HELMONT Disguised: OR, The vulgar Errors of Impericall and unskilful Practisers of Physic confuted. More especially. As they concern the cures of The Fevers, Stone, Plague, And other Diseases. In a Dialogue between Philiatrus, and Pyrosophilus. In which the chief Rarities of Physic is admirably discoursed of.  
By J. T. Esq. Student in Physic.  
London printed, by E. Alsop, for N. Brook, and W. Leybourn, and are to be sold at the sign of the Angel in Cornhill. 1657.   

To the Ingenious Reader.  
TO be in print, it hath not at all been my Ambition, though I appear so, by persuasions of some, who having perused (unexpectedly) this Posthumus as it lay in his solitude within the narrow confines of a Study, have thought it more fit for public view then myself, so conscious was I of its calumny; Their power prevalent, and their judgements not contemptible they have called out this Idiot to take the air and walk a few turns in the wide World, but how it may return is uncertain, since Contempt and Pride lies in ambush every where; But these are as active to betray others, as well as this; It must therefore fear the less: Now as I said this publication being so wholly theirs, it had been but proper they should have been this Usher also; Perhaps they were so charitable to think Good Wine needs no Bush, and since they are silent, I will say but little, but that shall be positive truth.  
The discourse here is but brief, succinct and plain, yet are its extents copious, mysterious, and honest, and freely lays down those solid principles both of Philosophy and Physic, as may give the best consideration and reason scope enough to swim as well as wade, in the due poising their validities; Such heads being chosen as reasonably includes the primary Institutions both of Physic and disease, where otherwise that great Jewel of Nature [HEALTH] would be but crazy in its supports, unless the cordial remedies be improved from these fundamentals, being such Indications as lays the Axe to the Root, if duly and seriously weighed.  
Now one of these improvers (worthy Reader) I could desire thou mightest be, if the offer be not received, it will not be the first labour hath been lost in good attempts; However let not prejudicated opinion, nor the impertinent precedents of others, startle the advantages may certainly be accrued by these; Again, let not the most dangerous enemy of Mankind [SATAN] prevail in his snares, betraying us to Sickness as well as Death, by pretending Novelties, impossibilities, or airy toys; Nor let our Author be vilified, who, once in this Nation hath been styled renowned Helmont, and was by the same hand afterward recanted: Being thus fortified (dear Reader) this little Dialogue may prove a Legend of health and happiness, not yet fallen upon by any but our worthy Author, whose ends doubtless were sincerity, and true zeal to serve, and preserve (as much as may be, and with the least disturbance) all humane decays: As for myself, I desire thy improved capacity, may supply my defects, who have here but hinted at what a better genius may happily be renowned for, which is all the design and ends of  
Civil Reader— Thy faithful Friend, JA. THOMPSON. Sept. 10. 1657.   

ERRATA.  

P. signifieth Page.  
L. signifieth Line.  
F. signifieth For.  
R. signifieth Read.   
PAg. 2. l. 6. f. these banquets, r. those banquets. p. 3. l. 10. f. neither cured, r. never cured. p. 3. l. 11. f. any malady r. his malady. p. 8. l. 14. f. in time, r. in times. p. 8. l. 18. f. to propose, r. not to propose. p. 22. l. 22. f. either, r. pride. p. 33. l. 12. f. why, r. what. p. 48. l. 8. f. t. r. it. the first line of p. 56. is misplaced, and not to be read till you come to the last line of p. 57 and then read Nature is overthrown, etc. p. 57 l. 19 f. life keep, r. veins keep. p. 58. l. 3. after Schools, add judge blood to be, etc. p. 68 l. 14. f. wanding, r. wand'ring. p. 72. l. 20. f. reveled, r. repelled. p. 103. l. 26. after abundantly r. find. p. 112. l. 6. un the arm, r. unto the arm. p. 128. l. 8. f. your arbitrement, r. their arbitrement.   


PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; OR, HELMONT Disguised. Discourses about Fevers, the Stone, the Plague, the four Humours, etc.  Ph. 
DId you not lately [Sir] put forth a new Doctrine of Fevers?  Py. 
Yes, I did.  Ph. 
What shown you therein?  Py. 
That a Fever is unknown to the Physic Schools as well in its essence, root, and properties, as in the remedy thereof.  Ph. 
Surely this could not choose but many ways offend Physicians, and especially anger such, as scorn to learn of any man.  Py. 
It did so; for such as persuaded themselves they knew enough, said, what? Shall the Academies endure these calumnies without recenting them? Have so many renowned wits, and we ourselves been stocks hitherto,? Is he only feasted at Apollo's table, that he should dare out of these banquets, ●o arrogate unto himself th' adept understanding or knowledge of curing.  Ph. 
And did not these high speeches move you?  Py. 
Alas, I knew mine own intention; and though it were accompanied with the poverty of my confessed ignorance; (and though my confession of that ignorance, takes not away the stain thereof) yet the integrity and sincerity, of that intention, may deserve pardon, because the truth of every thing in curing, is to be esteemed according to the work which it leaves after it. Now to detect the errors of such as went before us, not nominating any man, is not to be thought a calumny. For I treat of things that are Humane, public, and for Charity's sake. If therefore I shall say, that no man was hitherto heard of, who seeking his grounds of curing from Ethnics, knew the roots of Fevers, or of any other diseases, and their lawful remedies: And further, if I shall demonstrate thus much to be true, I think I may be deemed faultless, and not injurious?  Ph. 
But what if they will not take it so?  Py. 
Then let me entreat them to compassionate my ignorance, and instruct me. For I assure them, that my commiseration of humane kind, is my only motive hereunto: Lest any man hereafter should trust his life in the hands of trustless helpers; who hitherto neither cured out of certain knowledge any man of any malady. But if some escaped with life they were recovered only by the merciful hand of God, and by the strength and goodness of their proper nature.  Ph. 
Surely you have had no meaning to be injurious to all that went before you, and men may be satisfied herein, because you protest as much.  Py. 
God forbidden I should not know, that the demonstration of a thing which is not known, tending to the good or profit of our Neighbour, is void of calumny. Especially considering that the Physician's ignorance is as a crime, and that a man is one day to give skin for skin. Thus an Officer accusing any man of a crime, is excused from a calumny. It hath ever troubled and grieved me above measure, that in the Religion of curing only, men have subscribed, to such dull, slow and frivolous principles.  Ph. 
Have their been more ingenious endeavours in other professions?  Py. 
Doubless, for what subtlety hath not been used about those 5. words of Porphirius, called predictables? What craft have they not employed about vain matters? I mean about prattlings, which are testimonies of a talkative industry. Yet Ramund not contented herewith, found out nine other most universal terms, or voices: Adding to them 28 less universal. And at last, he adjoined to them yet other 72 Universals; whereby every thing might 17446 times, be described, predicated, and distinguished, and and what is this unprofitable prattling, but the unmeasurable ●usks of sciences, without fruit, or kernels.  Ph. 
Indeed we see our humane wits need no spurs in follies, which serve to no purpose, and are every where prone of their own accord to subtleties, but in the point of life and health, they snore away their time in a deadly sleepiness.  Py. 
You say right, for if we look upon the law, it is so employed about subtleties and explications of their Placita, that the heights, whereunto humane wit, is with so wonderful admiration wrapped, and with so great delight beholds itself, are by a singular prerogative termed the subtleties of the law.  Ph. 
But they are not so vain as your sermocinal toys, in that they are collected, to get, and defend the right of every man.  Py. 
Well, let them pass, and let us now go on to look into the business of Theology: What mighty things do not the Chairs, and Pulpits hope for, by the diligent inquisition of questions.  Ph. 
