accepted of the Peace he propoposed to her, after which she lived in quiet.  
In the mean while, the Raja, who could not rest, plundered some places belonging to the Great Mogul; which obliged that Emperor to send Forces against him, under the conduct of Chasta-Can his Uncle, 
Chasta-Can Uncle to the Mogul.  Governor of Aurangeabad. Ch●sta-Can having far more Forces than Sivagy had, vigorously pursued him, but the Raja having his retreat always in the Mountains, and being extremely cunning, the Mogul could make nothing of him.  
However that old Captain, at length, thinking that the turbulent Spirit of Sivagy might make him make some false step, judged it best to temporize, and lay a long while upon the Lands of the Raja. This Patience of Chasta-Can being very troublesome to Sivagy, he had his recourse to a Stratagem. 
A Stratagem of War.  He ordered one of his Captains to write to that Mogul, and to persuade him that he would come over to the service of the Great Mogul, and bring with him five hundred Men whom he had under his Command. Chasta-Can having received the Letters, durst not trust them at first; but receiving continually more and more, and the Captain giving him such reasons for his discontent as looked very probable, he sent him word that he might come and bring his Men with him. No sooner was he come into the Camp of the Moguls, but he desired a Passport to go to the King that he might put himself into his Service: But Chasta-Can thought it enough to put him in hopes of it, and kept him with him.  
Sivagy had ordered him to do what he could to insinuate himself into the favour of Chasta-Can, and to spare no means that could bring that about, to show upon all occasions the greatest rancour and animosity imaginable; and in a particular manner to be the first in Action against him or his Subjects. He failed not to obey him: He put all to Fire and Sword in the rajas Lands, and did much more mischief than all the rest besides; which gained him full credit in the Mind of Chasta-Can, who at length made him Captain of his Guards. But he guarded him very ill, for having one Day sent word to Sivagy, that on a certain Night he should be upon Guard at the General's Tent; the Raja came there with his Men, and being introduced by his Captain, 
Sivagy surprises Chasta-Can.  came to Chasta-Can, who awaking flew to his Arms, and was wounded in the Hand; however he made a shift to escape, but a Son of his was killed, and Sivagy thinking that he had killed the General himself, gave the signal to retreat: He marched off with his Captain and all his Horse in good order. He carried off the General's Treasure, and took his Daughter, to whom he rendered all the Honour he could. He commanded his Men under rigorous pains, not to do her the least hurt, but on the contrary, to serve her with all respect; and being informed that her Father was alive, he sent him word, That if he would send the Sum which he demanded for her Ransom, he would send him back his Daughter safe and sound; which was punctually performed.  
He wrote afterwards to Chasta-Can praying him to withdraw, and owned that the stratagem that had been practised was of his own contrivance; that he hatched a great many others for his ruin, and that if he drew not off out of his Lands, 
Chasta-Can retires for fear of Sivagy.  he should certainly lose his Life. Chasta-Can slighted not the Advice: He informed the King, that it was impossible to force Sivagy in the Mountains; that he could not undertake it, unless he resolved to ruin his Troops; and he received Orders from Court to draw off under pretext of a new Enterprise. Sivagy, in the mean time, was resolved to be revenged on the Mogul by any means whatsoever, provided it might be to his advantage; and knowing very well that the Town of Surrat was full of Riches, he took measures how he might plunder it: But that no body might suspect his Design, he divided the Forces he had into two Camps; and seeing his Territories lie chief in the Mountains, upon the Road betwixt Bassaim and Chaoul, 

Sivagy's first Camp towards Chaoul.  
The other towards Bassaim.   he pitched one Camp towards Chaoul, where he planted one of his Pavilions, and posted another at the same time towards Bassaim; and having ordered his Commanders not to plunder, but on the contrary, to pay for all they had, he secretly disguised himself in the habit of a Faquir. Thus he went to discover the most commodious ways that might lead him speedily to Surrat: 
Sivagy at Surrat in the habit of a Faquir.  He entered the Town to examine the places of it, and by that means had as much time as he pleased to view it all over.  
Being come back to his chief Camp, 
Savagy returns to his Camp.  he ordered four thousand of his Men to follow him without noise, and the rest to remain encamped, and to make during his absence as much noise as if all were there, to the end none might suspect the enterprise he was about, 
And comes back to Surrat with four thousand men.  but think he was still in one of his Camps. Every thing was put in execution according to his orders. His march was secret enough, though he hastened it to surprise Surrat; and he came and Encamped near Brampour-gate. To amuse the Governor who sent to him, he demanded guides under pretence of marching to another place; but the Governor without sending him any Answer, retired into the Fort with what he had of the greatest value, and sent for assistance on all hands. 
The Plundering of Surrat.  Most of the Inhabitants in consternation forsook their Houses and fled into the Country. Sivagy's Men entered the Town and plundered it for the space of four days burning several Houses. None but the English and Dutch saved their quarters from the pillage, by the vigorous defence they made, and by means of the Cannon they planted, which Sivagy would not venture upon, having none of his own.  
Nor durst he venture to attack the Castle neither, though he knew very well that the richest things they had were conveyed thither, and especially a great deal of ready Money. He was afraid that attack might cost him too much time, and that assistance coming in might make him leave the Plunder he had got in the Town; besides, the Castle being in a condition to make defence, he would not have come off so easily as he had done elsewhere. So that he marched off with the Wealth he got: And it is believed at Surrat that this Raja carried away in Jewels, Gold and Silver, to the value of above thirty French Millions; 
22 l. of Pearls in the house of one Banian.  for in the House of one Banian he found twenty two Pound weight of strung Pearls, besides a great quantity of others that were not as yet pierced.  
One may indeed wonder that so populous a Town should so patiently suffer itself to be Plundered by a handful of Men; but the Indians for the most part are cowards. No sooner did Sivagy appear with his small body of Men, but all fled, some to the Country to save themselves at Baroche, and others to the Castle, whither the Governor retreated with the first. And none but the Christians of Europe made good their Post and preserved themselves. All the rest of the Town was Plundered, 

The Christians of Europe defended themselves against Sivagy.  
The Capucins escaped.   except the Monastery of the Capucins. When the Plunderers came to their Convent, they passed it by; and had Orders from their General to do so, because the first day in the Evening, Father Ambrose, who was Superior of it, being moved with compassion for the poor Christians living in Surrat, went to the Raja and spoke in their favour, praying him at least not to suffer any violence to be done to their Persons. Sivagy had a respect for him, took him into his protection, and granted what he had desired in favour of the Christians.  
The Great Mogul was sensibly affected with the Pillage of that Town, and the boldness of Sivagy; but his Affairs not suffering him to pursue his revenge at that time, he dissembled his resentment and delayed it till another opportunity.  
In the Year One thousand six hundred sixty six, 
Auran-Zeb praises Sivagy that he may allure him to his Court.  Auran-Zeb resolved to dispatch him, and that he might accompish his design, made as if he approved what he had done, and praised it as the action of a brave Man, rejecting the blame upon the Governor of Surrat, who had not the courage to oppose him. He expressed himself thus to the other Rajas of Court, amongst whom he knew Sivagy had a great many Friends; and told them that he esteemed that Raja for his Valour, and wished he might come to Court; saying openly that he would take it as a pleasure if any would let him know so much. Nay he bid one of them write to him, and gave his Royal word that he should receive no hurt; that he might come with all security, that he forgot what was past, and that his Troops should be so well treated, that he should have no cause to complain. Several Rajas wrote what the King had said, and made themselves in a manner sureties for the performance of his word; So that he made no difficulty to come to Court, and to bring his Son with him, having first ordered his Forces to be always upon their Guard, 
Sivagy's coming to Court.  under the command of an able Officer whom he left to head them.  
At first he met with all imaginable caresses, but some Months after, perceiving a dryness in the King, he openly complained of it, and boldly told him, that he believed he had a mind to put him to death, though he was come on his Royal word to wait upon him, 
The boldness of Sivagy in speaking to the King.  without any constraint or necessity that obliged him to it; but that his Majesty might know what Man he was, from Chasta-Can and the Governor of Surrat: That after all if he Perished, there were those who would revenge his death; and that hoping they would do so, he was resolved to die with his own hands, and drawing his Dagger, made an attempt to kill himself, but was hindered and had Guards set upon him.  
The King would have willingly put him to death, but he feared an insurrection of the Rajas. They already murmured at this usage notwithstanding the promise made to him; And all of them were so much the more concerned for him, that most part came only to Court upon the King's word. That consideration obliged Auran-Zeb to treat him well, and to make much of his Son. He told him that it was never in his thoughts to have him put to death, and flattered him with the hopes of a good Government which he promised him, 
Sivagy's pretence.  if he would go with him to Candabar, which then he designed to Besiege. Sivagy pretended to consent, provided he might Command his own Forces. The King having granted him that, he desired a Passport for their coming, and having got it, resolved to make use of it for withdrawing from Court. He therefore gave Orders to those whom he entrusted with that Passport, and whom he sent before under pretence of calling his Forces, to provide him Horses in certain places which he named to them, and they failed not to do it. When he thought it time to go meet them, 
His escape.  he got himself and his Son both to be carried privately in Panniers to the Riverside. So soon as they were over, they mounted Horses that were ready for them, and then he told the Waterman, that he might go and acquaint the King, that he had carried over Raja Sivagy. They Posted it day and night, finding always fresh Horses in the places he had appointed them to be brought to; and they passed every where by virtue of the King's Passport: But the Son unable to bear the fatigue of so hard Riding, died upon the Road. The Raja left Money to have his body honourably Burnt, and arrived afterwards in good health in his own territories.  

Sivagy's shape and way of living.  Auran-Zeb was extremely vexed at that escape. Many believed that it was but a false report, and that he was put to death; but the truth soon was known. This Raja is short and tawny, with quick eyes that show a great deal of wit. He eats but once a day commonly, and is in good health; and when he Plundered Surrat in the Year One thousand six hundred and sixty four, he was but thirty five years of Age.   

CHAP. XVII. Of Father Ambrose a Capucin.  

Father Ambrose a Capucin.  FAther Ambrose of whom I have spoken hath by his virtue and good services acquired a great Reputation in the Countries of the Mogul, and is equally esteemed of Christians and Gentiles: And indeed, he hath a great deal of Charity for all. He commonly takes up the difference that happen amongst Christians, and especially the Catholics; and he is so much Authorized by the Mogul Officers, that if one of the parties be so headstrong as not to be willing to come to an accommodation, by his own Authority he can make him consent to what is just. 
The Authority of Father Ambrose.  He makes no difficulty to cause a scandalous Christian to be put in Prison, and if complaint be made of it to the Governor or Cotoval, desiring that the Prisoner may be set at liberty, they both send the Petitioner to the Father, telling him that it is a matter they are not to meddle with. If the Supplicant find favour with them, they only offer their Intercession with the Capucin; and one day I saw a Man whom he had let out of Prison at the entreaty of the Cotoval severely chid by that Officer, because he had incurred the indignation of Father Ambrose. Those whose lives are too irregular he banishes the Town, and the Cotoval himself gives him Pions to force them out, with Orders to conduct them to the place the Capucin shall appoint.  
He employs his interest pretty often for the Heathen; and I saw a Pagan whom they carried to Prison for a slight fault, delivered at his request. He disputes boldly concerning the Faith in the Governors' presence; and one day he reclaimed a Christian Woman debauched by one of the Queen's Secretaries, who that she might live licentiously, had renounced her Religion and embraced the Mahometan; and one Morning he himself went and rescued her out of the hands of that Gentil. Indeed, his life hath been always without reproach, which is no small praise for a Man who lives in a Country where there are so many different Nations that live in so great disorders, and with whom his charge obliges him to keep company.  

A Mahometan Festival.  
I thought I had observed in my Book of Persia all the Festivals which the Moors or Mahometans celebrate, but they had one in this Town which I had never seen before. They call it the Feast of Choubret, 
The Feast of Choubret.  and believe that on that day the good Angels examine the Souls of the departed, and write down all the good that they have done in their lifetimes, and that the bad Angels sum up all their evil actions the same day. So that every one employs that day wherein they believe that God takes an account of the Actions of Men, in Praying to him, doing Alms-deeds, and sending one another Presents. They end the Festival with Lights and Bonfires kindled in the Streets and public places, and a great many Fireworks which fly about on all hands, whilst the Rich mutually treat one another with Collations and Feasts which they make in the very Streets or Shops.    

CHAP. XVIII. Of the other Towns of Guzerat, and the Siege of Diu by the Turks, which was defended by the Portugese.  
BEsides the Towns of the Province of Guzerat whereof I have spoken, there are above thirty others, on which depend a great many Bourgs and Villages; but those which lie near the Sea, are the most considerable. Broudra is one of the best, lying betwixt Baroche and Cambaye, 
Broudra a Town.  but more towards the East, in a most fertile though sandy Country: It is a large modern Town, and retains the Name of another ruined Town, which is but three quarters of a League from it, 
Rageapour a Town.  and has been called Broudra and Rageapour: It hath pretty good Walls and Towers, is inhabited by a great many Banians; and seeing the finest Stuffs in Guzerat are made in this Town, it is full of Artisans who are continually employed in making of them. It hath above two hundred Bourgs and Villages within its Jurisdiction, and there is store of Lacca to be found therein, because it is gathered in abundance in the territory of one of its Bourgs called Sindiguera.  

Goga a Town.  The little Town of Goga is on the other side of the Gulf, about eight and twenty or thirty Leagues from Cambaye. It abounds with Banians and Seamen.  

Patan a Town.  Patan lies more to the South, towards the great Sea; it is a great Town, heretofore of much Trade, and affords still abundance of Silk-stuffs that are made there. It hath a Fort and very beautiful Temple wherein are many Marble-pillars. Idols were Worshipped there, but at present it serves for a Mosque.  
The Town of Diu belongs to the Portuguese, and lies also in the Province of Guzerat, fortified with three Castles. It stands at the entry of the Gulf of Cambaye to the right hand, in twenty two degrees eighteen minutes Latitude, and two hundred Leagues from Cape Comorin. Before Surrat and Cambaye came into reputation, it had the advantage of most of the commerce that at present is made in those two Towns. 
Campson Sultan of Egypt. Mammelukes.  Its first Castle was built in the Year fifteen hundred and fifteen, by Albaquerque a Portugese. Campson the last but one of the Mammelukes of Egypt, set on by the King of Guzerat sent an Army against the Portuguese, which perished there. They were not then Masters of the Town, and had no more but the Castle.  

Sultan Soliman.  Sultan Soliman Emperor of the Turks, sent and besieged it in the year One thousand five hundred and thirty eight, at the desire of the same King of Guzerat, 
King of Guzerat.  named Badur (for that Country belonged not then to the Moguls) and his success was no better than that of the Sultan of Egypt. Soliman's Fleet consisted of threescore and two Galleys, 
Soliman's Fleet and Army.  six Galleons, and a great many other smaller Vessels fitted out at Suez in the Red Sea, which had on board four thousand Janissaries, and sixteen thousand other Soldiers, not to reckon Gunners, Seamen, and Pilots. It parted from Suez in June, and a Bassa called Soliman who cammanded it, in his passage Seized the Town of Aden, 
Aden.  by horrible treachery, and hanged the King of it.  
When this Fleet came before Diu, it was joined by fourscore Sail of Ships of the Country, and so soon as the Forces were put ashore, they landed fifty pieces of Cannon, wherewith they battered the Citadel, which on the other side was besieged by a Land-army of the King of Guzerat. Many brave Actions happened during that Sicge. The Governor of the Citadel called Silveira a Portugese, showed so much Valour and Prudence, in resisting the several assaults and attacks of the Turks and Indians, 
Silveira a Portugese.  that he forced them to raise the Siege shamefully, and to forsake their Pavilions, Ammunition and Artillery, to leave above a thousand wounded Men in their Camp, above a thousand more that were out a foraging, and fifty pieces of Cannon besides, which were Seized by the Portugese.  

Stones of Cobra.  In this Town of Diu the so much famed Stones of Cobra are made, they are composed of the Ashes of burnt roots, mingled with a kind of Earth they have, and once again burnt with that Earth, which afterwards is made up into a Paste, of which these Stones are form. They are used against the stingings of Serpents and other venomous Creatures, 
Stinging of Serpents.  or when one is wounded with a Poisonous Weapon. A little Blood is to be let out of the Wound with the prick of a Needle, 
The Remedy.  and the Stone applied thereto which must be left till it drop off of itself. Then it must be put into Woman's milk; or if none can be had, into that of a Cow, and there it leaves all the Venom it hath imbibed; for if it be not so used, it will burst.  

Nariad and Mamadebad Towns.  Betwixt Broudra and Amedabad, there are two Towns more, of indifferent bigness, the one called Nariad, and the other Mamadebad, where many Stuffs are made, and the latter furnishes the greatest part of Guzerat, and other Neighbouring Countries with Cotton-thread. I shall treat no more here of the other Towns of this Kingdom, because there being but little worth remarking in them, the description would be tedious. It pays commonly to the Great Mogul Twenty Millions five hundred thousand French Livres a Year. 
The Revenue of the Province of Guzerat.    

CHAP. XIX. Of the Province and Town of Agra.  
AGra is one of the largest Provinces of Mogulistan, 
Agra.  and its Capital Town which bears the same Name, is the greatest Town of the Indies. It is distant from Surrat about two hundred and ten Leagues, which they make commonly in five and thirty or six and thirty days Journey of Caravan, and it lies in the Latitude of twenty eight degrees and half on the River Gemna, which some call Geminy, and Pliny Jomanes. 

Gemna a River.  
Jomanes River. The course of the Gemna.   This River hath its source in the Mountains to the North of Dehly, from whence descending towards this Town, and receiving several rivulets in its course, it makes a very considerable River. It runs by Agra, and having traversed several Countries, falls into the Ganges at the great Town of Halbas'.  
There is no need of taking the pains that some have done, 
Bacchus.  to have recourse to Bacchus for illustrating Agra by an ancient Name. Before King Ecbar, it was no more but a Bourg which had a little Castle of Earth, and pretended to no privilege over its Neighbours upon account of Antiquity; and indeed, there were never any marks of that to be found.  
That Prince being pleased with the seat of it, joined several Villages thereunto: He gave them the form of a Town by other buildings which he raised, and called it after his own Name Ecbar-Abad, 
Agra called Bebar-Abad.  the habitation of Ecbar, where he established the seat of his Empire, in the year One thousand five hundred threescore and six. His declaration of that was enough to People it; for when the Merchants came to understand that the Court was there, they came from all parts, 
Merchant's Flock to Agra.  and not only the Banian Traders flocked thither, but Christians also of all Persuasions, as well as Mahometans, who strove in emulation who should furnish it with greatest variety of Goods; and seeing that Prince called the Jesuits thither, 
Jesuits at Agra.  and gave them a Pension to subsist on, Catholic Merchants made no scruple to come and live there, and to this day these Fathers take the care of Spirituals, and teach their Children.  
Though this Prince pretended to make Agra a place of consequence, yet he Fortified it not neither with ramparts, Walls, nor Bastions, but only with a Ditch, hoping to make it so strong in Soldiers and Inhabitants, that it should not need to fear the attempts of any Enemy. 
Castle of Agra.  The Castle was the first thing that was built, which he resolved to make the biggest at that time in the Indies: and the situation of the old one appearing good and commodious, he caused it to be demolished, and the foundations of the present to be laid. It was begirt with a Wall of Stone and Brick terrassed in several places, which is twenty Cubits high, and betwixt the Castle and River a large place was left for the exercises the King should think fit to divert himself with.  
The King's Palace is in the Castle. 
The King's Palace at Agra.  It contains three Courts adorned all round with Porches and Galleries that are Painted and Gilt; nay there are some pieces covered with plates of Gold. Under the Galleries of the first Court, there are Lodgings made for the King's Guards: The Officers Lodgings are in the second; and in the third, the stately apartments of the King and his Ladies; from whence he goes commonly to a lovely Divan which looks to the River, there to please himself with seeing Elephants fight, his Troops exercise, and Plays which he order to be made upon the Water, or in the open place.  

Palaces of the great men at Agra.  This Palace is accompanied with five and twenty or thirty other very large ones, all in a line, which belong to the Princes and other great Lords of Court; and all together afford a most delightful prospect to those who are on the other side of the River, which would be a great deal more agreeable, were it not for the long Garden-walls, which contribute much to the rendering the Town so long as it is. There are upon the same line several less Palaces and other Buildings. All being desirous to enjoy the lovely prospect and convenience of the Water of the Gemna, endeavoured to purchase ground on that side, which is the cause that the Town is very long but narrow, and excepting some fair Streets that are in it, all the rest are very narrow, and without Symmetry.  

Square places at Agra.  Before the King's Palace, there is a very large Square, and twelve other besides of less extent within the Town. But that which makes the Beauty of Agra besides the Palaces I have mentioned, 
Quervenseras of Agra.  are the Quervanseras which are above threescore in number; and some of them have six large Courts with their Porticoes, that give entry to very commodious Apartments, where stranger Merchants have their Lodgings: There are above eight hundred Baths in the Town, 
Baths of Agra.  and a great number of Mosques, of which some serve for Sanctuary. 
Sepulchers of Agra.  There are many magnificent Sepulchers in it also, several great Men having had the ambition to build their own in their own life-time, or to erect Monuments to the memory of their Forefathers.  

The Sepulchre of King Ecbar.  King Gebanguir caused one to be built for King Ecbar his Father, upon an eminence of the Town. It surpasses in magnificnce all those of the Grand Signiors, but the fairest of all, is that which Cha-Gehan Erected in honour of one of his Wives called Tadge-Mehal, whom he tenderly loved, and whose death had almost cost him his life. I know that the Learned and curious Mr. Bernier hath taken memoirs of it, and therefore I did not take the pains to be exactly informed of that work. Only so much I'll say that this King having sent for all the able Architects of the Indies to Agra, he appointed a Council of them for contriving and perfecting the Tomb which he intended to Erect, and having settled Salaries upon them, he ordered them to spare no cost in making the finest Mausoleum in the World, if they could. They completed it after their manner, and succeeded to his satisfaction.  

The beautiful Mausoleum of Tadge-Mehal.  The stately Garden into which all the parts of that Mausoleum are distributed, the great Pavilions with their Fronts, the beautiful Porches, the lofty doom that covers the Tomb, the lovely disposition of its Pillars, the raising of Arches which support a great many Galleries, Quiochques and Terraces, make it apparent enough that the Indians are not ignorant in Architecture. It is true, the manner of it seems odd to Europeans; yet it hath its excellency, and though it be not like that of the Greeks and other Ancients, yet the Fabric may be said to be very lovely. The Indians say that it was twenty years in building, that as many Men as could labour in that great work were employed, and that it was never interrupted during that long space of time.  

The Tomb of King Gehanguir.  This King hath not had the same tenderness for the memory of his Father Gehanguir, as for that of his Wife Tadge-Mehal; for he hath raised no magnificent Monument for him: And that Great Mogul is Interred in a Garden, where his Tomb is only Painted upon the portal.  

The Air of Agra.  Now after all the Air of Agra is very incommodious in the Summertime, and it is verv likely that the excessive heat which scorches the Sands that environ this Town, was one of the chief causes which made King Cha-Gehan change the Climate, 
King Cha-Gehan prisoner in his Palace.  and choose to live at Dehly. Little thought this Prince that one day he would be forced to live at Agra, what aversion soever he had to it, and far less still, that he should be Prisoner there in his own Palace, and so end his days in affliction and trouble. That misfortune though, 
Auran-Zeb imprisoned the King his Father.  befell him, and Auran-Zeb his third Son, was the cause of it, who having got the better of his Brothers, both by cunning and force, made sure of the King's Person and Treasures, by means of Soldiers whom he craftily slipped into the Palace, and under whose Custody the King was kept till he died.  
So soon as Auran-Zeb knew that his Father was in his Power, 
Auran-Zeb proclaimed King.  he made himself be proclaimed King: He held his Court at Dehly, and no party was made for the unfortunate King, though many had been raised by his bounty and liberalities. From that time forward Auran-Zeb Reigned without trouble; 
The death of King Chagehan.  and the King his Father dying in Prison about the end of the year One thousand six hundred sixty six, he enjoyed at ease the Empire, and that so famous Throne of the Moguls, which he had left in the Prisoner's apartment to divert him with. He added to the precious Stones that were set about it, those of the Princes his Brothers, and particularly the Jewels of Begum-Saheb his Sister, who died after her Father; and whose death, 
Begum-Saheb Sister to Auran-Zeb.  (as it was said,) was hastened by Poison. And in fine, he became absolute Master of all, after he had overcome and put to death Dara-Cha his Eldest Brother, whom Cha-Gehan had designed for the Crown. 
The Sepulchre of Cha-Gehan.  That King is Interred on the other side of the River, in a Monument which he began, but is not finished.  
The Town of Agra is Populous as a great Town ought to be, but not so as to be able to send out Two hundred thousand sighting men into the Field, as some have written. The Palaces and Gardens take up the greatest part of it, so that its extent is no infallible Argument of the number of its Inhabitants. The ordinary Houses are low, and those of the commoner sort of People are but Straw, containing but few People a piece; and the truth is, one may walk the Streets without being crowded, and meet with no throng but when the Court is there: But at that time, I have been told there is great confusion, and infinite numbers of People to be seen; and no wonder indeed, seeing the Streets are narrow, and that the King besides his Household, (who are many,) is always attended by an Army for his Guard; and the Rajas, Omras, Mansepdars and other great Men, have great Retinues, and most part of the Merchants also follow the Court, not to reckon a vast number of Tradesmen, and thousands of followers who have all their subsistence from it.  
Some affirm that there are twenty five thousand Christian Families in Agra, but all do not agree in that. This indeed is certain, 
Christians at Agra.  that there are few Heathen and Parsis in respect of Mahometans there, and these surpass all the other Sects in power, as they do in number. 
Dutch Factory at Agra.  The Dutch have a Factory in the Town; but the English have none now, because it did not turn to account.  
The Officers are the same as at Surrat, and do the same Duties, and it is just so in all the great Towns of the Empire. We told you that the Foursdar or Prevost, is to answer for all the Robberies committed in the Country; And that was the reason why Mr. Beber, one of the Envoys to the great Mogul, for the concerns of the East-India Company in France, 
Mr. Beber Robbed.  having been Rob, demanded from that Officer of Agra, the Sum of thirty one thousand two hundred Roupies, which he affirmed were taken from him. That Sum astonished the Foursdar who told him that he did not believe he had lost so much; and because the Envoy made Answer that the sum would certainly increase, if he delayed to pay down the Money, and if he gave him time to call to mind a great many things which he had forgot; He wrote to the Great Mogul, and informed him that it was impossible that that Envoy could have lost so great a Sum. Monsieur Beber had also made his addresses at Court; but it being pretty difficult to give an equitable sentence in the Case, the King, that he might make an end of it, commanded the Foursdar to pay the Envoy fifteen thousand Roupies, 
Liberality of the Great Mogul.  and because he was wounded when he was Rob, he ordered him out of his Exchequer, ten thousand Roupies for his Blood.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Habits at Agra.  

Habits at Agra.  FOr so many different Nations as are at Agra, as well as in the rest of the Indies, there is pretty great uniformity in the manner of apparel; and none but the Mahometans called Moor by the Portuguese, 
Moors.  distinguish themselves outwardly by a particular kind of Coif, or head-attire, but in all things else, 
Breeches.  they are clothed as the rest. The Breeches of the Indians are commonly of Cotten-cloath, they come down to the mid leg, and some wear them a little longer, so that they reach to the Ankle. They who affect Rich clothing, wear Silk breeches striped with different colours, which are so long that they must be plated upon the Leg, much in the same manner as formerly Silk-stockings were worn in France.  

Shirts.  The Shirt hangs over the Breeches, as the fashion is all over the Levant. These Shirts are fastened as the Persians are, and heretofore had no greater opening than theirs; but because the Moors Shirts are open from top to bottom, as their upper Garments, which they call Cabas are; many People at present wear them in that fashion, because they find them more commodious, being more easily put on and off: Besides that when one is alone, he may open them and take the fresh Air.  

Arcaluck.  When it is cold Wether, the Indians wear over their Shirt an Arcaluck or Just au corpse quilted with Cotten and Pinked, the outside whereof is commonly of a schite or Painted stuff. The colours upon them are so good and lively, that though they be soiled by wearing, yet they look as fresh again as at first when they are washed. They make the Flowers and other motely colours that are upon the Stuffs with Moulds.  

Caba.  Over the Arcaluck they put the Caba, which is an upper Garment, but than it must be supposed the weather is not hot; for if there be but the least heat, they wear no Arcaluck, and the Caba is put next the Shirt. The Caba of the Indians is wider than that of the Persians, and I cannot tell how to express the manner of it more intelligibly, then by saying it is a kind of gown with a long Jerkin fastened to it, open before, and pleated from top to bottom, to hinder it from being too clutterly. It hath a collar two fingers breadth high, of the same Stuff with the rest, they button not that Vest as we do our Coats, but they fold it cross ways over the Stomach; first from the right to the left, and then from the left to the right. They tie it with Ribbons of the same Stuff, which are two Fingers broad and a Foot long; and there are seven or eight of them from the upper part down to the Haunches, of which they only tie the first and last, and let the rest hang negligently as being more graceful.  
These Cabas are commonly made of white Stuff, that's to say of Cotten-cloath, to the end they may be the lighter, and the neater by being often washed; and that agrees with the fashion of the Ancient Indians. I say of Cotten-cloath, 
There is no Flax in the Indies.  because they use no other in the Indies, and have no Flax there: Nevertheless some wear them of Painted cloth, but that is not the Gentilest manner of Apparel, and when the Rich do not wear White they, use Silk, and choose the broadest Stuff they can find, which commonly is streaked with several colours.  

Girdle.  They use only one Girdle, whereas the Persians have two, nay and it is not very dear neither, being only of White-cloath, and it is rare to see the Indians make use of the lovely Girdles of Persia, unless they be wealthy persons of Quality.  
When it is very cold, the Indians wear over all the clothes I have been speaking of, a Garment or Vest called Cadeby, 
Cadeby. Lovely Vests at Agra.  and then the Rich have very costly ones. They are of Cloth of Gold, or other Rich Stuff, and are lined with Sables which cost very dear.  
At all times when they go abroad, they wear a Chal which is a kind of toilet of very fine Wool made at Cachmir. 
Chal or Toilet.  These Chals are about two els long and an Ell broad; they are sold at five and twenty or thirty Crowns a piece if they be fine, nay there are some that cost fifty Crowns, but these are extraordinary fine. They put that Chal about their Shoulders, and tie the two ends of it upon their Stomach, the rest hanging down behind to the small of their Back. Some wear them like a Scarf, and sometimes they bring one end to the Head, which they dress in manner of a Coif. They have of them of several colours, but those the Banians wear are most commonly Fild-de-mort, and the Poor, or such as will not be at the charges, wear them of plain Cloth.  
The Turban worn in the Indies is commonly little. 
The Turban of the Indies.  That of the Mahometans is always White, and the Rich have them of so fine a Cloth, that five and twenty or thirty els of it which are put into a Turban, 
Cloth whereof 25 or 30 els do not weigh four Ounces.  will not weigh four Ounces. These lovely clothes are made about Bengale: They are dear, and one single Turban will cost five and Twenty Crowns. They who affect a Richer attire, have them mixed with Gold; but a Turban of that Stuff costs several Tomans, and I have said elsewhere that a Toman is worth about forty five French Livres.  
These Turbans wreathed as they ought to be, 
The form of the Turbans at Agra.  much resemble the shape of the Head, for they are higher behind by four or five Finger's breadth than before, so that the upper part of the Head is only well covered; and I have seen Peasant women in France, whose Coiffing looked pretty like that kind of Turban.  
The Indians wear their Hair for Ornament, 
The Indians wear their Hair.  contrary to the Mahometans who shave their Heads; and in that, as in many other things, the Indians imitate their Ancestors.  
As for Stockings the Indians are at no charge, 
Hose and Shoe.  for they use neither Stockings nor Socks, but put their Shoes on their naked Feet. The stuff they are made of is Maroquin, or Turkey-leather, and they are much of the same shape as the Papouches of the Turks; but the Persons of Quality have them bordered with Gold, and they have behind a kind of a heel of the same stuff as the instip, which most commonly they fold down, as they do who go with their Shoes slipshod. However the Banians wear the heel of theirs up, because being men of business they would walk with freedom, which is very hard to be done, when the Foot is not on all sides begirt with the Shoe.  
The Rich Banians cover the upper Leather of theirs with Velvet, 
The Shoes or Papouch●s of the Banians.  Embroidered with great Flowers of Silk; and the rest are satisfied with red Leather and small Flowers, or some other Gallantry of little value.  
The Mogul Women who would distinguish themselves from others, 
The women's Apparel.  are Clothed almost like the Men; however the sleeves of their Smocks, as those of the other Indian Women, reach not below the Elbow, that they may have liberty to adorn the rest of their Arm with Carcanets and Bracelets of Gold, Silver and Ivory, or set with Precious Stones, as likewise they do the small of their Legs. 
The Indians Smocks. Their Waistcoats.  The ordinary Smocks of the Indian Idolatrous Women, reach down only to the middle, as does the Waistcoat of Satin or Cloth, which they wear over it, because from the Waste downwards they wrapped themselves up in a piece of Cloth or Stuff, that covers them to the Feet like a Petticoat; and that Cloth is cut in such a manner, that they make one end of it reach up to their Head behind their Back.  
They wear no other Apparel neither within Doors, nor abroad in the Streets, and for Shoes they have high Pattens.  
They wear a little flat Ring of Gold or Silver in their Ears, 
The Indian Women adorn their Nose and Ears with Rings.  with engraving upon it; and they adorn their Noses with Rings which they put through their Nostril.  
Rings also are the Ornaments of their Fingers, as they are in other places: They wear a great many, and as they love to see themselves, they have always one with a Looking-Glass set in it, 
A Finger Looking-glass.  instead of a Stone, which is an Inch in diametre. If these Indian Women be Idolators, they go bare-faced; and if Mahometans, 
Indian Women naked to the middle.  they are veil. There are some Countries in the Indies, where the Women as well as Men go naked to the middle, and the rest of their Body is only covered to the Knee.   

CHAP. XXI. Of other Curiosities at Agra.  

Fight of Beasts.  THere are a great many at Agra, who are curious in breeding up of Beasts, to have the pleasure to make them Fight together: But seeing they cannot reach to Elephants and Lions, because it costs dear to feed them, most part content themselves with He-goats, Wethers, Rams, Cocks, Quails, Stags, and Antilopes, to entertain their Friends with the Fightings of these Beasts.  

Indian Antilopes.  The Indian Antilopes, are not altogether like those of other Countries; they have even a great deal more courage, and are to be distinguished by the Horns. The Horns of the ordinary Antilopes are greyish, and but half as long as the Horns of those in the Indies, which are blackish, and a large Foot and a half long. These Horns grow winding to the point like a screw; and the Faquirs and Santons carry commonly two of them pieced together; they are armed with Iron at both ends, and they make use of them, as of a little Staff.  

Leopard.  When they use not a tame Leopard for catching of Antilopes, they take with them a Male of the kind, that is tame, and fasten a Rope about his Horns with several nooses and doubles, the two ends whereof are tied under his Belly; so soon as they discover a Herd of Antilopes, they slip this Male, and he runs to join them: The Male of the Herd advances to hinder him, and making no other opposition, but by playing with his Horns, he fails not to be pestered and entangled with his Rival, so that it being uneasy for him to retreat, the Huntsman cunningly catches hold on him, and carries him off; but it is easier so to catch the Male than the Females.  