I understand you in both, and I would to God that man had need of none of them. For this Meum and Tuum, would with less fraud, and lingering be settled, and distributed.  Py. 
Away, away then with these fond subtleties, whereof there will be no heed taken at the latter day. For so the Apostolic sincerity would return unto us; Sic accepi sicque tradidi vobis. At least they shall undergo a more mild judgement, which have been in this life, most alienated from them.  Py. 
I think so too. But alas, in Physic (where search is most necessary, profitable and out of charity commended:) almost all things have been untouched, through a vawning or gaping laziness, prone to subscribe unto the wayward follies of such as have been ignorant; and those have been more hurtful, than the residue, who range through Markets, and run from house to house to sell health, and banish diseases which they know not.  Ph. 
Was this never taken notice of by others,?  Py. 
There have been cursory doubts, more than once moved in our Academies about the trust which may be given to Theorems, left us by the Gentles, which do indeed by their only facility, veil or draw a curtain over their vanity, and may upon the first looking on them, breed a suspittion, that they are not what they should be.  Ph. 
I must confess what you say in Physic. And it is confirmed also, by the long lives of such Nations, as use no Physicians: Again it is confessed also, by our more indifferent Physicians themselves.  Py. 
Well remembered; for of late, I demanding of a pious, modest, and most renowned Physician, (who lived in Louvain, and had friends at Court, and had cured Princes there, and was more fit than any man to make a reader) why he sought not after some lecture? He ingeniously answered, that it was not lawful, to deiiver any other kind of doctrine to his auditors then Galens. And so [saith he] I shall wittingly damn mine own soul, teaching worse while I know better. Thus therefore you see, that what I know and divulge to all men; the same others know as well as I, but dare not.  Ph. 
Good God, how long will this dull feeling be continued on Physicians? And with so much cruelty be practised against thy handy Workmanship? Suffer O infinite goodness, suffer mortal men to know, and acknowledge, that the Devil Moloch envies no subtleties, but such as are winnowed in the way of charity, and such as are concerning and conserving of the life of thine own image.  Py. 
Amen. Thus I pray also with you. For ever since my beginning, so immeasurable a credulity of principles, and so great slo●h in men about a matter of so gre●t moment, have much perplexed me: And the compassionating thereof, hath daily increased in me. And hereupon at last, having gotten a little light, I came, [to my infinite sorrow] to take notice that the errors of the Schools should be laid open and made appear by me.  Ph. 
How say you? By you?  Py 
By me. Though I must tell you, that at my first entrance, it seemed a thing full of unbridled arrogancy to me, that I the least of all men, should brand every one that went before me, with ignorance of Philosophical verity: And that I should attribute the gift of curing to myself only. I therefore besought the Lord, that he would take his Talon into his own hand again, and that he would be pleased to rid me wholly of it, and to dispose of it to some other, which was more worthy of it, for I knew that he that could be well retired, knew how to live well; at the least morally; especially in time so ulcerous. I therefore stayed awhile, and of late I debate this ignorance of the principles of curing, with a purpose to propose it to this World, that harboured it; till being now aged, compelled by necessity, and being in the agony of death, I promised my God, that I would with all sweetness lay open this his Talon, lest in his strict judgement I might be thought to have come in vain into the World; and gone from hence again unprofitable. For by a Vision in my sleep, it was given me to understand, 1. That I feared more the obloquys of men, than I did the indignation of God himself; 2ly, That nature was crafty in pretending out of deceitful humane respects, that the pure obedience to Gods command herein, was pride; and 3ly, That I did not see mine own arrogancy, to be placed in a fear, that I should not bring things abou●, so nobly, and plausibly, and with such magnificency as was required against judicious men, from so many ages rising up against me; rather then in pure obedience, to the most glorious giver of this verity; yea and that 4ly, I did not commiserate my neighbour. 5ly, That I hide my talon in the ground, looking back upon the uncertain worldly censures made upon me.  Ph. 
These were great motives to look about you.  Py. 
Indeed, I knew that the gates of Physic had now for many ages been shut up, & that the locks and bolts thereof were covered with rust, so that I was doubtful of them; as if I presumed that the porters office had been mine, and not given me from elsewhere. Therefore I resolved with myself, to do what charity, and not what arrogancy should command me; knowing, that he which looked unto the Public, could not be injustious, though it were a shame to such, as have rashly subscribed to the toys and trifles of the Gentles; yea, though mankind were thereby damaged. At last therefore, between shame, and fear of so great a business, I paused; and often putting up my pen, I again besought his Divine Majesty, that he would be pleased to make choice of some one, who might be worthier than I am. Whereupon God being justly angry, suffered this evil and and unprofitable Servant, to be sifted by the Devil. For an order whose Zenith is the house of powers; and whose Nadir are all other orders; began to persecute me causeiess, with unworthy devises. Then presently I knew the hand of God had touched me. And therefore in the full tempest of my persecutions, I wrote that Volumn which is entitled, Ortus Medicinae, that is, Initia Physica inaudita, wherein I discovered the errors of the Schools, which ordinarily occur in curing. I mean I have given ou●, and demonstrated new principles of diseases, as also Theorems unheard of hitherto; that Academies leaving the vanities of the Gentles might accustom themselves to truth hereafter.  Ph. 
A fair resolution, had it not been hindered by those persecutions.  Py. 
Shall I tell you? I from that time found such a sabbath in my soul, as I never found in the height of my Prosperities, insomuch as I being full of suspicion, was grieved that so great afflictions, did no whit disturb the quiet of my mind, or sleep of body; wherein I cannot, O God, my protector, sufficiently praise the abundance of thy mercies, which suffered my soul no whit to be dismayed, under so gre●t troubles, which surrounded me on every side; but kept me in a full fruition of peace, and Quietness; fearing only this one thing, lest I might as an unprofitable Servant, be buried with so great a Talon.  Ph. 
But what if any man shall interpret this zeal of yours for a proud boasting?  Py. 
I give him all liberty, so he hurt not himself therein: for I shall rejoice to undergo all confusion for the good of my neighbour, and his prosperity; for so, I shall enjoy mine own desire, whether my bold endeavours, be, or be not interpreted a rashness in me. And God the Gardener will doubtless water that, which he would have increased. For in my Book de Febribus I have declared the beginnings of my penitency, and how I fell away, and differ both from Galen and Avicen, by reason of the falsities, I found in these two curing pillars; whence afterwards a singular confidence increased in me, though then a youth, whereby I willingly exposed myself to the injurious censures of all men, for my neighbour's sake: and by little and little as time ran on, God looked down upon the candour of my zealousness, and being now a man, he let me see, that whatsoever was taught in the School of Physic, was full of breaches and of ruin; and that they should hereafter be the scorn of all men.  Ph. 
Good God, how much then should you fear the greatness of God's clemency, which had revealed (as you say) to little ones, that which hath for so many ages, been denied unto men, which have been otherwise, both most religious and most ingenious.  Py. 
Nay further, though thence I were assured, that the manifestation, of that received talon of truth, was laid on me: yet is nature easily drawn to find excuses, and deceives herself, and her distractions by the helps of reason, which attend upon her. For presently (O fie how much am I ashamed of mine inconstancy) I fling the burden from my shoulders which I took upon me; saying, O Lord, who am I? I want those more solid things, which I should surrogate, or put in place of those things, which should be depressed. For whatsoever, I had formerly believed, to have been laid as a command upon me; I again suspected, through the suggested craft of Satan. Because I wanted hidden remedies (viz.) the privilege, and testimonies of my mission. Wherefore in my younger days, I was long since persuaded; that the very Art of Physic was nothing else but a mere imposture, invented by the idle Grecians, and brought at first to that perfection it hath for the destruction of the conquering Romans, and afterwards confirmed, to bring calamities on all men, whereunto our humane credulity, had, through a conceived hope so easily subscribed: and so this Physical religion, bred its own authority; because for the most part, we believe too easily that, which we desire most greedily. And ever since that time, I assured myself that the Physic of the Academies, was a thing of nothing; and hereunto as well incurable diseases, as the vanity of experiments, lend me their votes and suffrages; and now at last, other helps come flowing in on all sides, because Physicians are every where, seen to be exposed to scorn and ignominy. And to this my wand'ring fantasy, that Philosophy itself, which is read to youth, now condescendeth. Viz That the Logic, Physic, and Metaphysic of the Schools (for which in times past, Pythagoras chose unto him some few only, and those of the better sort of Scholars, to be instructed, under the discipline of many years' silence, ratified by an oath, that they would never reveal to any man, any thing of that which he had read unto them,) were not such as we supposed, but another kind of Doctrine. For I suspected rather, that some introductions were there delivered, unto Pyrotechni, than unto that science, that Galen lays open in a Grecian multiloquacity. Long also before Pythagoras, every man was accustomed, to set down faithfully in their Temples, whatsoever had been profitable unto his in Hieroglyphics: for so much necessity, and so inward calamity, had brought that about, th●t, by this means, they might without envy be delivered to posterity. While then this art of Physic grew in my conceit, to be contemptible; I fell upon a Text of Scripture, often read, but never hitherto understood.  Ph. 
What Text could that be?  Py. 
That the most high had created the 
Ecclu●. 38 1.  Physician, and given command he should be honoured, for the necessity which was of him.  Ph. 
Why? How understood you this Text?  Py. 
I presently apprehended in it; First, That he which had created all things, doth notwithstanding singularly glory, that he created the Physician. Secondly, that for his glory [and] the emanation of his goodness, towards the necessities, help, and comfort of sick people; God would be appeased by the Physician, in restoring that health which he had taken from them. Thirdly, that he to whom all honour and glory is due, had commanded that only parents, and those Physicians which he created should be honoured; as if the Physician had something of a father in him. Fourthly, in my virility, I after made no small, though doubtful inquisition, who that happy man should be, whom the Highest had from eternity destined, chosen, and created for a Physician, and hence had also given command he should be honoured. Whether peradventure it might be he, who had read over the institutions, and some clasclassick Authors; and had meausured out a full triennial residence within some Academi●, and at last through disputations and examinations, by Professors, should be sent out, a candidate, admitted as well by secular power, as ecclesiastical? Or whether it were he who in the same title of Physician, was grown old under another's suffering, and in the mean time, full of years, experiments, and moneys? Then I perceived that the infirm stood in need of a Physician, whom the Highest had created, and was completely instructed: And that the sound man wanted no Physician to stand by him, to command the Kitchen, to number his bits, and give rules for diet. On the other part I considered, Quod unguentarius, conficeret pigmenta Suavitatis nec consumarentur opera e●us: Nec esset medicamentum exterminii in terris: Which sounded thus. That the true Physician shall cut down all diseases, with an equal , and that with these are no sicknesses incurable.  Ph. 
Certainly this is a memorable difference between that Physician, which the highest had created, and him, whom the Acadamies have created, after the doctrine of the Gentiles.  Py. 
It is so, and hereupon an immeasurable catalogue of incurables, presently represented themselves unto me: as if God had had no care of them at all; or that such diseased people were not sick: as who should say, that for their necessities, he had created neither a Physician, nor Physic in the Universities. For these men do not only cast such patients into desperation; but they number also those diseases, which of their own accord are cured, among such diseases as are desperate; yea they hold the Quartan, and such infirmities, as for some years together keep their constant roots, and are for the most part, through an inbred tedious irksomeness of Nature finished; (I say they hold these) as incurable. And unless the remaining diseases, should run themselves at last unto a period, they would all in conclusion be equally added to the incurable: for the most part, know not how to take away the tootheche, but by pulling out the tooth. And so peradventure in an old headache, they would for healths sake, give command that the head be taken from the shoulders, could the life be safe without it.  Ph. 
I see then that after many toilsome years, it troubled you, that you had known and learned nothing more than nothing.  Py. 
You say right, for though I believed that God created the Physician, and simple Medicines also, yet I stuck at the knowledge of this Physician, and the things he used, and that made me often sigh, and wish, O that I could come at length to be but scholar to such a Physician.  Ph. 
But in the mean season you knew assuredly, that the art of Physic which the Grecians, and the Arabians had laboured in; and that also, which the Jews feign they have received, by tradition from the R●bins, under their Kabala, was far different and distant from that, whereof the holy Text makes mention, did you not?  Py. 
I did so; and therefore at last, it came into my mind, that the science of Physic, should by the means, intention, and end thereof have a good beginning. As that it was, Donum bonum, descendent a patre 
Jac. 1. 17.  luminum; And that therefore this never descended first upon the Ethnics, and Jews, however our credulity may suppose them inspired: as being such whom God created not Physicians, nor for our necessities, no nor to be honoured; but such whom God had seriously commanded to be shunned.  Ph. 
I pray you describe unto me this Physician which you speak of.  Py. 
The Physician that is created of God is not defective, nor given to gain, neither is he an enemy of Christians, but full of charity.  Ph. 
Have you noted the rarity of this good gift in any man?  Py. 
The first time I took notice of it was in Diascorides. Who in the days of Plato (wherein he lived) described the histories of herbs; and from that time hitherto, there is scarce any thing added to him, but much taken from him. And therefore for these 2300 years, scarce any light hath descended from above upon this doctrine of herbs; though it be a thing of much use, and very necessary; wherefore I conjectured that in other orders, of obstruser knowledges, this heavenly light hath fallen but sparingly; but least of all upon the Gentiles, Atheists and perfidious Jews, who are secluded from truth, and charity; and therefore by the God of light, are left, and given over.  Ph. 
The births of things, as they are tied to the fullness of times, whereof we are ignorant: so doubtless the true gift of healing, descendeth not, but upon a maturity of God's appointment. Nor will a light that's given gratis, shine at our pleasure; for he that made all things as he would, will also make them when he will, and perfect them in whom he will.  Py. 
'Tis very right, for I am now grown old, as being above these 40 years of this society of Physicians; and but now at last, in this old age of mine, it comes unto my knowledge, that the Theorems of the Schools must be by me subverted; that presently all things in the next age following, may fall in pieces, as being destitute of the lime, or mortar of Truth, which should make them stick together?  Ph. 
What certainty had you of this gift of healing?  Py. 
So great a certainty, and so venerable an authority, that I was not only sensible of the giver; but that he was also interpreter of his gift unto me. So that now all doubt is banished from me.  Ph. 
What kind of knowledge is this you speak of?  Py. 
Such a knowledge as is far more certain, then that, that's form by demonstration. For there is no ability or power, in, or of words, whereby we may communicate this certainty.  Ph. 
Shall those who read your Medenda Initia know it?  Py. 
I know that all who read them, shall not be equal sharers in the fruit of them: for God will ever remain, the dispenser of this gift of his.  Ph. 
What have you said then all this while?  Py. 
What I have said, is said to let you know, that there is a cloud cast about this gift, by mine indignity, that he that can, may catch the course of Nature. For my hope was, that as the number and cruelty of diseases was increased, so God would inspire the gift of healing, into the abject little ones of this universe. And as he sent into the last age, before this of ours Paracelsus, a rich forerunner in the knowledge, of resolving bodies, and of glorious remedies: so, it might come to pass, that he would now add this science of Adeption, which Paracelsus wanted.  Ph. 