Pigeons.  There are Pigeons in that Country all over green, which differ from ours only in colour: The Fowlers take them with Birdlime, in this manner; 
A Screen for Fowling.  they carry before them a kind of light Shed or Screen, that covers the whole Body, and has holes in it to see through; the Pigeons seeing no Man, are not at all scared when the Fowler draws near, so that he cunningly catches them, one after another, with a Wand and Bird lime on it, none offering to fly away. In some places Parrocquets are taken after the same manner.  
The Indians are very dexterous at Game; they take Waterfowl with great facility, as thus: The Fowlers swim almost upright, yet so, that they have their Head above Water, 
The catching of Waterfowl.  which they hid with a Pot full of holes, to let in the Air, and give them sight. Besides, this Pot is covered with Feathers, to cheat the Ducks, and other Fowl; so that when the Fowler draws near them, they are not in the least scared, taking that floating head for a Fowl; and then the Fowler makes sure of them by the Feet, which he catches hold of under Water, and draws them down: The other Ducks seeing no body, think that their comrades have only dived, and are not at all scared; so that growing acquainted with the Feathered head, that still follows them, they are at length all taken, whilst in vain they stay for the return of those who have dived, before they fly away to another place.  
The Huntsmen of Agra go five Days Journey from the Town, as far as a Mountain called Nerover, where there is a mine of excellent Iron; 
Nerover.  but their business in going so far is only to catch a kind of Wild Cows which they call Merous, that are to be found in a Wood round this Hill, 
Merous, Wild-Cows.  which is upon the Road from Surrat to Golconda; and these Cows being commonly very lovely, they make great advantage of them.  
One may see a great many Pictures in the Indies upon Paper and Pasteboard, but generally they are dull pieces, 
Indian Pictures.  and none are esteemed but those of Agra and Dehly: However, since those of Agra are for the most part indecent, and represent Lascivious Postures, worse than those of Aretin, there are but few civil Europeans that will buy them.  
They have a way in this Town of working in Gold upon Agat, 
Working upon Agat and Crystal.  Crystal, and other brittle matters, which our Goldsmiths and Lapidaries have not. When the Indians would beautify Vessels, Cups, or Coffers; besides the Circles of Gold they put about them, they engrave Flowers and other Figures, and also enchase Stones upon them. They cut leaves of Gold to fill up the void spaces of the Figures, lay several pieces one upon another, and enchase them so artificially in the hollow places, with an Iron Instrument like a Graver, that when the void spaces are filled up, it looks like massy Gold. They do the same with Stones, they encompass them also with such pieces of Leaf-Gold, and press them in so close that the Stones hold very well.  
They make Rings about Vessels, either about the middle or brims, of a kind of Gold made into little round Rods, which they beat upon an Anvil, till they be reduced into flat thin Plates; then they take the measure of the part of the Vessel which they would encircle, and having most exactly bend the Ring, they Soldier the two ends of it together, and put it upon the part of the Vessel they intent it for; so that it holds very well, provided one have the skill to adjust it true to the place marked: If Handles be necessary to the Vessels, or Locks for the Coffers of Agate or Crystal, they soldier them to the Ring with the same Art that they soldered the two ends of it; but they do it after another way than our Goldsmiths do. For that end they make use of little red Beans which are black at the end, and are the fruit of a Convolvulus, called in Indian Gomtchi, and in the Telenghi Language, Gourghindel. They peel off the Skin which is dry and hard, and taking the inside of the Bean that is yellowish, they grind it upon an Iron-Plate with a little Water till it be dissolved into a Liquid Solution; then they pound a little bit of Borax, mix it with that Solution, and with this mixture dawb the ends which they intent to soldier, and having heated them with a Coal, join them together; so that the two sides close fast and hold extraordinarily well.  
This work is performed by poor People, and sometimes by little Boys, who do it very skilfully and quickly, for a matter of two Crowns for each toll of Gold; and something is also given to him that beats and flattens the Rods of Gold: However none of these People know how to Enammel Gold.  
The Province of Agra hath above forty Towns in its dependence, and, as they say, above three thousand four hundred Villages. 
Fetipour.  Fetipour is one of the Towns; it was heretofore called Sicari, 
Sicari.  and the Name Fetipour, which signifies, The enjoyment of what one desires, was given it by Ecbar, because of the happy news he received there of the birth of a Son, when he was upon his return from a Warlike expedition. This Town is about six Leagues from Agra; it hath been very lovely, and that Great Mogul in the beginning of his Reign, having rebuilt the Walls of it, made it the Capital of his Empire. But the Ambition Kings have to make small things great, prompting Ecbar to build a Town where there was nothing but a Village, or at most, but a Bourg named Agra, 
Agra a Bourg.  the Town of Fetipour was not only neglected, but hath been since wholly abandoned; for so soon as Agra was become a Town, and that the King had given it his Name, calling it Echarabad, 
Echarabad.  a place built by Ecbar, he went to reside there and forsaken Fetipour.  


A lovely Meidan at Fetipour.  
A fair Mosque at Fetipour. Calendars.   Though this Town of Fetipour be much decayed, yet there is still a large Square to be seen in it, adorned with fair Buildings; and the stately entry of Ecbar's Palace is still entire, and has adjoining to it one of the loveliest Mosques in the East, built by by a Mahometan a Calendar by profession, who lies buried there as a Saint. The Calendars are Dervishes who go barefooted. This Mosque is still adorned with all its Pillars, and lovely Ceilings, and indeed, with all that can beautify a fair Temple. Near to it there is a great Reservatory which supplied the whole Town with Water, and was the more necessary that all the Springs thereabouts are Salt; 
The cause of forsaking Fetipour.  and the unwholesome Waters were one of the chief causes that obliged the Great Mogul to settle elsewhere.  

Beruzabad, Chitpour, Bargant, Chalaour, Vetapour, Mirda, Ladona, Hindon, Canova, Byana, and Scanderbade, all Towns of Agra.  Beruzabad is one of the Towns of Agra. Chitpour is another, and has a great trade in Schites or painted clothes. Bargant is likewise one, which belongs to a Raja who exacts some deuce. Chalaour stands upon a Hill. At Vetapour lovely Tapestry is made. Mirda, Ladona, Hindon, Canova, Byana, and Scanderbade, are also Towns of Agra. These last furnish the best Indigo of the Indies. Two Leagues from Byana there are to be seen the Ruins of Ancient Palaces, and other Buildings; as also some very considerable ones upon a little Hill some Leagues from Scanderbade. At the Foot of the Hill on the side of that Town, there is a lovely Valley walled in, divided into several Gardens, and the Ruins of several Buildings, which is not to be wondered at, seeing heretofore Scanderbade was several Leagues long, having been the Capital City of a powerful King of the Patans'; and the Hill itself made part of the Town, which was afterwards sacked and ruined by Ecbar, 
Raja Selim.  when he took it from Raja Selim, who made it his chief Garrison and Magazine.  

The Royal House of King Ecbar's Mother.  Upon the Road from Agra to Byana there is a Royal-House, built by the Queen Mother of Ecbar, with Gardens kept in very good order: There are also in Byana some Serraglios, and a long Meidan, but that Town is thin of Inhabitants. Seronge hath also been named to me amongst the Towns of the Province of Agra, 
Gemna or Geminy, Lanque, Cham-Elnady, Geogonady, Singour, all Rivers of Agra. The Revenue of Agra.  and Schites are made there, which in beauty come near those of St. Thomas. There are a great many other Towns, whose Names I know not. The chief Rivers that water Agra, are the Gemna or Geminy, Lanque, Cham-Elnady, Geogonady, Singour; and a great many smaller.  
The King's Revenue in this Province of Agra, is reckoned to amount to above thirty seven Millions of French-liures a Year.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Province or Town of Dehly, or Gehanabad.  

The Province of Dehly.  THe Province of Dehly bounds that of Agra to the North, and at present the Great Mogul Auranzeb keeps his Court in the chief City of it, which is about forty five Leagues distant from Agra. In Indostan it is called Gehanabad, 
Gehanabad.  and elsewhere Dehly.  
The Road betwixt these two Towns is very pleasant; it is that famous Alley or Walk one hundred and fifty Leagues in length, 
A Walk of 150 Leagues.  which King Gehanguir planted with Trees, and which reaches not only from Agra to Dehly, but even as far as Lahors. Each half League is marked with a kind of Turret: There are threescore and nine or threescore and ten of them betwixt the two Capital Cities, and besides there are little Serraglios or Carvanseras, from Stage to Stage for lodging Travellers. However there is nothing worth the observing about these Serraglios, unless in that which is called Chekiserai, which is six Leagues from Agra. 
The Pagod of Chekiserai.  In that place there is the Ancient Temple of an Idol, and it may be reckoned amongst the largest and fairest Pagods of the Indies. It was more frequented than now it is, when the Gemna washed the Walls thereof, because of the convenience of Ablutions: But though that River hath fallen off almost half a League from it, yet many Indians still resort thither, who forget not to bring with them Food for the Apes that are kept in an Hospital built for them. 
An Hospital for Apes.   
Though the Road I have been speaking of be tolerable, yet it hath many inconveniencies. One may meet with Tigers, Panthers and Lions upon it; and one had best also have a care of Robbers, and above all things not to suffer any body to come near one upon the Road. The cunningest Robbers in the World are in that Country. 
The Robbers Snare.  They use a certain Slip with a running-noose, which they can cast with so much slight about a Man's Neck, when they are within reach of him, that they never fail; so that they strangle him in a trice. They have another cunning trick also to catch Travellers with: 
Dangerous Women upon the Road from Agra to Dehly.  They send out a handsome Woman upon the Road, who with her Hair deshevelled, seems to be all in Tears, sighing and complaining of some misfortune which she pretends has befallen her: Now as she takes the same way that the Traveller goes, he easily falls into Conversation with her, and finding her beautiful, offers her his assistance, which she accepts; but he hath no sooner taken her up behind him on Horseback, but she throws the snare about his Neck and strangles him, or at least stuns him, until the Robbers (who lie hid) come running in to her assistance and complete what she hath begun. But besides that, there are Men in those quarters so skilful in casting the Snare, that they succeed as well at a distance as near at hand; and if an Ox or any other Beast belonging to a Caravan run away, as sometimes it happens, they fail not to catch it by the Neck.  
There are three Towns of Dehly near to one another: 
Three Towns of Dehly. The first Town of Dehly.  The first (which is entirely destroyed, and whereof some Ruins only remain,) was very ancient, and the learned Indians will have it to have been the Capital Town of the States of King Porus, so famous for the War which he maintained against Alexander the Great. It was nearer the Source of the Gemna than the two others that have been built since. The Indians say it had two and fifty Gates, and there is still at some distance from its Ruins, a Stone-bridge, from whence a Way hath been made with lovely Trees on each side, which leads to the second Dehly, 
The Sepulchre of Cha-Humayon.  by the place where the Sepulchre of Cha-Humayon is.  
This Second Town of Dehly is that which was taken by the King, 
The second Town of Dehly.  whom they call the first Conqueror of the Indies amongst the Modern Moguls, though his Father Mirzababer had invaded it before. It was then beautified with a great many stately Sepulchers of the Patan Kings, and other Monuments which rendered it a very lovely Town; but Cha-Gehan the Father of King Auran-Zeb, demolished it for the Building of Gehanabad. Towards the Sepulchre of Humayon, 
A Pyramid of great Antiquity towards Dehly.  there is a Pyramid or Obelisk of Stone, which by its unknown Characters shows a great Antiquity, and which is thought in the Indies to have been erected by Alexander's order, after the defeat of Porus. This I cannot believe, because I make no doubt, but that the Inscription would then have been in Greek, which is not so.  
The Third Town of Dehly is joined to the remains of the Second: 
The Third Town of Dehly.  Cha-Gehan resolving to imitate King Ecbar, and to give his Name to a new Town, caused this to be built of the Ruins of the Second Dehly, and called it Gehanabad: So the Indians call it at present, though amongst other Nations it still retains the Name of Dehly. It lies in an open Champion Country upon the brink of the Gemna, which hath its source in this Province, and runs into the Ganges. The Fortress of it is half a League in circuit, 
The Fort of Dehly.  and hath good Walls with round Towers every ten Battlements, and Ditches full of Water, wharffed with Stone, as likewise lovely Gardens round it: 
The King's Palace at Dehly.  And in this Fort is the Palace of the King, and all the Ensigns of the Royalty.  
This Town of Dehly or Gehanabad, contrary to that of Agra or Ecbar-abad, hath no Ditches but Walls filled up with Earth behind, and Towers. There is a place towards the Waterside for the fight of Elephants, and other Exercises; and towards the Town there is another very large place, where the rajas, who are in the Kings Pay encamp and keep Guard, and where many exercises are performed. The Market is also kept in that Square, and there Puppet-players, Jugglers and Astrologers show their tricks.  

A Description of the Palace. The Canal of the Palace of Dehly.  Here I should give a description of the inside of the Fort and Palace, and having begun with the two Elephants at the entry which carry two Warriors, speak of the Canal that enters into it; of the Streets that lead to the several Apartments; of the Officers and others who are upon the Parapets of these Streets on Duty; of the Porticoes and stately Courts of Guard, where the Mansepdars and Emirs or Omras keep Guard; of the Halls where all sorts of Artisans, who have the Kings Pay work; of that great Court of the Amcas with its Arches, and the Consort that's made there; of the Amcas itself, 
The posture of the Officers of the Great Mogul.  that stately Hall adorned with thirty two Marble-Pillars, where the King (having all his Officers great and small standing before him, with their Hands across their Breasts) gives every Day at noon Audience to all who have recourse to his Justice.  
I should also describe that other Court, and Inner-hall where the Prince gives Audience to his Ministers, concerning the Affairs of his State, and Household, and where the Omras and other great Men repair every Evening to entertain the King in the Persian Language though they be of different Nations. 
The Throne of the Great Mogul.  In fine, all the particulars of the Palace ought to be described, without forgetting that stately Throne of Massive Gold with its Peacock, so much talked of in the Indies, which the Moguls say was begun by Tamerlan, though that be very unlikely: For to whom could King Humayon and his Father have entrusted it in the time of their disasters? Seeing the Spoils of the Patan Kings and other Sovereigns of the Indies, who were overcome by the Mogul Kings, are converted into Jewels and Precious Stones to adorn it, it is said to be worth above twenty Millions of Gold; but who can know the value thereof? since it depends on the Stones that make the Riches as well as the Beauty thereof, whose weight and excellency must be particularly examined, if one would judge of their worth, and by consequence, of the value of the Throne.  
Though I have had Memoirs given me of the Palace and that Throne, yet I'll say no more of them, because I make no doubt but that Monsieur Bernier, who hath lived many Years at the Court of the Great Mogul, in an honourable Employment, and commodious for having a perfect knowledge of the Fort, Palace, and all that is in them, will give a complete description of the same. I am confident also that he will not omit the Town, 
The great Mosque of Dehly, with its Domes of White Marble. Streets of Dehly.  the chief places whereof are the great Mosque with its Domes of white Marble, and the Carvansery of Begum-Saheb, that Princess whom we mentioned before. The two chief Streets of Dehly may be reckoned amongst the rarities of it, for they are wide, straight, and very long: They have Arches all along on both sides, which serve for Shops for those who have their Warehouse backwards. Over these Arches there is a Terras-walk to take the Air on when they come out of their Lodgings; and these Streets ending at the great Square and Castle, make the loveliest Prospect that can be seen in a Town. There is nothing else considerable in Dehly. The ordinary Houses are but of Earth and Canes; and the other Streets are so narrow, that they are altogether incommodious.  
But that inconvenience seems to contribute somewhat to the Reputation of that Capital City of the Empire of the Mogul, for seeing there is an extraordinary crowd in the Streets while the Court is there, the Indians are persuaded that it is the most populous City in the World; and nevertheless I have been told, 
The Great Mogul's Court is very numerous.  that it appears to be a Desert when the King is absent. This will not seem strange if we consider, that the Court of the Great Mogul is very numerous, because the great Men of the Empire are almost all there, who have vast retinues, 
Servant's Diet costs little in the Indies. An Army that follows the Court.  because their Servants cost them but little in Diet and clothes; that that Court is attended by above thirty five thousand Horse, and ten or twelve thousand Foot, which may be called an Army; and that every Soldier hath his Wife, Children and Servants, who for the most part are married also, and have a great many Children as well as their Masters. If to these we add all the drudges and rascally People which Courts and Armies commonly draw after them, and then the great number of Merchants and other Trading People, who are obliged to stick to them, because in that Country there is no Trade nor Money to be got but at Court. When I say, we consider Dehly void of all those I have mentioned, and of many more still, it will easily be believed, that that Town is no great matter when the King is not there; and if there have been four hundred thousand Men in it when he was there, there hardly remains the sixth part in his absence. Let us now see what Arms the Moguls use.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Arms of the Moguls.  
THeir Swords are four Fingers broad, very thick, 
Moguls Arms.  and by consequence heavy; they are crooked a little, and cut only on the convex side. 
The form of the Mogul's Swords.  The Guard is very plain; commonly no more but a handle of Iron, with a cross Bar of the same underneath the Pummel which is also of Iron, is neither Round nor Oval, but is flat above and below like a Whirligig, that the Sword may not slip out of their Hands when they fight. The Swords made by the Indians are very brittle; but the English furnish them with good ones brought from England. The Mogul's use Waste-belts for their Swords; they are two Fingers broad, and have two Hangers into which the Sword is put, so that the Point is always upwards; and all the ordinary sort of People in the Indies carry them commonly in their Hand, or upon their Shoulder like a Musket.  
It is their custom also to carry a Dagger by their sides, 
The Moguls Dagger.  the Blade being near a Foot long, and above four Fingers broad at the Handle. They have an odd kind of Guard, and I don't remember that I have ever seen any thing in France relating to Arms that looks liker it than the handle of some Moulds for casting of Bullets, or Smallshot; it is made of two square Bars of Iron one Finger broad, and about a Foot long, which are parallel, and four Inches distant one from another; growing round they join together at the upper part of the Blade, and have cross Bars of two little Iron-Rods two Inches distant from one another.  
The Indians never want one of these Daggers by their side, betwixt the Girdle and Caba; they carry it always bending a little sideways, so that the end of the Guard comes pretty high, and the Point pretty low upon their Stomach. The Officers of War have also Daggers with an Iron-Guard, but it is damasked and gilded; and Persons of great quality have of them after the Persian fashion, which are less and richer.  
Their other offensive Arms are the Bow and Arrow, the Javelin or Zagaye, and sometimes the Pistol: The Foot carry a Musket, or a Pike twelve Foot long.  
They have Cannon also in their Towns, 
The Moguls Cannon good for nothing.  but since they melt the Metal in divers Furnaces, so that some of it must needs be better melted than others when they mingle all together, their Cannon commonly is good for nothing.  

Defensive Arms. The Moguls Buckler.  The defensive Arms of the Indians, are a round Buckler about two foot in diametre: It is made of Buff, varnished over with Black, and hath a great many Nails, the heads whereof are above an inch over; with it they defend themselves against Arrows and Swords.  

Coat of Mail. The Moguls Vantbrace.  They have likewise the Coat of Mail, the Cuirats, the Head-piece, and a Vantbrace fastened to the Sword; this Vantbrace is is a piece of Iron covering the Handle almost round, and growing broader as it reaches from the Guard of the Sword, to the upper part of the Pummel, and sometimes higher. It is four or five inches in diametre at that place, and is lined with Velvet, or some such like thing in the inside, that it may not hurt the Hand: So that by means of that Engine, both hand and handle are wholly covered from the Enemy's blows.   

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Beasts at Dehly.  

Beasts at Dehly.  AT Dehly are all sorts of Beasts that are known. The King hath many, and private Men who are Rich, have some also. They have Hawks there of all kinds; 
Elks. Rhinoceros. Buffles.  all kinds of Camels, Dromedaries, Mules, Asses, and Elephants. They have also Elks, and Rhinoceroses which are as big as the largest Oxen. The ordinary Oxen there, are less than ours. Buffles they have also, and those of Bengala are the dearest, because they are very stout, and are not at all afraid of Lions. 
Dogs of Maurenahar.  Nor do they want Dogs of all sorts, but those which are brought from Maurenahar, or Transoxiane, are most esteemed for Hunting, though they be small: However the Indian Dogs are better for the Hare. They have also Stags, Lions and Leopards.  

Horses.  There is abundance of all sorts of Horses there. Besides the Country breed, which the Moguls make use of, and which are very good Horses; they have others also from the Country of the Ulbecks, Arabia, and Persia, those of Arabia being most esteemed, and the loveliest of all are constantly reserved for the King. 
The way of dressing and feeding the Horses.  They have neither Oats nor Barley given them in the Indies; so that Foreign Horses when they are brought thither, can hardly feed. The way they treat them is thus: Every Horse has a Groom, he curries and dresses him an hour before day, and so soon as it is day makes him drink; at seven of the Clock in the Morning, he gives him five or six balls of a composition called Donna, made of three Pounds of Flower, the weight of five Pechas of Butter, and of four Pechas of Jagre; these Balls are at first forced down his Throat, and so by degrees he is accustomed to that way of feeding, which in some Months after, he grows very fond of.  
An hour after, the Groom gives the Horse Grass, and continues to do so at certain times, every hour of the day after; and about four of the Clock, after noon, he gives him three Pound of dried Pease bruised; he mingles Water with them, and sometimes a little Sugar, according to the disposition the Horse is in; 
Litter of dry Horse-dung.  and when Night is drawing on, he carefully prepares his Horse's litter, which is of dry Dung, laid very thick, which he is very careful to provide. For that end, he gathers all that his Horse hath made, and when that is not sufficient, he buys from others, who are not so much concerned for the convenience of their Horses.  

Flying tassels of white Hair, taken out of the tails of some Oxen.  At Dehly, as elsewhere, they take care to adorn their Horses. The great Lords have Saddles and Horses Embroadered, and set sometimes with Precious Stones, proportionably to the charge they intent to be at: But the finest Ornament, though of less cost, is made of six large flying tassels of long white Hair, taken out of the Tails of wild Oxen, that are to be found in some places of the Indies. Four of these large tassels fastened before and behind to the Saddle, hang down to the ground, and the other two are upon the Horse's head; so that when the Rider spurs on his Horse to a full speed, or if there be any wind, these tassels flying in the Air, seem to be so many wings to the Horse, and yield a most pleasant prospect.  
There are several sorts of Elephants at Dehly, 
Elephants.  as well as in the rest of the Indies; but those of Ceilan are preferred before all others, because they are the stoutest, though they be the least, and the Indians say that all other Elephants stand in awe of them. They go commonly in Troops, 
Elephant's Robbers on the Highways.  and then they offer violence to no body, but when they straggle from the rest, they are dangerous. There are always some of them that have the cunning and inclination to do mischief; and in the Country these are called, Robbers on the Highways, because if they meet a Man alone, they'll kill and eat him.  
Strong Elephants can carry forty Man's, 
An Elephant's Load.  at fourscore Pound weight the Man. Those of the Country of Golconda, Siam, Cochin, and Sumatra, are indeed, less esteemed than the Elephants of Ceilan, 
The choice of Elephants.  but they are much stronger, and surer footed in the Mountains; and that is the reason, why the great Men, (when they are to Travel,) provide themselves of those, rather than of the Elephants of Ceilan. However it may be said in general, that Elephants, of what Country or kind soever they be, are the surest footed of all Beasts of Carriage, because it is very rare to see them make a trip: But seeing it is chargeable to feed them, 
The food that is given to an Elephant.  and that besides the Flesh they give them to eat, and the Strong-waters they drink, it costs at least half a Pistol a day for the Paste of Flower, Sugar and Butter, that must be given to a single one; there are but few that keep them: Nay, the great Lords themselves entertain no great number of them; and the Great Mogul has not above five hundred for the use of his household, in carrying the Women in their Mickdembers with grates (which are a sort of Cages) and the Baggage; 
Mickdembers.  and I have been assured, that he hath not above two hundred for the Wars, of which some are employed in carrying small Field-pieces upon their Carriages.  
When an Elephant is in his ordinary disposition, 
Elephant's docile.  his Governor can make him do what he pleases with his Trunk. That instrument, which many call a hand, hangs between their great Teeth, and is made of Cartilages or Gristles: He'll make them play several tricks with that Trunk; salute his friends, threaten those that displease him, beat whom he thinks fit, and could make them tear a Man into pieces in a trice, if he had a mind to it. The governor sits on the Elephant's Neck, when he makes him do any thing, and with a prick of Iron in the end of a Stick, he commonly makes him Obey him. In a word, an Elephant is a very tractable Creature, provided he be not angry, nor in lust; but when he is so, the Governor himself is in much danger, and stands in need of a great deal of art, to avoid ruin; for then the Elephant turns all things topsy-turvy, 
Elephant's furious.  and would make strange havoc, if they did not stop him, as they commonly do, with fireworks that they throw at him.  
Elephant-hunting is variously performed. 
Elephant-hunting.  In some places they make Pitfalls for them, by means whereof they fall into some hole or pit, from whence they are easily got out, when they have once entangled them well. In other places they make use of a tame Female, that is in season for the Male, whom they lead into a narrow place, and tie her there; by her cries she calls the Male to her, and when he is there, they shut him in, by means of some Rails made on purpose, which they raise, to hinder him from getting out; he having the Female in the mean time on his back, with whom he Copulates in that manner, contrary to the custom of all other Beasts. When he hath done, he attempts to be gone, but as he comes, and goes to find a passage out, the Huntsmen, who are either upon a Wall, 
Elephant hunters.  or in some other high place, throw a great many small and great Ropes, with some Chains, by means whereof, they so pester and entangle his Trunk, and the rest of his Body, that afterwards they draw near him without danger; and so having taken some necessary cautions, they lead him to the company of two other tame Elephants, whom they have purposely brought with them, to show him an example, or to threaten him if he be unruly.  

She Elephants go a year with their young. Elephants live 100 years.  There are other Snares besides for catching of Elephants, and every Country hath its way. The Females go a Year with their young, and commonly they live about an hundred Years. Though these Beasts be of so great bulk and weight, yet they swim perfectly well, and delight to be in the Water: So that they commonly force them into it by Fireworks, when they are in rage, or when they would take them off from Fight, wherein they have been engaged. This course is taken with the Elephants of the Great Mogul, who loves to see those vast moving bulks rush upon one another, with their Trunk, Head, and Teeth. All over the Indies, they who have the management of Elephants, never fail to lead them in the Morning to the River, or some other Water. The Beasts go in as deep as they can, and then stoop till the Water be over their Backs, that so their guides may wash them, and make them clean all over, whilst by little and little they raise their bodies up again.   

CHAP. XXV. Of other Curiosities at Dehly.  

Painters of Dehly.  THe Painters of Dehly are modester than those of Agra, and spend not their pains about lascivious Pictures, as they do. They apply themselves to the representing of Histories, and in many places, one may meet with the Battles and Victories of their Princes, indifferently well Painted. Order is observed in them, the Personages have the suitableness that is necessary to them, and the colours are very lovely, but they make Faces ill. They do things in miniature pretty well, and there are some at Dehly who Engrave indifferently well also; but seeing they are not much encouraged, they do not apply themselves to their work, with all the exactness they might; and all their care is to do as much work as they can, for present Money to subsist on.  

People Rich in Jewels.  There are People in Dehly, vastly rich in Jewels, especially the Rajas who preserve their Precious Stones from Father to Son. When they are to make Presents, they choose rather to buy, than to give away those which they had from their Ancestors: They daily increase them, and must be reduced to an extreme pinch, before they part with them.  
There is in this Town, a certain Metal called Tutunac, that looks like Tin, but is much more lovely and fine, and is often taken for Silver; that Metal is brought from China.  

Theban Stone or Garnet.  They much esteem a greyish Stone there, wherewith many Sepulchers are adorned; and they value it the more, that it is like Theban Stone, or Garnet. I have seen in the Countries of some Rajas, and elsewhere, Mosques and Pagods wholly built of them.  

Screws at Dehly.  The Indians of Dehly cannot make a Screw as our Lock-smiths do; all they do, is to fasten to each of the two pieces that are to enter into one another, some Iron, Copper, or Silver wire, turned Screw-wise, without any other art than of souldering the Wire to the pieces; and in opening them, they turn the Screws from the left hand to the right, contrariwise to ours, which are turned from the right to the left.  

Citrul Flowers drive away the Flies.  They have a very easy remedy in that Country, to keep the Flies from molesting their Horses, when the Grooms are so diligent as to make use of it: For all they have to do, is to make provision of Citrul Flowers, and rub them therewith. But many slight that remedy, because it must be often renewed, seeing the Currycomb and Water takes it off. I cannot tell if these Flowers have the same virtue in our Country.  
The Women of Dehly are handsome, and the Gentiles very chaste; 
The Women of Dehly.  insomuch, that if the Mahometan Women did not by their wantonness dishonour the rest, the Chastity of the Indians might be proposed as an example to all the Women of the East. These Indian Women are easily delivered of their Children; and sometimes they'll walk about the Streets next day after they have been brought to Bed.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Festival of the King's Birthday.  
THere is a great Festival kept yearly at Dehly, on the Birthday of the King regnant. It is Celebrated amongst the People, 
The Festival of the King's Birthday. The pomp of the Festival.  much after the same manner as the Zinez of Turkey, which I described in my first Book, and lasts five days; It is Solemnised at Court with great Pomp. The Courts of the Palace are covered all over with Pavilions of Rich Stuffs; all that is magnificent in Precious Stones, Gold and Silver is exposed to view in the Halls; particularly the great and glittering Throne, with those others that are carried about in progresses, which are likewise adorned with Jewels. The fairest Elephants decked with the richest Trappings, 
Decked Elephants.  are from time to time brought out before the King, and the loveliest Horses in their turns also: and since the first Mogul Kings introduced a custom of being weighed in a Balance, to augment the pleasure of the solemnity, the King in being, 
The King is weighed.  never fails to do so.  
The Balance wherein this is performed, seems to be very Rich. 
The Balance wherein the King is weighed.  They say that the Chains are of Gold, and the two Scales which are set with Stones, appear likewise to be of Gold, as the Beam of the Balance does also, though some affirm that all is but Gild. The King Richly attired, and shining with Jewels, goes into one of the Scales of the Balance, and sits on his Heels, and into the other are put little bales, so closely packed, that one cannot see what is within them: The People are made believe, that these little bales (which are often changed,) are full of Gold, Silver and Jewels, or of Rich Stuffs; and the Indians tell Strangers so, when they would brag of their Country, than they weigh the King with a great many things that are good to eat; and I believe that what is within the Bales, is not a whit more Precious.  
However when one is at the Solemnity, he must make as if he believed all that is told him, and be very attentive to the Publication of what the King weighs; for it is published, and then exactly set down in writing. When it appears in the Register, that the King weighs more than he did the year before, all testify their Joy by Acclamations; but much more by rich Presents, which the Grandees, and the Ladies of the Haram make to him, 
The presents of the Festival.  when he is returned to his Throne; and these Presents amount commonly to several Millions. The King distributes, 
Trifles given by the King.  first a great quantity of Artificial Fruit and other knacks of Gold and Silver, which are brought to him in Golden Basins; but these knacks are so slight, that the profusion (which he makes in casting them promiscuously amongst the Princes, and other Great men of his Court, who crowd one another to have their share,) lessens not the Treasure of his Exchequer; for I was assured that all these trifles would not cost one hundred thousand Crowns. And indeed, Auran-Zeb is reckoned a far greater Husband, 
Auran-Zeb a great Husband.  than a great King ought to be: during five days, there is great rejoicing all over the Town, as well as in the King's Palace, which is expressed by Presents, Feast, Bonfires and Dances; and the King has a special care to give Orders, 
Public rejoicing.  that the best Dancing-women and Baladines, be always at Court.  

Play at Dice.  The Gentiles being great lovers of Play at Dice; there is much Gaming, during the five Festival days. They are so eager at it in Dehly and Benara, that there is a vast deal of Money lost there, and many People ruined. And I was told a Story of a Banian of Dehly, who played so deep at the last Festival, that he lost all his Money, Goods, House, Wife and Children. At length, he that won them, taking pity of him, gave him back his Wife and Children; but no more of all his Estate, than to the value of an hundred Crowns.  
To conclude, The Province of Dehly, hath no great extent to the Southeast, which is the side towards Agra; but is larger on the other sides, especially Eastwards, 
The Ground of Dehly.  where it hath a great many Towns: The Ground about it is excellent, where it is not neglected, but in many parts it is.  
The ground about the Capital City is very fertile; Wheat and Rice grow plentifully there. They have excellent Sugar also, and good Indigo, 
Chalimar, one of the King's Country Houses.  especially towards Chalimar, which is one of the King's Country-houses, about two Leagues from Dehly, upon the way to Lahors. All sorts of Trees, and Fruit grow there also; but amongst others, the Ananas are exceeding good. I shall speak of them in the Description of the Kingdom of Bengala.  

The Yearly Revenue of Dehly.  It is specified in my Memoire, That this Province pays the Great Mogul yearly, between thirty seven and thirty eight Millions.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Province and Town of Azmer.  

The Road from Agra to Azmer.  THE Province of Azmer, lies to the North-East of Dehly; the Country of Sinde bounds it to the West: It hath Agra to the East, Multan and Pengeab to the North, and Guzerat to the South. This Province of Azmer, 
It is Six Leagues from Agra to Fetipout. 6 Leag. to Bramabad. 7. Leag. to Hendoven. 7 Leag. to Mogul-serai. 6 Leag. to Lascot. 7 Leag. to Chafol. 4 Leag. to Pipola 7 Leag. to Mosa-ban. 5 Leag. to Bender-Sandren. 6 Leag. to Mandil. 1 Leag. to Azmer.  hath been divided into three Provinces of Bando, Gesselmere and Soret; and the Capital City at present, is Azmer, which is distant from Agra, about sixty two Leagues.  

The Situation of Azmer.  This Town lies in twenty five Degrees and a half, North Latitude, at the foot of a very high, and almost inaccessible Mountain: There is on the top of it, an extraordinary strong Castle; to mount to which, one must go turning and winding for above a League; and this Fort gives a great deal of reputation to the Province. The Town hath Stonewalls, and a good Ditch; without the Walls of it, there are several Ruins of Fair Buildings, which show great antiquity. King Ecbar was Master of this Province, before he built Agra: And before it fell into his hands, it belonged to a famous Raja, 
Raja Ramgend.  or Raspoute, called Ramgend; who came to Fetipour, and resigned it to him; and at the same time, did him Homage for it.  
This Raja was Mahometan, as his Predecessors had been; and besides a great many ancient marks of Mahometanism, that were in that Country in his Time; 
Cogea Mondy.  the famous Cogea Mondy, who was in reputation of Sanctity amongst the Mahometans, was reverenced at Azmer; and from all Parts, they came in Pilgrimage to his Tomb: It is a pretty fair Building, having three Courts paved with Marble; whereof the first is extremely large, and hath on one side, 
The Sepulchre of Cogea Mondy.  several Sepulchers of false Saints; and on the other, a Reservatory of Water, with a neat Wall about it. The second Court is more beautified, and hath many Lamps in it. The third is the loveliest of the three; and there the Tomb of Cogea Mondy is to be seen in a Chapel, whose door is adorned with several Stones of colour, mingled with Mother of Pearl. There are besides, three other smaller Courts, which have their Waters and Buildings for the convenience and lodging of Imans', who are entertained to read the Alcoran.  
King Ecbar had a mind to try as well as the rest, 
Ecbars' Vow, for obtaining of Male-childrens.  the Virtue of this same Cogea-Mondy; and because he had no Male-childrens, he had recourse to his Intercession to obtain them. He made a Vow to go and visit his Tomb, and resolved upon the Journey in the bourg of Agra.  
Though it be a walk of threescore and two Leagues from Agra to Azmer, yet he performed the Pilgrimage on foot, 
King Ecbar made a Pilgrimage of 60 Leag. on foot.  having ordered Stone-seats to be made at certain distances, for him to rest on: Nevertheless, he was quite tired out; for being of a hot and stirring Nature, he could hardly lay a constraint upon himself to walk softly, so that he fell sick upon it. He entered barefooted (as the rest did) into the Chapel of the Mock-Saint: There he made his Prayers, gave great Charity; and having performed his Devotion, and read the Epitaph of Cogea Mondy, which is written there in the Persian Language; he returned back to the place from whence he came.  
As he passed by Fetipour, he consulted a certain Dervish, named Selim, 
Selim a Dervish.  who was esteemed very devout; and the Mahometans say, that this Man told him, that God had heard his Prayers, and that he should have three Sons; at that, 
The Prophecy of Selim the Dervish.  Ecbar was so well pleased with this Prophecy, especially when it began to be fulfilled, that he gave his Eldest Son the name of the Dervish Selim; that Town which was called Sycary, the name of Fetipour, 
Sicary.  which signifies a place of Joy and Pleasure; and that he built a very stately Palace there, with a Design to make it the Capital of his Empire.  
Azmer is a Town of an indifferent bigness; but when the Great mogul comes there, there is no room to stir in it, especially when there is any Festival; because, besides the Court and Army, all the People of the Country about, flock thither, and some disorder always happens.  
Let us speak a little of the Feast of Neurous, which King Gehanguir Celebrated at Azmer, where he happened to be one New Years day; 
Neurous.  for Neurous, signifies New Day; and by that, is meant, the First day of the Year, which gins in March, when the Sun enters into Aries.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Feast of the New Year.  
THe Memoires that were given me observe, 
The Feast of the New Year.  that some days before the Festival, all the Palace was adorned; and especially, the Places and Halls, into which People were suffered to enter: There was nothing all over but Satin, Velvet, Cloth and Plates of Gold: The Halls were hung with rich Stuffs, Flowered with Gold and Silver: And that where the Great Mogul appeared in his Throne, was the most magnificent of all: 
The Ornaments of Neurous.  The Cloth of State that covered it, was all set with Precious Stones; and the Floor was covered with a Persian Carpet of Gold and Silver Tissue. The other Halls had in like manner, their clothes of State; Their Foot-Carpets, and other Ornaments, and the Courts were also decked (the most considerable of them) with lovely Tents pitched there; though they were not so Pompous as those which are pitched in the Capital Cities of the Empire, upon a like Solemnity. The first day of the Feast, the Throne was placed in the Royal Hall, and was covered all over with the Jewels of the Crown; the number of them was the greater, that there was but one of the King's Thrones brought; and that (as it is usual) the Jewels of the other little Thrones had been taken off, for the adorning of this.  