If it might without offence be lawful, I could willingly hear of an enquiry made after the reason of that divine decree, for which that adept gift of healing descends so little upon Christians?  Py. 
I profess and affirm, that the Schools withstand it, by their headstrong insisting on the Gentiles principles; and also that all Physic is exercised for gain, ever since its first beginning: which is only among Arts to be endeavoured and followed out of pity, and compassion: and not as if we should grow merry, and live pompously, and wax rich, upon the afflictions, and spoils of miserable creatures. Wherefore lucre hath snatched away from men their necessary disposition; and the falsity of Pagan doctrine, hath turned the adept gift of curing clean another way.  Ph. 
Wherein consists the seeking it, or hunting after it?  Py. 
In compassion towards the sick, in unlearning of false Theorems; and in putting on a profound humility of spirit.  Ph. 
How shall we know when we have this humility?  Py. 
When you are no longer pu●● up with better, nor depressed by disorder: so shall the mind in an humble intritive knowing of its nothingness, be emptied of all sciences introduced by inductions of reason. And then (I say) than the most high God, sc●rce suffereth a mind to be empty, but he presently fills the same, with the plentiful beam of his light.  Ph. 
But though you say this gift of curing descends from above, I cannot think but you have met with many; which would have Physic to be learned after that way that other Arts are learned.  Py. 
You think aright, for, say they, the understanding is a natural power, and every natural power is born, to operate its proper effect; but the proper effect of the understanding is intellection. Therefore a man naturally understands all things understandable, as the proper objects of the understanding. Further, they say the faculty of Physic is intelligible, and therefore it descends not from above.  Ph. 
How do you answer them?  Py. 
Thus the soul and its understanding are not immediate works of Nature, as rising from the supernatural fountain; and so, according to their beginning, though the understanding be a natural faculty of the soul, yet is it not at all to be computed amongst those faculties which are merely natural: Faith tells us, that Deus creavit Medicum. So that Ars Medendi speaks something, above the common rule of things created, nor doth the adeption thereof come by the way of other Sciences. For Nabuchadonozar testifies, the taking away and the restoring of the understanding. So doth Nolite fieri sicut 
Psa. 32. 9  equus & mulus quibus non est intellectus; which had been spoken to no purpose, if the understanding should be equally distributed by Nature, Further, this understanding (which they here speak of) doth not exercise its natural, or intellectual act, but as it draws some kind of Notions, discoursing from the observations which it received, from the perception of the senses; as being altogether ignorant of the causes a priori: But to the Science of Physic, there is a certain clearness of light required, which far exceeds that knowledge by the senses, yea, and by consequences of causes to the effectus, after the putations (or I think so's) induced to them by reason; which are for the most part all deceitful. For we have it from faith, that the understanding, together with the totallity of humane Nature, and so consequently how clear soever it be, at first sight, perceiveth not the propositions to be true, which surpass the sense, unless it be by the affluence of a supernal light. For example. I often read attentively some place in a book, and though I understand the words, yet I gather the sense thereof beyond all hope; but once only admiring much my former readings: this kind of knowledge, I call knowledge of grace: And so the understanding how clear soever, doth not always assent to truth, because it naturally perceives it not (and hence come factions in Sciences, and Religion) so likewise in the gift of curing, there is something more noble, and superior, to that which form in the imagination, by a fore-existent knowledge of the senses: which is true, solid, good, and far above the authority of consequences; yea, such as cannot be properly taught, nor yet demonstrated.  Ph. 
Of what kind of th●se infused Sciences is this Adeptum or gift of curing? For I suppose there are many of them.  Py. 
I would not have you understand me, that the Adept of curing, is such an infused Science, as in times past shined to Bezeliel, 
Exod. 31. 2. and 36. 1.  and Oholiab, much less, such as in a large shower, reigned down upon the Apostles on the day of Pentecost, whereby they presently spoke in various languages: Nor yet is this Adept of healing wholly therefore of the sublunaries: for the eternal wisdom created his Physician singularly above other creatures; and therefore there is something of more Majesty required for him, then for such other professions; which he had not commanded to be honoured. For all our understanding otherwise in Nature, ariseth only by way of discourse, supposition, consequent, and inquisition, and that wholly a posteriori. Wherefore all this kind of knowledge, leans upon uncertainty. And therefore between the ordinary way of understanding, and infused Sciences of the first degrees, there are certain large receptacles, or Latitudes in an understanding, supernaturally arising one above another, which are particularly every one in its degree distinguished.  Ph. 
I would you could prove me this.  Py. 
I prove it thus. Every good gift descendeth from the Father of Lights: The Adept of curing is a good gift, therefore it descendeth from the Father of Lights. Our faith confirms the Major, and the Minor is apparent, in that, the Physician as such is created by the Father of Lights?  Ph. 
How reply they to this?  Py. 
By a kind of similitude, and nothing to the Syllogism.  Ph. 
As how I pray?  Py. 
Thus, the knowledge of God is of greater difficulty, then that of Physic; but the Gentiles by the operations of the understanding, have naturally found out the existence of the Deity, therefore have they much more easily attained, to the natural Science of Physic.  Ph. 
What answer made you?  Py. 
I granted all, had they not brought in four Termini. Therefore as no man can by Nature draw the light of faith: but only by a shadowed kind of knowledge; so, I grant, that in the gift of curing; by observations of helpful things, and hurtful, there may a kind of curing knowledge be achieved: But this knowledge is indeed, so shadowy, and blind, that it is repugnant altogether unto the Text, which to no purpose, should have said, that God created the Physician, as such, and that he should be honoured, unless some light should shine in this created Physician, above the vulgar, ordinary, and natural intellectual power of the soul.  Ph. 
But now what proofs bring you against those Atheists, Jews, and Gentiles, which you spoke, that they never received this gift of curing?  Py. 
No other, or farther fetched, then that it is de facto, that sickness, remedies and their appropriations, are at this day unknown to all mortals. For it is an inevitable argument, that, hitherto the Adept of curing hath been unknown: Therefore God gave it not the Paganism in former ages, nor to the Schools which followed those blind conductors. And the correlative of this is, that whosoever assenteth not to the doctrine of the Pagan Schools, is secluded from the true principles of curing. Th' Assumpt I shall God willing demonstrate in a large Volumn, viz. That the principles of the knowledge of causes, and roots in diseases, remedies, and appropriations, have remained unknown. The consequent is clear of itself, unless they can show that every good gift is derived from elsewhere, then from God. For to the establishment of the gift of curing, it should suffice, that though that gift, be so near to the nature of the understanding, that for the propinquity and alliances of natural objects, it be customarily attributed to natural Sciences, apprehended by a simple understanding: yet, at least, in that it includes the gifts of prudence, council, etc. which are Charismata, or gracious gifts of the Holy Ghost: doubtless the gift of healing should be derived, brought, and expected from such a beginning, as is altogether situate above the Orb of Nature. For oftentimes a man that's drowned in the depth of dreams, upon a sudden conceives a knowledge, which while he was awake he never ob●aned. For Nox 
Psal. 18. 3. 19 〈◊〉.  nocti indicat Scientiam. And so a man often reads a place, oft read before without fruit, from whence at length he takes a resolutiton to amend his life. And do not these things descend from the Father of Lights?  Ph. 
It should seem they do.  Py. 
Then are these Sciences (without doubt) infused; though they be not of the more excellent orders of them; I mean they are Talents, whereon a well form understanding afterwards buildeth profitable doctrines. 