A Fair of the Ladies of the Seraglio.  The Festival began in the Seraglio, by a Fair that was kept there. The Ladies and Daughters of the great Lords, were permitted to come to it; and the Court-Ladies of less Quality, (who thought themselves witty enough to make their Court, 
The great Ladies, Shopkeepers.  by putting off the curious Things that they had brought thither) were the Shopkeepers: But these had not all the Trade to themselves; for the Wives of the Omras and Rajas (who were allowed to come in) opened Shop also, and brought with them the richest Goods they could find; and which they thought suited best with the King, and the Princesses of his Seraglio. Many had occasion by selling, and disputing pleasantly and wittily, about the Price of the things, which the King and his Wives came to cheapen, to make their Husband's Court; and to slip in Presents to those that could serve them in bettering their Fortune, or keeping them as they were.  

Begum.  The King and his Begum, paid often double value for a thing, when the Shopkeeper pleased them; but that was, when they rallied wittily and gently (as People of Quality commonly do) in buying and selling: And so it happened, that the wittiest and fairest were always most favoured. All these stranger Ladies, were entertained in the Seraglio with Feasting, and Dance of Quenchenies, 
Quenchenies.  who are Women and Maids of a Cast of that name, having no other Profession but that of Dancing: And this Fair lasted five days.  
It is true, The Commodities sold there, were not so fine, nor rich, as they would have been, had the Festival been kept in Dehly or Agra; but the best, and most precious Things that were to be found in Azmer, and in the nearest Towns, were exposed to Sale there; wherewith the King was very well satisfied.  
During these rejoicings of the Seraglio, The great Men, who kept Guard, entertained themselves at their Posts, or elsewhere; And there were a great many Tables served at the King's charges, which gave them occasion to Celebrate the Neurous, or New Years Feast merrily.  
The King appeared daily in the Amcas, at his usual hour, but not in extraordinary Magnificence before the seventh day; and then the Lords (who had every day changed clothes) appeared in their richest Apparel. They all went to salute the King, 
The King's Presents at Neurous.  and His Majesty made them Presents, which were only some gallantries of small value, that did not cost him Four hundred thousand French Livres. The eighth and ninth days, The King also sat on his Throne, (when he was not Feasting with his Princess and Omras, in one of the Out-Halls) where he made himself several times familiar with them; but that familiarity excused them not from making him Presents. 
The Presents of the Great Lords to the King.  There was neither Omra, nor Mansepdar, but made him very rich Presents; and that of the Governor, or Tributary of Azmer, was the most considerable of all. These Presents were reckoned in all, to amount to fourteen or fifteen Millions. The Festival concluded at Court, by a review of the King's Elephants and Horses, pompously equipped; and in the Town by a great many Fireworks, that came after their Feasting. Gehanguir, indeed, gave not the Princes, and great Lords, the equivalent of the Presents they made him at this Solemnity: But he rewarded them afterwards by Offices, and Employments. And this is the course the King commonly takes with them, and few complain of it.   

CHAP. XXIX. Of the Beasts of the Country of Azmer, and of the Saltpetre.  
THere is in these Countries, a Beast like a Fox in the Snout, which is no bigger than a Hare: the Hair of it, is of the colour of a Stags, and the Teeth like to a Dogs. It yields most excellent Musk; for at the Belly it hath a Bladder full of corrupt Blood, and that Blood maketh the Musk, 
The Musk Animal.  or is rather the Musk itself: They take it from it, and immediately cover the place where the Bladder is cut, with Leather, to hinder the scent from evaporating: But after this Operation is made, the Beast is not long lived.  
There are also towards Azmer, Pullet's whose Skin is all over black, 
Pullet's.  as well as their Bones, though the Flesh of them be very white, and their Feathers of another colour.  
In the extremity of this Province, the Maids are very early Marriageable, 
Maids Marriageable at 8 or 9 years of age.  and so they are in many other places of the Indies, where most part can enjoy Man, at the age of eight or nine years, and have Children at ten. That's a very ordinary thing in the Country, where the young ones go naked, and wear nothing on their Bodies, but a bit of Cloth to cover their Privities.  
Most of the Children in these Countries have the same plays to divert them with, as amongst us: they commonly make use of Tops, Giggs, 
The children's plays.  and Bull-flies in the season; of children's Trumpets, and many other Toys of that nature. The People are rude and uncivil: The Men are great clowns, and very impudent; they make a horrid noise when they have any quarrel, but what Passion soever they seem to be in, and what bitter words soever they utter, they never come to blows. The Servants are very unfaithful, and many times rob their Masters.  
There are very venomous Scorpions in that Country, 
Venomous Scorpions. The remedy of Fire.  but the Indians have several remedies to cure their Stinging, and the best of all is Fire. They take a burning Coal, and put it near the wound; they hold it there as long and as near as they can: The venom keeps one from being incommoded by the heat of the Fire; on the contrary, the Poison is perceived to work out of the Wound by little and little, and in a short time after, one is perfectly cured.  
The ways of this Country being very Stony, 
The Oxen are shod.  they shoe the Oxen when they are to Travel far on these ways. They cast them with a Rope fastened to two of their Legs, and so soon as they are down, they tie their four Feet together, which they put upon an Engine made of two Sticks in form of an X; and then they take two little thin and light pieces of Iron, which they apply to each Foot, one piece covering but one half Foot, and that they fasten with three Nails above an Inch long, which are clenched upon the side of the Hooffs, as Horses with us are shod.  
Seeing the Oxen in the Indies are very tame, 
Indian Oxen.  many People make use of them in Travelling, and ride them like Horses; though commonly they go but at a very slow pace. Instead of a Bit, they put one or two small strings through the Gristle of the Ox's Nostrils, and throw over his Head a good large Rope fastened to these strings, as a Bridle, which is held up by the bunch he hath on the fore part of his back, that our Oxen have not. They Saddle him as they do a Horse, and if he be but a little spurred, he'll go very fast; and there are some that will go as fast as a good Horse. 
The Oxen are Saddled.  These Beasts are made use of generally all over the Indies; and with them only are drawn Wagons, Coaches and Chariots, allowing more or fewer, according as the load is heavier or lighter.  

The Oxen serve to draw Coaches, as well as Carts and Wagons.  The Oxen are Yoked by a long Yoke at the end of the Pole, laid upon their Necks; and the Coachman holdeth in his hand the Rope to which the strings that are put through the Nostrils are fastened. These Oxen are of different sizes, there are great, small, and of a middle size, but generally all very hardy, so that some of them will Travel fifteen, Leagues a day. There is one kind of them, almost six Foot high, but they are rare; and on the contrary another, which they call Dwarves, because they are not three Foot high; these have a bunch on their Back as the rest have, go very fast, and serve to draw small Wagons.  

White Oxen are very dear.  They have white Oxen there, which are extraordinary dear, and I saw two of them which the Dutch had, that cost them two hundred Crowns a piece; they were really, lovely, strong and good, and their Chariot that was drawn by them, made a great show. When People of quality have lovely Oxen, 
They have great care of the Oxen.  they keep them with a great deal of care; they deck the ends of their Horns with sheaths of Copper; they use them to clothes as Horses are, and they are daily curried and well fed. Their ordinary Provender is Straw and Millet, 
The food of the Oxen.  but in the Evening they make each Ox swallow down five or six large Balls of a Paste made of Flower, Jagre and Butter kned together. They give them sometimes in the Country, Kichery, which is the ordinary Food of the Poor; 
Kichery.  and it is called Kichery, because it is made of a Grain of the same name, boiled with Rice, Water and Salt: Some give them dried Pease, bruised and steeped in Water.  
After all, no part of this Province is fertile, but the Countries about Azmer, and Soret, for the Countries of Gesselmere, and Bando, are Barren. The chief Trade of Azmer is in Saltpetre, 
The Saltpetre of Azmer.  and there are great quantities of it made there, by reason of the black fat Earth that is about it, which is the properest of all other Soils to afford Saltpetre. The Indians fill a great hole with that Earth, and pound it in Water with great pounders of very hard Timber, when they have reduced it into a Liquid mash, they let it rest, to the end the Water may imbibe all the Saltpetre out of the Earth: 
The way of making Salt-petre.  This mixture having continued so for some time, they draw off what is clear, and put it into great Pots, wherein they let it boil, and continually scum it; when it is well boiled, they again drain what is clear out of these Pots, and that being congealed and dried in the Sun, where they let it stand for a certain time, it is in its perfection; and then they carry it to the Seaport Towns, and especially to Surrat, where the Europeans and others buy it to Ballast their Ships with, and sell elsewhere.  
This Province of Azmer, pays commonly to the Great Mogul, thirty two or thirty three Millions, notwithstanding the barren places that are in it.   

CHAP. XXX. Of the Province of Sinde or Sindy.  

The Province of Sinde or Sindy.  SInde or Sindy, which some call Tatta, is bounded with the province of Azmer to the East; and the Mountains which border it on that side, belong to the one or other Country. It hath Multan to the North, to the South, a Desert and the Indian Sea; and to the West, Macran and Segestan. It reaches from South to North, on both sides the River Indus, and that River is by the Orientals called also Sindy or Sinde. 
The River Sinde. Ginguis-Can. Gelaleddin. Carezmian Princes.  On the banks of it was fought that famous Battle betwixt Ginguis-Can, first Emperor of the Tartars or Ancient Moguls, and the Sultan Gelaleddin, which decided the destiny of the Empire in favour of the former, against the Carezmian Princes, who had for a long time been Masters of the Kingdom of Persia, of all Zagatay, and of the greatest part of the Country of Turquestan.  
The chief Town of this Province is Tatta, and the most Southern Town, 
Tatta. Diul. Dobil,  Diul. It is still called Diul-Sind, and was heretofore called Dobil. It lies in the four and twentieth or five and twentieth degree of Latitude. There are some Orientals, that call the Country of Sinde, by the name of the Kingdom of Diul. It is a Country of great Traffic, and especially in the Town of Tatta, where the Indian Merchants buy a great many curiosities made by the Inhabitants, who are wonderfully Ingenious in all kind of Arts. The Indus makes a great many little Islands towards Tatta, and these Islands being fruitful and pleasant, make it one of the most commodious Towns of the Indies, though it be exceeding hot there.  
There is also a great trade at Lourebender, 
Lourebender.  which is three days Journey from Tatta, upon the Sea, where there is a better Road for Ships, than in any other place of the Indies. The finest Palanquins that are in all Indostan, are made at Tatta, and there is nothing neater, than the Chariots with two Wheels, which are made there for Travelling. It is true, they have but few Coaches, because few Europeans go thither, and hardly any of the Indians make use of Coaches but they; 
Chariot's convenient for Travelling.  but these Chariots are convenient enough for Travelling, and are not harder than Coaches. They are flat and even, having a border four fingers broad, with Pillars all round, more or fewer, according to the fancy of him for whom it is made; but commonly there are but eight, of which there are four at the four corners of the Engine, the other four at the sides, and thongs of Leather are interwoven from Pillar to Pillar, to keep one from falling out. Some, (I confess,) have the Chariot surrounded with Balisters of Ivory, but few are willing to be at the charges of that, and the Custom of making use of that Network of Leather, makes that most part cares not for Balisters, but go so about the Town, sitting after the Levantine manner, upon a neat Carpet that covers the bottom of the Chariot. Some cover it above with a slight Imperial, but that commonly is only when they go into the Country, to defend them from the Sunbeams.  
This Machine hath no more but two Wheels put under the side of the Chariot, and not advancing outwards, 
The Wheels of the Indian Chariots.  they are of the height of the fore Wheels of our Coaches; have eight square spoaks, are four or five fingers thick, and many times are not shod. Hackny-coaches to Travel in, with two Oxen, are hired for five and twenty pence, or half a Crown a day; but whatever ease the Indians may find in them, our Coaches are much better, because they are hung.  
The Wheels of Wagons or Carts, for carrying of Goods, 
Cartwheels.  have no Spoaks; they are made of one whole piece of solid Timber, in form of a Millstone, and the bottom of the Cart, is always a thick frame of Wood These Carts are drawn by eight or ten Oxen, according to the heaviness of the Loads. When a Merchant conveys any thing of consequence, he ought to have four Soldiers, or four Pions, by the sides of the Wagon; to hold the ends of the Rope that are tied to it, to keep it from overturning, if it come to heeled in bad way; and that way is used in all Caravans, though commonly they consist of above two hundred Wagons.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of Palanquins.  

Palanquin.  Indian's that are Wealthy, Travel neither in Chariots nor Coaehes: They make of use of an Engine which they call Palanquin, and is made more neatly at Tatta, than any where else. It is a kind of Couch with four feet, having on each side Balisters four or five Inches high, and at the head and feet a back-stay like a Child's Cradle, which sometimes is open like Balisters, and sometimes close and Solid. This Machine hangs by a long Pole, which they call Pambou, by means of two frames nailed to the feet of the Couch, which are almost like to those that are put to the top of moving Doors, to fasten Hang by; and these two frames which are the one at the head, and the other at the opposite end, have Rings through which great Ropes are put, that fasten and hang the Couch to the Pambou.  

The Pambous of Palanquins'.  The Pambous that serve for Palanquins, are thick round Canes five or six Inches in Diametre, and four Fathom long, crooked Arch-wise in the middle, so that on each side from the bending, there remains a very straight end, about five or six foot long. On the bending of the Pambou, there is a covering laid of two pieces of Cloth sewed together, betwixt which at certain distances, there are little Rods cross-ways, to hold the clothes so, that they may conveniently cover the Palanquin. If a Woman be in it, it is covered close over with red Serge, or with Velvet if she be a great Lady: And if they be afraid of Rain, the whole machine is covered over with a waxed Cloth. In the bottom of these Palanquins, there are Mats and Cushions to lie or sit upon, and they move or ease themselves by means of some Straps of Silk that are fastened to the Pambou, in the inside of the Machine.  

The Ornament of Palanquins.  Every one adorns his Palanquin according to his humour, some have them covered with plates of carved Silver, and others have them only Painted with Flowers and other Curiosities, or beset round with guilt Balls; and the Cases or Cages, wherein hang the Vessels that hold the Water which they carry with them to drink, are beautified in the same manner, as the Body of the Palanquin. 
The Porters of Palanquins.  These Machine's are commonly very dear, and the Pambou alone of some of them, costs above an hundred Crowns; but to make a-mends for that, they have Porters at a very easy rate, for they have but nine or ten Livres a piece by the Month, and are obliged to Diet themselves: It requires four Men to carry a Palanquin, because each end of the Pambou rests upon the Shoulders of two Men; and when the Journey is long, some follow after to take their turn, and ease the others when they are weary.  

The yearly Revenue of the Province of Sinde.  Sinde, of which we have been speaking, yields not the Great Mogul, above three Million four hundred thousand French Livres a Year.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of the Province of Multan.  
MUltan, which comprehends Bucor, 
Multan.  has to the South the Province of Sinde, and to the North the Province of Caboul; as it hath Persia to the West, and the Province of Lahors to the East. It is watered with many Rivers that make it Fertile. The Capital Town which is also called Multan, was heretofore a place of very great Trade, because it is not far from the River Indus; but seeing at present, Vessels cannot go up so far, because the Channel of that River is spoiled in some places, and the Mouth of it full of shelves, the Traffic is much lessened, 
What Multan produces.  by reason that the charge of Land-carriage is too great: However the Province yields plenty of Cotton, of which vast numbers of clothes are made. It yields also Sugar, Opium, Brimstone; Galls, and store of Camels, which are transported into Persia, by Gazna, and Candabar, or into the Indies themselves by Lahors; but whereas the Commodities went heretofore down the Indus at small Charges, to Tatta, where the Merchants of several Countries came and bought them up, they must now be carried by Land as far as Surrat, if they expect a considerable price for them.  
The Town of Multan is by some Geographers attributed to Sinde, 
The Town of Multan. Cozdar or Cordar. Candavil. Sandur Towns.  though it make a Province by itself. It lies in twenty nine Degrees forty Minutes North Latitude, and hath many good Towns in its dependence, as Cozdar or Cordar, Candavil, Sandur, and others. It furnishes Indostan with the finest Bows that are to be seen in it, and the nimblest Dancers. The Commanders and Officers of these Towns are Mahometans; and by consequence, it may be said, that most part of the Inhabitants are of the same Religion: But it contains a great many Banians also, 
Banians.  for Multan is their chief Rendezvous for Trading into Persia, where they do what the Jews do in other places; but they are far more cunning, for nothing escapes them, and they let slip no occasion of getting the penny, how small soever it be.  
The Tribe of these Banians, is the fourth in dignity amongst the Casts, Tribes, or Sects of the Gentiles; of whom we shall treat in the sequel of this Relation. They are all Merchants and Brokers, and are so expert in business, that hardly any body can be without them. 
The Banians useful.  They give them Commissions of all kinds; though it be known that they make their profit of every thing, yet Men choose rather to make use of them, than to do their business themselves; and I found often by experience, that I had what they bought for me, much cheaper, than what I bought myself, or made my servants buy. They are of a pleasing humour, for they reject no service, whether honourable or base, and are always ready to satisfy those who employ them; and therefore, every one hath his Banian in the Indies, and some persons of Quality intrust them with all they have, though they be not ignorant of their Hypocrisy and Avarice. The richest Merchants of the Indies are of them, and such I have met with in all places where I have been in that Country. They are commonly very Jealous of their Wives, who at Multan are fairer than the Men, but still of a very brown complexion, and love to Paint.  
At Multan there is another sort of Gentiles, whom they call Catry. 
Catry.  That Town is properly their Country, and from thence they spread all over the Indies; but we shall treat of them when we come to speak of the other Sects: both the two have in Multan a Pagod of great consideration, 
The Pagod of Multan.  because of the affluence of People, that came there to perform their Devotion after their way; and from all places of Multan, Labours, and other Countries, they come thither in Pilgrimage. I know not the name of the Idol that is Worshipped there; 
The Idol of Multan.  the Face of it is black, and it is clothed in red Leather: It hath two Pearls in place of Eyes; and the Emir or Governor of the Country, takes the Offerings that are presented to it. To conclude, The Town of Multan is but of small extent for a Capital, but it is pretty well Fortified; and is very considerable to the Mogul, when the Persians are Masters of Candabar, as they are at present.  

The yearly Revenue of Multan.  What the Great Mogul receives yearly from this Province, amounts to Seventeen millions, Five hundred thousand Livres.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Of the Province of Candahar.  

The Province of Candahar.  BEfore I speak of the Eastern Provinces of the Indies, I shall proceed to treat of those which are to the West of the Indus, or towards the Rivers that make part of it. Candahar is one of them; tho' the chief Town of it belong at present to the King of Persia, who took it from Cha-Gehan, contrary to the will of his Grandmother, which cost her her Life. It is said, That that Lady got Money from the Great Mogul, to hinder the Siege of this Town. Her Grandson being ready to march, she made him a thousand Entreaties to divert him from the expedition; and finding that she could gain nothing of him by fair means, she fell into a passion, and upbraided him that he was going to squander away the Estate of Orphans. This Discourse so offended the King, that having asked her if that Estate belonged to any but to him, 
The King of Persia kills his Grandmother.  He cut her over the head with an Axe that he held in his hand, of which she died.  
This Province hath to the North the Country of Balc, whereof an Usbec Prince is Sovereign. To the East it hath the Province of Caboul, to the South that of Bucor, 
The bounds of Candahar.  which belongs to Multan, and part of Sigestan, which is of the Kingdom of Persia; and to the West, other Countries of the King of Persia. The Province is very moutainous, and Candahar its chief Town, lies in the twenty third degree of Latitude, though some Travellers have placed it in the four and thirtieth.  
That Country produces abundantly all sorts of Provisions that are necessary for the subsistence of its Inhabitants, unless it be on that side which lies towards Persia, where it is very barren. Every thing is dear in the chief Town, because of the multitude of Foreign Merchants that resort thither, and it wants good Water. The Town of Candahar is considerable by its Situation; and every one knows that the Persian and Mogul both pretend to it. The former has in it at present a Garrison of nine or ten thousand Men, lest it should be surprised by the Mogul; and being besides a Town of great importance, 
Two Citadels at Candahar.  it is fortified with good Walls, and hath two Citadels.  

Candahar, a rich Town.  The Trade that it hath with Persia, the Country of the Uzbecs and Indies, makes it very rich; and for all the Province is so little, it heretofore yielded the Mogul betwixt fourteen and fifteen Millions a year. 
The yearly Revenue of the Mogul from Candahar.  There is no Province in Indostan where there are fewer Gentiles. The Inhabitants are great lovers of Wine, but they are prohibited to drink any; and if a Moor who hath drank Wine, commit any Scandal, he is set upon an Ass, with his Face to the Tail, 
Wine-drinkers punished.  and led about the Town, attended by the Officers of the Cotoval, who beat a little Drum, and they are followed by all the Children, who hooop and hollow after them. Though there be no Province of Indostan, where there are fewer Gentiles: yet there are Banians there, because of Traffic; but they have no public Pagod: And their Assemblies for Religion are kept in a Private House, under the direction of a Bramen, whom they entertain for performing their Ceremonies.  
The King of Persia suffers not the Gentiles Wives there to burn themselves when their Husbands are dead. 
The Wives are not burnt at Candahar.  There are a great many Parsis or Guebres there, but they are poor, and the Mahometans employ them in the meanest and most servile drudgeries: They perform the Ceremonies of their Religion on a Mountain not far distant from the Town, where they have a place, wherein they preserve the Fire which they worship. I have spoken of these People in my Book of Persia.  
The same Officers are in Candahar, as in the Towns of the Kingdom of Persia, and do the same Duties: but above all things, they have special Orders to treat the People gently, because of the proximity of the Moguls; and if they oppress them in the least, they are severely punished for it.  
There are some small Rajas in the Mountains, who are suffered to live in liberty, paying some easy Tributes; And these Gentlemen have always stuck to the strongest side, when the Country came to change its Master. There is also a little Country in the Mountains which is called Peria, 
Peria.  that's to say, Fairy-Land, where Father Ambrose a Capucin spent a Lent upon the mission in two Bourgs, whereof the one is named Cheboular, and the other Cosne; And he told me That that Country is pleasant enough, and full of good honest People: but that the Christians who are there, have but slight tinctures of Religion.   

CHAP. XXXIV. Of the Province of Caboul, or Caboulistan. 
Province of Caboul.   
CAboulistan is limited to the North by Tartary, 
Caboulistan.  from which it is separated by Mount Caucasus, which the Orientals call Caf-Dagai. Cachmire lies to the East of it: It hath to the West Zabulistan, and part of Candahar; 
Zabulistan.  and to the South, the Country of Multan. Two of the Rivers that run into the Indies, have their source in the Mountains thereof, from whence they water the Province; and for all that, render it nothing the more fruitful; for the Country being very cold, is not fertile, unless in those places that are sheltered by Mountains: Nevertheless it is very rich, because it hath a very great Trade with Tartary, the Country of the Usbecs, Persia, and the Indies. The Usbecs alone, sell yearly above threescore thousand Horses there; and that Province lies so conveniently for Traffic, that what is wanting in it, is brought from all Parts; and things are very cheap there.  
The chief Town of the Province is called Caboul; 
Caboul, a Town.  a very large place, with two good Castles: And seeing Kings have held their Courts there, and many Princes successively have had it for their Portion; there are a great many Palaces in it. It lies in thirty three degrees and a half North Latitude: Mirabolans grow in the Mountains of it, 
Mirabolans.  and that's the reason why the Orientals call it Cabuly. There are many other sorts of Drugs gathered there; and besides that, they are full of aromatic Trees, which turn to good account to the Inhabitants, as also do the Mines of a certain iron, which is fit for all uses. From this Province especially come the Canes, of which they make Halberds and Lances, and they have many Grounds planted with them. Caboulistan is full of small Towns, Burroughs and Villages; most of the Inhabitants are heathen: and therefore there are a great many Pagods there. They reckon their months by Moons, and with great Devotion celebrate their Feast, called Houly, which lasts two days. 
Houly, a Feast.  At that time their Temples are filled with People, who came to Pray and make their Oblations there; the rest of the Celebration consists in Dancing by companies in the Streets, to the sound of Trumpets. At this Feast, they are clothed in a dark Red, and many go to visit their Friends in Masquarade.  
Those of the same Tribe eat together, and at night they make Bonfires in the Streets. That Feast is Celebrated yearly at the Full Moon in February, and ends by the destruction of the Figure of a Giant; against which a little Child shoots Arrows, to represent what the People are made to believe; 
God under the name of Cruchman.  to wit, That God coming into the World under the name of Cruchman, he appeared in shape of a Child, that a great Giant that feared to be undone by him, endeavoured to ruin him: But that that Child hit him so dexterously with an Arrow, 
A Giant killed by Cruchman.  that he laid him dead upon the ground. These people seem heretofore to have been Christians; but if they have had any Tincture of it, it is much corrupted by the Fables and strange Tales that have been told them concerning the same, to which they conform their Lives and Religion. 
The Charity of the Indians of Caboul.  Their chief Charity consists in digging a great many Wells, and in raising several Houses, at certain distances, upon the Highways, for the convenience of Travellers: And by these little Houses, there is always a place fit for those who are weary and heavy Loaded, to rest in; so that they can put off, or take up their Burden without any bodies help.  

Physicians of the Indies.  This Country supplies the rest of the Indies with many Physicians, who are all of the cast of Banians: Nay, and some of them are very skilful, and have many secrets in Medicine; and amongst other Remedies, they often make use of burning. 
The yearly Revenue of Caboul.  The Great Mogul has not out of this Province above four or five Millions a year.   

CHAP. XXXV. Of the Province of Cachmir or Kichmir.  

The Province of Cachmire.  THe Kingdom or Province of Cachmir, hath to the West Caboulistan, to the East, part of Tibet; to the South, the Province of Lahors; and to the North, Tartary: But these are its most remote limits; for it is bounded and encompassed on all hands by Mountains, and there is no entry into it, but by byways and narrow passes. This Country belonged sometimes to the Kings of Turquestan, and is one of those which were called Turchind, 
Turchind.  that is to say, the India of the Turks, or the Turkey of the Indies.  
The Waters of the Mountains that environ it, afford so many Springs and Rivulets, that they render it the most fertile Country of the Indies; and having pleasantly watered it, 
Tchenas, a River.  make a River called Tchenas, which having communicated its Waters for the transportation of Merchant's Goods through the greatest part of the Kingdom, breaks out through the breach of a Mountain, 
Atoc.  and near the Town of Atoc, discharges itself into the Indies; but before it comes out, it is discharged by the name of a Lake, which is above four Leagues in circuit, and adorned with a great many Isles that look fresh and green, and with the Capital Town of the Province that stands almost on the banks thereof. Some would have this River to be the Moselle, but without any reason; for the Moselle runs through Caboulistan, and is the same that is now called Behat or Behar, because of the aromatic Plants that grow on the sides of it.  

Cachmir, a Town.  The Town of Cachmir, which bears the name of the Province, and which some call Syrenaquer, lies in the five and thirtieth degree of Latitude, and in the hundred and third of Longitude. 
Syrenaquer.  This Capital City is about three quarters of a League in length, and half a League in breadth. It is about two Leagues from the Mountains, and hath no Walls. The Houses of it are built of Wood, which is brought from these Mountains, and for the most part are three Stories high, with a Garden, and some of them have a little Canal which reaches to the Lake, whither they go by Boat to take the Air. This little Kingdom is very populous, hath several Towns, 
The beauty of Cachmire.  and a great many Bourgs. It is full of lovely Plains, which are here and there intercepted by pleasant little Hills, and delightful Waters; Fruits it hath in abundance, with agreeable Verdure's. The Mountains which are all Inhabited on the sides, afford so lovely a prospect by the great variety of Trees, amongst which stand Mosques, Palaces, and other Structures, that it is impossible perspective can furnish a more lovely Landscape. The Great Mogul hath a House of Pleasure there, wtih a stately Garden, and the Magnificence of all is so much the greater, that the King who built it, adorned it with the spoils of the Gentiles Temples, amongst which there are a great many precious Things.  
King Ecbar subdued this Kingdom, 
King Ecbar subdued Cachmir.  which was before possessed by a King named Justaf-can: He being Victorious in all places, wrote to this Prince that there was no appearance he could maintain a War against the Emperor of the Indies, to whom all other Princes submitted; 
Justaf-can, King of Cachmir.  that he advised him to do as they had done; and that he promised him, if he would submit willingly, without trying the fortune of War, he would use him better than he had done the rest; and that his Power instead of being lessened, should be increased, seeing he was resolved to deny him nothing that he should ask. Justaf-can (who was a peaceable Prince) thinking it enough to leave his Son in his Kingdom, came to wait upon the Great Mogul at the Town of Labours, trusting to his word: He paid him Homage; and the Emperor having confirmed the Promise which he made to him in his Letters, treated him with all civility.  
In the mean time Prince Jacob, Instafs Son, would not stop there: 
Jacob, the Son of Justaf-can.  For being excited by the greatest part of the People of the Kingdom, who looked upon the Dominion of the Moguls as the most terrible thing imaginable; he caused himself to be proclaimed King, made all necessary preparations in the Country, and at the same time secured the Passes and Entries into it; which was not hard to be done, because there is no coming to it, but by straits and narrow passes which a few Men may defend. His Conduct highly displeased the Great Mogul, who thought at first that there was Intelligence betwixt the Father and Son; but he found at length, that there was none: And without offering any bad usage to the Father, he sent an Army against Cachmir, wherein he employed several great Lords and Officers of War, who had followed Justaf-can. He had so gained them by his Civilities and Promises, that they were more devoted to him, than to their own Prince; and they being perfectly well acquainted with the straits and avenues of the Mountains, introduced the Moguls into the Kingdom, 
Cachmirian, Officers introduce the Moguls.  some through Places that belong to them, and others by Byways that could not possibly have been found, without the conduct of those who knew the Country exactly. They succeeded in their Design the more easily, that King Jacob thought of nothing but guarding the most dangerous places, and especially the Pass of Bamber, which is the easiest way for entering into Cachmir.  
The Moguls having left part of their Army at Bamber, 
Bamber.  to amuse Prince Jacob, and his Forces marched towards the highest Mountains, whither the Omras of Cachmir led them: There they found small passages amongst the Rocks, that were not at all to be mistrusted: By these places they entered one after another, and at length, meeting in a place where the Rendez-vous was appointed; they had Men enough to make a Body sufficiently able to surprise (as they did in the Nighttime) the Capital City which wanted Walls, where Jacob Can was taken. Nevertheless Ecbar pardoned him, and allowed Him and his Father, each of them a Pension for their subsistence: But he made sure of the Kingdom which he reduced into a Province; He annexed it to the Empire of Mogolistan, and his Successors have enjoyed it to this present, as the pleasantest Country in all their Empire. 
The yearly Revenue of Cachmir.  It yields not the Great Mogul yearly, above five or six hundred thousand French Livres.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the Province of Lahors and of the Vartias.  
IT is about forty eight or fifty Leagues from Lahors to the borders of Cachmir, which is to the North of it, 
The Province of Lahors.  as Dehly is to the South; and Lahors is a hundred Leagues from Dehly, for they reckon Two hundred Cosses from the one Town to the other, and the Cosses or half Leagues are long in that Country. 
The Situation of Lahors.  Multan lies to the West of Lahors, and is distant from it threescore and odd Leagues; and to the East of it there are high Mountains, in many places Inhabited by Rajas, of whom some are tributary to the Great Mogul, and others not, because having strong places to retreat into, they cannot be forced, though the Merchants suffer much by their Robberies; and when they travel in that Country, they are obliged to have a guard of Soldiers to defend the Caravans from these Robbers.  

Lahors, Town. Ravy, River. Pangeab.  Lahors lies in thirty one degrees fifty minutes Latitude, near the River Ravy, which falls into the Indus as the others do. The Moguls have given that Province the name of Pangeab, which signifies the five Rivers, because five run in the Territory of it. These Rivers have received so many particular names from the Moderns that have spoken of them, that at present it is hard to distinguish them one from another; nay, and most part of these names are confounded, 
Acelines, Cophis, Hydarphes' Zaradras, Hispalis. Rivers. Behat, Canab, Find, Ravy, Van. Rivers.  though Pliny distinguished them by the names of Acelines, Cophis, Hydarphes', Zaradras and Hispalis. Some Moderns call them Behat, Canab, Find, Ravy, Van; and others give them other Appellations, which are not the names of the Country, or at lest which are not given them, but in some places of it they run through. However, all these Rivers have their Sources in the Mountains of the North, and make up the judus, that for a long way, goes by the name of Sinde, into which they fall; and that's the reason why this River is sometime called India, and sometimes Sindy. The chief Town is not now upon the Ravy as it was for a long time, because that River having a very flat Channel, has fallen off from it above a quarter of a League.  
This hath been a very pretty Town when the Kings kept their Courts in it, and did not prefer Dehly and Agra before it. It is large, and hath been adorned as the others are with Mosques, public Baths, Quervanserais, Squares, Tanquys, Palaces and Gardens. The Castle remains still, for it is strongly built, heretofore it had three Gates on the side of the Town, and nine towards the Country, and the King's Palace within it, hath not as yet lost all its beauty. 
Pictures at Lahors. A Crucifix at Lahors. The Picture of the B. Virgin.  There are a great many Pictures upon the Walls, which represent the Actions of the Great Moguls, their Forefathers that are pompously Painted there; and on one Gate there is a Crucifix, and the Picture of the Virgin on another, but I believe these two pieces of Devotion were only put there by the Hypocrisy of King Gehanguir, who pretended a kindness for the Christian Religion to flatter the Portugese. Many of the chief Houses of the Town run into decay daily, and it is pity to see in some Streets (which are above a League in length) Palaces all ruinous. Nevertheless the Town is not old, for before King Humayon, it was at best but a Bourg: That King made a City of it, built a Castle, and kept his Court there, and it increased so in a short time, that with the Suburbs it made three Leagues in length. As there are a great many Gentiles in this Town, 
Pagods at Lahors.  so are there many Pagods also; some of them are well adorned, and all raised seven or eight steps from the ground.  
Lahors is one of the largest and most abundant Provinces of the Indies; 
The product of Lahors.  the Rivers that are in it render it extremely fertile, it yields all that is necessary for life; Rice, as well as Corn and Fruits are plentiful there; there is pretty good Wine in it also, and the best Sugars of all Indostan. There are in the Towns Manufactures, 
Manufactures in Lahors.  not only of all sorts of painted clothes, but also of every thing else that is wrought in the Indies; and indeed, according to the account of my Indian, 
The yearly Revenue of Lahors  it brings in to the Great Mogul above thirty seven Millions a year, which is a great Argument of its fruitfulness. I have already said, that the great walk of Trees (which gins at Agra) reaches as far as Lahors, though these two Towns be distant from one another an hundred and fifty Leagues, that lovely Alley is very pleasant, 
Achy, Tree.  because the Achy Trees (wherewith it is planted) have long and thick Branches which extend on all sides, and cover the whole way; there are also a great many Pagods upon the Road from Lahors to Dehly, and especially towards the Town of Tanassar, 
Tanassar, a Town.  where Idolatry may be said to be freely professed.  
There is a Convent of Gentiles there, who are called Vartias, 
A Convent of Vartias.  that have their General, Provincial and other Superiors, they say that it is above Two thousand years since they were founded. They vow Obedience, 
The Vows of the Vartias.  Chastity and Poverty; they strictly observe their Vows, and when any one trespasses against them, he is rigorously punished. They have Brothers appointed to beg for all the Convent; they eat but once a day, and change their House every three Months, they have no fixed time for their Noviciat; some perform it in two years, some in three, 
The Noviciat of the Vartias.  and there are others who spend four years therein, if the Superior think fit. The main point of their institution is not to do to others what they would not have others do to them; 
The conduct of the Vartias.  that precept they observe even towards Beasts, for they never kill any, and much more towards Men, seeing if any body beat them, they do not resist, and if they be reviled, they make no answer. They obey the least Signal of their Superior without murmuring, and it is forbidden to them to look a Woman or Maid in the face; they wear nothing on their Bodies but a Cloth to cover their Privy Parts, and they bring it up to their heads to make a kind of a Coif like that of a Woman; they can possess no Money, are prohibited to reserve any thing for to morrow to eat, and how hungry soever they may be, 
The Vartias. live on Alms.  they patiently wait till their Purveyors bring them the Alms, which are daily given them at the Houses of the Gentiles of their Tribe; they take but little, that they may not be troublesome to any body, and therefore they receive no more at every place but a handful of Rice, or some other eatable matter, and if more be offered them, they'll refuse it; they take nothing but what is boiled and dressed, for they kindle no Fire in their House, for fear some Fly may burn itself therein; when they have got Charity enough, they return to the Convent, and there mingle all the Rice, Lentils, Milk, Cheese, and other Provisions they have got together. Then an Officer distributes all equally among the Vartias, who eat their Portions severally cold or hot, as it is given them, and drink nothing but water.  
They make their meal about noon, which serves them for the whole day; 
The Vartias eat but once a day.  let hunger or thirst press them never so much, they must wait till the same hour next day, before they either eat or drink.  
The rest of the day they employ in Prayers, and reading of Books; 
The Vartias Dormitory.  and when the Sun sets, they go to sleep, and never light a Candle. They all lie in the same Chamber, and have no other Bed but the Ground. They cannot of themselves leave the orders after they have once taken the Vows; yet if they commit any fault contrary to their Vows, and especially against that of Chastity, they are expelled, not only the order, but also their tribe. The General, Provincials, 
The Officers of the Vartias.  and all the Officers change their Convent every four Months: their Office is for Life; and when any of them dies, he Name's to the Religous, him whom he thinks fittest to succeed, and they follow his choice. These Vartias have above ten thousand Monasteries in the Indies; and some of them are more Austere than others: Nay their are some who think it enough to worship God in Spirit, and these have no Idols, and will have no Pagod near them. 
Gentile Nuns.  There are also Religious Nuns in some places, who live very exemplarily.   

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the Provinces of Ayoud, or Haoud; Varad or Varal.  

The Province of Ayoud.  THe two Provinces of Ayoud and Varal, are so little frequented by the Moguls, that they (from whom I asked an account of them,) could give me none, though they were pretty well acquainted with the rest of Mogulistan; and therefore I cannot say much of them in particular. The Province of Ayoud, (as far as I could learn,) contains the most Northern Countries that belong to the Mogul, 
The Province of Varal.  as Caucares, Bankich, Nagarcut, Siba, and others: And that of Varal consists of those which are most North-East ward, to wit, Gour, Pitan, Canduana, and some others.  
These two Provinces being every where almost watered with the Rivers which run into the Ganges, are very fertile; notwithstanding the Mountains that are in them, 
The yearly Revenue of Ayoud and Varal.  which makes them exceeding Rich. The Province of Ayoud yields the Great Mogul above ten Millions, and that of Varal, more than seven and twenty a year. The great gains that these two Provinces, and that which is next them, make from the Strangers of the North and East, are the cause of such considerable Revenues as the Mogul draws out of them, and they are so much the greater, that (these Country's being remote from the Sea,) not Europeans share with them therein.  

Rajas not Subjected. The Pagod of Nagarcut. The Idol Matta. The Pagod of Calamac.  There are many Rajas in both, who (for the most) part, own not the Authority of the Great Mogul. There are two Pagods of great reputation in Ayoud, the one at Nagarcut, and the other at Calamac; but that of Nagarcut is far more famous than the other, because of the Idol Matta, to which it is Dedicated; and they say that there are some Gentiles, that come not out of that Pagod without Sacrificing part of their Body. The Devotion which the Gentiles make show of at the Pagod of Calamac, proceeds from this, that they look upon it as a great Miracle, that the Water of the Town which is very cold, springs out of a Rock, that continually belches out Flames. That Rock of Calamac, is of the Mountain of Balaguate, and the Bramen (who Govern the Pagod,) make great profit of it.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Province of Becar, and of the Casts or Tribes of the Indies.  
THe Province of Becar, which comprehends the Countries of Dovab, 
The Province of Becar, Dovah, Jesuat, Udesse.  Jesuat and Udesse, is also watered by the Rivers that discharge themselves into the Ganges. It lies not only to the East of Dehly, but is also the most Eastern Province of Mogolistan, by the Country of Udesse, which shuts it in with its Mountains: And that great Province being rich, by reason of the fertility thereof, yields to the Great Mogul yearly above fourteen Millions. 
The Towns of Becar, Sambal, Menapour, Rageapour, Jehanac, Becaner. Towns.  It contains several good Towns; but the best are Sambal, Menapour, Rageapour, Jehanac, and above all Becaner, which at present is the Capital, standing to the West of the Ganges.  
In this Province of Becar, and in the two former, there are of all the Casts and Tribes of the Indians, which are reckoned in all to be fourscore and four in number. Though all of them profess the same Religion, 
Casts or Tribes of Gentiles. 84.  yet the Ceremonies of every one of these Casts, nay, and of the private Persons of each Cast, are so different, that they make an infinite number of Sects. The People of every one of these Tribes follow a Trade; and none of their Offspring can quit it, without being reckoned infamous in his Tribe. For Example, 
Bramen.  The Bramen (who make the first Tribe) profess Doctrine, and so do their Children, without ever forsaking that Profession. The second, is the Tribe of the Catry or Raspoutes, 
Catry, or Raspoutes.  who make profession of Arms: Their Children profess the same, or aught to do it, because they all pretend to be descended of Princes of the Gentiles; Not but some of them are Merchants, nay, and Weavers in the Provinces of Multan, Lahors, and Sinde; but they are despised in the Tribe, and pass for base Fellows, void of honour. The third, is the Tribe of the Soudr or Courmy, 
Soudr, or Courmy.  and these are the Labourers of the Ground; some of them carry Arms, and since that is an honourable Trade, and of a superior Cast, it does not reflect upon them; but because they love not to serve on Horseback, they serve commonly for the Garrisons of Places; and this Cast or Tribe is the greatest of all. The fourth, is the Tribe of the Ovens or Banians; 
Banians.  and they are all Merchants, Bankers, or Brokers, and the expertest People in the World for making Money of any thing.  
Anciently there were no more Tribes but these four; but in succession of time, all those who applied themselves to the same Profession, composed a Tribe or Cast, and that's the reason they are so numerous. 
Colis.  The Colis or Cotton-dressers have made a distinct Cast: 
Tcherons'.  The Tcherons' or Traveller's Guards, have theirs: The Palanquin-bearers have also made one, and they are called Covillis: Bow-makers and Fletcher's have also made another; 
Covillis.  as also the Hammer-men, such as Goldsmiths, Armourers, Smiths and Masons. They who work in Wood, as Carpenters, Joiner's and Billmen, are all of one Cast: Public Wenches, Tumblers, Vaulters, Dancers and Baladins, are of another. And it is the same with Tailors, and other Sheers-men, with Coach-makers and Saddlers: The Bengiara, 
Bengiara.  who are Carriers, Painters, and (in a word) all other Tradesmen.  
The least esteemed of all the eighty four Tribes, are the Piriaves and the Der, or Halalcour, because of their nastiness; and they who touch them, 
Der.  think themselves unclean. The Periaves are employed in taking off, 
Periaves.  and carrying away the Skins of Beasts, and some of them are Curriers. The Halalcour are the Gold-finders of the Towns; 
Halalcour.  they make clean the public and private Houses of Office, and are paid for it Monthly; they feed on all sort of Meats prohibited or not prohibited; they eat others leave without considering what Religion or Cast they are of: And that's the reason why those who only speak Persian in the Indies, call them Halalcour, (that's to say) He that takes the liberty to eat what he pleases; or according to others, He that eats what he has honestly got. And they who approve this last Application, say, that heretofore the Halalcour were called Haramcour, eaters of prohibited Meats: (But that a King one day hearing his Courtiers Jeer them, because of their nasty Trade, said to them, Since these People gain their Bread better than you, who are lazy lubbards, their name of Haramcour ought to be given to you, 
Haramcour, or Halalcour.  and to them that of Halalcour.) And that they have retained that name.  

Baraguy. White and Red colours on the Forehead.  There is a Cast of Gentiles, called Baraguy, who damn the yellow Colour; and who in the Morning put white on their Forehead, contrary to the custom of the other Casts, who have red put there by the Bramen. When a Gentile is Painted with this Red, he bows his Head three times, and lifts his joined hands thrice up to his Forehead; and then presents the Bramen with Rice and a Cocos.  
All the Casts or Tribes go to their Devotions at the same time; but they adore what Idol they please, without addressing themselves solely to him, to whom the Temple is dedicated, unless their Devotion invite them to do so, in so much that some carry their Idols along with them, when they know that he whom they Worship is not there. None of these Gentiles marry out of their own Tribe. 
The alliance of the Gentiles.  A Bramen marries the Daughter of another Bramen, a Raspoute the Daughter of a Raspoute, a Halalcour the Daughter of a Halalcour, a Painter of a Painter, and so of the rest.  

The subordination of Tribes.  The eighty four Tribes, observe among themselves an Order of Subordination. The Banians yield to the Courmis, the Courmis to the Raspoutes or Catries, and these (as all the rest do) to the Bramen; and so the Bramen are the chief and most dignified of the Gentiles. And therefore it is, that a Bramen would think himself profaned, if he had eaten with a Gentile of another Cast than his own, though those of all other Casts may eat in his House. And so it is with the other Tribes in relation to their inferiors.  

Brahmanes. Gymnosophists.  The Bramen, who are properly the Brahmanes or Sages of the Ancient Indians, and the Gymnosophists of Porphyrius, are the Priests and Doctors of the Heathen in India. Besides Theologie (which they profess) they understand Astrology, Arithmetic and Medicine; but they who are actually Physicians, pay yearly a certain Tribute to their Cast, because Physic ought not to be their Profession. All these Gentiles have a respect for the Bramen; and they believe them in all things, because they have been always told that God sent the four Bets to them, 
Bets, or Books of Religion.  which are the Books of their Religion, and that they are the keepers of them.  

Philosophers.  Several of these Doctors apply themselves to Philosophy, and love not to appear so extravagant as the rest in their Belief. When a Christian speaks to them of their God Ram, 
Ram, a God of the Gentiles.  whom the Gentiles Worship; they maintain not that he is God, and only say that he was a great King, whose Sanctity and good Offices that he did to Men, have procured him a more particular Communion with God, than other Saints have; and that so they show him much more reverence: And if one speak to them of the Adoration of Idols, they answer, that they Worship them not; that their intention is always fixed upon God; 
The Adoration of Idols.  that they only honour them, because they put them in mind of the Saint whom they represent; that one must not heed the ignorance of the Common People, who form to themselves a thousand idle fancies, their Imaginations being always stuffed with Errors and Superstitions; and that when one would be informed of a Religion, he ought to consult those that are knowing in it. 
The Belief of the understanding Indians.  That it is true, the ignorant believe that many great Men (under whose shape God hath made himself known) are Gods, but that for their part, they believe no such thing; and that if God hath been pleased to Act so, it was only to facilitate the Salvation of Men, and to condescend to the capacity and humour of every Nation.  
Upon this Principle they believe that every Man may be saved in his Religion and Sect, provided he exactly follow the way which God hath set before him, and that he will be damned if he take another Course: They make no doubt but that their Religion is the first of all Religions; 
The Indians believe that their Religion is the first of all.  that it was Established in the days of Adam, and preserved in Noah: They believe Heaven and Hell, but they affirm that none shall enter there before the Universal Judgement: They say also, that no body ought to find fault with them for the honour they show to the Cow; that they prefer her before other Animals, only because she furnishes them more Food, by means of her Milk, 
Respect to the Cow.  than all the rest put together; and that she brings forth the Ox which is so useful to the World, seeing he makes it subsist by his Labour, and feeds Men by his Pains.  
The Bramen believe the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls into New Bodies, more or less noble, 
Metempsychosis.  according to the merit of their Actions which they have done in their Life-time. And many of the other Casts follow that Opinion of Pythagoras; 
Pythagoras.  They believe that every Soul must thus make many Transmigrations, but they determine not the number; and therefore there are some who kill no Beast, and never kindle Fire nor light Candle, for fear some Butterfly should burn itself thereat: It being possible (say they) that the Soul of a Butterfly may have lodged in the Body of a Man; and they have the same Sentiment of other Animals. In prospect of saving living Creatures, they often solicit the Mogul Governors, to forbid Fishing on certain Festival days; and sometimes that prohibition is procured by Presents. They would willingly also hinder the kill of Cows, but they can never obtain that. The Mahometans will needs eat Flesh, and that of the Cow is the best of all the gross Meats of the Indies.  
After all, the vulgar Opinion of the Gentiles, touching the God Ram, 
The Opinion of the Gentiles concerning their God Ram.  is that he was produced, and came out of the Light, in the same manner as the Fringe of a Belt comes out of that Belt; and if they Assign him a Father whom they call Dester, and a Mother named Gaoucella; that is only for form sake, seeing he was not born: And in that consideration, the Indians render him divine Honours in their Pagods, and else where; And when they salute their Friends, they repeat his Name, saying, Ram, Ram. Their Adoration consists in joining their hands, as if they Prayed, letting them fall very low, and then lifting them up again gently to their mouth, and last of all, in raising them over their head. They call Chita the Wife of Ram; and seeing they know what respect Christians bear to the Holy Virgin, 
Chita the Wife of Ram.  they have the boldness to compare that Wife to her; and if they meet with her Image, they take it to be the representation of Chita.  
In this Opinion many Gentiles go to Bassaim, 
Bassaim. An Image of the Virgin. Our Lady of Remedies.  a Town belonging to the Portuguese, where there is the Image of a Virgin, who is called our Lady of Remedies, and where (they say) Miracles are wrought. When they come to the Church-door, they salute it, bowing to the ground; and having taken off their Shoes, and come in, they make many Reverences; they put Oil into the Lamp that hangs before the Image; burn Wax-Candles, and cast some Money into the Box, if they be able. At first they would have added to this Oblation, Fruits, and the Anointing of their Body, that so they might call it Sacrifice, but the Portuguese hindered them. It may easily be concluded, from the aversion they have to the kill of Beasts, that their Sacrifices are never bloody; they only consist in bringing into their Pagods many things fit to be eaten. When they are come there, 
The Indian Sacrifices.  and have taken Directions from the Bramen, they Anoint their Body with Oil, and say their Prayers, before the Idol they intent to Invocate; and having presented their Oblation to it, they return out of the Pagod again. The chief Bramen takes of it what he pleases, and then all that have a mind to eat of it, may, of what Religion soever they be. They perform also Sacrifices to the Sea.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Of the Province of Halabas, and of the Faquirs of the Indies.  

The Province of Halabas. Narvar. Mevat.  THe Province of Halabas was heretofore called Purop: In it are comprehended Narvar and Mevat, which have Bengala to the South. The chief Town (lying upon the side of the Ganges, at the mouth of the River Gemini) bears the name of the Province; for a long time it was one of the Bulwarks of the Kingdom of the Patans', and is the same Town which Pliny calls Chrysobacra. 
Chrysobacra.  It fell under the power of the Great Mogul Ecbar, after he had subdued the Kingdom of Bengala: He caused the strong Citadel to be built there, which stands upon a tongue of Land, begirt with three Walls, whereof the last (I mean the outmost Wall) was of very hard red Stone. That Castle is adorned with a very ancient Obelisk; it is above sixty Foot high from the ground, and has many Inscriptions upon it; but the Letters of itare so worn out, that one cannot so much as distinguish the Character.  
The King's Palace is also a fair pile of Building; and underneath it there are places Arched, where the Pagods are carefully kept, which the People of the Country attribute to Adam and Eve, 
Adam, Eve.  whose Religion they pretend to follow: Thither comes at certain times an incredible concourse of People, in Pilgrimage from all parts of the Indies; and they are drawn thither by the belief they have, that Adam and Eve were created there: But before they approach that place (which they look upon to be holy) they throw themselves stark naked into the Ganges to be purified, 
The Indians Purification in the Ganges.  and they have their Beards and Hair, that they may merit the Honour of being introduced. That Province hath a great many good Towns, of which number are Narval and Gehud; 
Narval, Gehud. Towns.  but the People there are so extravagant in point of Religion, that hardly any thing is to be understood of it: They are taken with every thing they see, and approve all the Actions of those that make any show of Devotion, never minding whether it be true or false. It many times happens that a Banian will give a Faquir considerable Sums of Money, because he has the boldness to place himself near his Shop, 
Faquirs.  and to protest that he'll kill himself if he be not supplied with what he demands: The Banian promises fair, and brings it him; but because the fantastical Faquir understands that several have contributed to that Charity, he openly refuses it, and goes about to execute what he hath threatened, if the Banian alone furnish not the Sum; and the Banian knowing that some Faquirs have been so desperate as to kill themselves upon the like occasion, is so much a fool as to give it out of his own Purse, and to give the others back again what they had contributed.  
These Faquirs (who give themselves out to be of a Religious Order) have commonly no place to retreat unto, unless it be some Pagods; and they cannot be better compared (if you'll set aside the Penances they do) than to Gypsies, 
Gypsies, Faquirs.  for their way of Living is like theirs; and I believe their Profession has the same Original, which is Libertinisme. However, they attribute it to a Prince named Revan, 
Prince Revan. Herman the Ape.  who had a Quarrel with Ram; and who being overcome and stripped of all, by an Ape called Herman, spent the rest of his Life in rambling over the World, having no other subsistence for himself and his followers but what was given him in Charity.  
They are many times to be seen in Troops at Halabas, where they Assemble for Celebrating of some Feasts (for which they are obliged to wash themselves in the Ganges) and to perform certain Ceremonies. Such of them as do no hurt, and show signs of Piety are extremely honoured by the Gentiles; 
The good Faquirs honoured.  and the Rich think they draw down blessings upon themselves, when they assist those whom they call Penitents. Their Penance consists in forbearing to eat for many days, to keep constantly standing upon a Stone for several weeks, or several months; to hold their Arms a cross behind their head, as long as they live, or to bury themselves in Pits for a certain space of time. But if some of these Faquirs be good Men, 
Faquirs Rogues.  there are also very Rogues amongst them; and the Mogul Princes are not troubled, when such of them as commit violences are killed.  
One may meet with some of them in the Country stark naked with Colours and Trumpets, who ask Charity with Bow and Arrow in hand; and when they are the strongest, they leave it not to the discretion of Travellers to give or refuse. These wretches have no consideration even for those that feed them; I have seen some of them in the Caravans, who made it their whole business to play tricks, and to molest Travellers, though they had all their subsistence from them. Not long since I was in a Caravane, where some of these Faquirs were, who took a fancy to suffer no body to sleep: All night long they did nothing but Sing and Preach; and instead of banging them sound to make them hold their peace (as they ought to have been served) the Company prayed them civilly, but they took it ill; so that they doubled their Cries and Singing, and they who could not Sing, laughed and made a mock of the rest of the Caravane.  
These Faquirs were sent by their Superiors, into I know not what Country full of Banians, to demand of them Two thousand Roupies, with a certain quantity of Rice and Man's of Butter; and they had orders not to return without fulfilling their Commission. This is their way all over the Indies, where by their Mammeries, they have accustomed the Gentiles to give them what they demand, without daring to refuse. There are a great many Faquirs among the Mahometans, as well as amongst the Idolaters, who are also Vagabonds, and worse than they: and commonly both of them are treated alike.  
The Province of Halabas pays the Mogul yearly above fourteen Millions. 
The Moguls Revenue from Halabas.    

CHAP. XL. Of the Province of Oulesser or Bengala, and of the Ganges.  
THe Province of Oulesser, which we call Bengala, 
The Province of Ouleser, or Bengala. Jaganat.  and which the Idolaters name Jaganat; because of the famous Idol of the Pagod of Jaganat which is there, is Inhabited by Gentiles no less fantastical in point of Religion, than those of Halabas; and this one instance may serve for a proof of it. 
Strange Penance of a Faquir.  A Faquir intending to invent some new spell of Devotion that was never seen before, and which might cost him a great deal of pains▪ resolved to measure with his Body the whole extent of the Moguls Empire; from Bengala as far as Caboul, which are the limits of it from South East to North West. The pretext he had for so doing, was, that once in his life he might be present at the Feast of Houly, which I have already described, and he had a kind of novices to wait upon him and serve him.  
The first Action he did when he set out upon his Journey, was to lay himself at full length on the ground upon his belly, and to order that the length of his Body might be marked there; that being done, he risen up, and acquainted his followers with his Design, which was to take a Journey as far as Caboul, by lying down and rising up again continually, and to walk no more at a time but the length of his Body; ordering his Novices to make a mark on the ground at the Crown of his Head, every time he lay down, to the end he might exactly regulate the March he was to make; all was punctually performed on both sides: The Faquir made a Cosse and a half a day, that's to say, about three quarters of a League; and they who related the Story, met him a year after his setting out, no farther off than at the utmost bounds of the Province of Halabas. In the mean time, he had all imaginable respect shown him in the places he passed through; and was loaded with Charity, in so much, that he was obliged to distribute the Alms he got amongst the Poor, who in hopes of getting by him, followed him in his Journey.  
Many Mahometans live there also, but they are no better than the Gentiles. The people (for the most part) are extraordinarily voluptuous; they have a captious and subtle wit, and are much given to pilfering and stealing: The Women themselves are bold and lascivious, and use all Arts imaginable to corrupt and debauch Young Men, 
The Inhabitants of Bengala voluptuous.  and especially Strangers, whom they easily trapan, because they are handsome and wear good clothes.  
The people in this Province live much at their ease, because of its fruitfulness; and above Twenty thousand Christians dwell there. The Country was kept in far better order under the Patan Kings, (I mean) before the Mahometans and Moguls were Masters of it, because than they had Uniformity in Religion. 
Mahometanism hath introduced disorder.  It has been found by experience, that disorder came into it with Mahometanism; and that diversity of Religions hath there caused corrruption in Manners.  

Daca, or Daac.  Daca, or Daac, is properly the capital City of Bengala; it lies upon the bank of the Ganges, and is very narrow, because it stretches out near a League and a half in length, along the side of that River. Most of the Houses are only built of Canes, covered with Earth: The English and Dutch Houses are more solid, because they have spared no cost for the security of their Goods: 
The Augustins have a Monastery at Daca. Galleys of the Gulf of Bengala  The Augustine's have a Monastery there also. The Tide comes up as far as Daca, so that the Galleys which are built there, may easily Trade in the gulf of Bengala; and the Dutch make good use of theirs for their Commerce.  

Towns of Bengala. Philipatan, Satigan, Patane, Casanbazar, Chatigan. Towns. The Dutch Factory at Patan. Ananas.  The Country is full of Castles and Towns; Philipatan, Satigan, Patane, Casanbazar and Chatigan, are very rich; and Patane is a very large Town, lying on the West side of ●he Ganges in the Country of Patan, where the Dutch have a Factory. Corn, Rice, Sugar, Ginger, long Pepper, Cotton and Silk, with several other Commodities, are plentifully produced in that Country, as well as Fruits; and especially the Ananas, which in the out side is much like a Pineapple; they are as big as Melons, and some of them resemble them also; their colour at first is betwixt a Green and a Yellow, but when they are ripe, the Green is gone; they grow upon a Stalk not above a Foot and a half high; they are pleasant to the taste, and leave the flavour of an Apricock in the mouth.  

The Ganges.  The Ganges is full of pleasant Islands, covered with lovely Indian Trees; and for five days Sailing on that River, Passengers are delighted with the beauty of them. In these Isles, and some other places of Bengala, there is a kind of bird called Meina, 
Meina, a bird.  which is much esteemed; it is of the colour of a Blackbird, and almost as big as a Raven, having just such another Beak, but that it is yellow and red; on each side of the neck, it hath a yellow streak which covers the whole Cheek till below the eye, and its Feet are yellow; they teach it to speak like a Starling, and it hath the tone and voice much like; but besides its ordinary Voice, it hath a strong deep Tone which seems to come from a distance; it imitates the neighing of a Horse exactly, and feeds on dried Pease which it breaks. I have seen some of them upon the Road from Masulipatan to Bagnagar.  

The Water of the Ganges.  The Heathen Indians esteem the water of the Ganges to be sacred; they have Pagods near it, which are the fairest of all the Indies; and it is in that Country especially where Idolatry is triumphant: 
Pagods of Jaganat.  The two chief Pagods are that of Jaganat, (which is at one of the mouths of the Ganges) and the other of the Town of Benarous, which is also upon the Ganges. 
Pagod of Banarous.  Nothing can be more magnificent than these Pagods, by reason of the quantity of Gold and many Jewels, wherewith they are adorned. Festivals are kept there for many days together, and millions of People repair thither from the other countries' of the Indies; they carry their Idols in triumph, and act all sorts of Superstitions; they are entertained by the Bramen, who are numerous there, and who therein find their Profit.  
The Great Mogul drinks commonly of the Water of the Ganges, 
The Great Mogul drinks of the Water of the Ganges.  because it is much lighter than other Waters; and yet I have met with those who affirm that it causes Fluxes; and that the Europeans (who are forced to drink it) boil it first. This River having received an infinite number of Brooks and Rivers from the North, East and West, discharges itself by several mouths into the Gulf of Bengala, at the height of three and twenty degrees, 
The Gulf of Bengala.  or thereabouts; and that Gulf reaches from the eighth degree of Latitude to the two and twentieth, it being eight hundred Leagues over. On the sides thereof to the East and West, 
The Coasts of the Gulf of Bengala.  there are many Towns belonging to several Sovereigns, who permit the Traffic of other Nations, because of the profit they get thereby.  
My Indian reckons the yearly Revenue of the Mogul in this Province, 
The Moguls Revenue from Bengala.  to amount to Ten millions; but I learned from other hands, that it hardly makes Nine, though it be far richer than other Provinces that yield him more: The reason given for that, is, that it lies in the extremity of his Empire; and is Inhabited by a capricious sort of People, who must be gently used, because of the Neighbourhood of Kings that are enemies, who might debauch them if they were vexed. The Mogul sends the Traitors thither, 
Traitors.  whom he hath condemned to perpetual Imprisonment; and the Castle where they are kept, is strictly guarded.   

CHAP. XLI. Of the Province of Malva.  
MAlva is to the West of Bengala and Halabas; 
The Province of Malva. Raja-Ranas. Gualear. Mando. Towns. Cha-Selim, King of Dehly.  therein are comprehended the Countries of Raja-Ranas, Gualear and Chitor. The Town of Mando is one of the fairest Ornaments of the Province: The Mahometans took it from the Indians, above Four hundred years before the Moguls came there and when they attacked it, it was in the possession of Cha-Selim, King of Dehly. The first of the Moguls that took it, was King Humayon, who lost it again; but he afterwards made himself Master of it. This Town is of a moderate bigness, and hath several Gates, which are esteemed for their structure and height: Most of the Houses are of Stone; and it hath lovely Mosques, whereof the chief is much beautified; a Palace that is not far from that Mosque, (and which depends upon it) serves as a Mausoleum to four Kings, who are interred in it, and have each of them a Monument; and close by, there is a Building in form of a Tower, with Porticoes and several Pillars.  
Though this Town lying at the foot of a Hill, be naturally strong by its Situation, it is nevertheless fortified with Walls and Towers, and has a Castle on the top of the Hill, which is steep, 
The Castle of Mando.  and encompassed with Walls six or seven Leagues in circuit. It is a very neat Town at present, but nothing to what it hath been heretofore: It appears by the Ruins all about, 
The Ruins of Mando, show that it hath been magnificent.  that it hath been much greater than it is, that it hath had two fair Temples, and many stately Palaces; and the sixteen large Tanquys or Reservatories, which are to be seen still for keeping of Water, show (that in former times) it hath been a place of great consequence.  
This Province is very fertile, and produces all that grows in the other places of the Indies. 
Ratispor, the Capital of Malva. Traitors condemned to die.  Ratispor is the Capital of the Province, and at present the Town of greatest Traffic; it stands also upon a Mountain, and thither the Grand Signior sends the Traitors whom he hath condemned to die: For a certain time they are kept Prisoners, and always one or other in the room with them; and the day they are to die, they make them drink a great quantity of Milk, and throw them down from the top of the Castle upon the declining side of the Hill, which is full of sharp pointed craggy Stones, that tear the Bodies of the wretches, before they can reach the bottom of the Precipice.  

Chitor. Raja-Ranas of the Race of Porus.  The Town of Chitor is very famous also, but it is almost ruined; it long belonged to Raja-Ranas, who deduced his Genealogy from King Porus, though that Raja had considerable Territories, and strong, by reason of the Mountains that almost encompassed them; yet could he not avoid the misfortune of other Princes, but fell (as they did) under the power of the Moguls, in the Reign of King Echar. At present, there are but few Inhabitants in Chitor, the Walls of it are low, and of a great many stately public Buildings, 
An hundred Temples in Chitor. Antique Statues.  nothing remains but the ruins. The hundred Temples or Pagods are still to be distinguished, and many antic Statutes to be seen; it hath a Fort, where Lords of chief Quality are Imprisoned for small faults: In short, The remains of many Ancient Fabrics (that are to be seen there) make it apparent, that it hath been a very great Town. The Seat of it is very pleasant, and the top of the Hill (on which it stands) extremely fertile; it hath still four Reservatories or Tanquys for the private use of the Inhabitants. There are a great many other Trading Towns in that Province, and the Great Mogul receives yearly out of it above fourteen Millions.  

The Revenue of the Province of Malva.  There are two kinds of Bats in that Country, the one is like to that we have in Europe; 
An extraordinary Bat.  but seeing the other differs much, I pleased myself in examining it in a Friend's House, who kept one out of curiosity; it is eight Inches long, and covered with yellowish Hair; the Body of it is round, and as big as a Ducks; its Head and Eyes resemble a Cats, and it has a sharp Snout like to a great Rat; it hath pricked black Ears, and no Hair upon them; it hath no Tail, but under its Wings, two Teats as big as the end of ones little finger; it hath four Legs, some call them Arms, and all the four seem to be glued fast within the Wings, which are joined to the Body along the sides, from the Shoulder downwards; the Wings are almost two Foot long, and seven or eight Inches broad, and are of a black Skin like to wet Parchment; each Arm is as big as a Cat's thigh; and towards the Joint, it is almost as big as a Man's Arm; & the two foremost from the Shoulder to the Fingers, are nine or ten Inches long; each of the two Arms is fleshed into the Wing, perpendicularly to the Body, being covered with Hair, and terminating in five Fingers, which make a kind of hand; these Fingers are black and without Hair; they have the same Joints as a Man's Fingers have; and these Creatures make use of them to stretch out their Wings when they have a mind to fly: Each hind Leg or Arm, is but half a Foot long, and is also fastened to the Wing parallel to the Body; it reaches to the lower part of the Wing, out of which the little hand of that Arm peeping, seems pretty like the hand of a Man; but that instead of Nails, it hath five Claws; the hind Arms are black and hairy (as those before are) and are a little smaller. These Bats stick to the Branches of Trees, with their Talons or Claws; they fly high, almost out of sight, and some (who eat them) say they are good meat.   

CHAP. XLII. Of the Province of Candich.  
THe Province of Candich is to the South of Malva, 
The Province of Candich, Berar, Orixa.  and they who have reduced the Provinces, have joined to it Berar, and what the Mogul possesses of Orixa. These Countries are of a vast extent, full of populous Towns and Villages, and in all Mogulistan, few Countries are so rich as this. 
The Moguls yearly Revenue from Candich.  The Memoire I have of yearly Revenues, makes this Province yield the Mogul above seven and twenty Millions a year. The Capital City of this Province is Brampour; it lies in the twenty eighth degree of Latitude, about fourscore Leagues distant from Surrat. 
Brampour, the Capital of Candich.  The Governor thereof is commonly a Prince of the Blood, and Auren-Zeb hath been Governor of it himself.  
Here it was that the Sieurs de La Boullaye and Beber Envoy's from the French East-India Company, quarrelled with the Banians, 
A Quarrel the Sieurs La Boullaye and Beber had with a Banian.  to whom they were recommended. When they arrived at Brampour, these Banians met them with Basins full of Sweetmeats, and Roupies in their hands. The Gentlemen not knowing the custom of the Country, which is to offer Presents to Strangers whom they esteem; and imagining that the five and twenty or thirty Roupies that were offered them, was a sign that they thought them poor, fell into a Passion, railed at the Banians, and were about to have beat them, which was like to have bred them trouble enough: if they had been well informed of the custom of the Country, they would have taken the Money, and then returned some small Present to the Banians; and if they had not thought it fit to make a Present, they might have given it back again after they had received it; or if they would not take it, touch it at least with their Finger's ends, and thanked them for their civility.  
I came to Brampour in the worst weather imaginable; and it had Reigned so excessively, that the low Streets of that Town were full of water, and seemed to be so many Rivers. Brampour is a great Town standing upon very uneven ground; there are some Streets very high, 
The Ground of Brampour.  and others again so low, that they look like Ditches when one is in the higher Streets; these inequalities of Streets occur so often, that they cause extraordinary Fatigue. The Houses are not at all handsome, 
The Houses of Brampour.  because most of them are only built of Earth; however, they are covered with Varnished Tiles, and the various Colours of the Roofs, mingling with the Verdure of a great many Trees of different kinds, planted on all hands, makes the Prospect of it pleasant enough. There are two Carvanseras in it, one appointed for lodging Strangers, and the other for keeping the King's Money, which the Treasurers receive from the Province; that for the Strangers is far more spacious than the other, it is square, and both of them front towards the Meidan. That is a very large place, for it is at least Five hundred paces long, and Three hundred and fifty broad; but it is not pleasant, because it is full of ugly huts, where the Fruiterers sell their Fruit and Herbs.  
The entry into the Castle is from the Meidan, 
The Castle of Brampour.  and the chief Gate is betwixt two large Towers; the Walls of it are six or seven Fathom high; they have Battlements all round, and at certain intervals there are large round Towers which jet a great way out, and are about thirty paces Diametre. This Castle contains the King's Palace, 
The King's Palace at Brampour.  and there is no entering into it without permission; the Tapty running by the East side of that Town, there is one whole Front of the Castle upon the Riverside, and in that part of it the Walls are full eight Fathom high, because there are pretty neat Galleries on the top, where the King (when he is at Brampour) comes to look about him, and to see the fight of Elephants, which is commonly in the middle of the River; in the same place, there is a Figure of an Elephant done to the natural bigness, it is of a reddish shining Stone, the back parts of it are in the Water, 
The Monument of an Elephant.  and it leans to the left side; the Elephant (which that Statue represents) died in that place, fight before Cha-Geban (the Father of Auran-Zeb) who would needs erect a Monument to the Beast, because he loved it, and the Gentiles besmear it with Colours, as they do their Pagods.  
They drink not commonly the Tapty Water at Brampour, because it is very brackish; but they are supplied from a large square Basin (that is in the Meidan) the Water whereof comes from a distant Spring, and before it fills that Basin, passes by the Carvansera for Strangers which it furnishes; it then runs under ground to the great Basin in the place, which many times is empty at night, because of the great quantity of Water which they fetch thence all day long; but it fills again in the nighttime, and so they seldom have any want. There are a great many Houses also on the other side of the River, and they may be said to be a second Town.  
The great Trade of the Province is in Cotton-cloath, and there is as much Traffic at Brampour, as in any place of the Indies. Painted clothes are sold there, as every where else; but the white are particularly esteemed, because of the lovely mixture of Gold and Silver that is in them, whereof the rich make Veils, 
White clothes mingled with Gold and Silver at Brampour. Indigo at Brampour.  Scarves, Handkerchiefs and Cover; but the white clothes so Adorned, are dear. In short, I do not think that any Country of Indostan abounds so much in Cotton as this does, which bears also plenty of Rice and Indigo. The same Trade is driven at Orixa, Be●ar, and other Towns of this Province.   

CHAP. XLIII. Of the Province of Balagate.  