Dan. 12. 3.  For Docti, (as such) fulgebunt (before or above the unlearned) in regno C●lorum, if for doctrines cause their souls shall have habilitated, or made themselves fit to, or for the greater Charismata. For Almighty God pleased himself, in the diversity of mansions, chores, brightness, and understanding of Angels, likewise of men, as their associates. At least it makes in favour of the gift of curing, that among the seven Spirits, nearest to the Throne of God, one is called Medicina Dei. and he is above Principalities, 
Raphiel. Tobit. 12. 15.  Thrones, Powers, and Dominations. And yet the inhabitants of Heaven, are not diseased, nor need they Physic. Neither is this Medicina Dei, to be taken metaphorically, 
Tobit. 6. 6 7, 8. 1●. 11. 12. 3.  as knowing the proprieties, even in the gall of fishes. But now let us fall upon this business in our following Dialogues.   

THE FIRST MEETING OF PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; About the examination of the definition of a Fever, according to the ancient Physicians.  Ph. 
A Fever is a familiar disease, and accompanies, goes before, or follows most infirmities, and the ancients have written much and often of it. Can more be said thereof then hath been hitherto?  Py. 
I confess the disease is but too familiar, for it above all other keeps our Churchyard fat, and depopulates our Armies; yet much more may be said of it then hath been.  Ph. 
It's easily taken notice of, even from the beginning of it.  Py. 
Yet our Physicians hitherto, know 
1. The roots of a Fever hitherto unknown.  nothing of its causes, the manner how it is made, the seat thereof, or of its remedies, as in our following discourse I shall plainly make appear, either to you, or any else that is instructed in Philosophy.  Ph. 
You shall do me a favour worth acknowledgement, for I long to hear what you say of it.  Py. 
To satisfy your longing, let us first 
2. The definition of a Fever according to the Schools.  examine the definition of a Fever; which the Physic Schools define to be, a preternatural heat, kindled first in the heart, and then dispersed through the whole body. (I add moreover) by their own consents, that it hutteth many of our actions.  Ph. 
And is not this a good definition?  Py. 
The point of the business is, that they 
3. A prime clause omitted also, about the requisites of the Ancients.  make the Genus of the thing defined, or the essence of a Fever to be heat, and not every heat, but that which is preternatural, and is in its degree hurtful. And by that means seeing this heat is essential to a fever, that a fever cannot mentally be conceived, but this heat must be its individual companion.  Ph. 
Well suppose it be so, is there any false doctrine herein?  Py. 
I pray judge you, but first, the leaguer fevers have of late objected themselves against it, which are without thirst or manifest heat. That is, they act their tragedy from the beginning of the fever to the end of life, without heat.  Ph. 
Whey if they say, that these fevers 
5. A vain evasion of the Schools.  were unknown unto the Ancients, and that therefore they are not comprehended under their definition?  Py. 
Then I at least conclude, that these fevers are no fevers; or the essence of fevers is 
6. Some doubts following thereon.  not necessarily tied to heat, but by accident only. And that therefore the definition of fevers anciently delivered, and at this day also kept in Schools, is not adjusted to the nature of a fever. And thirdly, whosoever shall for some hours, feel an intrinsecable, penetrable cold, in the beginning of fevers, and should for all that, persuade himself his fever is begun, or that it is present on him; but some other disease hitherto nameless: and though he chatter with his teeth, shake with cold, and have his lips blew therewith, and yet persuades himself, that, notwithstanding these inconveniences, those beginnings, are no beginnings of fevers: nor that he which dies in such beginnings, (which commonly falls out, in intermittent fevers) dies of a true [and real] fever: Believe them who will [for me] for I am not wont, in contingies, known by the sense of feeling, in that I am so stupid, that in things sensible, I stand unto no other judgement then that of the senses.  Ph. 
But some hold, that groveling cold, and 
7. Other evasions.  shake, are not the beginnings of fevers: but the beginnings of the fit.  Py. 
These are such who sticking closer to the opinion of the ancients, than others, creep into corners, that they may maintain the sense of Galen: but Galen himself shakes these men off, saying: We first understand by the name of Paroxysm, the worse part of the whole fit, or accession. Which is as much as to say, a fit, and a fever are fynonimas. Well, go to now: If he could tell us the beginning of a fit, and not of a fever, an accession shall at least tell us of an approaching fever, and so of necessity, the beginning of the fit, or accession shall be the beginning of the fever.  Ph. 
But are there not yet others, who say 
8. Others deny things known to the senses.  it is true, that in the beginning of a fever, the sick are sensible of a real coldness, but it is a false one, and a fraudulent deceiving of the senses. For though they are cold outwardly, yet inwardly they are hot, and bnrn with a true heat: though the patient thinks otherwise.  Py. 
These are such, as would rather not see, or not be sensible, though their eyes be open. But these are madnesses, which every country fellow will hush out of the middle of a village. In that for some hours, the entrails are possessed, with a most eager, or intense coldness. For in so plain and undoubted an history of cold (which is of fact and sensible) the argument which they produce 
9 A lose argument of these men.  is very feeble: they say there is inwardly a great heat, though the Patients feel it not; their reason is, because they are oppressed with a continual thirst; which as it is primarily a signe of siccity, so this siccity in living creatures presupposeth an heat equal to it. And that from hence thirst deserves to be of greater authority, than sense is.  Ph. 
What say you to this assertion?  Py. 
I say they know, that this thirst proceedeth 
10. Feverish thirst examined.  not either from heat, or dryness, as doth in a thirst that is natural.  Ph. 
How make you that good?  Py. 
Thus: If this thirst did proceed from 
11. An argument from the remedy of thirst.  heat, or dryness, it would regularly be quenched with drinking: therefore this thirst is deceitful and not that coldness.  Ph. 
From whence then should that thirst, in the beginning of fevers have its original?  Py. 
From an excrement which, ill affecteth, and deludeth this sensitive faculty, and the Organ, or Instrument thereof, in the same manner, as if a great siccity or drought, were suddenly come unto it.  Ph. 
Is this probable?  Py. 
Probable enough, in that, I am sure our adversaries will not allow, the curing of dryness, by most dry remedies; but by cold, and moist potions rather. But this thirst in fevers which we now speak of, is cured by a remedy, that is in its self most dry and corrosive.  Ph. 
Good Sir what remedy may that be?  Py. 
Th' Acidite of Sulphur: which quencheth this deceitful thirst, in the same manner as fire is extinguished, by water cast upon it.  Ph. 
But why may we not out of invincible 
12. An argument a pari taken from sleep.  sleep or drowsiness, often seen in the beginning of fevers; by a strong reason, guess at coldness, in that beginning, than they do of heat, or dryness, by that thirstiness?  Py. 
We may doubtless, and so much the rather in that the Schools affirm, that sleep comes as well from an invincible coldness: as thirst proceedeth from a dryness.  Ph. 
But makes it not against us, that sleep assaults us not in every fever?  Py. 
By no means: for it sufficeth, yea and it bringeth greater confusion; that sleep is frequent in some patients.  Ph. 
But tell me, what time, or station 
13. Another from thirst, in the state or vigour, of a feverish fit.  of a feverish fit is hottest: [whether the beginning, augmentation, state, or declination?]  Py. 
Certainly the state, or vigour, when the interior parts are sensibly perceived to be, most hot and in greatest trouble.  Ph. 
But are they of that opinion?  Py. 
No.  Ph. 
Why so?  Py. 
Because in the state, they say the thirst is not so great as in the beginning.  Ph. 
Now if this thirst bewray heat, and that it be a sign inseparable of, or from heat; so that such as tremble with cold, may be notwithstanding said to burn; I should think the greatest thirst should oppress Patients in the hottest station of the feverish fits.  Py. 
But this they deny.  Ph. 
What evasion will they now have? Or which way will they turn themselves, being catcht and entangled in their own net?  Py. 
Therefore I say whosoever they be, who judge of the native roots of things, from accidents which follow by accident are in an error.  Ph. 
Then assuredly if a fever be ill defined, 
14. It proceeds from a deadly ignorance not to define a fever rightly.  and if they cure that fever, after this definition; it may doubtless prove a deathful ignorance [in the definers.]  Py. 
Nay more; by the Cornelian Law of privy murderers, the Magistrate is to proceed against such, as obstinately cure amiss those patients, which trusted their lives into their hands; as being such by whose offence, so many thousand thousands are unfortunately killed.  Ph. 
Well then if a fever, or a feverish 
15. An argument against the Schools about feverish heat.  heat, should first be kindled in the heart, and yet the matter of fevers, (which they hold to proceed from one of the four humours putrified) consists not in the ventricles of the heart, what follows?  Py. 
It follows that this heat, or fever, is not first kindled in the feverish matter; and that they in vain seek after putrefaction, who would find and intimate, and an immediate cause of a preternatural heat.  Ph. 
Then is this definition of a fever ruined.  Py. 
It is so, and moreover it follows 
16. Another.  thence, that a fever is not primarily, effectively, and immediately existent in its matter, whence it is caused (as they would have it) materially, and originally.  Ph. 
No? where than I pray?  Py. 
In the heart. It follows also further from the same Thesis, that to make a fever, it is not required that the offending and feverish matter be kindled.  Ph. 
What then I pray?  Py. 
Another inflammable thing, which hath its residence primarily, in the heart, and is from thence issuable through the whole body.  Ph. 
What inflammable body should this be?  Py. 
That which I with Hippocrates, call Spiritum impetum facientem, the invading, enterprizing, or way-making spirit.  Ph. 
Whence I pray you bring you this last doctrine?  Py. 
Not from the Ancients, but I have 
17. A third.  wrested it out, and by force commanded it to be granted to me.  Ph. 
Shall you have any occasion to speak of this any where else.  Py. 
I shall when we come to discourse of the efficient cause of fevers. In the mean time this being violently obtained; it follows at least, that the peccant, or offending matter of fevers, is not properly kindled; neither is it in its self primarily, and efficiently hot, nor heats it preternaturally; if the first inflammable must be kindled in the heart. Nor is the peccant matter thereof hot above, or beyond the degree of Nature in a fever. But that which is kindled in the heart, was not inflamed before the fit of the fever; and by that means, it altogether differeth from the peccant, or offending matter in fevers.  Ph. 
It may fitly then, be hence concluded, 
18. A fourth.  that whosoever goes about, to take away a fever by coolers; hath no intention to cure by taking away the causes, or cutting up the roots, or by draining, and emptying the fountain thereof, or that which doth exile it: but they intent only to take away, and correct the heat, which is a kind of product, which comes afterward, and lodgeth not in the feverish matter. For they apply their remedies adposterius, non adprius, to the effects, and not their causes.  Py. 
You say right; for the feverish heat is 
19 A fifth.  kindled in the in-●ushing, or violent way-making Archaeus: But the root of the fever is the very matter itself, which is offending?  Ph. 
They therefore look [only as I said] to the taking away of the consequent effect, and that which resulteth out of the position of that root.  Py. 
'Tis so, and hence you may see that the Archaeus is not inflamed from the root, but from a heat drawn from elsewhere.  Ph. 
How I pray you?  Py. 
Whilst this spirit inflameth its self by its struggling, and by its own heat raised to such a degree [thereby] as is far above that, which it hath need of, or is befitting it, wherein it becomes wholly troublesome; as being delated further than it should be, and above the necessity that is of it. For we must not 
20. Feverish heat not from the offending matter.  think there is any such heat in that detestable feverish matter (which both they and I call peccant) that it should feverishly heat thereby the entire totality. If they will allow: that, for which every thing is such; to be itself more such. And then again; because every 
21. Another argument.  heating agent, by its species works more forcibly, in that which is near hand, then in that which is farther distant.  Ph. 
Hereupon I should think, that if the feverish matter did with its heat, heat the rest: of necessity the centre, or nest wherein this offending feverish matter is received, should first be burnt into ashes, before any thing that's distant from it, should thereby be warmed.  Py. 
Yea, and if the peccant matter should 
22. A third.  of its own accord wax warm; and that mee● preternatural heat should be a fever, every fever, as a fever, should be continual, neither should it have any intermission, till all the peccant matter, were totally consumed into ashes.  Ph. 
That's plain, and it stands with reason 
23. A fourth.  also, that there should be no repition of fits, nor yet any ●elapse, if the peccant matter, should out of its native property always heat till it were consumed.  Py. 
Nay, that which is more; a dead 
24. A fifth.  carcase should be as hot after death, and more ardently be disturbed with a fever, then when it was living; by reason that the same matter doth yet remain in the carcase, which introduced death into the living body.  Ph. 
And considering that they suppose the same matter, hot by its proper heat of putrefaction, and that it is more putrid after death, than before, and that it affecteth more parts adjacent, then while it lived. A man would therefore think also, that it should more actually heat then, then while it lived.  Py. 
But this error is thus discovered, because a fever which made a live body hot, presently after death ceaseth, and all heat 
25. Feverish heat not of the peccant matter.  expires with life. And this should instruct us, that feverish heat is not proper to the peccant matter, or that it doth inhabit in it; as also; that the heat of that matter, doth not efficiently, and effectively heat in fevers. And 
26. Feverish matter heateth occasionally only.  therefore it is perpetually true, that the offending matter, heateth occasionally only: But the Archaeus is the worker of all alteration, and therefore under this title, that way-making spirit, is it, which efficiently, primarily, immediately, always, every where, and only heateth; according to that Axiom: whatsoever 
27. Who, maker of the feverish heat.  bringeth forth sound actions in such as are sound; the very same is it, which uttereth, faulty, or unhealthful actions in diseases. For this very spirit heats, a man naturally in health, which in fevers is inflamed.  Ph. 
But, could not what is said be yet made plainer by some instance?  Py. 
No doubt it might. And to this end 
28. The original of preternatural heat.  take that which followeth. An Oaken thorn or splinter, which is both actually and potentially cold, is thrust into a finger, it presently begets a preternatural heat therein.  Ph. 
Comes this by reason that hot humours have their affluence, thither, as if they had been called by that thorn, and had expected the wound thereof, which otherwise had been temperately quiet in their proper places?  Py. 
O no, for that blood which is next the wound, hinders the access of that which followeth.  Ph. 
So then, that blood which is next the wound is that which heats it, is it not?  Py. 
By no means, for neither that nor any other blood is hot of itself, but what heat it hath, it hath by grace and favour from the vital spirit.  Ph. 
Then I perceive this heat of the wound comes from that spirit.  Py. 
Right, for th'inflammation, the swelling, the hardness of the pulse, the pain, and hear, that are in the wound, come all only from the spirit, causally: but from the infixed thorn alone, occasionally.  Ph. 