The Province of Balagate. The yearly Revenue of Balagate.  BAlagate is one of the Great Moguls rich Provinces, for it yields him Five and twenty Millions a year; it lies to the South of Candich. To go from Surrat to Aurangeabad, which is the Capital Town of Balagate, one must from Daman-Gate hold straight East, and soon after, turning towards the Southeast, cross some Countries of the Provinces of Benganala and Telenga. Part of Balagate I saw, as I went to Golconda; for this Journey I hired two Chariots, one for myself, and another for my Man and Baggage; I paid about Seventeen Crowns a month for each Chariot, and I entertained two Pions in my Service, 
The Pay of Pions.  to whom I gave two Crowns a piece by the month, and two pence half penny a day for Board-wages (as the custom is,) these Men are always by the sides of their Master's Chariot or Wagon, that they may hold it up in bad way if it heeled; 
The Pions do all things except Kitchin-work.  when one comes to any place to bait at, they'll do any thing out of the Kitchen; but they will not venture to dress Meat, which those of their Sect would not eat. In short, They are in all things else very serviceable; they'll buy what is necessary, look after their Master's things exactly, 
The Pions Arms.  and stand sentinel all night long; they are Armed with Sword and Dagger, and have besides the Bow, Musket or Lance, and are always ready to fight against all sorts of Enemies. There are of them both Moors and Gentiles of the Tribe of the Raspoutes; 
The Heathen Pions are better than the Moors.  I took Raspoutes, because I knew they served better than the Moors, who are proud, and will not be complained of, whatsoever foppery or cheat they may be guilty of.  
I made this Journey in company of Monsieur Bazou, a French Merchant, a very civil and witty Man, who had with him ten Wagons or Chariots, and fourteen Pions for himself, his Servants and Goods; we were eight Franks in company, and in all Five and forty Men. We parted from Surrat in the Evening, and encamped near the Queen's Garden, which is without Daman-Gate; so soon as we were got thither, 
Journey from Surrat to Aurangeabad.  we sent to the Town for what Provisions we wanted, for else we must have fared hard during our Journey. The Gentiles (who sell Provisions) will neither furnish Travellers with Eggs nor Pullet's; and instead of ordinary Bread, there is nothing to be got but ill baked Buns or Cakes, so that one must not fail to make Provision of Biscuit at Surrat. 
Trees. Wars, Manguiers, Mahova, Quiesou, Caboul. Querzeheray 2. Vol. Merons, wlld Cows.   
The Country from Surrat to Anrangeabad, is extremely diversified; there are in it a great many Wars, Manguiers, Mahova, Quiesou, Caboul, and other sorts of Trees; and I saw the Querzeheray there also, which I have described in my Book of Persia.  
There are vast numbers of Antelopes', Hairs and Partridges, here and there in that Country; and towards the Mountains Merons, or wild Cows, most part of the Land is arable Ground; and the Rice (wherewith the Fields are covered) is the best in all the Indies, especially towards Naopoura, 
Places of Camping on the Road from Surrat to Aurangeabad. Barnoly, a Bourg five Leagues from Surrat. Balor, a Village, 4 Leag. from Barnoly. Biaraa, Village, 3 Leag. and a half from Balor. Charca a Village, 2 Leag. and a half from Biara. Naopoura a Town, 6 Leag. from Charca. Quanapour a Village, 6 Leag from Naopoura. Pipelnar a Town, 6 Leag. from Quanapour. Tarabat a Village, 4 Leag. from Pipelnar. Setana a Bourg, 4 Leag. and a half from Tarabat. Omrana a Village, 5 Leag and a half from Setana. Enquitenqui, 6 Leag. from Omrana. Deotcham a Town, 6 Leag. from Enquitenqui. The Sour, a Town, 6 Leag. from Deotcham. Aurangeabad, 8 Leag. from the Sour.  where it has an odoriferous Taste, which that of other Countries has not. Cotton abounds there also, and in many places they have Sugarcanes, with Mills to bruise the Canes, and Furnaces to boil the Sugar.  
Now and then one meets with Hills that are hard to be crossed over, but there are lovely Plains also watered with many Rivers and Brooks. In this Road there are four Towns, and four or five and thirty Bourgs and Villages, pretty well Peopled. Tchoguis, or Guards of the Highways, are often to be met with here, who ask Money of Travellers, though it be not their due; we gave to some and refused others, but that signifies no great matter in the whole.  
In most places Inhabited, there are Pagods, and every now and then, we met with Wagons full of Gentiles, who were coming to perform their Devotions in them. The first Pagod (I saw) was by the side of a great War; and before the Door of it, there was an Ox of Stone, which a Gentile (who spoke Persian) told me was the Figure of the Ox, 
An Ox that carried the God Ram.  which served to carry their God Ram. We found besides, many other Pagods like to that, but we saw others, which consisted of one single Stone about six Foot high, on which the Figure of a Man is cut in relief: There are also a great many Reservatories and Carvanseras upon the Road, but we chose rather to Encamp, than Lodge in them, because of their nastiness.  
As we were encamped near the Bourg Setana under Manguiers, 
Setana, a Burg.  not far distant from a small River, which is also called Setana, almost mid way betwixt Surrat and Aurangeabad; we met the Bishop of Heliopolis, 
The Bishop of Heliopolis.  so much esteemed in the Indies for his Piety and Zeal; he had in company with him Monsieur Champson, and a Spanish Cordelier, 
Bishop of Barut.  who had left the Bishop of Barut, with several other Churchmen, who laboured in converting the Gentiles at Siam. That Bishop was going to Surrat, in order to return to France, from whence he hoped to bring back new Missionaries with him; and the Cordelier came from China, where he had lived fourteen Years; we continually met Caravans of Oxen and Camels upon our Road, 
Caravans of above a 1000 Oxen. Aurangeabad, the Capital of Balagate.  and some I saw that came from Agra, consisting of more than a thousand Oxen loaded with Cotton-Cloath. At length, the eleventh of March we arrived at Aurangeabad, threescore and fifteen Leagues from Surrat, which we Traveled in a fortnight.  
This great Town (the Capital of the Province) has no Walls; the Governor (who is commonly a Prince) has his Residence there, and King Auran-Zeb commanded there, as long as he did at Candich in the Reign of his Father. His first Wife (whom he loved dearly) died in this Town; as a Monument to her, he erected a lovely Mosque, covered with a Dome, and beautified with four Minarets or Steeples. 
The Sepulchre of Auran Zeb's first Wife.  It is built of a white polished Stone, and many take it for Marble, though it come short of that, both in hardness and lustre. There are several other pretty fair Mosques in this Town, and it is not destitute of public places, Carvanseras, and Baguios': The buildings are for the most part of Freestone, and petty high; before the Doors there are a great many Trees growing in the Streets, and the Gardens are pleasant, and well cultivated, affording the refreshment of Fruit, Grapes, and Grass-plats. 
Sheep that are Saddled and Bridled.  They have Sheep there without Horns, that are so strong, as that being Bridled and Saddled, they'll carry Children of ten years of Age up and down, wheresoever they please. This is a Trading Town, and well Peopled, with excellent Ground about it: Though it was but in the beginning of March, 
Extraordinary Apes.  we found all the Corn cut down. I saw some Apes much esteemed there, which a Man had brought from Ceilan: They valued them because they were no bigger than one's Fist, and differed in kind from the common Monkeys; they have a flat Forehead, big round Eyes, which are yellow and clear like the Eyes of some Cats; their Snout is very sharp, and the inside of their Ears yellow; they have no Tail, and their Hair is like to that of other Apes. When I looked upon them, they stood upon their hind Feet, and embraced one another often, eyeing the People steadfastly without being scared; their Master called them wild Men.   

CHAP. XLIV. Of the Pagods of Elora.  

The Pagods of Elora.  AT Surrat I was told great matters of the Pagods of Elora; and therefore I had a mind to see them, so that so soon as I came to Aurangeabad, I sought out for an Interpreter to go along with me; but it being impossible for me to find one, I resolved to take my Servants with me, and make that little Journey alone. And because my Oxen were weary, I hired a little Wagon to carry me thither, and took two Pions more besides those I had: I gave all the four, half a Crown Piece, and leaving my Man to look after my Baggage, I parted about nine of the Clock at Night. They told me that there was some danger of meeting Robbers, but being well Armed, (as my Men also were,) I was not much concerned; and I chose rather to run some little risk, than to miss an opportunity of seeing those Pagods, which are so renowned all over the Indies: We marched softly because of the unevenness of the Country, and about two of the Clock in the Morning, came near to Doltabad, where we rested till five.  
We had a rugged Mountain to ascend, and very hard for the Oxen to climb up, though the way cut out of the Rock, be almost every where as smooth, 
A lovely way in a Mountain.  as if it were Paved with Freestone: It had on the side a Wall three Foot thick, and four Foot high, to hinder the Wagons and Chariots from falling down into the Plain, if they chanced to be overthrown. My Pious thrust forward the Wagon with all their force, and contributed as much as the Oxen to get it up to the top of the Hill. When I arrived there, I discovered a spacious Plain of well cultivated Land, with a great many Villages, and Bourgs amidst Gardens, plenty of Fruit-trees and Woods: We Traveled at least for the space of an hour over Ploughed Land, where I saw very fair Tombs several stories high, and covered with domes built of large grayish Stones, 
Fair Tombs at Elora.  and about half an hour after seven, having passed by a great Tanquie, I alighted near a large Court paved with the same Stones. I went in, 
A large Court in Elora where one must put off his Shoes.  but was obliged to put off my Shoes; at first I found a little Mosque, where I saw the bismillah of the Mahometans writ over the Door; the signification of that Inscription is, In the Name of God. There was no light into the Mosque, but what entered by that Door; but there were many Lamps burning in it, and several old Men that were there, invited me to come in, which I did. I saw nothing rare in it, but two Tombs covered with Carpet: And I was extremely troubled for want of an Interpreter, for else I had known a great many particulars, that I could not be informed of.  
A little farther Westward, my Pions and I were above half an hour clambering down a Rock, into another very low Plain. The first thing I saw were very high Chapels, and I entered into a Porch cut out of the Rock, which is of a dark grayish Stone, and on each side of that Porch, there is a Gigantic figure of a Man cut out of the natural Rock, 
Gigantic Figures of Men cut in the Rock.  and the Walls are covered all over with other figures in relief, cut in the same manner. Having passed that Porch, I found a Square Court, an hundred paces every way: The Walls are the natural Rock, which in that place is six Fathom high, Perpendicular to the Ground-plot, and cut as smooth and even, as if it were Plaster smoothed with a Trewel. Before all things, I resolved to view the outside of that Court, and I perceived that these Walls, or rather the Rock hangs, and that it is hollowed underneath; 
A Gallery in the Rock.  so that the void space makes a Gallery almost two Fathom high, and four or five broad: It hath the Rock for Ground, 
Pillars cut in the Rock.  and is supported only by a row of Pillars cut in the Rock, and distant from the floor of the Gallery, about the length of a Fathom, so that it appears as if there were two Galleries. Every thing there, is extremely well cut, and it is really, a wonder to see so great a Mass in the Air, which seems so slenderly underpropped, 
A Mass of Rock in the Air.  that one can hardly forbear to shiver at first entering into it.  
In the middle of the Court there is a Chapel, whose Walls inside and outside are covered with figures in relief. 
Divers Antic Figures in a Chapel Lovely Pyramids.  They represent several sorts of Beasts, as Griffons, and others cut in the Rock: On each side of the Chapel there is a Pyramid or Obelisk, larger at the Basis than those of Rome, but they are not sharp pointed, and are cut out of the very Rock, having some Characters upon them, which I know not. 
An Obelisk with an Elephant.  The Obelisk on the left hand, has by it an Elephant as big as the Life, cut out in the Rock, as all the rest is; but his Trunk has been broken. At the farther end of the Court, I found two Staircases cut in the Rock, and I went up with a little Bramen, who appeared to have a great deal of Wit: Being at the top, I perceived a kind of Platform, (if the space of a League and a half, or two Leagues, may be called a Platform) full of stately Tombs, 
The Pagods of Elora.  Chapels and Temples, which they call Pagods, cut in the Rock. The little Bramen led me to all the Pagods, which the small time I had allowed me to see: With a Cane he showed me all the Figures of these Pagods, told me their Names, and by some Indian words which I understood, I perceived very well, that he gave me a short account of the Histories of them; but seeing he understood not the Persian Tongue, nor I the Indian, I could make nothing at all of it.  
I entered into a great Temple built in the Rock; it has a flat Roof, and adorned with Figures in the infide, as the Walls of it are: 
A great Temple built in the very Rock.  In that Temple there are eight rows of Pillars in length, and six in breadth, which are about a Fathom distant from one another.  
The Temple is divided into three parts: The Body of it, (which takes up two thirds and a half of the length,) is the first part, and is of an equal breadth all over; The Choir, which is narrower, makes the second part; And the third, which is the end of the Temple, is the least, and looks only like a Chapel; in the middle whereof, upon a very high Basis, there is a Gigantic Idol, with a Head as big as a Drum, and the rest proportionable. 
A Gigantic Idol.  All the Walls of the Chapel are covered with Gigantic Figures in relief, and on the outside all round the Temple, there are a great many little Chapels adorned with Figures of an ordinary bigness in relief, 
Figures of Men and Women.  representing Men and Women, embracing one another.  
Leaving this place, I went into several other Temples of different structure, built also in the Rock, and full of Figures, Pilasters, and Pillars: I saw three Temples, one over another, which have but one Front all three; but it is divided into three Stories, supported with as many rows of Pillars, and in every Story, there is a great door for the Temple; the Staircases are cut out of the Rock. I saw but one Temple that was Arched, and therein I found a Room, whereof the chief Ornament is a square Well, cut in the Rock, and full of Spring-water, that rises within two or three foot of the brim of the Well. There are vast numbers of Pagods all along the Rock, 
For above two Leagues there is nothing to be seen but Pagods.  and there is nothing else to be seen for above two Leagues: They are all Dedicated to some Heathen Saints, and the Statue of the false Saint, (to which every one of them is Dedicated,) stands upon a Basis at the farther end of the Pagod.  
In these Pagods I saw several Santoes or Sogues without clothes, except on the parts of the Body which ought to be hid: They were all covered with Ashes, and I was told that they let their Hair grow as long as it could. If I could have stayed longer in those quarters, I should have seen the rest of the Pagods, and used so much diligence, as to have found out some body, that might have exactly informed me of every thing; but it behoved me to rest satisfied as to that, with the information I had from the Gentiles of Aurangeabad, who upon my return told me, that the constant Tradition was, 
The time when these Pagods were made  that all these Pagods, great and small with their Works and Ornaments, were made by Giants, but that in what time it was not known.  
However it be, if one consider that number of spacious Temples, full of Pillars and Pilasters, and so many thousands of Figures, all cut out of a natural Rock, 
Multitudes of Figures.  it may be truly said, that they are Works surpassing humane force; and that at least, (in the Age wherein they have been made,) the Men have not been altogether Barbarous, though the Architecture and Sculpture be not so delicate as with us. I spent only two hours in seeing what now I have described, and it may easily be judged, that I needed several days to have examined all the rarities of that place; but seeing I wanted time, and that it behoved me to make haste, if I intended to find my company still at Aurangeabad, I broke off my curiosity, and I must confess it was with regret: I therefore got up into my Wagon again, which I found at a Village called Rougequi, 
Rougequi. Sultanpoura.  from whence I went to Sultanpoura, a little Town, the Mosques and Houses whereof are built of a blackish Freestone, and the Streets paved with the same. Not far from thence I found that so difficult descent, which I mentioned; and at length, after three hours march from the time we left Elora, we rested an hour under Trees, near the Walls of Doltabad, which I considered as much as I could,   

CHAP. XLV. Of the Province of Doltabad and of the Feats of Agility of Body.  

Doltabad.  THis Town was the Capital of Balagate, before it was conquered by the Moguls: It belonged then to Decan, and was a place of great Trade; but at present the Trade is at Aurangeabad, whither King Auran-Zeb used his utmost endeavours to transport it, 
Trade transported from Doltabad to Aurangeabad.  when he was Governor thereof. The Town is indifferently big, it reaches from East to West, and is much longer than broad; it is Walled round with Freestone, and has Battlements and Towers mounted with Cannon. But though the Walls and Towers be good, yet that is not the thing that makes it accounted the strongest place belonging to the Mogul: It is an Hill of an oval Figure, 
A Hill in Doltabad fortified.  which the Town encompasses on all sides, strongly Fortified, and having a Wall of a natural smooth Rock, that environs it at the bottom, with a good Citidel on the top, whereon the King's Palace stands. This is all I could see from the place, where I was without the Town: But I learned afterwards from a Frenchman who had lived two years therein; that besides the Citadel, there are three other Forts in the Place, at the foot of the Hill, 
Barcot. Marcot. Calacot.  of which one is called Barcot, the other Marcot, and the third Calacot. The word Cot in Indian, signifies a Fort; and by reason of all these Fortifications, the Indians think that place Impregnable. I spent two hours and a half in coming from Doltabad to Aurangeabad, which are but two Leagues and a half distant. This was the third time that I crossed this last Town, and about an hour after, I came to the place where my company Encamped: They waited only for a Billet from the Customer, to be gone, but it could not be had that day, because it was Friday, and the Customer (who was a Mahometan) observed that day with great exactness.  
It is threescore Leagues and more from Aurangeabad to Calvar, 
Calvar.  which is the last Bourg or Village belonging to the Mogul, on the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Golconda. We found eight Towns, great and small, before we came to Calvar, to wit, Ambar, Achty, Lasana, Nander, Lisander, Dantapour, Indour, Condelvaly, and Indelvay; and that Country is so Populous, that we continually met with Bourgs and Villages on our way. An hour and an halfs march from Aurangeabad, we encamped under the biggest Wartree, 
A fair War.  that I have seen in the Indies: It is exceedingly high, hath some branches ten Fathom long, and the circumference of it, is above three hundred of my paces. The branches of it are so loaded with Pigeons, that it were an easy matter to fill a great many Pigeon-houses with them, if one durst take them; but that is forbidden, because they are preserved for the Prince's pleasure. There is a Pagod under that Tree, and many Tombs, and hard by a Garden planted with Citron-trees.  
We saw a stately Tanquie at the Town of Ambar, it is square, 
Ambar.  and on three sides faced with Freestone, with fair steps to go down to it: In the middle of the fourth side there is a Divan, that runs out into the Water about two Fathom; it is covered with Stone, and supported by sixteen Pillars a Fathom high: It stands at the foot of a fair House, from whence they go down into that Divan, by two fine pair of Stairs at the sides of it, there to take the Air and Divert themselves. Near the Divan there is a little Pagod under Ground, which receives daylight by the door, and by a square airy, and many Devout People are there, because of the convenience of the Water. On the Road we met with a great many Troopers who were going to Aurangeabad, where there was a Rendez-vous appointed for an Army, which was to march against Viziapour.  
Five Leagues from the Town of Nander, near a Village called Patoda, 
Nander. Extraordinary feats of Agility of Body.  we had the Diversion of seeing Feats of Agility of Body: There was a great concourse of People, and we had a place given us, on an Eminence, under the shade of a great Tree, from whence we might easily see all the Plays. The Tumblers did all that the Rope-dancers of Europe do, and much more: These People are a supple as an Eel, they'll turn their whole body into a Bowl, and then others roll them with the hand. The finest tricks were performed by a Girl of thirteen or fourteen years of Age, who Played for the space of two hours and more. This amongst other Feats of Agility which she did, appeared to me extremely difficult: She sat down upon the Ground, holding cross-ways in her Mouth a long cutting Sword; with the right Hand she took hold of her left Foot, brought it up to her Breast, then to her left side, and without letting go that Foot, she put her Head underneath her right Arm, and at the same time, brought her Foot down along the small of her Back: Then she made it pass under her sitting, and over the right Leg four or five times without resting, being always in danger of cutting her Arm or Leg with the edge of the Sword: And she did the same thing with the left Hand and right Foot.  
Whilst she was showing of that trick, they dug a hole in the Ground two foot deep, which they filled with Water. So soon as the Girl had rested a little, they threw into the hole a little Hook made like a Clasp, for her to fetch out with her Nose, without touching it with her Hands: She put her two Feet on the sides of the Pit, and turned herself backwards, upon her two Hands, which she placed on the sides of the hole where her Feet had stood. Then she dived headlong into the Water, to search after the Hook with her Nose: The first time she miss it, but the pit being filled full of Water again, she plunged backwards into it a second time, and upholding herself only with the left hand, she gave a sign with the right hand, that she had found what she sought for, and she raised herself again with the Clasp at her Nose.  
Then a Man took this Girl, and setting her upon his Head, ran at full speed through the place, she in the mean time not tottering in the least: Setting her down, he took a large Earthen pot, like to those round Pitchers that the Indian Maids make use to draw Water in; and put it upon his Head with the mouth upwards. The Girl got on the top of it, and he carried her about the place with the same security, as he had done without the Pot: which he did twice more, having put the Pot with the mouth downwards once, and then with the mouth side-ways. The same trick he shown in a Basin wherein he turned the Pot three different ways: Then he took the Basin and turned its bottom up upon his Head, with the Pitcher over it. The Girl shown the same tricks upon it. And at length, having put into the Basin upon his Head, a little wooden Truncheon a foot high, and as big as one's Arm, he caused the Girl to be set upright upon that Stake, and carried her about as before; sometimes she only stood upon one Foot, taking the other in her Hand; and sometimes she hurkled down upon her Heels, nay, and sat down, though the carrier in the mean time, went on as formerly. Then the Man took the Basin from under the Stake, and put it on the top of it, where the Girl likewise appeared: Then changing the Play, he put into the Basin four Pins, or little Stakes of Wood, four Inches high, set square-ways with a Board upon each of them, two Fingers breadth, and upon these Board's four other Pins or little Stakes, with as many Board's more, making in all, two Stories over the Basin, supported with the great Stake or Pillar: And that Girl getting upon the upper Story, he ran with her through the place with the same swiftness as at other times, she not appearing in the least, afraid of falling, though the Wind was high. These People showed a hundred other tricks of Agility, which I shall not describe, that I may not be tedious; only I must say, that the finest I saw Acted, were performed by Girls. We gave them at parting three Roupies, for which they gave us a thousand Blessings: We sent for them at Night to our Camp, where they diverted us again, and gained two Roupies more.  

Ila a Town. Indour a Town.  From thence we went to the Towns of Ila and Dentapour, and some days after we arrived at Indour, which belongs to a Raja, who owns the Mogul no more than he thinks fit: He is maintained by the King of Golconda, and in time of War, he sides always with the strongest. He would have had us pay two Roupies a Wagon; but after much dispute, we paid but one, and passed on. We came before a Village called Bisetpoury; and being informed, that near to that place, on the top of a Hill, there was a very fair Pagod, we alighted and went on Foot to see it.   

CHAP. XLVI. Of Chitanagar.  
THat Pagod is called Chitanagar: It is an Oblong square Temple, 
The Pogod of Chitanagar.  forty five Paces in length, twenty eight in breadth, and three Fathom high; it is built of a Stone of the same kind as the Theban. It hath a Basis five Foot high all round, charged with Bends and Wreaths, 
The fair Temple of Chitanagar. The Architecture of the Temple of Chitanagar. The contrivance of the Temple of Chitanagar.  and adorned with Roses and Notching, as finely cut, as if they had been done in Europe. It hath a lovely Frontispiece, with its Architrave, Cornish and Fronton; and is Beautified with Pillars, and lovely Arches, with the Figures of Beasts in relief, and some with Figures of Men. Then we viewed the inside; The contrivance of that Temple is like that of Elora, it hath a Body, a Choir, and a Chapel at the end. I could perceive nothing in the Body and Choir, but the four Walls; though the Lustre of the Stones they are built of, renders the prospect very agreeable: The Floor is of the same Stone, and in the middle of it there is a great Rose well cut. This place like the other Pagods, receives light only by the door: On each side of the Wall of the Choir, there is square hole a foot large, 
A Place for Penance.  which slopes like a Porthole for a Piece of Od'nance, and in the middle of the thickness of it, a long Iron screw, as big as one's Leg, which enters Perpedicularly into the Wall like a Bar, and I was informed, that these Irons served to fasten Ropes to, for supporting of those who performed voluntary Abstinence for seven days or longer. In the middle of the Chapel at the end, there is an Altar of the same Stone as the Walls are of; it is cut into several Stories, and Adorned all over with Indenting, Roses, and other Embellishments of Architecture, and on each side below, there are three Elephants Heads. There hath been a Pedestal prepared of the same Stone the Altar is of, to set the Idol of the Pagod upon; but seeing the building was not finished, the Idol hath not been set up.  
When I came down, I perceived at the foot of the Hill, on the East side, a building, which I was not told of; I went thither alone with my Pions, 
A fair Building near Chitanagar.  but found nothing but the beginnings of a Palace, the Walls whereof were of the same Stone as the Pagod. The Threshold of each Door is of one piece of Stone, a Fathom and a half long: It is all Built of very great Stones, and I measured one of them, that was above four Fathom long. Near to that Building, there is a Reservatory as broad as the Seine at Paris; 
A very great Reservatory.  but so long, that from the highest place I went to, I could not discover the length of it. In that Reservatory, there is another little Tanquie, seven or eight Fathom square, and Walled in: This Water being below the House, there is a large pair of Stairs to go down to it; and about an hundred and fifty paces forward, in the great Reservatory opposite to the House, there is a square Divan or Quiocbque, about eight or ten Fathom wide, the Pavement whereof is raised about a foot above the Water. That Divan is built and covered with the same Stone, that the House is built of: It stands upon sixteen Pillars, a Fathom and a half high, that's to say, each Front on four.  
Seeing my Company kept on their March, I spent but half an hour in viewing that Building, which very well deserves many, as well for examining the design of it, the nature of the Stones, their Cut, Polishing and Bigness; as for considering the Architecture, 
The Architecture of Chitanagar of a very good contrivance. Chita.  which is of a very good contrivance, and though it cannot absolutely be said to be of any of our Orders, yet it comes very near the Doric. The Temple and Palace are called Chitanagar, that is to say, the Lady Chita, because the Pagod is Dedicated to Chita the Wife of Ram: I learned that both had been begun by a Rich Raspoute, 
Encamp upon the Road from Aurangeabad to Calvar. Tchequel-Cane Leag. and a half from Aurangeabad. Ambar a Town. Rovilag-herd 6 Leag. from Tchequel-Cane. Dabolquera 5 Leag. from Rovilag-herd. Achti a Town, 8 Leag. from Dabolquera. Manod 6 Leag. from Achti. Parboni a Town, 5 Leag. from Manod. Pourna-nadi a River. Lazana a Town, 6 Leag. from Parboni. Nander a Town, 5 Leag. from Lazana. Guenga Ganges a River. Patoda a Town, 5 Leag. from Nander. Condelvai 9 Leag. from Patoda. Mandgera a River. Lila a Town. Deutapour a Town. Indour a Town, 9 Leag. from Condelvai. Coulan a River. Indelvai a Town, 4 Leag. from Indour. Calvar 4 Leag. from Indelvai.  who dying, left the Temple and House imperfect. After all, I observed, as well in the Ancient, as Modern Buildings of the Indies, that the Architectors make the Basis, Body, and Capital of their Pillars of one single piece.  
We passed next by the Town of Indelvai, of which nothing is to be said in particular, but that a great many Swords, Daggers, and Lances are made there, which are vended all over the Indies, and that the Iron is taken out of a Mine near the Town, in the Mountain of Calagatch. The Town (at that time,) was almost void of Inhabitants, for they were gone farther up into the Country, because of the Brother of Sivagy, who made inroads to the very Town. We Encamped beyond Indelvai, and next day being the six and twentieth of March, (having after four hours March passed over the pleasantest Hills in the World, by reason of the different kinds of Trees that cover them,) we arrived at Calvar which is the last Village of the Moguls Country. It is distant from Aurangeabad, about fourscore and three Leagues, which we Traveled in a fortnight's time.  
The rest of the Road to Golconda I shall describe, when I treat of that Kingdom. The way from Aurangeabad, that I have been now speaking of, is diversified by Hills and Plains: All the Plains are good Ground, some sowed with Rice, and the rest planted with Cotton-trees, Tamarinds, Wars, Cadjours, Manguiers, Quesous, and others; and all Watered with several Rivers, which turn and wind every way, and with Tanquys also, out of which they draw the Water by Oxen: And I saw one of these Reservatories at Dentapour, which is a Musquet-shot over, and seven or eight hundred Geometrical paces long. We were incommoded during our whole Journey almost with Lightnings, Whirlwinds, Rains, and Hailstones, some as big as a Pullet's Egg; 
Very large Hailstones. The Moguls Horse against Viziapour.  and when we were troubled with none of these, we heard dull Thunderings, that lasted whole Days and Nights. We met every where Troops of Horse designed against Viziapour, the King whereof, refused to send the Great Mogul, the Tribute which he used to pay to him.  
To conclude with this Province, it is to be observed, that all the Rocks and Mountains I have mentioned, are only dependences of that Mountain which is called Balagate, 
The Mountain of Balagate.  which according to the Indian Geographers, divides India into the two parts of North and South, as that of Guate, according to the same Geographers, environs it almost on all hands.   

CHAP. XLVII. Of the Province of Telenga.  

The Province of Telenga.  TElenga was heretofore the principal Province of Decan, and reached as far as the Portuguese Lands towards Goa, Viziapour being the Capital City thereof: But since the Mogul became Master of the Northern places of this Country, 
Calion.  and of the Towns of Beder and Calion, it hath been divided betwixt him and the King of Decan, who is only called King of Viziapour, and it is reckoned amongst the Provinces of Indostan, which obey the Great Mogul. 
The borders of Telenga.  It is bordered on the East by the Kingdom of Golconda on Maslipatan side, on the West by the Province of Baglana and Viziapour, on the North by Balagate, and on the South by Bisnagar. The Capital City of this Province is at present Beder, which belonged to Balagate when it had Kings, and it hath sometime belonged to Decan.  
Beder is a great Town; 
Beder.  it is encompassed with Brick-Walls which have Battlements, and at certain distances Towers; they are mounted with great Cannon, some whereof have the mouth three Foot wide. 
Great Guns The Garrison of Beder.  There is commonly in this place a Garrison of Three thousand Men, half Horse and half Foot, with Seven hundred Gunners; the Garrison is kept in good order, because of the importance of the place against Decam, and that they are always afraid of a surprise. The Governor lodges in a Castle without the Town, it is a rich Government, and he who commanded in it when I was there, was Brother-in-law to King Chagean, Auran Zebs Father; but having since desired the Government of Brampour, (which is worth more) he had it, because in the last War, that Governor had made an Army of the King of Viziapours, raise the Siege from before Beder.  
Some time after, I met the new Governor upon the Road to Beder, 
The Train of the Governor of Beder.  who was a Persian of a good aspect, and pretty well stricken in years; he was carried in a Palanquin amidst Five hundred Horsemen well mounted and clothed, before whom marched several Men on foot, carrying blue Banners charged with flames of Gold, and after them came seven Elephants. The Governors Palanquin was followed with several others full of Women, and covered with red Serge, and there were two little Children in one that was open. The Bambous of all these Palanquins, were covered with Plates of Silver chamfered; after them came many Chariots full of Women, two of which were drawn by white Oxen, almost six Foot high; and last of all, came the Wagons with the Baggage, 
The Great Moguls Revenue in Telenga.  and several Camels guarded by Troopers. This Province of Telenga is worth above Ten millions a Year to the Great Mogul.  
No where are the Gentiles more Superstitious than here; they have a a great many Pagods with Figures of Monsters, that can excite nothing but Horror instead of Devotion, unless in those who are deluded with the Religion. These Idolaters use frequent Washings; Men, 
The washings of the Gentiles.  Women and Children go to the River as soon as they are out of Bed; and the rich have Water brought them to wash in. When Women lose their Husbands, they are conducted thither by their Friends, who comfort them; and they who are brought to Bed, use the same custom, almost as soon as they are delivered of their Children, and indeed, there is no Country where Women are so easily brought to Bed; when they come out of the Water, a Bramen dawbs their Forehead with a Composition made of Saffron, and the Powder of white Sawnders dissolved in Water, than they return home, where they eat a slight Breakfast; and seeing they must never eat unless they be washed, some return to the Tanquie or River, about noon; and others perform their Ablutions at home, before they go to Dinner.  
As they have a special care not to eat any thing but what is dressed by a Gentile of their Cast, so they seldom eat any where but at home; 
The feeding of the Gentiles.  and commonly they dress their Victuals themselves, buying their Flower, Rice, and such other Provisions in the Shops of the Banians, for they'll not buy any where else.  
These Banians (as well as the Bramen and Courmis) feed on Butter, Pulse, 
The Diet of some Casts.  Herbs, Sugar and Fruit; they eat neither Fish nor Flesh, and drink nothing but Water, wherein they put Coffee and Tea; they use no Dishes, for fear some body of another Religion or Tribe, may have made use of the Dish, out of which they might eat; and to supply that, they put their Victuals into large Leaves of Trees, which they throw away when they are empty; nay, there are some of them who eat alone, and will not suffer neither their Wives nor Children at Table with them.  
Nevertheless, I was informed, 
The Bramen sometimes eat Hog's Flesh.  that in that Country one certain day of the year, the Bramen eat Hog's Flesh; but they do it privately for fear of Scandal, because the Rules of their Sect enjoin them so to do, and I believe it is the same all over the Indies.  

A Cow of Paste.  There is another day of rejoicing, whereon they make a Cow of Paste, which they fill full of Honey, and then make a fashion of killing it, and break it to pieces; the Honey which distils on all sides, represents the Blood of the Cow, and they eat the Paste instead of the Flesh. I could not learn the Original of that Ceremony; as for the Catris or Raspoutes, except that they eat no Pullet's, they (as the rest of the inferior Casts do) make use of all kinds of Fish and Flesh, unless it be the Cow, which they all have in veneration.  

The Gentiles Fasting.  The Gentiles generally are great Fasters, and none of them let a fortnight pass over without mortifying themselves by Abstinence, and then they Fast four and twenty hours; but that is but the ordinary Fast, for there are a great many Gentiles (and especially Women) who will Fast six or seven days; and they say, there are some that will Fast a whole month, without eating any more than a handful of Rice a day, and others that will eat nothing at all, 
Criata, a Root.  only drink Water, in which they boil a Root, called Criata, which grows towards Cambaye, and is good against many distempers; it makes the Water bitter, and strengthens the Stomach. When a Woman is at the end of one of these long Fasts, the Bramen her director, goes with his companions to the House of the penitent, beats a Drum there, and having permitted her to eat, returns home again. There are such Fasts many times among the Vartias, the Sogues, and other religious Gentiles of that Province, and they accompany them with several other mortifications.  

Religious Communities.  Now I have mentioned these Religious Gentiles, I would have it observed, that in all the Indies there is no religious Community amongst the Gentiles, belonging particularly to one Cast or Tribe: For Example, There is not any, whereinto none are admitted but Bramen or Raspoutes; if there be a convent of Sogues any where, the Community will consist of Bramen, Raspoutes, Comris, Banians and other Gentiles; and it is the same in a convent of Vartias, or a company of Faquirs. I have already treated of both these, as occasion offered.   

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Province of Baglana, and of the Marriages of the Gentiles.  

The yearly Revenue of Baglana.  THe Province of Baglana is neither so large, nor does it yield so great a Revenue as the other nineteen; for it pays the Great Mogul a year but Seven hundred and fifty thousand French Livres; it is bordered by the Country of Telenga, Guzerat, Balagate, and the Mountains of Sivagis; the Capital Town of it is called Mouler. 
Mouler. The Portuguese border on the Moguls Country. Daman.  Before the Moguls, this Province was also of Decan, and at present it belongs to Mogolistan; by it the Portuguese border upon the Moguls Country, and their Territories begin in the Country of Daman.  
The Town of Daman that belongs to them, is one and twenty Leagues from Surrat, which is commonly Traveled in three days. It is indifferently big, fortified with good Walls, and an excellent Citadel; the Streets of it are fair and large, and the Churches and Houses built of a white Stone, which makes it a pleasant Town. There are several Convents of Religious Christians in it; it depends on Goa, as the other Portuguese Towns do, especially as to Spirituals, and the Bishop keeps a Vicar General there. It lies at the entry of the Gulf of Cambaye; and the Portuguese have Slave there of both Sexes, 
Portugese Slaves.  which work and procreate only for their Masters, to whom the Children belong, to be disposed of at their pleasure; from Daman to Bassaim it is eighteen Leagues: 
Bassaim.  This last Town lies in the height of about nineteen Degrees and a half, (upon the Sea,) being Walled round, and almost as big as Daman; it hath Churches, and a College of Jesuits as Daman hath.  
From Bassaim to Bombaim, it is six Leagues; 
Bombaim made over to the English.  this last Town hath a good Port, and was by the Portuguese made over to the English, upon the Marriage of the Infanta of Portugal with the King of England, in the year 1662.; it is six Leagues more from Bombaim to Chaoul. 
Chaoul.  The Port of Chaoul is difficult▪ to enter, but very safe and secure from all foul weather; it is a good Town, and defended by a strong Citadel upon the top of a Hill, called by the Europeans, Il Morro di Ciaul; it was taken by the Portuguese, 
Il Morro di Ciaul.  in the year One thousand five hundred and seven.  
From Chaoul to Dabul, it is eighteen good Leagues. 
Dabul.  Dabul is an ancient Town, in the Latitude of seventeen degrees and a half; it has its Water from a Hill hard by, and the Houses of it are low, it being but weakly fortified; I am told Sivagi hath seized it, notwithstanding its Castle, as also Rajapour, Vingourla, Rasigar, 
Rajapour, Vingourl●, Rasigar Towns.  and some other places upon that coast of Decan. It is almost fifty Leagues from Dabul to Goa, which is in Viziapour.  
As all the People of that coast are much given to Seafaring, so the Gentiles offer many times Sacrifices to the Sea, 
Sacrifice to the Sea.  especially when any of their Kindred or Friends are abroad upon a Voyage. Once I saw that kind of Sacricrifice, a Woman carried in her hands a Vessel made of Straw, about three Foot long, it was covered with a Veil; three Men playing upon the Pipe and Drum accompanied her, and two others had each on their head a Basket full of Meat and Fruits; being come to the Seaside, they threw into the Sea the Vessel of Straw, after they had made some Prayers, and left the Meat they brought with them upon the Shoar, that the poor and others might come and eat it. I have seen the same Sacrifice performed by Mahometans.  
The Gentiles offer another at the end of September, 
Opening of the Sea.  and that they call to open the Sea, because no body can Sail upon their Seas from May till that time; but that Sacrifice is performed with no great Ceremonies, they only throw Cocoes into the Sea, and every one throws one. The only thing in that Action that is pleasant, is to see all the young Boys leap into the Water to catch the Cocoes; and whilst they strive to have and keep them, show a hundred tricks and feats of Agility.  
In this Province (as in the rest of Decan) the Indians Mary their Children very young, 
The Marriage of Children.  and make them Cohabit much sooner than they do in many places of the Indies; they Celebrate Matrimony at the Age of four, five or six Years, and suffer them to Bed together when the Husband is ten Years old, and the Wife eight; but the Women who have Children so young, soon leave off Childbearing, and commonly do not conceive after thirty Years of Age, but become extremely wrinkly; and therefore there are places in the Indies where the young Married couple are not suffered to lie together before the Man be fourteen Years old: After all, a Gentile marries at any Age, 
An Indian cannot have several Wives at a time.  and cannot have several Wives at a time as the Mahometans have; when his Wife dies, he may take another, and so successively, provided she he takes be a Maid, and of his own Cast.  
There are many Ceremonies to be seen at the Weddings in Indostan, because the Gentiles are numerous there; 
Great numbers of Marriages in Indostan. Wedding enclosures.  there are certain times (when in great Towns) Five or six hundred are Celebrated a day, and nothing is to be seen in the Streets but Enclosures; these Wedding Enclosures are just as big as the Front of the Husband's House to the Street, they are made of Poles and Canes hung in the inside, and covered with Tapestry or clothes, to preserve the Guests from the heat of the Sun, and there they feast and make merry.  
But before the Wedding Feast, 
The Cavalcade of the Wedding.  they must make the usual Cavalcade through the Town; Persons of Quality perform it in the manner I described in the Chapter of Surrat, and the Citizens with far less Pomp. This is their custom, First appear a great many People playing on Instruments, some on Flutes, others on Timbals, and some have a long kind of Drums like narrow Barrels, which hang about their Neck; and besides these, others hold Copper-Cups, which they strike one against another, and thereby render a very bad Harmony; though these Instruments together make a great noise, several little Boys of five, six or seven years of Age, come after on Horseback, and Children two or three years Old in little Chariots, about a Foot high, or somewhat more, drawn by Goats or Calves, and after them, the Husband appears upon the fairest Horse he can have, with a Coco in his hand; he is Clothed in his best Apparel, his head covered with a Garland of Flowers, or a Cap in form of a Mitre, adorned with Painter's Gold, and a Fringe that reaches down to the lower part of his Face; he hath about him a great many Banians on Foot, who have their Coif and Caba daubed over with Saffron, and are mingled with those that carry Umbrellas▪ and Banners, who make a great show with them; after the Bridegroom hath in this equipage made many turns about the Town, he goes to the House of his Bride, and there the Ceremony is performed.  

The Ceremonies of the Marriage.  A Bramen having said some Prayers over both, puts a Cloth betwixt the Husband and the Wife, and orders the Husband with his naked foot to touch the naked foot of his Wife, and that Ceremony completes the Marriage, the Consummation whereof is delayed till a competent Age, if the Parties be too young, after that, the Bride is conducted with her Face uncovered to the Bridegrooms Lodgings; her Train (which consists of several pieces of Stuff of different Colours,) is carried by Men; and amongst other pieces of Household Furniture, they carry a Cradle for the Child that is to be born of that Marriage, Drums and Trumpets going before all the Procession. The rich make their Cavalcades by Torchlight in the night time for greater State, and are better accompanied. When they come to the Bridegrooms House, the Feasting gins, and because the Husbands are obliged to treat most of their Cast, the Solemnity lasts seven or eight days.  

Women of the Indies fruitful.  The Women all over the Indies are fruitful, because they live very frugally as well as their Husbands, and they are so easily brought to Bed, that some of them go abroad the same day they have been Delivered, to wash themselves in the River. 
They are easily brought to bed.  Their Children are brought up with the same facility; they go naked till they be seven Years old, and when they are two or three Months old, they suffer them to crawl upon the ground till they be able to go; when they are dirty they wash them, and by degrees they come to walk as straight as ours do, without the torture of Swathing-bands or Clouts.   

CHAP. XLIX. Of the Usage of the Dead.  
THe Indian Wives have a far different fate from that of their Husbands, for they cannot provide themselves of a second, when their first Husband is dead; 
The Widowhood of the Women.  they dare not Marry again, they have their Hair cut off for ever after; and though they be but five or six years old (they are obliged) if they will not burn themselves, to live in perpetual Widowhood, which happens very often; but then they live wretchedly, for they incur the contempt of their Family and Cast, as being afraid of death; what Virtue soever they make appear, they can never regain the esteem of their Relations, and it is rare (though they be young and beautiful,) that they ever find another Husband; not but that some of them transgress the Law of Widowhood, but they are turned out of the Tribe when it comes to be known; and such of them as are resolved to Marry again, have recourse to the Christians or Mahometans, and then they forsake Gentilism. In fine, The Gentiles make the glory of Widowhood, 
The glory of Widowhood consists in being burnt with their Husbands  to consist in being burnt with the Bodies of their Husbands; when one asks them the cause of it, they say it is the custom; they pretend it was always so in the Indies, and so they hid their cruel Jealousy under the vail of Antiquity. When a Heathen Man or Woman has committed a sin that makes them be expelled the Cast, 
Penance for a Heathen Woman who hath sinned.  as if a Woman had lain with a Mahometan, she must (if she would be readmitted into the Tribe) live upon nothing for a certain time, but on the Grain that is found amongst Cowdung.  
The most usual way of ordering the Bodies of Men, 
The ordering of dead Bodies. Funerals differ according to places.  after their death in the Indies, is to wash them in the water of a River or Reservatory, near to which there is a Pagod, then to burn them, and throw the Ashes into the same water; in some Countries they leave them upon the brink of the River, but the Ceremony of burying differs according to places; in some places the Body is carried, 
The way of burning the dead Husband with the living Wife.  (with beat of Drum) sitting uncovered in a Chair, clothed in goodly Apparel, and accompanied with his Relations and Friends; and after the usual Ablution, it is surrounded with Wood; and his Wife who hath followed in triumph, hath her Seat prepared there, where she places herself Singing, and seeming very desirous to die: A Bramen ties her to a Stake that is in the middle of the Funeral Pile, and sets Fire to it; the Friends pour odoriferous Oils into it, and in a short time both the Bodies are consumed.  
In other places the Bodies are carried to the Riverside in a covered Litter, and being washed, they are put into a hutt full of odoriferous Wood, if they who are dead have left enough to defray the Charges. When the Wife (who is to be burnt) hath taken leave of her kindred, and by such gallantries as may convince the Assembly, (which many times consists of the whole Cast,) that she is not at all afraid of dying; 
A Woman that endeavours to show a fearlesness before she is burnt. Pits, wherein the Bodies of the Husband and Wife are burnt.  she takes her place in the Hutt under the head of her Husband, which she holds upon her knees, and at the same time recommending herself to the Prayers of the Bramen, she presses him to set fire to the Pile, which he fails not to do.  
Elsewhere they make wide and deep Pits, which they fill with all sorts of combustible Matter; they throw the Body of the deceased into it, and then the Bramen push in the Wife after she hath Sung and Danced, to show the firmness of her resolution; and sometimes it happens, that Maid-Slaves throw themselves into the same Pit after their Mistresses, to show the love they bore to them, and the Ashes of the burnt Bodies are afterwards scattered in the River.  
In the other places, 
Interment of Bodies.  the Bodies of the dead are interred with their Legs a cross; their Wives are put into the same Grave alive, and when the Earth is filled up to their neck, they are strangled by the Bramen.  
There are several other kinds of Funerals among the Gentiles of the Indies, but the madness of the Women in being burnt with their Husbands, is so horrid, that I desire to be excused that I writ no more of it.  
To conclude, 
Mahometanisme in the Indies is a happiness for the Women.  The Women are happy that the Mahometans are become the Masters in the Indies, to deliver them from the tyranny of the Bramen, who always desire their death, because these Ladies being never burnt without all their Ornaments of Gold and Silver about them, and none but they having power to touch their Ashes; they fail not to pick up all that is precious from amongst them. However, the Great Mogul and other Mahometan Princes, having ordered their Governors to employ all their care in suppressing that abuse, as much as lies in their power, 
The Mahometan Governors endeavour to hinder the burning of the Indian Women.  it requires at present great Solicitations and considerable Presents, for obtaining the permission of being burnt; so that the difficulty they meet with in this, secures a great many Women from the infamy they would incur in their Cast, if they were not forced to live by a Superior Power.    
The end of Mogolistan.   

THE THIRD PART OF THE TRAVELS OF Mr. de Thevenot,  

BOOK II. Of the INDIES.  

CHAP. I. Of Decan and Malabar.  
DEcan was heretofore a most powerful Kingdom, 
Decan hath been a great Kingdom.  if one may believe the Indians; it consisted of all the Countries that are in that great Tongue of Land, which is betwixt the Gulfs of Cambaye and Bengala, all obeyed the same King; nay, and the Provinces of Balagate, Telenga and Baglana, which are towards the North, were comprehended within it, so that it may be said, that at that time there was no King in the Indies more powerful than the King of Decan; but that Kingdom in process of time hath been often dismembered; 
The Arrival of the Portuguese in the Indies.  and in the beginning of the last Age, (when the Portuguese made Conquests therein) it was divided into many Provinces, for they found there the Kings of Calcutta, Cochin, Cananor and Coulam upon the Coast of Malabar. Another King Reigned at Narsingue, there were some Commonwealths in it also; and the Dominions of him (who was called King of Decan) reached no further than from the limits of the Kingdom of Cambaye or Guzerat, to the borders of the principality of Goa, which did not belong to him neither.  
Calcutta was the first place of the Indies, 
Calcutta.  which the Portuguese discovered in the year One thousand four hundred and ninety eight, under the conduct of Vasco de Gama. The King of Calcutta, who at first received them friendly, would at length, have destroyed them, at the instigation of Arabian Merchants, and the greatest Wars they had in the Indies, was against that King. The King of Cochin made Alliance with them, and the Kings of Cananor and Coulam invited them to come and Trade with them.  

Malabar.  Malabar (which is the Country of all these Kings) gins at Cananor, and ends at Cape Comory; the most powerful of all these Princes, was the King of Calcutta, 
Samorin, or Emperor.  who took the Quality of Samorin or Emperor. The Port of Calcutta, lying in the Latitude of eleven degrees twenty two minutes, is at some distance from the Town; before the coming of the Portuguese, it was the most considerable Port of the Indies for Commerce, and Ships came thither from all parts. The Town has no Walls, because there is no ground for laying a Foundation upon, for water appears as soon as they begin to dig. There are no good Buildings in Calcutta, 
The Town of Calcutta.  but the King's Palace and some Pagods; the Houses join not, they have lovely Gardens, and of all things necessary for life, there is plenty in that Town.  

Cochin. King of Cochin.  The King of Cochin was a most faithful Friend to the Portuguese, for, for their sake he was deprived of his Kingdom by the King of Calcutta; but they restored him, and gained so much upon him, that he gave them leave to build a Fort in that part of the Town, which is called Lower-Cochin upon the Sea side, 
The Fort of Cochin, taken from the Portuguese by the Dutch.  to distinguish it from the Higher-Cochin where the King resides, and from which it is distant a quarter of a League. The Portuguese have held that Fort a long time, but three or four years since, it was taken from them by the Dutch.  

The Port of Cochin.  The Port of Cochin is very good, there is six Fathom water close by the Shoar, and upon a Planc one may easily come from on Board the Vessels. The Town of Cochin is about thirty six Leagues from Calcutta; it is watered by a River, 
Abundance of Pepper at Cochin. A Man with a leg like an Elephant.  and there is plenty of Pepper in the Country about it, which is fruitful in nothing else. There are People in that Country who have Legs like an Elephant, and I saw a Man at Cochin with such a Leg; the Son Inherits not after his Father, because a Woman is allowed by the custom to lie with several Men, so that it cannot be known who is the Father of the Child she brings forth; and for Successions, the Child of the Sister is preferred, 
Succession in Malabar.  because there is no doubt of the Line by the Female. The Sisters (even of the Kings themselves) have liberty to choose such Nairs or Gentlemen as they please to lie with; 
The Women have liberty to choose their Gallants.  and when a Nair is in a Lady's Chamber, he leaves his Stick or Sword at the Door, that others (who have a mind to come) should know that the place is taken up, no body offers to come in then: And this custom is Established all over Malabar.  

The Coronation of the King of Cochin.  Heretofore the King of Cochin was Crowned upon the Coast, though it was possessed by the Portuguese; but he who ought now to be King, would not be Crowned there, because it is in the power of the Dutch: And he made them answer, when they invited him to follow the Custom, that he would have nothing to do with them; and that when the Portuguese were restored to the possession of that coast, he would be Crowned there. In the mean time the Dutch have Crowned another Prince, who is the King's Kinsman, and have given him the Title of Samorin or Emperor, which the King of Calcutta pretends to.  

Tanor.  The true King of Cochin is retired to Tanor, which is the first Principality of his House, to the Prince of Tanor his Uncle, eight Leagues from Cochin. They Sail from one Town to the other in little Barks, upon a pretty pleasant River.  

The Naires.  These Naires or Gentlemen we have been speaking of, have a great conceit of their Nobility, because they fancy themselves descended from the Sun; they give place to none but the Portuguese, and that precedency cost Blood. 
A duel betwixt a Portuguese and a Naire for the place.  The Portugese General (to compose the Debates that happened often betwixt them) agreed with the King of Cochin, that the Matter should be decided by a duel of two Men, and that if the Naire had the better on't, the Portuguese should give place to the Naires; or if the contrary happened, the Naires should allow the Portuguese the advantage for which they fought, and the Naire being overcome, the Portuguese take place of the Naires; they go stark naked from the girdle upwards, 
The Apparel of the Naires.  and have no other Clothing from the girdle to the knee, but a piece of Cloth; their head is covered with a Turban, and they carry always a naked Sword and a Buckler. The Naire Women are clothed like the Men, and the Queen herself is in no other dress. The Naires have several degrees of Nobility amongst them, and the inferior make no difficulty to give place to those that are above them.  
They have a great aversion to a Cast of Gentiles, who are called Poleas. 
Poleas.  If a Naire come so near a Poleas as to have felt his breath, he thinks himself polluted, and is obliged to kill him; because if he killed him not, and it came to the King's knowledge, he would cause the Naire to be put to death, or if he pardoned him as to life, he would order him to be sold for a Slave; but besides that, he must make public Ablutions with great Ceremonies.  
For avoiding any mischance that may happen upon that account, The Poleas cry incessantly when they are abroad in the Fields Popo, 
Popo.  to give notice to the Naires who may be there, not to come near. If a Naire hear the word Popo, he answers (crying) Coucovya, 
Coucovya.  and then the Poleas knowing that there is a Naire not far from him, turns aside out of the way, that he may not meet him. Seeing these Poleas cannot enter into Towns, 
The Poleas cannot enter into Towns.  if any of them need any thing, they are obliged to ask for it without the Town, crying as loud as they can, and leaving Money for it in a place appointed for that Traffic; when they have left it and told so, they are to withdraw, and a Merchant fails not to bring what they demand; he takes the true value of his Commodity, and so soon as he is gone, the Poleas comes and takes it, and so departs.  
Cavalry are not used in the Wars, neither in Cochin, 
No Cavalry in Cochin.  nor the rest of Malabar; they that are to fight otherwise than on Foot, are mounted upon Elephants, of which there are many in the Mountains, 
Mountain Elephants.  and these Mountain-Elephants are the biggest of the Indies. The Idolaters tell a false story at Cochin, which they would have no body to doubt of, because of the extraordinary respect they have for a certain Reservatory, which is in the middle of one of their Pagods. This great Pagod stands upon the side of a River, called by the Portugese Rio Largo, which runs from Cochin to Cranganor, 
Rio Largo. The Pagod of Swearing.  it goes by the name of the Pagod of Swearing; and they say, that the Reservatory or Tanquie, which is in that Temple, has Communication under ground with the River, and that when any one was to make Oath judicially about a matter of importance, he that was to Swear, was brought to the Tanquie, where a Crocodile was called upon, which commonly kept there, that the Man put himself upon the back of this Creature when he Swore, that if he said truth, the Crocodile carried him from one end of the Reservatory to the other, and brought him back again sound and safe to the place where it took him up; and if he told a lie, that the Beast having carried him to one side of the Tanquie, carried him again into the middle, where it dived under water with the Man; and though at present there be no Crocodile in that Reservatory, yet they confidently affirm that the Story is true.  
Coulam (which is the Capital Town of the little Kingdom of that name) is four and twenty Leagues to the South of Cochin, 
Coulam.  but the King keeps not commonly his Court there. Before Calicut was in reputation, all the Traffic of that Country was at Coulam, and then it was a flourishing Town, but it is much diminished now both in Wealth and Inhabitants. The Haven of it is safe, and the Tide runs a great way up in the River. There are a great many Christians of St. Thomas at Coulam as well as at Cochin; 
Christians of St. Thomas.  they pretend that they have preserved the Purity of the Faith, which that Apostle taught their Ancestors; and there are a great many also in the Mountains that run from Cochin to St. Thomas by Madura: 
Syriack Language.  In the divine Office they make use of the Sariack Language, and most of them are Subjects of the King of Cochin, as well as many Families of the Jews, who live in that Country. I have been also told of a little Kingdom (called Carghelan) that is in those parts, where there is also another little Prince; 
Carghelan.  and so these little Kingdoms terminate Malabar to the South, as Cananor gins it to the North.  
There is a good Harbour at Cananor, which is a large Town; 
Cananor.  the little King (who is called King of Cananor) lives not there; he holds his Court towards a straight farther from the Sea; his Country affords all things necessary for life; the Portuguese have been always his Friends, and many of them live in his Country.  

Indian Pirates. Bergare, Cougnales, Montongue. The punishment of Malabar Robbers.  The Malabars of Bergare, Cougnales and Montongue near Cananor, are the chief Pirates of the Indian Sea, and there are many Robbers also in the Country, though the Magistrates do all they can to root them out. The truth is, They'll put a Man to death for a single Leaf of Betlie stolen; they tie his hands, and having stretched him out upon his belly, run him through with a Javelin of Areco, than they turn him upon his back, and the Javelin being quite through his Body, they fasten it in the ground, and bind the Criminal so fast to it that he cannot stir, but dies in that posture.  

The Leaf of the Palmtree on which Men writ.  All the Malabars write as we do (from the left to the right) upon the leaves of Palmeras-Bravas, and for making their Characters, they use a Stiletto a Foot long at least; the Letters which they writ to their Friends on these leaves, are made up round, like a roll of Ribbons; they make their Books of several of these leaves, which they file upon a String, and enclose them betwixt two Board's of the same bigness; they have many Ancient Books (and all almost in Verse) which they are great lovers of. I believe the Reader will be glad to see their Characters, and I have hereto subjoined the Alphabet▪ 
The Bramen much esteemed in Malabar.  The Bramen are held in greater honour here than elsewhere; what War soever there may be amongst the Princes of Malabar, Enemies do them no hurt, and nevertheless, there are many Hypocrites among them who are very Rogues. There are certain Festival days in Malabar, on which the Young People fight like madmen, and many times kill one another; and they are persuaded, that such as die in those Combats are certainly saved.  

Banguel, Olala Mangalor.  The Kings of Banguel and Olala are to the North of that Country, and Mangalor (which lies with in ten degrees and some minutes of the Line) belongs to the King of Banguel. This is a little ill built Town twelve Leagues from Barcelor, 
Barcelor.  as Barcelor is twelve Leagues from Onor, and the Country where these Towns lie, is called Canara, all the rest of the coast (as far as Goa) signifies but very little, 
Onor.  except the Town of Onor, which is about eighteen Leagues from Goa; it hath a large and safe Harbour made of two Rivers, that fall into the Sea by one and the same mouth below the Fort, which stands upon a pretty high Rock. The Town is far worse than the Fort; the most considerable People live there with the Governor, and many Portuguese have their Residence in it; it lies in the Latitude of fourteen degrees. The rest of Decan Northwards, within a little of Surrat, belongs to the King of Viziapour, or to the Portuguese; the English (as I have said) hold Bombaym there, and Raja Sivagy some other places. The Kings of that coast have hardly so much yearly Revenue a piece, as a Governor of a Province in France, and yet they hold out still, notwithstanding the Changes that have happened in the other countries' of Decan.   

CHAP. II. Of the Revolutions of Decan.  

Tcher-Can.  HE who may be called last King of Decan, or at least the last but one, was a Raja of the Mountains of Bengale, called Tcher-Can, who rendered himself so powerful, that having taken to himself the haughty Title of Chahalem, 
Chahalem.  (which signifies King of the World) he made all the Kings of the Indies to tremble; that Captain having raised a great Revolt in the Kingdom of Bengala, put the King of it to death, and not only usurped the Kingdom and all Patan, but also all the Neighbouring Dominions; he even forced the first Mogul King Humayon to fly from Dehly, 
Humayon. Selim.  which he had seized from an Indian King called Selim, and all that (which at present is called the Kingdoms of Viziapour, Bisnagar or Cornates, and Golconda) fell under his  

THE Malabar Alphabet.  FIGURES. NAMES. The VOWELS. POWERS. Aana a breve Auena a longum jinà i breve jena i longum Ououna ou Gallicum breve Owena ou Gallicum longum Eena e breve Eena e longum Ayena ay Gallicum Oona o breve Ouena o longum Awena aou Gallicum    Akena Non est vocalis, sed solummodo est signum quietis, sicut quando pronuntiamus per, litera est quiescens, quia pronuntiatur cum vocali praecedente, & non habet vocalem sequentem; signum hujus quietis est punctum superpositum literae.  
Insert this between Pag. 90, and 91. of the Third Part.  

The CONSONANTS.  FIGURES. NAMES. POWERS. Naana nostrum n. Paana nostrum p. Maana nostrum m. Jaana I consonans. Raana nostrum r simplex, ut in verbo gallico pere, mere. Laana nostrum l. Vaana V consonans. Raana pronuntiatio blaesorum qui non possunt pronuntiare r. Laana l in medio palati tangendo cum extremitate linguae medium palati. Raana nostrum r duplex, ut in verbo gallico terre. ῥ Graecorum aspiratum. Naana parva differentia pronuntiationis hujus literae à pronuntiatione nostra n, & non potest benè adverti illa differentia nisi ab ipsis naturalibus. Caana x graecorum, & quando est simplex pronuntiatur ut g cum a, ga, vel go, gue, gui, gone. Naana ista litera est propria Indorum, nec in ullâ aliâ linguâ nobis cognitâ reperitur talis pronuntiatio. Chaana sicut ch Gallorum in verbo gallico cherté. Gnaana sicut gn Gallorum in verbo gallico compagnie. Daana quasi dad Arabum, pronuntiatur in medio palati, tangendo cum extremitate linguae medium palati. Naana etiam pronuntiatur in medio palati, tangendo cum extremitate linguae medium palati. Taana nostrum t, & quando est simplex, multoties pronuntiatur ut nostrum d.  

THE Malabar Ciphers.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20   21 100 30  31 1000 40  41  50  51  60  61   
power, with the Title of the Kingdom of Decan; but what is most surprising of all, at the very time (when he was most dreaded all over the Indies,) he grew weary of Royalty, and gave his Dominions to a Cousin German of his own, called (as I think) Daquem, whom he made King, 
Daquem.  and then retired to a private life in Bengala.  
But seeing he had been served in his Conquests by some Mahometan Captains, whom he much esteemed for their Valour, he contracted with his Successor that he should leave them in the Governments of the Countries, where he had placed them: The truth is, The new King not only confirmed them therein, but (that he might please Chahalem the more) augmented their Governments, and honoured them with a particular confidence. These Captains maintained splendidly the power of their Master, as long as Chahalem lived; but after his death, which happened in the Year One thousand five hundred and fifty, his Successor having been defeated by the Mogul Humayon, who returned into the Indies, with the assistance that Chah-Tahmas, King of Persia, gave him at the Solicitation of his Sister; these Traitors (instead of owning their Benefactor as they ought to have done by their Loyalty,) combined against him, and killed all his faithful Friends; 
A great Treason.  they seized his own person, and having shut him up in the Castle of Beder, kept him there till he died, under the strict Guard of one of the Conspirators; they next invaded his Countries, divided amongst themselves his Provinces, and form them into Kingdoms. The three chief Conspirators were Nizam-Cha, Coth-Cha and Adil-Cha; these three Usurpers made themselves Kings, 
The Usurpers of Decan. The settlement of three Kingdoms.  and established the Kingdoms of Viziapour, Bisnagar or Carnates, and Golconda. Viziapour fell to the share of Nizam-Cha, who is said to have been an Indian, and of the Royal Blood; Bisnagar to Adil-Cha, and Golconda to Cobt-cha; and the Successors of these several Kings have since continued to take the name of their Founders.  
As many other Captains were concerned in the Conspiracy, so were other Principalities erected in Decan, but most of them fell under the power of the first three, or of their Successors. These three Princes possessed their Kingdoms without trouble, so long as they lived together in good Intelligence, and they defeated the Army of the Mogul in a famous Battle, but they fell a clashing amongst themselves about the end of their Reigns, and their Children succeeded to their Misunderstandings as well as to their Dominions, to which the cunning of the Moguls did not a little contribute. These have by degrees taken from them the Provinces of Balagate, Telenga and Baglana, or at least the greatest part of them, 
Auran-Zeb.  and Auran-Zeb seized of a great many good Towns in Viziapour, when he was no more as yet but the Governor of a Province, which would not have happened, if the King of Bisnagar had assisted his Neighbour as he ought to have done. The want of assistance on that King's part, so exasperated the King of Viziapour, that he no sooner made peace with the Mogul in the year One thousand six hundred and fifty, but he made a League with the King of Golconda against the King of Bisnagar, and entered into a War with him; they handled him so very roughly, that at length, they stripped him of his Dominions. The King of Golconda seized those of the coast of Coromandel, which lay conveniently for him; and the King of Viziapour having taken what lay next to him, pursued his Conquest as far as the Cape of Negapatan, so that Adil-Cha was left without a Kingdom, and constrained to fly into the Mountains, where he still lives deprived of his Territories. His chief Town was Velure, 
Velure.  five days Journey from St. Thomas, but that Town at present belongs to the King of Viziapour, as well as Gengi, and several others of Carnates. 
Gengi. Carnates. Bisnagar.   
This Kingdom of Carnates or Bisnagar, which was formerly called Narsingue, began three days Journey from Golconda towards the South; it had many Towns, and the Provinces thereof crossed from the coast of Coromandel to the coast of Malabar, reaching a great way towards the Cape of Comory; it had Viziapour and the Sea of Cambaye to the West, and the Sea of Bengala to the East; what of it belongs to the King of Viziapour is at present governed by an Eunuch of Threescore and ten years of Age, 
Raja Couli.  (called Raja-Couli, who conquered it with extraordinary expedition. That Raja (to whom the King gave the surname of Niecnam-Can, which is as much as to say, Lord of good renown, is the richest Subject of the Indies.  
Whilst I was in Carnate, the Kings of Viziapour and Golconda attacked a certain Raja, who had a Fort whither he retreated betwixt the two Kingdoms, there he committed an infinite number of Robberies; and in the last War that the Great Mogul made in Viziapour, that Raja (set on by the Mogul) made considerable incursions into the Countries of the two Kings, which made them force him to the utmost extremity; so that they took his Fort, made him Prisoner, and seized all his Riches.  

Viziapour.  The Kingdom of Viziapour is bounded to the East by Carnates, and the Mountain of Balagate; to the West by the Lands of the Portuguese; to the North by Guzerat and the Province of Balagate; and to the South by the Country of the Naique of Madura, whose Territories reach to the Cape Comory. This Naique is tributary to the King of Viziapour, as well as the Naique of Tanjahor, to whom belonged the Towns of Negapatan, Trangabar, and some others towards the coast of Coromandel, when the King of Viziapour took them. Negapatan fell since into the hands of the Portuguese, but the Dutch took it from them, and are at present Masters of it. The Danes have also seized a place (where they have built a Fort towards Trangabar) which is distant from St. Thomas five days Journey of a Foot-post, which they call Patamar.  

The Pagod of Trapety.  As to the famous Pagod of Trapety, (which is not far from Cape Comory) it depends on the Naique of Madura; it consists of a great Temple, and of many little Pagods about it; and there are so many Lodgings for the Bramen, and the Servants of the Temple, that it looks like a Town. There is a great deal of Riches in that Pagod.  

The King of Viziapour.  The King of Viziapour is the most potent Prince of all those of Decan, and therefore he is often called King of Decan. His chief City is Viziapour, which hath given the name to the Kingdom, and he hath many other considerable Towns in his Provinces with three or four Ports, to wit, Carapatan, Dabul, Rajapour, and Vingourla; but I am informed that Raja Sivagy hath seized some of them not long since. 
The Town of Viziapour.  The Town of Viziapour is above four or five Leagues in circumference; it is fortified with a double Wall, with many great Guns mounted, and a flat bottomed Ditch. The King's Palace is in the middle of the Town, and is likewise encompassed with a Ditch full of water, wherein there are some Crocodiles. This Town hath several large Suburbs full of Goldsmiths and Jeweller's Shops, yet after all, there is but little Trade, and not many things remarkable in it.  

An Orphan adopted and made King of Viziapour.  The King (who Reigns in Viziapour at present) was an Orphan, whom the late King and the Queen adopted for their Son; and after the death of the King, the Queen had so much interest as to settle him upon the Throne; but he being as yet very young, the Queen was declared Regent of the Kingdom: Nevertheless, there has been a great deal of weakness during her Government, and Raja Sivagy hath made the best on't for his own Elevation.   

CHAP. III. Of Goa.  

Goa.  THe Town of Goa (with its Isle of the same name,) which is likewise called Tilsoar, borders upon Viziapour, directly Southward; it lies in the Latitude of fifteen degrees and about forty minutes upon the River of Mandona, which discharges itself into the Sea two Leagues from Goa, and gives it one of the fairest Harbours in the World; some would have this Country to be part of Viziapour, but it is not; and when the Portuguese came there, it belonged to a Prince called Zabaim, who gave them trouble enough; nevertheless, 
Zabaim, Prince of Goa.  Albuquerque made himself Master of it in February One thousand five hundred and ten, through the cowardice of the Inhabitants, who put him into possession of the Town and Fort, and took an Oath of Allegiance to the King of Portugal.  
This Town hath good Walls, with Towers and great Guns, and the Isle itself is Walled round, with Gates towards the Land, to hinder the Slaves from running away, which they do not fear (towards the Sea) because all the little Isles and Peninsules that are there, belong to the Portuguese, and are full of their Subjects. This Isle is plentiful in Corn, Beasts and Fruit, and hath a great deal of good water. The City of Goa is the Capital of all those which the Portuguese are Masters of in the Indies. The Archbishop, Viceroy and Inquisitor General, have their Residence there; and all the Governors and Ecclesiastic and secular Officers of the other Countries (subject to the Portuguese Nation in the Indies) depend on it. 
The death of Albuquerque. The death of St. Francis of Xavier.  Albuquerque was buried there in the year One thousand five hundred and sixteen, and St. Francis of Xavier in One thousand five hundred fifty two. The River of Mendova is held in no less veneration by the Bramen and other Idolaters, than Ganges is elsewhere, and at certain times, and upon certain Festival days, they flock thither from a far, to perform their Purifications. It is a great Town, and full of fair Churches, lovely Convents, and Palaces well beautified; there are several Orders of Religious, both Men and Women there, and the Jesuits alone have five public Houses; few Nations in the World were so rich in the Indies as the Portuguese were, before their Commerce was ruined by the Dutch, but their vanity is the cause of their loss; and if they had feared the Dutch more than they did, they might have been still in a condition to give them the Law there, from which they are far enough at present.  
There are a great many Gentiles about Goa, some of them worship Apes, and I observed elsewhere that in some places they have built Pagods to these Beasts. Most part of the Gentiles, Heads of Families in Viziapour, 
The way of the Banians dressing their Victuals.  dress their own Victuals themselves; he that does it having swept the place where he is to dress any thing, draws a Circle, and confines himself within it, with all that he is to make use of; if he stand in need of any thing else, it is given him at a distance, because no body is to enter within that Circle, and if any chanced to enter it, all would be profaned, and the Cook would throw away what he had dressed, and be obliged to begin again. When the Victuals are ready, they are divided into three parts, The first part is for the Poor, the second for the Cow of the House, and the third Portion for the Family, and of this third they make as many Commons as there are Persons; and seeing they think it not civil to give their leave to the poor, they give them likewise to the Cow.   

CHAP. IU. Of the Kingdom of Golconde. Of Bagnagar.  
THe most powerful of the Kings of Decan, next to Viziapour, is the King of Golconda. His Kingdom borders on the East side, 
Golconda.  upon the Sea of Bengala; to the North, upon the Mountains of the Country of Orixa; to the South, upon many Countries of Bisuagar, or Ancient Narsingue, which belongs to the King of Viziapour; and to the West, upon the Empire of the Great Mogul, by the province of Balagate, where the Village of Calvar is, which is the last place of Mogolistan, on that side. There are very insolent collectors of Tolls at Calvar, 
Calvar.  and when they have not what they demand, 
Li, li, li.  they cry with all their force, their Li, li, li, striking their Mouth with the palm of their Hand, and at that kind of alarm-bell, which is heard at a great distance, naked Men come running from all parts, carrying Staves, Lances, Swords, Bows, Arrows, and some, Muskets, who make Travellers pay by force what they have demanded, and when all is paid, it is no easy matter still to get rid of them.  

The bounds of Mogulistan. Mahova.  The boundaries of Mogulistan and Golconda, are planted about a League and a half from Calvar: They are Trees which the call Mahova; these mark the outmost Land of the Mogul, and immediately after, on this side of a Rivulet, there are Cadjours, or wild Palm-trees, planted only in that place, to denote the beginning of the Kingdom of Golconda, wherein the insolence of collectors is far more insupportable than in the confines of Mogolistan; for the duties not being exacted there, in the Name of the King, but in the Name of private Lords, to whom the Villages have been given, the Collectors make Travellers pay what they please. We found some Officers, where they made us give fifty Roupies, in stead of twenty, which was their due, and to show that it was an Extortion of the Exactors, they refused to give us a note for what they had received, 
16 Officers in 23 Leagues.  and in the space of three and twenty Leagues betwixt Calvar and Bagnagar, we were obliged with extreme rigour, to pay to sixteen Officers; Bramen are the Collectors of these Tolls, and are a much ruggeder sort of People to have to do with, than the Banians.  

The Road from Calvar to Bagnagar. Malaredpet 3 or 4 Leag from Calvar. Bouquenour a Town. Mellinar 6 Leag. from Malaredpet. Dgelpeli 6 Leag. from Mellinar. Marcel 3 Leag. from Degelpeli. Bagnagar 4 Leag. from Marcel.  In our way from Calvar to Bagnager we found no other Town but Buquenour, but there are others to the right and left; we passed by eighteen Villages. The Nadab or Governor of the Province, lives in the little Town of Marcel, and we made that Journey in six days of Caravan: In short, there are few or no Countries, that delight Travellers with their verdure, more than the Fields of this Kingdom, because of the Rice and Corn that is to be seen every where, and the many lovely Reservatories that are to be found in it.  