Verily this is a sufficient example, as 
29. To heat, and to be hot how different.  well for the position, manner, and knowing; as also for the curing of a fever. Teaching that the peccant cause in a fever, is not hot in its self: and that it heateth no way but occasionally: and that upon the pulling out of the thorn, or occasional cause, health followeth. So that, the Archaeus alone is that, which doth every where, effectively stir up the fever: and when it through death is gone, the fever ceaseth. Therefore heat is but an after accident, 
30. Heat an after accident to the essence of a fever.  and subsequent to the essence of a fever. For the Archaeus (in the striving desire it hath to expel the occasional matter, as a thorn that's thrust into it) heats itself; now whosoever pulls out this thorn, that is; whosoever takes away 
31. Whence feverish heat.  this matter, he pulls up the infirmity by the root.  Py. 
I like your brief and easy repition. But add yet this in curing. That it is almost indifferent to nature, whether the means be hot, cold, or temperate, so the disease thereby find remedy. For instantly the struggling ceaseth, because the Archaeus is appeased.  Ph. 
I perceive then that heat, how much 
32. A fever is not heat essentially.  soever it be preternaturally augmented: though it may be a sign of fevers, yet it is not the very fever, nor in the cure thereof to be much insisted on.  Py. 
You perceive aright: And from hence Hypocrates hath seriously warned us: that heat, and cold are not diseases, nor the causes of them: But that bitter, sharp, salt, portick, etc. are causes (viz. occasional) of diseases: and that the spirit is it, which makes all the inroads. But than came Galen (about 500 years younger than Hypocrates) who blotted much paper, and by his chat alured followers, whose posterity admiring this prattling, depended on him, making always most, of what was least. Since when, the world waxing every where old in frivolous judgements, esteemed that of greatest weight which most resembled its inconstancy.   

THE SECOND MEETING OF PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; About putrefaction in Fevers, introduced by the declining Schools.  Ph. 
WHat made the Schools to 
1. Physic Schools constrained to find out something else besides heat in Fevers.  bring in Putrefaction into Fevers?  Py. 
They perceiving that exercise did oft produce an heat, not unlike the heat in fevers, yet finding it not feverish, they bethought themselves, that such an heat as was necessary in fevers, could not be every heat indifferently; but such an one as must be raised out of putrefaction. And now they were no longer troubled about the heat, nor yet about the degree, or distemper thereof: but rather about the continent cause of it. For this graduated preternatural heat, did not seem to be sufficient for a fever, unless ●t should proceed from putrefaction.  Ph. 
If this were so, I should think this 
2. Another defect in the definition of a Fever.  particular was but drowsily omitted in the former definition.  Py. 
You say well; but now this feverish essence is no longer a naked heat, nor shall it distinguish fevers by the diversity of heat 
3. The Schools contradict their own principles.  (though the species should result from that, from whence the essence doth) but from the varieties of the putrid humours, or at least from the varieties of those, which are in putrifying.  Ph. 
A fair beginning certainly; to wander thus from the business, that whereas before, they respected nothing else but heat, which should exceed th'accustomed temper of Nature; now they require as well heat, as a subject of putrefaction. But what should be there subject wherein they would have this heat to be kindled?  Py. 
Forsooth, they must no longer have 
4. The essence of Fevers not from heat.  it kindled first within the heart; but in the offending putrid matter. Now seeing there is but one species only in degree; though the moments, or mansions thereof be many: and that the species of fevers be many, and that a specifical multitude of fevers cannot come forth of one species of preternatural heat. Therefore in the esse of heat, there is another thing looked after, besides the degree of it. And by this means, heat cannot make the feverish essence: but this other thing by reason whereof the diversity of fevers is produced. Now if the putrefaction of divers things, be the efficient cause, of the diversity of fevers; heat, will be as well a thing caused out of putrefaction, as the fever itself is: And so, considering the causal action of that which is putr●fied involves somewhat else besides heat, a fever cannot be an heat.  Ph. 
How do the Schools relish this?  Py. 
They remaining now confused, cast 
5. Physicians by little and little forget their own Theses.  about them many ways, that if one help them not, at least another may; so that all though they stick closely to their former definition, and adore it: yet by little and little they wind away from the naked distemper of heat to the putrefaction of humours. Neither s●and they steadfast in these trifles, but they fly moreover, though forgetful of their Theses, to hot remedies. And this they do, whether they mean to purge their patients; or whether they turn themselves, to proper specifical remedies of fevers.  Ph. 
But what use they in particular I pray you?  Py. 
What is more common in curing for a fever then to give A pozems made of Hops, Asparagus, etc. and to make them up with Sugar? Or what is hotter than that aromatical thing, 
6. What is aromatical in Roses, is very hot.  or quality which is in roses, (whether you consider the test thereof, or application;) without which the rose, is but a mere dead carcase? And what meet you with more frequent, then in your Juleps for fevers, to mingle corrosives of Sulphur, and of Vitriol: (many ways adulterated by counsel, and consent of Lucre?) Or then Rhubarb, and Scammoniated medicines which they feign, to choose, or pick out guilty humours? 
7. Whether the schools think rightly, that feverish heat ariseth from putrefaction.   Ph. 
What is to be done in this case?  Py. 
We will first therefore purposely examine, whether the heat of a fever, come from Putrefaction. For which cause I have already plainly taught; that the heat of a fever doth no way causally depend upon the peccant matter. And then, I have learned, 
8. A malignant fever wherein different from the rest.  that a malign fever only, differs from the rest in this, that the offending matter thereof hath ab●ginning putredness joined with it. Which if it increase, or go forwards to its height, until that putrefaction be now made, and remain internally; it, upon necessity, brings present death. But if it be thrust out of the body, while it is in making (as in small Pox, E●ysipel●'s, etc.) it is for the most part cured. In that health doth commonly, accompany a motion outward. For from 
9 Crisis of fevers, by sweat most wholesome.  hence fevers produce of their own accords swea●s towards their ending. And that Crisis is most wholesome, which ends by swea●ing; and consequently sweeting remedies are wholesome also.  Ph. 
But why are they fled away to Putrefaction? 
10. Why the Schools fled to putrefaction.   Py. 
That they might find a cause, from whence they might first ground a cold, and then a heat presently after it.  Ph. 
How seek they this cause?  Py. 
They take upon them to know, that 
11. A fond comparison of heat in horse-dung.  horse dung, which is actually cold, waxeth hot of itself, by reason of Putrefaction. But Lord how foolishly do they cheat the credulous world in every place! For cowdung made of the same nourishment, is better putrefied and digested then horse-dung, and yet it waxeth not hot. Neither doth horse-dung made by feeding upon grass, or green ta●es, or vetches, wax hot, as it doth when the horse is fed with corn: and yet as well that as this putrefieth. Therefore they 
12. Why hors-dung is hot.  knew not that the heat comes from the chewed corn, and not from the nature of the putrefaction. And for that cause they insipidly traduce, the feverish heat to putrid humours in a fever from the heat of dung not yet putrefying, so that the Schools knew nor, that by how much, the nearer horse dung is, to a beginning putrefaction, so much the more it is deprived of all heat. And the same shall never after putrefy, if it be sprinkled; But only while it is heaped together moist, and in that moistness pressed together, it is kindled before the Putrefaction thereof, in the same manner that bay, and flowers are. I say they knew not that dung waxeth hot, by the proper spirits of the sal●s compressed. And in conclusion, though dung wax hot, while the putrefaction is in making, yet all the heat ceaseth, before the beginning of the putrefaction made. And by this reason the heat of dung, doth not square with the feverish matter, if it must long before lie putrid (as they 
13. The degree of heat in a putrescent thing is not able sufficiently to heat the whole man in a fever.  say) hid in receptacles, and in a Quartan continually, and very long; neither is the degree of heat in dung so fitted, that it should be dispersed from the putrid centre, to the sols of the feet: but it would burn the centre of the body, whence that putrid humour issued.  Ph. 