Bagnagar. Aider-abad.  The Capital City of this Kingdom is called Bagnagar, the Persians call it Aider-abad; it is fourteen or fifteen Leagues from Viziapour, situated in the Latitude of seventeen Degrees ten Minutes, in a very long plain, hemmed in with little Hills, some Coffes distant from the Town, which makes the Air of that place very wholesome, besides that, the Country of Golconda lies very high. The Houses of the Suburbs, where we arrived, are only built of Earth and thatched with Straw, they are so low and ill contrived, that they can be reckoned no more than Huts. We went from one end to the other of that Suburbs, which is very long, and stopped near the Bridge which is at the farther end of it. There we stayed for a note from the Cotoval to enter the Town, because of the Merchant's Goods of the Caravan, which were to be carried to the Cotovals' House to be searched: But a Persian named Ak-Nazar, a favourite of the Kings, who knew the chief of the Caravan, being informed of its arrival, sent immediately a Man with orders, to let us enter with all the Goods, and so we passed the Bridge, which is only three Arches over. It is about three Fathom broad, 
Nerva.  and is paved with large flat Stones: The River of Nerva runs under that Bridge, which then seemed to be but a Brook, though in time of the Rains, it be as broad as the Seine before the Lovure at Paris. At the end of the Bridge, we found the Gates of the City, which are no more but Barriers: Being entered, we marched a quarter of an hour through a long Street with Houses on both sides, but as low as those of the Suburbs, and built of the same materials, though they have very lovely Gardens.  
We went to a Carvanseray called Nimet-ulla, which has its entry from the same Street: Every one took his lodging there, and I hired two little Chambers, at two Roupies a Month. The Town makes a kind of Cross, much longer than broad, and extends in a straight line, from the Bridge to the four Towers; but beyond these Towers the Street is no longer straight, and whilst in walking I measured the length of the Town, being come to the four Towers, I was obliged to turn to the left, and entered into a Meidan, where there is another Street that led me to the Town-Gate, which I looked for. Having adjusted my measures, I found that Bagnagar was five thousand six hundred and fifty Paces in length, to wit, two thousand four hundred and fifty from the Bridge to the Towers, and from thence, through the Meidan to the Gate which leads to Masulipatan, three thousand two hundred Paces. There is also beyond that Gate, a Suburbs eleven hundred Paces long.  
There are several Meidans or Public places in this Town, 
The Meidan of Bagnagar.  but the fairest is that before the King's Palace: It hath to the East and West two great Divans very deep in the Ground, the Roof whereof being of Carpenter's work, is raised five Fathom high, upon four Wooden Pillars; this Roof is flat, and hath Balisters of Stone cast over Arch-ways, with Turrets at the corners. These two Divans serve for Tribunals to the Cotoval, whose Prisons are at the bottom of these Divans, each of them having a Basin of Water before them. The like Balisters go round the Terrass-walks of the place: The Royal Palace is to the North of it, and there is a Portico over against it, where the Musicians come several times a day to play upon their Instruments, when the King is in Town.  
In the middle of this place, and in sight of the Royal Palace, there is a Wall built, three Foot thick, and six Fathom in height and length, 
Fightings of Elephants.  for the fight of Elephants, and that Wall is betwixt them, when they excite them to fight; but so soon as they are wrought up to a rage, they quickly throw down the Wall. The ordinary Houses there, are not above two Fathom high; they raise them no higher, that they may have the fresh Air during the heats, and most part of them are only of Earth; but the Houses of Persons of Quality are pretty enough.  
The Palace which is three hundred and fourscore Paces in length, takes up not only one of the sides of the Place, 
The Palace of Bagnagar.  but is continued to the four Towers, where it terminates in a very loftly Pavilion. The Walls of it which are built of great Stones, have at certain distances half Towers, and there are many Windows towards the place, with an open Gallery to see the shows. They say it is very pleasant within, and that the Water rises to the highest Apartments: The Reservatory of that Water, which is brought a great way off, is in the top of the four Towers, from whence it is conveyed into the House by Pipes. No Man enters into this Palace, but by an express Order from the King, who grants it but seldom; nay, commonly not body comes near it, and in the place there is a circuit staked out, that must not be passed over. There is another square Meidan in this Town, where many great Men have well built Houses. The Carvanseras are generally all handsome, and the most esteemed is that which is called Nimet-ulla in the great Street opposite to the King's Garden: It is a spacious square, and the Court of it is adorned with several Trees of different kinds, and a large Basin where the Mahometans perform their Ablutions.  
That which is called the four Towers, is a square building, 
The four Towers.  of which each face is ten Fathom broad, and about seven high: It is opened in the four sides, by four Arches, four or five Fathom high, and four Fathom wide, and every one of these Arches fronts a Street, of the same breadth as the Arch. There are two Galleries in it, one over another, and over all a Terrace that serves for a Roof, bordered with a Stone-Balcony; and at each corner of that Building, a Decagone Tower about ten Fathom high, and each Tower hath four Galleries, with little Arches on the outside; the whole Building being adorned with Roses and Festons pretty well cut: It is vaulted underneath, and appears like a Dome, which has in the inside all round Balisters of Stone, pierced and open as the Galleries in the outside, and there are several Doors in the Walls to enter at. Under this Dome there is a large Table placed upon a Divan, raised seven or eight Foot from the Ground, with steps to go up to it. All the Galleries of that Building, serve to make the Water mount up, that so being afterwards conveyed to the King's Palace, it might reach the highest Apartments. Nothing in that Town seems so lovely as the outside of that Building, and nevertheless it is surrounded with ugly shops made of Wood, and covered with Straw, where they sell Fruit, which spoils the prospect of it.  

Gardens near Bagnagar.  There are many fair Gardens in this Town, their beauty consists in having long walks kept very clean, and lovely Fruit-trees; but they have neither Beds of Flowers nor Water-works, and they are satisfied with several Cisterns or Basins with Water. The Gardens without the Town are the loveliest, and I shall only describe one of them, that is reckoned the pleasantest of the Kingdom. At first one enters into a great place which is called the first Garden; it is planted with Palms and Areca trees, so near to one another, that the Sun can hardly pierce through them. The Walks of it are straight and neat, with borders of white Flowers which they call Ghoul Daouds, the Flowers of David, like Camomile-Flowers; there are also Indian Gillyflowers, with some other sorts. The House is at the end of this Garden, and has two great Wings adjoining the main Body of it: It is two Story high, the first consisting in three Halls, of which the greatest is in the middle, the main Body of the House, and in each Wing there is one, all three having Doors and Windows, but the great Hall has two Doors, higher than the others, which open into a large Kioch or Divan, supported by eight great Pillars in two rows. Crossing the Hall and Divan, one goes down a pair of Stairs into another Divan of the same form, but longer, which (as the former) hath a Room on each side, opened with Doors and Windows. The second Story of the Building is like the first, save that it hath but one Divan; but it hath a Balcony that reaches the whole length of that front of it. The House is covered with a flat Roof of so great extent, that it reaches over the outmost Divan of the lower Story, and is supported by six eight-cornered Wooden Pillars, six or seven Fathom high, and proportionably big.  
From the lower Divan, a Terrass-walk two hundred Paces long, and fifty broad, faced with Stones runs along all the Front of the House; and two little groves of Trees, that are on the sides of it. This Terrace that is at the head of the second Garden, (which is much larger than the first,) is raised a Fathom and a half above it, and has very neat Stairs for going down into it. The first thing that is to be seen (looking forwards,) is a great square Reservatory or Tanquie, each side whereof is above two hundred Paces long; in it there are a great many Pipes that rise half a Foot above Water, and a Bridge upon it, raised about a Foot over the surface of the Water, and above six Foot broad, with wooden Rails. This Bridge is fourscore Paces long, and leads into a Platform of an Octogone figure in the middle of the Reservatory, where there are Steps to descend into the Water, which is but about a Foot lower than the Platform: There are Pipes in the eight Angles of it, and in the Pillars of the Rails, from whence the Water plays on all sides, which makes a very lovely sight. In the middle of the Platform there is a little House built two Stories high, and of an Octogone figure also; each Story hath a little Room with eight Doors, and round the second Story there is a Balcony to walk in: The Roof of this Building which is flat, is bordered with Balisters, and covers the whole Platform also: That Roof is supported by sixteen wooden Pillars, as big as a Man's Body, and about three Fathom high, (if you comprehend their Capitals,) and there are two of them at each Angle, of which one rests upon the Wall of the House, and the other is near the Rails that go round it.  
The Garden wherein this Reservatory is, is planted with Flowers and Fruit-trees: All are in very good order, and in this, as well as in the first Garden, there are lovely Walks well Gravelled, and Bordered with divers Flowers: There runs a Canal in the middle of the great Walk, which is four Foot over, and carries away what it receives from several little Fountains of Water, that are also in the middle of that Walk, at certain distances: In short, this Garden is very large, and bounded by a Wall which hath a great Gate in the middle that opens into a Close of a large extent, Planted with Fruit-trees, and as nearly contrived as the Gardens.   

CHAP. V Of the Inhabitants of Bagnagar.  
THere are many Officers and Men of Law at Bagnagar, but the most considerable is the Cotoval: He is not only Governor of the Town, 
The Inhabitants of Bagnagar.  but also chief Customer of the Kingdom. He is besides, Master of the Mint-house, and Supreme Judge of the City, as well in Civil as Criminal matters; he rends all these places of the King, for which he pays a good deal of Money. There are in this Town many Rich Merchants, Bankers and Jewellers, and vast numbers of very skilful Artisans. Amongst the Inhabitants of Bagnagar, we are to reckon the forty thousand Horse, Persians, Moguls, or Tartars, whom the King entertains, that he may not be again surprised, as he hath been heretofore by his Enemies.  
Besides the Indian Merchants that are at Bagnagar, there are many Persians and Armenians, but through the weakness of the Government, the Omras sometimes squeeze them; and whilst I was there, an Omra detained in his House a Gentile Banker whom he had sent for, and made him give him five thousand Chequins; upon the report of this Extortion, the Bankers shut up their Offices, but the King Commanded all to be restored to the Gentile, and so the matter was taken up.  
The Tradesmen of the Town, and those who cultivate the Land, are Natives of the Country. There are many Franks also in the Kingdom, but most of them are Portuguese, who have fled thither for Crimes they have committed: However the English and Dutch have lately settled there, and the last make great profits. They established a Factory there, (three years since) where they buy up for the Company, may Chites and other clothes, which they vent elsewhere in the Indies. They bring from Masulipatan upon Oxen, the Goods which they know to be of readiest sale in Bagnagar; and other Towns of the Kingdom, as Cloves, Pepper, Cinnamon, Silver, Copper, Tin, and Led, and thereby gain very much; for they say, they get five an twenty for one, of profit; and I was assured that this profit amounted yearly to eleven or twelve hundred thousand French Livres. They are made welcome in that Country, because they make many Presents, and a few days before I parted from Bagnagar, their Governor began to have Trumpets and Tymbals, and a Standard carried before him, by Orders from his Superiors.  
Public Women are allowed in the Kingdom, so that no body minds it when they see a Man go to their Houses, 
Public Women.  and they are often at their Doors well dressed, to draw in Passengers: But they say, most of them are spoiled. The common People give their Wives great Liberty: 
The liberty of Wives in Golconda.  When a Man is to be Married, the Father and Mother of his Bride, make him promise that he will not take it ill, that his Wife go and walk through the Town, or visit her Neighbours, nay and drink Tarry, a drink that the Indians of Golconda are extremely fond of.  
When a Theft is committed at Bagnagar, or elsewhere, they punish the Thief by cutting off both his Hands; which is the Custom also in most Countries of the Indies.  
The most current Money in this Kingdom, are the Pagods, 
The Money of Golconda.  Roupies of Mogul, the half Roupies, quarter Roupies and Pechas. The Pagods are pieces of Gold, of which there are old and new ones; when I was at Bagnagar, the old were worth five Roupies and a half, that's to say, about eight French Livres, because they were scarce then, and the new were only worth four Roupies, that's about six Livres; but both rise and fall, according as People stand in need of them: And the Roupies which in Mogulistan are worth but about half a Crown, 
Pechas.  pass in Golconda for five and fifty Pechas, which are worth six and forty or seven and forty Sols. This Money of Pechas is Coined at Bagnagar; but the Dutch at present furnishing the Copper, these Pechas are for them, which afterward by the way of Trade they change into Pagods and Roupies.  

The Price and Weight of Diamonds.  Seeing the Kingdom of Golconda may be said to be the Country of Diamonds, it will not be amiss to know the Price that is commonly given for them proportionably to their weight. The chief weight of Diamonds, is the Mangelin; 
Mangelin a weight. Carat.  it weighs five Grains and three fifths, and the Carat weighs only four Grains, and five Mangelins make seven Carats. Diamonds that weigh but one or two Mangelins, are commonly sold for fifteen or sixteen Crowns the Mangelin; such as weigh three Mangelins, are sold for thirty Crowns the Mangelin; and for five Crowns one may have three Diamonds, if all the three weigh but a Mangelin: However the price is not fixed, for one day I saw fifty Crowns a Mangelin paid for a Diamond of ten Mangelins, and next day there was but four and forty a Mangelin, paid for another Diamond that weighed fifteen Mangelins: Not long after, I was at the Castle with a Hollander who bought a large Diamond weighing fifty Mangelins, or threescore and ten Carats, he was asked seventeen thousand Crowns for it; he bargained for it a long while, but at length drew the Merchant aside to strike up a bargain, and I could not prevail with him to tell me what he paid for it. That Stone has a grain in the middle, and must be cut in two. He bought another at Bagnagar, which weighed thirty five Mangelins or eight and forty Carats, and he had the Carat for five hundred and fifty five Guilders.   

CHAP. VI Of the Castle of Golconda.  

Golconda a Castle.  THe Castle where the King commonly keeps his Court, is two Leagues from Bagnagar; it is called Golconda, and the Kingdom bears the same name. Cotup-Cha the first, gave it that name, because after his Usurpation seeking out for a place where he might build a strong Castle, the place where the Castle stands was named to him by a Shepherd, who guided him through a Wood to the Hill where the Palace is at present; and the place appearing very proper for his design, he built the Castle there, and called it Golconda, from the word Golcar, which in the Telenghi Language signifies a Shepherd: all the Fields about Golconda were then but a Forest, which were cleared by little and little, and the Wood burnt. This place is to the West of Bagnagar; the plain that leads to it, as one goes out of the Suburbs, affords a most lovely sight, to which the prospect of the Hill that rises like a Sugar-loaf in the middle of the Castle, which has the King's Palace all round upon the sides of it, contributes much by its natural situation. This Fort is of a large compass, and may be called a Town; the Walls of it are built of Stones three Foot in length, and as much in breadth, and are surrounded with deep Ditches, divided into Tanquys, which are full of fair and good Water.  
But after all, it hath no works of Fortification but five round Towers, which (as well as the Walls of the place) have a great many Cannon mounted upon them, for their defence. Though there be several Gates into this Castle, yet two only are kept open, and as we entered, we crossed over a Bridge built over a large Tanquie, and then went through a very narrow place betwixt two Towers, which turning and winding, leads to a great Gate guarded by Indians sitting on seats of Stone, with their Swords by them. They let no Stranger in, if he have not a permission from the Governor, or be not acquainted with some Officer of the Kings. Besides the King's Palace there is no good building in this Castle, unless it be some Officers lodgings; but the Palace is great, and well situated for good Air, and a lovely Prospect; and a Flemish Chirurgeon who is in the King's service, told me, that the Chamber where he waited on the King, hath a Kiock, from whence one may discover not only all the Castle and Country about, but also all Bagnagar, and that one must pass through twelve Gates before one comes to the apartment of the Prince. Most part of the Officers lodge in the Castle, which hath several good Bazars, where all things necessary, (especially for life) may be had, and all the Omras, and other great Lords have Houses there, besides those they have at Bagnagar.  
The King will have the good Workmen to live there, and therefore appoints them lodgings, for which they pay nothing: He makes even Jeweller's lodge in his Palace, and to these only he trusts Stones of consequence, strictly charging them not to tell any what work they are about, lest if Auran-Zeb should come to know that his workmen are employed about Stones of great value, he might demand them of him: The Workmen of the Castle are taken up about the King's common Stones, of which he hath so many that these Men can hardly work for any body else. 
The cutting of Saphires.   
They cut Saphires with a Bow of Wire; whilst one Workman handles the Bow, another pours continually upon the Stone a very liquid solution of the Power of white Emrod made in Water; 
White Emrod.  and so they easily compass their Work. That white Emrod is found in Stones, in a particular place of the Kingdom, and is called Coriud in the Telenghy Language: It is sold for a Crown or two Roupies the pound, and when they intent to use it, they beat it into a Powder. 
To take a spot out of a Diamond.   
When they would cut a Diamond to take out some grain of Sand, or or other imperfection they find in it, they saw it a little in the place where it is to be cut, and then laying it upon a hole that is in a piece of wood, they put a little wedge of Iron upon the place that is sawed, and striking it as gently as may be, it cuts the Diamond through. 
Bezoars.   
The King hath store of excellent Bezoars: The Mountains where the Goats feed that produce them, are to the North-East of the Castle, seven or eight days Journey from Bagnagar; they are commonly sold for forty Crowns the pound weight. The long are the best: They find of them in some Cows, which are much bigger than those of Goats, but of far less value, and those which of all others are most esteemed, are got out of a kind of Apes that are somewhat rare, and these Bezoars are small and long.  
The Sepulchers of the King who built Golconda, 
The Sepulchers of the Kings and Princes of Golconda.  and of the five Princes who have Reigned after him, are about two Musquet-shot from the Castle. They take up a great deal of Ground, because every one of them is in a large Garden; the way to go thither is out at the West Gate, and by it not only the Bodies of Kings and Princes, but of all that die in the Castle are carried out; and no interest can prevail to have them conveyed out by any other Gate. The Tombs of the six Kings are accompanied with those of their Relations, their Wives, and chief Eunuches. Every one of them is in the middle of a Garden; and to go see them, one must ascend by five or six steps to a walk built of those Stones, which resemble the Theban. The Chapel which contains the Tomb is surrounded by a Gallery with open Arches: It is square, and raised six or seven Fathom high; it is beautified with many Ornaments of Architecture, and covered with a Dome, that at each of the four corners has a Turret; few people are suffered to go in, because these places are accounted Sacred. There are Santoes who keep the entry, and I could not have got in, if I had not told them that I was a Stranger. The floor is covered with a Carpet, and on the Tomb there is a Satin Pall with white Flowers, that trails upon the Ground. There is a Cloth of State of the same Stuff a Fathom high, and all is lighted with many Lamps. The Tombs of the Sons and Daughters of the King are on the one side, and on the other all that King's Books, on folding seats, which for the most part are Alcorans with their Commentaries, and some other Books of the Mahometan Religion. The Tombs of the other Kings are like to this, save only that the Chapels of some are square in the inside as on the outside, and of others built in form of a Cross; some are lined with that lovely Stone I have mentioned, others with black Stone, and some others with white, so Varnished as that they appear to be Polished Marble, nay, some of them are lined with Purslane. The Tomb of the King that died last is the finest of all, and its Dome is Varnished over with Green. The Tombs of the Princes their Brothers, of their other Relations, and of their Wives also, are of the same form as their own are; but they are easily to be distinguished, because their Domes have not the crescent which is upon the Domes of the Monuments of the Kings. The Sepulchers of the chief Eunuches are low and flat Roofed without any Dome, but have each of them their Garden: All these Sepulchers are Sanctuaries, and how criminal soever a Man may be that can get into them, he is secure. The Gary is rung there as well as in the Castle, and all things are most exactly regulated amongst the Officers. That Gary is pretty pleasant, though it be only rung with a stick, striking upon a large Plate of Copper that is held in the Air; but the Ringer strikes artfully, and makes Harmony with it; the Gary serves to distinguish time. In the Indies the natural day is divided into two parts, The one gins at break of day, and the other at the beginning of the night, and each of these parts is divided into four Quarters, and each Quarter into eight Parts, which they call Gary.   

CHAP. VII. Of the King of Golconda that Reigns.  
THe King that Reigns is a Chiai by Religion, that's to say, of the Sect of the Persians; he is the seventh since the Usurpation made upon the Successor of Chaalem King of Decan, and he is called Abdulla Cotup-Cha. I have already observed, that the name of all the Kings of Golconda is Cotup-Cha, as Edel-Cha is the name of the Kings of Viziapour. This King is the Son of a Bramen Lady, who hath had other Princes also by the late King her Husband, and was very witty. He was but fifteen years of Age when his Father (who left the Crown to his Eldest Son) died; but the Eldest being less beloved of the Queen than Abdulla his younger Brother, he was clapped up in Prison, and Abdulla placed upon the Throne. He continued in Prison until the year One thousand six hundred fifty eight; when Auran-Zeb coming into the Kingdom with an Army, the captive Prince had the boldness to send word to the King, that if he pleased to give him the command of his Forces, he would meet the Mogul and fight him. The King was startled at that bold proposal, and was so far from granting him what he demanded, that he caused him to be poisoned.  

The number of Soldiers.  The King of Golconda pays above Five hundred thousand Soldiers; and that makes the Riches of the Omras, because he who has Pay for a thousand Men, entertains but Five hundred, and so do the rest proportionably. He allows a Trooper (who ought to be either a Mogul or Persian) ten Chequins a month, and for that Pay, he ought to keep two Horses and four or five Servants. A Foot-Soldier (of these Nations) hath five Chequins, and aught to entertain two Servants, and carry a Musket. He gives not the Indians (his own Subjects) above two or three Roupies a month, and these carry only the Lance and Pike. Seeing the late King gave his Soldiers better Pay than this does, he was far better served: He entertained always a strong Army, and the number of Men he paid was always complete. By that means he easily hindered the Great Mogul from attempting any thing against him, and was not tributary to him as his Son is.  
Heretofore the King went ever now and then to his Palace of Bagnagar, but he hath not been there this eight years; since Auran-Zeb (who was then but Governor of a Province) surprised him in it, having marched his Forces with so great diligence, that they were at the Gates of Bagnagar, before the King had any News that they were marched from Aurangeabad, so that he easily made himself Master of the Town: Nevertheless, the King in disguise, escaped by a private door, and retreated to the Fort of Golconda. The Mogul plundered the Town and Palace, carrying away all the Riches, even to the Plates of Gold, wherewith the Fleors of the King's apartment were covered. The Queen Mother (at length) had the Art to appease the Conqueror; she treated with him in name of the King, and granted him one of his Daughters in Marriage for his Son, with promise that he should leave the Kingdom to him, if he had no Male issue, and he hath none. Had it not been for that Accommodation, he was upon the point of losing his Kingdom, and perhaps his life too. Since that time he is apprehensive of every thing; and next to the Queen mother, he trusts no body but Sidy Mezafer (his favourite) and the Bramen, because that Queen is of the Bramen Castle, and continually surrounded by them. The King knows of nothing but by them, and there are some appointed to hearken to what the Vizier himself, and other Officers have to say to the King; but his fear is much increased since the Great Mogul hath been in War with the King of Viziapour, whom in the beginning he assisted with Two hundred thousand Men, commanded by an Eunuch, who was almost as soon recalled as sent, upon the complaints made by the Moguls Ambassador at Golconda. The King (to excuse himself) said, that that Army was sent without his knowledge; and he is still in great apprehension of having the Moguls upon his back, if they succeed against the King of Viziapour, who hath hitherto defended himself very bravely. This shows the weakness of that King; he dares not put to death his Omras, even when they deserve it; and if he find them guilty of any Crime, he condemns them only to pay a Fine, and takes the Money. Nay, the Dutch begin to insult over him, and it is not long since they obliged him to abandon to them an English Ship, which they had seized in the Road of Masulipatan, though he had undertaken to protect her.  
There is a Prince also at his Court, who gins to create him a great deal of trouble, and it is he whom they call the King's little Son-in-law, who hath married the third of the Princesses his Daughters, because he is of the Blood Royal: He pretends to the Crown, what promise soever hath been made to the Great Mogul; he makes himself to be served as the King himself is, who hitherto loved him very tenderly; but at present he is jealous of that Son-in-law as well as of the rest, and fancies that he intends to destroy him, that he himself may Reign, tho' he be reckoned a Man of great integrity. There was in Bagnagar a Moorish Santo that lived near the Carvansery of Nimet-Ulla, who was held in great veneration by the Mahometans; 
A Moorish Santo.  the House he lived in was built for him by a great Omra, but he kept his Windows shut all day, and never opened them till towards the Evening, to give his Benedictions to a great many people, who asked them with cries, prostating themselves, and kissing the ground in his presence. Most part of the Omras visited that cheat every evening; and when he went abroad (which happened seldom) he went in a Palanquin, where he shown himself stark naked after the Indian fashion, and the People reverenced him as a Saint. The great Lords made him Presents, and in the Court of his House he had an Elephant chained, which was given him by a great Omra. Whilst I was on my Journey to Carnates, the King's little Son-in-law gave to this Santo a great many Jewels belonging to the Princess his Wife, Daughter to the King; and since no Man knew the motive of so great a Present, which perhaps was only some Superstitious Devotion, it was presently given out that it was to raise Forces against the King, that with the concurrence of the Santo he might invade the Crown. Whether that report was true or false, it is certain that the King sent to the Santoes House, to fetch from thence his Daughter's Jewels and the Elephant, and ordered him to departed out of the Kingdom. The King's eldest Daughter was married to the Kinsman of a Cheik of Mecha; the second married Mahmoud, eldest Son to Auran-Zeb, for the Reasons I mentioned already; and the third is Wife to the little Son-in-law Mirza Abdul-Cossin, who has Male-childrens by her; and they say, the fourth is designed for the King of Viziapour.  
The King of Golconda has vast Revenues; he is proprietory of all the Lands in his Kingdom, which he Rents out to those who offer most, except such as he gratifies his particular Friends with, to whom he gives the use of them for a certain time. 
Customs.  The Customs of Merchants Goods that pass through his Country, and of the Ports of Masulipatan and Madrespatan yield him much, and there is hardly any sort of Provisions in his Kingdom, from which he hath not considerable deuce.  

Diamond Mines.  The Diamond-Mines pay him likewise a great Revenue, and all they whom he allows to dig in; those that are towards Masulipatan pay him a Pagod every hour they work there, whether they find any Diamonds or not. His chief Mines are in Carnates in divers places towards Viziapour, and he hath Six thousand Men continually at work there, who daily find near three Pound weight, and no body digs there but for the King.  

A rich Jewel of the King of Golconde.  This Prince wears on the Crown of his head, a Jewel almost a Foot long, which is said to be of an inestimable value; it is a Rose of great Diamonds, three or four Inches diameter; in the top of that Rose there is a little Crown, out of which issues a Branch fashioned like a Palmtree Branch, but is round; and that Palm-Branch (which is crooked at the top) is a good Inch in Diameter, and about half a Foot long; it is made up of several Sprigs, which are (as it were) the leaves of it, and each of which have at their end a lovely long Pearl shaped like a Pear; at the Foot of this Posy, there are two Bands of Gold in fashion of Table-bracelets, in which are enchased large Diamonds set round with Rubies, which with great Pearls that hang dangling on all sides, make an exceeding rare show; and these Bands have Clasps of Diamonds to fasten the Jewels to the head: In short, That King hath many other considerable pieces of great value in his Treasury, and it is not to be doubted, but that he surpasses all the Kings of the Indies in precious Stones; and that if there were Merchants (who would give him their worth,) he would have prodigious Sums of Money.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Omras or Omros of Golconda.  
THe Omras are the great Lords of the Kingdom, who are (for the most part) Persians, or the Sons of Persians; they are all rich, for they not only have great Pay yearly of the King for their Offices, but they make extreme advantage also by the Soldiers, scarcely paying one half of the number they are obliged to entertain; besides that, they have gratifications from the King, of Lands and Villages, whereof he allows them the Use, where they commit extraordinary exactions by the Bramen, who are their Farmers.  
These Omras generally make a very handsome Figure; when they go through the Town, an Elephant or two goes before them, on which three Men carrying Banners are mounted; fifty or sixty Troopers well clothed, and riding on Persian or Tartarian Horses, with Bows and Arrows, Swords by their sides, and Bucklers on their backs, follow them at some distance; and after these come other Men on Horseback, sounding Trumpets, and playing on Fifes.  
After them comes the Omra on Horseback, with thirty or forty Footmen about him, some making way, others carrying Lances, and some with fine Napkins driving away the Flies. One of them holds an Umbrello over his Master's head, another carries the Tobacco-Pipe, and others Pots full of water in hanging Cages of Canes. The Palanquin carried by four Men, comes next with two other Porters for change; and all this pomp is brought up by a Camel or two, with Men beating of Timbals on their backs.  
When the Omra pleases, he takes his Palanquin, and then his Horse is led by him. The Palanquin is sometimes covered with Silver, and its Canes or Bambous tipped with Silver at both ends; the Lord is to be seen lying in it, holding Flowers in his hand, smoking Tobacco, or else chewing beetle and Areca, showing by that soft and effeminate Posture a most supine dissoluteness. All (who have any considerable Pay, whether Moor or Gentiles) imitate the Gentiles, and are carried through the Town in Palanquins well attended; and the Dutch Interpreter at Bagnagar (who is a Gentile,) goes at present with such an equipage, save only that instead of Camels, he hath a Chariot; but (at least) there is not a Cavalier, but hath his Umbrello bearer, his two Flie-drivers, and his Cupbearer.  
The beetle (which these Gentlemen chew in their Palanquin) is a Leaf not unlike to an Orange-Tree Leaf, though it be not so broad; the Stalk of it being weak, it is commonly planted near the Areca-Tree, to which it clings; and indeed, the Indians never take beetle without an Areca-Nut, and they are sold together. The Areca is very high, and much like to an ordinary Palmtree; it carries its Nuts in clusters, and they are as big as Dates, and insipid. This beetle and Areca keep all the Indians in countenance, and they use it in the Streets and every where. They pretend that it is an excellent thing for the Stomach, and for the sweetness of Breath.  
All that are called Omras at Golconda, have not the ability of those whose Train and Equipage I have now observed; there are those who being not so rich, proportion their Train to their Revenue; besides, the quality of Omra is become so common, and so much liberty allowed to take that Title, that the Indians who guard the Castle and the outside of the King's Palace, to the number of a Thousand, must needs be called Omras also, though their Pay be no more than about a Crown a month: But in short, some of the great Omras are exceeding rich. There was the Omra, or rather the Emir Gemla, 
Emir-Gemla, or Mir-Gemla.  the Son of an Oyl-man of Ispahan, who had the wealth of a Prince: He left the Service of the King of Golconda, went over to the Mogul, and died Governor of Bengala. It is well known, that he had a design to make himself King of Bengala, where he was very powerful, and that he only waited for a favourable occasion to get his Son from the Court of the Great Mogul, where he was detained as an hostage. He had twenty Man's weight of Diamonds, which make Four hundred and eight Pounds of Holland's weight; and all this Wealth he got by the Plunder he formerly made in Carnates, when he was at the head of the Army of the King of Golconda, at the time when that King (in conjunction with the King of Viziapour) made War against the King of Bisnagar. This General took a great many places there in a short time, 
Guendicot.  but the Fort of Guendicot standing upon the top of an inaccessible Rock, put a full stop to his Conquests. The Town is upon the side of the Hill; one must (in a manner) crawl up to come to it, and there is no way to enter it but by one narrow Path. Mir-Gemla being unable to force it, made use of his cunning and Money, and so managed those (whom the Naique sent to him to negotiate a Peace,) that he wheedled out the Governor, under pretext of entering into a League with him for great Designs; but no sooner was he come to the place of meeting, but the Omra made sure of his Person, contrary to the Promise he had given, and kept him constantly with him till he put him in possession of Guendicot. This place is within ten days Journey of St. Thomas, upon the main Land.  
I had been two months in the Country when Winter came on; 
Winter in Golconda.  it began in June by Rain and Thunder, but the Thunder lasted not above four days, and the Rain poured down with great storms of Wind till the middle of July, though now and then we had some fair weather: The rest of that month was pretty fair; in August, September and October, there fell great Rains, but without any Thunder; the Rivers overflowed so prodigiously that there was no passing over the Bridges, no not with the help of Elephants. The River of Bagnagar beat down almost Two thousand Houses, in which many People perished. The Air was a little cold in the nighttime and morning, there was some heat during the day, but it was as moderate as it is in France in the month of May, and the Air continued in this temper until February the year following, when the great heats began again.  
These Rains render the Land of this Kingdom exceeding fertile, which yields all things in abundance, and especially Fruits. Vines are plentiful there, and the Grapes are ripe in January, though there be some that are not gathered but in February, March or April, according as the Vines are exposed to the heat; they make White-wine of them. When the Grapes are gathered, they Prune the Vines, and about Midsummer they yield Verjuice. In this Country also they have two Crops a year of Rice, and many other Grains.   

CHAP. IX. The Author's departure from Bagnagar for Masulipatan.  
HAving stayed long enough at Bagnagar, I had a design to see some Countries of the coast of Coromandel; and notwithstanding it was Winter, I resolved to set out for Masulipatan. Seeing there was no Travelling neither in Coach nor Chariot, because of the badness of the Ways, and the frequent overflowings of the Rivers and Brooks, I hired a Horse for myself, and two Oxen for my Servant and Baggage, and I parted with some Merchants. We came to a Bourg called Elmas-Kepentch, eight Leagues from Bagnagar: 
Diamond-mines. Tenara, a stately Palace.  They who have a mind to go to the Diamond-mines of Gany, take their way by Tenara, where the King has a stately Palace, consisting of four large Piles of Stone-Building, two Stories high, and adorned with Porticoes, Halls and Galleries, and before the Palace there is a large regular Square; besides these Royal Apartments, there are Habitations for Travellers, and unalienable Rents for entertaining the poor, and all Passengers that please to stop there.  
Having no business at these Diamond-mines, which are six or seven days Journey from Golconda, we went the other way. In all our Journey, we found but three small Towns, which are Panguel, Sarchel and Penguetchepoul; but we met with several Rivers, the most considerable of which are Kachkna and Money; we went through sixteen or seventeen Villages, about which the Fields are always green and pleasant to the eye, though the way be very bad. There I saw Trees of all kinds that are in the Indies, and even Cassia-Trees, though they be scarce in other Countries of the Indies; at length (in ten days time) we arrived at Masulipatan, the whole Journey makes about fifty three French Leagues, and in fair weather they perform it in a week's time.  

The Road from Bagnagar to Masulipatan. Elmas-Quipentch●, eight Leagues from Bagnagar. Tchellapeli 6 Leag. from Elmas-Panguel, a Town. Amanguel 6 Leag. and a half from Tchellapeli. Surchel-Quipentche, a Town, half a Leag. from Amen. Mousi, a River. Gougelou 3 Leag. from Sarchel. Anendeguir 4 Leag. from Gougelou. Penguetchpoul, a Town, 5 Leag. from Auendeguir. Pantela, 5 Leag. and a half from Penguetch. Matcher, 4 Leag. from Pantela. Quachgna, 2 River. Ovir 4 Leag. from Matcher. Milmol, 4 Leag. from Ovir. Goroupet, 2 Leag. from Milmol. Masulipatan, half a Leag. from Goroupet.  Masulipatan lies on the coast of Coromandel, in sixteen degrees and a half North-Latitude. This Town is Situated upon the Gulf of Bengala East Southeast from Bagnagar, though the Town be but small, yet it is well Peopled; the Streets are narrow, and it is intolerably hot there from March till July. The Houses are all separated one from another, and the Water is brackish, because of the Tides that come up to it; there is great Trading there in Chites, because, besides those that are made there, a great many are brought from St. Thomas, which are much finer, and of better Colours than those of the other parts of the Indies.  
The Coast is excellent, and therefore Ships come thither from all Nations, and go from thence into all Countries. I saw there Cochinchinese, Men of Siam, Pegu, and of many other Kingdoms of the East.  
The Country of Masulipatan (as all the rest of the Coast) is so full of Idolaters, and the Pagods so full of the lascivious Figures of Monsters, 
Idolaters. Figures of Monsters.  that one cannot enter them without horror; it is exceeding fruitful, and Provisions are very cheap there. The people of our Caravan had a Sheep for Twelve pence, a Partridge for a Half penny, and a Fowl for less than Two pence; it is the same almost all over the coast of Coromandel, 
The extent of the Coast of Coromandel.  wherein there is no more commonly comprehended but what reaches from the Cape of Negapatan to the Cape of Masulipatan: But some Authors carry it further, and will have it to reach from Cape Comory to the Western mouth of the Ganges, though others make it to end at the Cape, 
The Cape Das Palmas.  which the Portuguese call Das Palmas.  
There are several Towns on this Coast, some of which are good, and amongst others Negapatan, which lies in the Latitude of twelve degrees: 
Negapatan. Trangabar. Meliapour, or St. Thomas.  Trangabar, which is almost in the same Latitude; Meliapour or St. Thomas, which lies in the height of thirteen degrees and a half, and which the Moors (with the assistance of the Dutch) took back from the Portuguese in the year One thousand six hundred sixty two.  
The Kingdom of Golconda reaches not above two Leagues beyond St. Thomas. They say that St. Thomas suffered Martyrdom in that Town which bears his name; at St. Thomas they make Lime of such Shells as are brought from St. Michael in Normandy, and for that end they burn them with Hogsdung.  
The Smallpox is very frequent in that Country; but there is another more violent Distemper that commonly commits greater ravage there, It is called Akeron, and only seizes Children; 
Akeron, a distemper.  it is an inflammation of the Tongue and Mouth, proceeding from too great heat; their Parents are careful to cool them from time to time with Herbs that are good against that Disease, for otherwise it seizes the Guts, reaches to the Fundament, and kills the Child. There are many Naiques to the South of St. Thomas, 
Naiques that are Sovereigns.  who are Sovereigns: The Naique of Madura is one; he of Tangiour is at present a Vassal to the King of Viziapour. Naique properly signifies a Captain; heretofore they were Governors of Places, and Officers of the King; but having Reveled, they made themselves Sovereigns.  
Poliacate is to the North of St. Thomas, 
Poliacate.  and the Factory (which the Dutch have established there) is one of the best they have in the Indies, by reason of the Cotton-cloaths, of which they have great Warehouses full there. At Poliacate they refine the Salt-Petre which they bring from Bengala, 
Salt-Petre.  and make the Gunpowder, with which they furnish their other Factories; they refine the Salt-Petre that they send to Europe in Batavia. The Governor of Gueldria, which is the Fort of Poliacate, 
Gueldria.  has of the Dutch fifty Crowns a month Pay, with fifty Crowns more for his Table, Provisions of Wine and Oil, and his clothes, which he can take when he pleases out of the Companies Warehouses. The current Money at Poliacate, are Roupies and Pagods, which are there worth four Roupies, that is almost six French Livres; they have Fanons also which are small pieces, 
Fanons, Money.  half Gold and half Silver; they have the same Stamp as the Pagods have; six and a half of them (with half a Quarter-piece) make a Rupee, and six and twenty and a half a Pagod: They have also Gazers, which are small Copper-pieces, 
Gazer, Money.  as big as a Fanon, forty of which go to a Fanon; and the Dutch at present Coin all these pieces of Money.  

Palicole. Dacheron.  Their Company has a Factory also at Palicole, two days Journey Northward from Masulipatan, and another at Dacheron on the same Coast. Bimilipatan is four days Journey Northwards of Masulipatan. The Traffic of those parts consists in Rice, fine clothes, Iron, Wax and Lacre, which is as good as at Pegu; and from abroad they import Copper, Tin, Led and Pepper: 
Bimilipatan. Cicacola.  From Bimilipatan to Cicacola it is fifteen hours travelling by Land, and that is the last Town of the Kingdom of Golconda, on the side of Bengala. The Governors of that Country are great Tyrants, and if any one threaten to inform the King of their exactions, they'll laugh at it, and say that he is King of Golconda, and they of their Governments; from Cicacola to Bengala it is a month's Journey by Land.  
In many places of the Kingdom of Golconda the people are much infested by Serpents; but one may cure himself of their Sting, provided he neglect not the wound, and hold a burning Coal very near the part that is stung; the Venom is perceived to work out by degrees, and the heat of the Fire is not at all troublesome: They make use also of the Stone of Cobra, which hath been spoken of before.  
When I thought myself sufficiently informed of the places on the Coast of Coromandel, I returned from Masulipatan to Bagnagar, and stayed there three weeks longer, because I would not go from thence but in company of Monsieur Bazon, who had some business still remaining to make an end of; so that I had as much time as I needed to see the Celebration of the Festival of Hussein, 
The Festival of Hussein in Golconde.  the Son of Aly, which fell out at that time. The Moors of Golconda celebrated it with more Fopperies than they do in Persia; there is nothing but Masquarades for the space of ten days; they erect Chapels in all the Streets with Tents, which they fill with Lamps, and adorn with Foot-Carpets; the Streets are full of People, and all of them almost have their Faces covered with Sifted ashes; they who are naked cover their whole Body with them, and they who are clothed their Apparel; but the clothes they wear on these days are generally extravagant, and their Head-tire much more; they all carry Arms; most part have their Swords naked, and the poor have Wooden ones; several drag about the Streets long Chains as big as one's Arm, which are tied to their Girdle; and it being painful to drag them, they thereby move the pity of Zelots who touch them, and having kissed their Fingers, lift them up to their Eyes, as if these Chains were holy Relics. They make Processions, wherein many carry Banners, and others have Poles, on which there is a Silver-Plate that represents Husseins hand; some with little Houses of a light wood upon their heads, skip, and turn at certain Cadences of a Song; others dance in a round, holding the point of their naked Swords upwards, which they clash one against another, crying with all their force Hussein: The public Wenches themselves come in for a share in this Festival, by their extravagant Dances, Habits and Head-tire.  
The Heathen Idolaters celebrate this Feast also for their diversion, and they do it with such Fopperies as far surpass the Moors; they drink, eat, laugh, and dance on all hands, and they have Songs which savour little of a doleful pomp, that the Moors pretend to represent: They observe only not to shave themselves during the ten days; but though it be prohibited to sell any thing except Bread and Fruit, yet there is plenty of all things in private Houses.  
This Festival is hardly ever celebrated without Bloodshed; for there being several Sunnis who laugh at the others, and the Chyais not being able to endure it, they often quarrel and fight, which is a very proper representation of the Feast; and at that time there is no enquiry made into Manslaughter, because the Moors believe, that during these ten days the Gates of Paradise are open to receive those who die for the Musselman Faith. At Bagnagar I saw one of these quarrels raised by a Tartar, who spoke some words against Hussein: Some Chyais being scandalised thereat, fell upon him to be revenged, but he killed three of them with his Sword, and many Musket-Shot were fired: A Gentleman (who would have parted them) received a wound in the Belly that was like to have cost him his life, and seven were killed outright: Nay, some of the Servants of the Grand Vizier were engaged in it; and this chief Minister passing by that place in his Palanquin, made haste down that he might get on Horseback and ride away. Next day after the Feast they make other processions, sing doleful Ditties, and carry about Coffins covered with divers Stuffs, with a Turban on each Coffin, to represent the interment of Hussein and his Men, who were killed at the Battle of Kerbela by the Forces of Calif Yezid.   

CHAP. X. Of the Author's departure from Bagnagar for Surrat, and of Mordechin.  
NO sooner was this Feast ended, but Monsieur Bazou advertised me to prepare for my return to Surrat, which I did; so that November the thirteenth we parted from Bagnagar, 
Camping or Lodgings from Bagnagar to Beder. From Bagnagar to Danec five Cosses. Neruna, a Riu. To Tchelcour 7 Cosses. Penu, a River. To Squequerdeh 6 Cosses. To Yacout-Kepentch 3 Cosses. To Yenquetala 6 Cosses. Moumin a Town. Pendgioul a Town. To Covir 8 Cosses. Senjavoured. To Dediqui 6 Cos. To Beder 4 Cos. The Cosses reduced make 22 Leag. and a half. Lodgings from Beder to Patry. To Ecour 12 Coss. Manjera a River. To Morg 8 Coss. to Oudeguir 6 Coss. to hely 6 Coss. to Rajoura 6 Coss. to Saourgaon 6 Coss. Careck a River. Ganga a River. To Caly 8 Coss. to Raampouri 6 Coss. to Patry 8 Coss. the whole 33 Leagues. The way from Patry to Brampour. To Gahelgaon 9 Coss. Doudna a River. Patou a Town, 6 Coss. Ne'er a Town, 6 Coss. Seouny 8 Coss. Chendequer a Town, 2 Coss. Ourna a River. Zafravad a Town, 10 Coss. Piply 10 Coss. Deoulgan 6 Coss. Rouquera a Town, 6 Coss. Melcapour a Town, 2 Coss. Nervar a River. Pourna River. Japour 12 Coss. Tapty Riu. Brampour a Town, 2 Coss. The whole 39 Leag. and a half.  with a Passport he had obtained from the King, to pay no Duties throughout the whole Kingdom; but we went another way than we came. When we came to Danec they demanded Duties for three Villages, but with so much eagerness, that it seemed we were in the fault that we had not our Money ready in our hands to give it them; however, when the Man (whom Sidy Muzafer had given Monsieur Bazon to make good the Passport) had shown it to the Collectors, they were satisfied, and only asked some small gratuity to buy beetle; and it was just so with us in all places where Toll is paid. We continued our Journey by most ugly ways; and after seven days March arrived at the Town of Beder, mentioned before, which is but two and twenty Leagues distant from Bagnagar. In this Road we found the Rivers of Nerva, Penna and Mousi, two little Towns, called Moumin and Pendgioul, and a great many Villages. The Kingdom of Golconda ends on this side, betwixt the Bourgs Covir and Senjavoured.  
We parted from Beder the twentieth of November, and I traveled thirty three Leagues more with Monsieur Bazon; but because he had business at Aurangeabad, and I at Brampour, we parted the thirtieth of November at the Town of Patry, after we had passed the Rivers Manjera, Careck and Ganga. We found upon our Road the Towns of Oudeguir, Rajoura and Patry, where the Governors took great care to guard themselves from the Parties of the King of Viziapours Army, with whom the Mogul was in War. For my part, (having taken another Servant) I took my way by the Towns of Patou, Ne'er, Chendequer, Zafravad, Rouquera and Melcapour, all which six are not so good as one of our ordinary Cities; and on Thursday the ninth of December I arrived at Brampour, which I have described before. In my way from Patry to Brampour, I found the Rivers Doudna, Nervar, Pourna and Tapty, and I spent nine and twenty days in that Journey, though in another season of the year it be performed in two and twenty.  
I parted from Brampour (the Capital City of the Province of Candiche) to return to Surrat by the common Road,) and falling sick of a Colic by the way, I learned a cure for it. The Portuguese call the four sorts of colics that people are troubled with in the Indies (where they are frequent) Mordechin. 
Mordechin.  The first is a bare Colic, but that causes sharp Pains; the second, besides the Pain causes a Looseness. They who are troubled with the third, have violent Vomitings with the Pains; and the fourth produces all the three Symptoms, to wit, Vomiting, Looseness, and extreme Pain; and this last I take to be the Cholera morbus. These distempers proceed most commonly from Indigestion, and cause sometimes such cutting Pains, that they kill a Man in four and twenty hours. 
A Remedy for the Colic.  The Remedy which is used in the Indies against it, is to heat a Peg of Iron about half as big as one's Finger red hot, clap it to the sole of the Patient's heel, and hold it there till he be no longer able to endure it, so that the Iron leave a mark behind it: The same must be done to the other heel with the same red hot Iron, and that Remedy is commonly so effectual that the Pains instantly cease. If the Patient be let Blood with that burning, his life will be in evident danger; and several People have told me that when they let Blood before they burn the heel, the Patient infallibly dies, just as many days after he hath been let Blood, as he was ill before; but Blood-letting is not dangerous two days after the Operation: There are some who make use of Ligatures for this distemper, and bind the Patient's head so fast with a Swathing-band, as if they had a mind to squeeze out his Brains; they do the same with his Back, Reins, Thighs and Legs; and when the Patient finds no good of this Ligature, they think him past cure.  

A Flux or Looseness. A Remedy for a Flux.  A Flux alone is also a common and very dangerous distemper in the Indies, for many die of it, and the least over-heating brings it upon one. The Remedy is to take two Drachms of torrified Rhubarb, and a Drachm of Cummin-seed; all must be beat into a Powder, and taken in Limon-water, or (if that be wanting) in Rose-water. The common people of the Indies have no other remedy against this distemper, but Rice boiled in water till it be dry, they eat it with Milk turned sour, and use no other Food as long as the distemper lasts; the same they use for a Bloody Flux.  
I traveled from Brampour to Surrat with a Banian and a Mula that came from Court. This Mula having represented his poverty to the King, obtained a Pension from him of Five hundred Roupies, which amount to about Seven hundred and fifty French Livres, which was assigned to him upon a Village. It is threescore and fifteen Leagues from Brampour to Surrat, and we spent a fortnight in the Journey; we found many Towns and Castles on our Road, and were never an hour without seeing some Bourg or Village; and seeing Lions many times happen to be in the way, there were Sheds or Cottages under Trees, whither the Indians betook themselves in the nighttime; we crossed also some Mountains and eight Rivers; I saw nothing else but what was very common. We were put in fear of the Troopers of the Raja of Badur, who skulk in the Mountains of Candiche, and roam about every where, though at present their Master renders obedience to the Great Mogul; but we met with none of them, and arrived safely at Surrat.   

CHAP. XI. Curious Memoires of some miscellany Things.  
THey fish for Pearl at the Isle of Manar near to Ceilan, 
Pearl-fishing The Isle of Manar.  which belongs to the Hollanders, who took it from the Portuguese. They who fish there pay tribute to the Dutch, who (besides that) employ a Bramen to buy up most of the Pearls which these Fishermen can catch; and they have commonly a good pennyworth of them, so that the poor people have but little profit of their labour, and the Dutch are great gainers. The same thing is done at Tutucorim, which is over against the Isle of Manar; the Pearls that are fished there, are more lovely than those which are taken in the Persian-Sea, near Bahrein, but they are not so big. These two Fishings have sometimes been spoiled, by throwing into the bottom of the Sea a Drug that chased away the Fish that breed them, and hindered them for many years from coming back again; and they who did it (knowing whither they went) fished them there, and grew rich before it was known that there was good Fishing in that place. The Fishing of Omras was heretofore spoiled in the same manner, and it is the same which is now at Bahrein.  
The King of Candis (in the Isle of Ceilan) is always an enemy to the Dutch; 
The King of Candis.  the cause of that Enmity is, That this Prince having assisted them to drive the Portuguese out of the places they possessed in Ceilan, they used him as an Enemy after they had taken Colombo; which made him say That he had chased away the Dogs to bring in the Lions; they defeated his Forces, and he had no way to save his life but by flight. He is a learned King, understands several Languages, and is very liberal; it is said in the Country that he is vastly rich, but that no body but himself knows where his Treasure is, because, when he thinks fit to go thither to put in or take out any thing, he takes no body with him but a Moor, whom he kills on his return, lest he may discover the place where his Riches are.  
It is this Isle of Ceilan which produces the best Cinnamon; 
Cinnamon.  the Tree (from which they have that Bark) is straight, and pretty like to the Olive-Tree; it bears a white Flower of an excellent Scent, and the Fruit of it is round. They take off the Bark in the Summertime, and when they cut it the Smell is so strong that the Soldiers (who are to guard the same) fall almost sick upon't. Towards Cochin there is wild Cinnamon; but because it is weak, 
Wild Cinnamon.  it is not much esteemed.  
The best Nutmegs are got in the Isle of Banda, 
Nutmegs. The Isle of Banda.  which is to the South of the Molucca's: The Tree that produces them is no higher than our common Apricock-Trees that grow by themselves; when its outward Husk falls off, its Mace appears of a lovely Vermilion colour; but being in the least exposed to the Air, it changes its Colour into a light Brown, as we have it. The Tree is produced after this manner, There is a kind of Birds in the Island, that having picked of the green Husk swallow the Nuts, which having been sometime in their Stomach, they void by the ordinary way; and they fail not to take rooting in the place where they fall, and in time to grow up to a Tree. This Bird is shaped like a Cuckoo, and the Dutch prohibit their Subjects under pain of death to kill any of them.  
Cloves grow upon a Shrub that has long narrow leaves; 
Cloves.  the Flowers of it (which at first are white,) change Colour four or five times, and from the out-most point of its Branches the Cloves grow, which have then a far more fragrant Smell, than when they are brought into Europe. The great Isle of Java furnishes the good Pepper. The Tree is sowed, 
The Pepper of Java.  and when it comes to bear, it produces Cod that contain forty or fifty Corns, such as are brought into our Country.  

Of Japan.  A friend of mine at Surrat gave me a short relation of the Affairs of the Dutch in Japan, which I look upon to be curious enough to deserve a place here. It says, that after the horrible Persecution of the Christians in that Kingdom; the Portuguese (by the artifice of the Dutch) having been deprived of their Trade, the Emperor of that Country suffered the last comers to take the place of the Portuguese; but fearing lest that if he gave them too much liberty, they might abuse it; he ordered them to live in a little Peninsule (called Disima,) which is at the bottom of a Channel, near the Town of Mansaque, which in some Relations of the Jesuits is termed Mangasaquy. This Peninsule is about two thousand Paces in circuit; they go to the Town by a point of Land, and on another side there is a Bridge. The Dutch have built Houses there of Stones, which they brought from Batavia; but they are forbidden to bind them with any Mortar or Cement; and they have obtained no more liberty but to Pile them up one upon another, to hinder People only from seeing what they are doing at home; yet they cut and polish them so ingeniously, that their dry Walls are as good as if they were built with Mortar. They have made two Streets and three public Gates, but they do nothing but what the Governor of the Town knows, either by Spies, or by Guards he sets at the Gates, whom he obliges every evening to give him an account of what passes in the daytime; and these Guards are changed every day.  
None of the Dutch dare go out of the Peninsule without the Governors leave, under pain of being cut; they dare not so much as have a Candle lighted in the nighttime, nor make the least noise; and if the Guard hear any, they blow a Horn, and immediately the Governor sends a Commissary to know what news there is; this Commissary goes into the Streets, makes enquiry, and leaves not the Peninsule till he knew who made the noise, and why? And he has Orders to check, not only those that made it, but also those who are appointed to keep all things quiet and in order. In this constraint the Dutch live during eight months of the year.  
When the Mouson or Season (for sailing upon these Seas) is come, the Governor places Sentinels upon hills to discover the Dutch Fleet. So soon as ever it appears, they give him advice, and he speedily sends, out towards the Fleet as many Boats and Waiters as there are Ships seen; no sooner are they brought into Port, but the Governor sends notice of it to the Emperor by Expresses, (for they have regulated Posts) and the Dutch cannot dispose of any thing before the return of those Expresses. In the mean time they make Inventories of what is on Board the Ships; each Waiter takes one in the Ship that is assigned to him; and the Dutch Captain is obliged to write down the Name, Age, Stature and Office of all the Men in his Ship, and to give that List of them to the Waiter, that he may send to have it Translated into the Language of the Country: When one of the Couriers is comeback from Court, the Dutch go a-Shoar one after another, according to the order and rank of the Ships wherein they serve: The first Ships crew go a-Shoar first, and then the rest in order; all are Mustered before the Commissaries; and the Dutch Clerk who has the List, and the Secretary or Japanese Clerk that has the Translation of it, name them aloud according as they pass, and tell their Quality, Age, Stature and Office.  
After they have been thus examined a-Shoar, they are put on Board again; the Yards are lowered, and the Sails, Arms, Guns and Powder of the Ship are carried a-Shoar; the Hatches are shut, and sealed up, with a Seal put upon a piece of Paper, tied with Straw, whereon they cast a certain knot, which the Japanese alone can untie; and the Carpenter of the Ship covers these Seals with Boxes of Wood, for fear they should be broken when they wash the Ship, or are about any other business; but there is such a constraint upon all the Crew, that if any one stand in need of a bit of Meat or any other thing that is in the hold, he cannot have it without a particular permission from the Governor himself, who sends a Man express to open the Hatches, and go below decks with the Dutch; after which he again shuts and seals them up.  
They are neither permitted to light a Candle nor make a noise on Shipboard, no more than on Shoar in the Peninsule, nor is one Vessel allowed to have any communication with another: No Man is suffered to go a-Shoar, no not the Officers themselves; so that it is a great joy to them to be deputed to carry the Emperor (who resides in the Town of Yond, which some Relations call Yando,) the Present which the States make him yearly; but they are conducted under a good Guard, and when they have made their Present, and the Emperor hath given them another for the States, they are conducted back to their Ship, and they employ three months and a half in making that Journey.  
I have been informed by a Dutch Commander, who hath accompanied that Present, that the Emperor's Palace is as large as a little Town; 
The Palace of the Emperor of Japan.  that the Dutch salute the Emperor on the knee with their hands joined, and that they make the same submissions to the Governors; and other great Lords of Japan. The Japanese have no more liberty (in relation to the Fleet) than the Dutch have. None of them dare go on Board a Ship to buy and sell before the appointed time, and it they did, they would be cut; only some are suffered to carry on board Provisions, but they cannot take Money for them; they only keep an account, and they are paid when the permission for Traffic is come from Court.  
That permission is not granted till three months and a half after the arrival of the Fleet, but then the Merchants may buy; 
The time of Traffic in Japan.  and they carry Barks on board the Dutch Ships to take in the Goods, and carry them to the Disima. The Japanese allow, or rather order six Men of every Vessel, to come a-Shoar, and buy and sell upon their own account, and to stay four days in the Peninsule or in the Town at their Option; when the four days are over, they are had back again to their Ships; then presently they send six others, and the same thing is done every four days, during the six week's liberty of Trading; but these six Men must be of the Ships Company, for Merchants would not be suffered; and that permission is in some measure granted contrary to the will of the Dutch Company. The Japanese make it a point of honour to breed Merchants; they say in their Language that after one hath been little he must become great, and it's said, they have made it an Article in their Treaty. These new Merchants hire a little Shop, for which they pay about a Piastre for the four days, and he that lets them the Shop, serves them for a Servant and Broker to bring as many Customers as he can.  
As concerning the Goods of the Company, the Dutch set the price, and write a List or Envoice of them, with the price on the Margin; when that List is Translated into Japanese, the two Lists are affixed to the Gate of the Town which leads to the Peninsule, that all may read them; and when they have fitted themselves they pay in Silver, but having no Coined Silver, they give Bullion by weight; they have pieces of Silver often Crowns, five Crowns, one Crown, and of smaller value too; their small Money is of Copper, of the bigness of French Doubles.  
The Commodities the Dutch carry to Japan are Cloves, 
The Dutch Commodities at Japan.  but in a small quantity, and they do so that the Japanese may not be glutted with them, and that they may have the price which they have set upon them at first, which is ten Crowns the pound; they carry thither also Cinnamon, Sugar and clothes. The Goods they buy are Silver, Purcelin and Gold; but the Gold they buy only privately, because it is prohibited to be exported: They carry off Copper in little Chests, which are commonly an hundred and thirty pound weight, and they pay for them twelve Crowns apiece. When the six weeks (wherein it is allowed to Trade) are over, there is no more Traffic, and the Japanese are no longer suffered to go to the Peninsule, nor the Dutch to come out of their Ships, so that there being nothing more for them to do in that Country, the Fleet returns, and the Dutch of the Disima remain alone until the Monson next year.  
The only diversion they have, is with the Japanese Courtesans, because they are easy to be had: This being no disgraceful Trade in Japan, 
Courtesans in Japan.  There are those who Traffic that way, and keep several Girls in their Houses to be let out, and these blades are called Boyos, that's to say Lords; and to them the Dutch apply themselves when they need any.  

The manners of the Japanese.  The Japanese are Idolaters; they are white like the Europeans; shave the Beard, and wear only a pair of Mustachios; they are of a good Stature, big Bodied and robust, and have a very strong voice; their Habit is a Shirt and a long Vest, with wide hanging Sleeves; they gird themselves about the middle as the Turks do, and go with the Head, Legs and Feet bare; though they wear their Hair short, yet they suffer long locks to grow, which they commonly tie behind in the Poll, and never untie them but wnen they are to appear before some Person of respect. Their Arms are the Bow, Arrow and Sword; their Swords are so heavy and of so good Metal, that they'll easily cut a Man in two by the middle, and they only use them with both hands; they are great lovers of Sugar, and mingle it with every thing they eat; their ordinary drink is a kind of Beer (which they call Saque,) made of Rice, they put Sugar to it, and it is a fuddling Liquor. When I was on Shipboard (going from Poliacate to Masulipatan,) a Hollander gave me some of it to drink out of curiosity, and I found it to be pretty good; they have also green, red and yellow Drinks; their Towns are built of wood, and that quarter where the Dutch trade, is full of well cultivated Gardens; they have all sorts of Fruit there as in Europe, and many Mines of Gold, Silver and Copper in the Kingdom. They endeavour by all means to root Christianity out of Japan, and they spare neither Promises, Threaten nor Punishments, to make Christians commit Idolatry when they meet them.  

Of Pegu.  The King of Pegu treats the Dutch with as great diffidence as the Emperor of Japan does. As soon as their Ships are arrived, he causes their Sails and Guns to be brought a-Shoar, and orders them to be strictly observed all the while they stay in his Kingdom; they export from thence Lacre, Gold, Silver and Rabbis, for their Cloves, Cinnamon, and other Goods. The Inhabitants of Pegu are Idolaters; their Houses are built of Earth, and covered with Straw. They speak there three Languages quite different from those that are spoken in India on this side the Ganges. It is three days Journey from the Port the Ships put into, to the City of Pegu, where the King resides, and the way is very dangerous by reason of Tigers and Robbers.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Author's departure from Surrat for Persia.  

Departure from Surrat to Persia.  HAving rested sometime at Surrat, made Provisions, and got a Banian to hire me a Passage; I parted from that Town in the month of February One thousand six hundred sixty and seven, that I might not lose the time of the Mouson, and I arrived at Benderabassi, which is one of the Seaports of the Kingdom of Persia, from whence I went to Schiras. I was unluckily wounded in the Thigh by a Shot of one of my Pistols, which had not been uncocked when I set foot a-Shoar; I was dressed in this Town, and stayed there for sometime; but seeing there was no able Chirurgeon there, I removed myself to Ispahan, where I found much relief: My wound being cured, and having rested myself for four or five months, I parted from this Capital City of Persia the twenty fifth of October.  
I shall not observe any thing here, of what I saw in Persia on my return from Benderabassi to Ispahan, because I have amply written of that in my second Volume: All I intent to say, is, that having agreed with a Muletor who was going to Tauris, we went out of Ispahan by the Gate of Tockchi; 
Went out of Ispahan.  that I found it to be a fine Country, abounding in Cotton, and full of Villages and neat Pigeon-Houses, and that about four Leagues from Ispahan, the Muletors obliged us to tarry six days in a Kervanseray, at a Village called Sin, 
Sin.  where the Armenians made them stay for the rest of the Caravan; which very much incommoded me, because of the inconvenience of the place, and there I had a Favour and Ague. We put out from thence the last day of October; there were no less than two hundred Mules in the Caravan, and some Camels also: After four days March we came to Cachan, having past large barren Plains, and therefore we had no pleasure in our Journey before we came to a Bourg called Gourabad, where we rested ourselves in Gardens full of Fruits, and furnished with excellent water.  
The Town of Cachan is begirt with a Ditch and two Walls, 
Cachan.  which began to be ruinous; it is two hours march in circuit; the Bazars of the Town are Arched, and have the light by round Windows, which are in the Arches at a Fathoms distance one from another, and these Bazars being very large, I went too and again in them a long while on Horseback: This is a Town of much Trade, and the Shops areas well furnished as at Ispahan.  
They work here in Gold and Silk, and the lovely Flowered Girdles that are carried to Ispahan, are made in this Town, as also most excellent Earthen Ware, which is sold through the rest of Persia and in the Indies.  
The Kervanseras are pretty well built, but the private Houses are so ugly, (that except the King's House,) there is not any worth the minding: There is a Meidan there as in other Towns, and I was told there were Scorpions there as long as ones finger, whose Sting was mortal; but the people of the Country affirm, that they do no hurt to strangers, which I take to be a Fable, and I saw none of them; we stayed three days there, and leaving it on the third, we came to the Town of Com. 
Com.   
This Town hath a Ditch and Earthen Walls like to those of a Village, and are ruined in several places; it will require two hours to make the circuit of it. The Streets are wide and straight, and the Bazars narrow; the Meidan is a pretty handsome square; the Palace of the King, and Houses of the great Men are in the Suburbs. King Cha-Abas the Second died there, and there lies buried.  
The Sepulchers of Masoume, Sister to Imam-Riza, 
The Sepulchers of Maso●eme. Sefi 1. Abas 11.  and of the Kings Sefi the first, and Abas the second, are in one Mosque there, into which they enter by three doors; the Porch of it is Arched, the Pavement covered with Carpets, and the Walls varnished with several Colours; from the Porch one enters into a doom which receives no light but by two doors, of which the Shutters that are seven or eight Foot high, and about a Fathom broad are of Silver, and the Threshold of the same Metal; the Dome is Arched and adorned with Niches, Folliages and painted Flowers: The Tomb of Masoume (which is of grayish Marble) is in the middle, and is full seven foot high, it is square, and each side about three Fathom long; it is enclosed within a Silver-Grate, and the Grate is not above three fingers breadth from the Tomb; there are Alcorans at the sides of it, and two Tables fastened to the Grate, with Prayers of the Alcoran upon them, for those who go thither in Devotion; there are Lamps also, but they are not lighted.  
The Body of the Mosque goes quite round the Chapel of Masoume, the Pavement of it is covered with Carpet; at the end of the Temple (on the riched side,) is the Chapel of Cha-Sefi, which is Arched, 
The Chapel of Cha-Sefi.  and the entry into it is by two Silver-Gates, the Thresholds being of the same Metal; his Tomb is covered with Cloth of Gold, and I found there a Moula repeating the Alcoran; behind the Tomb there is a Silver-Grate a Fathom nigh and three Fathom broad, going out of that Chapel one sees the Chapel of Cha-Abas the Second, which is directly opposite to it; it hath likewise the Doors and Thresholds of Silver, with a pretty high doom that is painted; the Tomb is of a grayish Marble, it is seven Foot high, and three Fathom broad, but it is not finished; there are other Silver-Gates besides in this Mosque.  

The Author's sickness.  Monsieur de Thevenot parted from Com the eighth day of November, about two of the Clock in the Morning, but he was already indisposed; and therefore he hath written nothing of the Ancient Town of Sava, which he found on his way, 
Sava.  and where he himself observes, that his Spirit of Curiosity forsook him. Though he was sick he continued to describe his Journey as far as the Bourg of Farsank, where he lodged the sixteenth of November, but his Pain made him end his Memoires there: Nevertheless, he traveled on thirty Leagues farther, 
Miana. The Author's death.  for he came to the little Town Miana, where God called him to everlasting rest.  

An Elegy of the Author.  The reputation which his civility, probity and learning, have gained him both in Europe and Asia, is a sufficient Elegy of his merit, not to stand in need of any other; but in finishing his Work, I cannot forbear to give him this true Character, That an honester Man never lived in the World.    
FINIS.   

AN Alphabetical Table OF THE PRINCIPAL PLACES Described and Treated of in this WORK.  

A.  

AAsour Part II. Page 50  
Abydos Part I. Page 17  
Acre Part I. Page 211  
Egypt Part I. Page 245  
Aethiopia Part I. Page 238  
Aetna Part I. Page 4  
Agra Part III. Page 33  
Ajora Part I. Page 109  
Aleppo Part II. Page 30  
Alexandria Part I. Page 121 Part II. Page 6  
Amedabad Part III. Page 8  
Andra Isle Part I. Page 15  
Audarvia Part II. Page 173  
Aurangeabad Part III. Page 73  
Ayoud Part III. Page 62  
Azmer Part III. Page 48    

B.  

BAbylon, alias Bagdat Part I. Page 278  
Bagdad Part II. Page 61  
Baglana Part III. Page 82  
Bagnagar Part III. Page 94 97  
Balagate Part III. Page 72  
Bampour Part III. Page 71  
Bassora Part II. Page 156  
Becar Part III. Page 63  
Benderabassi Part II. Page 136  
Bender-Rik Part II. Page 150  
Bengala Part III. Page 67  
Bethany & Bethphage Part I. Page 304  
Bethlehem Part I. Page 199  
by'r Part II. Page 40  
Biserta Part II. Page 273  
Black Sea Part I. Page 28  
Bodrou Part I. Page 113  
Bombaim Part III. Page 82  
Bouquer Part I. Page 267  
Bursa Part I. Page 87    

C.  

CAboul, alias Caboulistan Part III. Page 57  
Cacha● Part III. Page 113  
Cachmir Part III. Page 58  
Cairo Part I. Page 127  
Old Cairo Part I. Page 138  
Calcutta Part III. Page 87  
Cambaya Part III. Page 12  
Candahar Part III. Page 56  
Candich Part III. Page 71  
Cantre Part I. Page 275  
Caprara, Isle Part I. Page 281  
Carek, Isle Part II. Page 171  
Carmel, Mount Part I. Page 219  
Carpella, or, Cape Jasques Part II. Page 190  
Carthage Part I. Page 279  
Cassumpasha Part I. Page 27  
St. Catharines' Mount Part I. Page 168  
C●●●if Part II. Page 161  
Ceilan Part III. Page 109  
Cerigo Part I. Page 13  
Charybdis Part I. Page 3  
Chio Part I. Page 93  
Chitanagar Part III. Page 79  
Cochin Part III. Page 88  
Come Part III. Page 113  
Congo Part II. Page 175  
Constantinople Part I. Page 17  
Coulam Part III. Page 89  
Curdistan Part II. Page 71    

D.  

DAman Part II. Page 199  
Damascus Part I. Page 217 Part II. Page 13  
Damiette Part I. Page 230  
Dardanelles Part I. Page 17  
Dead Sea Part I. Page 192  
Decan Part III. Page 87  
Deha Part II. Page 76  
Dehly Part III. Page 40  
Delos Part I. Page 105  
The Deserts of St. Macharius Part I. Page 242  
Diu Part II. Page 196  
Doltabad Part III. Page 76    

E.  

EDessa Part II. Page 41  
Egypt Part I. Page 245  
Elba, Isle Part I. Page 281  
Elora, Pagods Part III. Page 74  
Emaus Part I. Page 207  
Ethiopia Part I. Page 238  
Aetna Part I. Page 4  
Euphrates, River Part II. Page 40    

F.  

FAgosoun Part II. Page 75  
Fetipour Part III. Page 39    

G.  

GAlata Part I. Page 27  
Gallipolis Part I. Page 17  
Ganges Part III. Page 67  
Gaza Part I. Page 180  
Goa Part III. Page 92  
Golconda Part III. Page 93 98  
Goletta Part II. Page 274  
Gorgona, Isle Part I. Page 285  
Gozo Part I. Page 11  
Guzerat Part III. Page 6    

H.  

HAlabas Part II. Page 72  
Hamadan Part III. Page 66  
Hems Part I. Page 223  
Horeb Mount Part I. Page 171    

J.  

JAffa Part I. Page 207  
Japan Part III. Page 110  
Jerusalem Part I. Page 182  
The Indies Part III. Page 3  
Job's Country Part II. Page 27 42 45  
Jordain, River Part I. Page 192  
Ispahan Part II. Page 78    

K.  

KArzerum Part II. Page 149  
Keys, Isle Part II. Page 173  
Kenghever Part II. Page 71  
Khalis at Cairo Part I. Page 158 233 Part II. Page 7  
Khusistan Part II. Page 153  
Kodgiasar Part II. Page 47    

L.  

LAhors Part III. Page 60  
Lampedosa, Isle Part I. Page 271  
Lar Part II. Page 131  
Lara, Isle Part II. Page 173  
Libanus Mount Part I. Page 221    

M.  

MAlabar Part III. Page 88  
Malta Part I. Page 5  
Malva Part III. Page 69  
Masulipatan Part III. Page 104  
Mazandaran Part II. Page 77  
Mecha Part I. Page 152 155  
Medina Part I. Page 155  
Mendeli Part II. Page 64  
Merdin Part II. Page 47  
Mesopotamia Part II. Page 56 62  
Messina Part I. Page ●3  
Milo Part I. Page 108  
Mogulistan Part III. Page ●●5  
Moses' Mount Part I. Page 168  
Mosul Part II. Page 50  
Multan Part III. Page 55    

N.  

NAzareth Part I. Page 212  
Nicaria Part I. Page 110  
Nile, River Part I. Page 126 231 245  
— its head Part I. Page 240  
Nineveh Part II. Page 52  
Nio Part I. Page 105  
Nisibin Part II. Page 48  
Nixia Part I. Page 103    

O.  

ORfa Part II. Page 41  
Ormus Part II. Page 136  
Oulesser Part III. Page 67    

P.  

PAntalaria, Isle Part I. Page 271  
Patino Part I. Page 103  
Pegu Part III. Page 112  
Pera Part I. Page 27  
Pero Part I. Page 105  
Persepolis Part II. Page 142  
Persia Part II. Page 65 77  
Poliacate Part III. Page 105  
Policandre Part I. Page 108  
Ptolemais Part I. Page 211  
The Pyramids Part I. Page 130    

Q.  

QVeschimo Isle Part II. Page 181    

R.  

RAma Part I. Page 181  
Red Sea Part I. Page 175  
Rhodes Part I. Page 115  
Rossetto Part I. Page 126 Part II. Page 9    

S.  

Said Part II. Page 11  
Samos Part I. Page 110  
Santorini Part I. Page 106  
Schiras Part II. Page 124  
Scudaret Part I. Page 28  
Scyra Part I. Page 109  
Sestos Part I. Page 17  
Sicily Part I. Page 4  
Sifanto Part I. Page 109  
Sinde Part III. Page 52  
Zion Mount Part I. Page 204  
Siracuse Part I. Page 5  
Smyrna Part I. Page 91  
Stanchio Part I. Page 112  
Suez Part I. Page 163 175  
Surrat Part III. Page 15  
— the Bar there Part III. Page 1  
Susa Part II. Page 153    

T.  

TAbor Mount Part I. Page 214  
Taurus Mount Part II. Page 45  
Telenga Part III. Page 80  
Temple of the Sepulchre Part I. Page 185 195 206  
Thermia Part I. Page 109  
Tigris River Part II. Page 56  
Tine Part I. Page 105  
Tophana Part I. Page 27  
Tor Part I. Page 166  
Tripoli Part I. Page 221  
Tschehel-minar Part II. Page 142  
Tunis Part I. Page 276  
Tyre Part I. Page 220    

V.  

VAletta Part I. Page 8  
Varad Part III. Page 62  
Viziapour Part III. Page 92  
Utica Part I. Page 273    

Y.  

YEnghige Part II. Page 61  
Yez-de-Kast Part II. Page 220    

Z.  

ZAga Part II. Page 72  
Zia Part I. Page 14  
Zimbre Part I. Page 273    
FINIS.