It should seem then that example of dung in fevers is utterly impertinent?  Py. 
It is so, and the rather, because they do teach thereby that cold, comes before heat. For, in Nature, putrefaction causeth heat no where, much less in vitals. For in the things 
14. Putrefaction no where cause of heat.  putrefying, cold is necessary. If it be deprived of life which is the fountain of our heat.  Ph. 
In the sound days of intermittent fevers, we complain not of heat, neither doth cold trouble us.  Py. 
Yet they suppose the humours to be at that time putrefied. Therefore if heat and cold, do causally succeed ●ach other in the putrefied; and there be cold before heat always successively in fits of fevers; cold is more innate to putredness, than heat i●. And for that cause we measure the length of the disease, by the continuance of the cold, and not of heat in fevers. Then at length I showed that all feverish heat comes wholly from the Archaeus, and therefore ceaseth before death: when cold and putrefaction grow stronger. It implies a contradiction also, that heat in fevers should proceed from any thing putrid, and should first be inflamed, in the heart itself, from whence all putredness is banished. And in fine heat is not kindled in dung, out 
15. Dung not hot from putrefaction.  of its own putredness. For if it should be daily sprinkled with new horse-piss, it will not grow hot, no, not for a year together. Yet it is certain that urine preserveth not from putredness, but doth increase it rather.  Ph. 
If I be not deceived, they might more 
16. Why they took not their feverish heats from hot baths.  properly, and truly, have taken their heats, from hot baths, and lime, then from horse-dung.  Py. 
They might; but that the causes of these heats were not so well known unto them, and therefore they thought it more safe for them to pitch upon, the putredness of horse-dung only. Neither was it material, whether they had taken or borrowed the feverish essence, rather from heat then cold, or any other symptoms; seeing they are equal and fellow-ac●idents of fevers.  Ph. 
Then is their study always to war 
17. Ignorance of roots drew the Schools to the considerations, and remedies of effects.  against accidents of fevers.  Py. 
It is so; but there was some reason for it.  Ph. 
What? I pray you.  Py. 
Because they did not know the roots thereof.  Ph. 
But now it being manifest, that material things are the very matter itself, how will they cure who employ all their curing endeavours, upon or against heat only? The similitude of horse-dung and of feverish heat, dedicated to, or rather cast upon putrefaction, is at least disparaged also; is it not?  Py. 
Doubtless it is; for dung when it gins 
18. Dung loseth the heat when it beginneth to putrify.  but a little to putrefy, it shakes off heat immediately. For so long as it can wax warm, Artists draw Saltpetre from it: but when it is hot they leave it to Peasants, as unprofitable to their purpose. But the Schools accuse the putredness of humours; and that, of 
19 A great blindness of the Schools.  one and the same humour, as well for cold as heat, and both in extremes. And consequently one and the same, should of itself immediately make two opposites. Therefore of necessity, one of these must be of itself, the other by accident. Now if it could be the child of Putrefaction of itself; it cannot in possibility thrown; or, the whole o●der of curing, hiinclude heat essentially, but by accident only. Bu● if heat of itself be the son of putrefaction, then would not a fever begin with cold. Yet it is plain enough out of what hath been formerly said, that the Schools take or think putrefaction to be the essence of fevers: and heat, and cold to be accidents, associating putrefaction. Wherefore Galen saith: when 
20. Galen convicted of error.  Blood is putrefied it becomes Choler. Which text if they admit of; this Choler was putrefied in its beginning, or not. If it were putrid it should make a Tertian: and not a Synochus 
21. Blood in veins never putrefied, and therefore what they fable of Synochus is erroneous.  or putrid Causon. Let our School Physicians therefore know; that Blood never putrifies within the veins, but when the vein also putrefies with it, as, in Gangrenes, and Mortifications. And hence therefore they who let blood, that it may not putrify within the veins, make use of that former fallacy, called Petitio Principii. So do they who affirm that a Synochus, comes out of putrid blood of the veins. And they also, who tell us that Blood putrefied is turned into Choler.  Ph. 
How is this to be proved?  Py. 
I prove it thus. The veins retain their 
22. Precedents proved.  blood fluid even in dead bodies: and that by consent of all Anatomy. But blood gone out of the veins, presently thickens into clotts; for the co●agulation of blood is only the beginning of corruption, and the way to separation of the whole. If therefore the vein, shall keep the blood from corruption in a catkass: much more shall it do it in those, that are living: by an argument a Minori ad Majus. Indeed the strange excrements retained in veins do putrefy; as well such as are of their proper, as those that are of any other digestion, (as elsewhere touching digestions) but the blood never putrefies within them: as being by consent of Scripture, the seat and treasure of the life. If therefore the life itself cannot preserve its own seat, and treasure from corruption, while it is within the veins; when will it then preserve it? Or how shall it ever be free from corruption? Again, if the life keep not the blood, wherein it glideth, from putrefaction, how shall the 
23. Gui●● or dowry of veins.  bones be preserved? The veins therefore are ordained by the Creator, to keep the blood from corruption; because the life is confirmentated, or mixed like leven together with the blood of the veins. 
24. Nature or School doctrine ruined.   Ph. 
It being thus; it seems to me, that under this question either the glory, comeliness, and destination of Nature is overhitherto adored by Physicians is destroyed.  Py. 
Well go to. By what signs do the Schools to be putrefied? Is it not by the colour, that is whiter, or blacker, than it should be, or by the yellowness, greenishness, or brownness of it? Or by the matter as being too clammy, too thick, too waterish, too thin? Or at last by the substance, as being without fibers, and scarce coherent, etc. But I declare, or protest unto you, under penalty 
25. Example out of the variety of blood.  of a convicted lie, that if any man would, make proof thereof, he shall find that many of the bloods, of two hundred Country fellows sound, and wanton, as those were, which in one day were by me examined, he might find as I found, many of them to view, very unlike the rest in colour, matter, and consistents; of which I distilled many, and in cutting found them to be equally wholesome: for our Peasants are wont the second day in Whitsun week, to let blood, that they might drink more freely. And though many of them seemed putrefied, rusty like Iron, or melancholic, yet those from whom these bloods were taken, were all very sound men, which is a thing worth noting. Therefore these bloods, did by the cause, confirm themselves, notwithstanding the signs of corruption, to be no whit alienated from the nature of the Balsam.  Ph. 
What thought you then?  Py. 
I thought not so much; as I laughed 
26. A ridiculous fable of blood drawn.  at the table of Judgements, upon the sight of blood after Phlebotomy, and this means I was confirmed, and those bloods were commanded by Physicians to be kept, that they might score up at least one visit more, upon the recovering of the Patients. For if corruption 
27. An argument from the Plague against use of the Schools.  of blood have place any where; and should under that title indicate its letting out, this should be rather in the Plague, then in any other infirmity. But it's a deadly thing to let blood in the Plague; there putrefaction is no where in the blood, nor is there any fear that putrefaction should grow strong therein. And consequently the scope of blood-letting is in this case erroneous.  Ph. 
Can you not illustrate this passage better by some instance?  Py. 
I could, and will. And therefore I 
28. Another from the Pleurisy.  suppose also, that thirty men were equally sick of a Pleurisy, and ten of them had by Phlebotomy drawn blood apparently vicious (for the blood in this disease is like red Wine, wherein are clotts of Milk) I will cure the other twenty without blood-letting: It is certain in the mean while, that these twenty had their blood affected in the same manner that those ten had. And again that those twenty cured, if they should open a vein, the blood would be found rectified, restored to the former perfection, and far different from Pluritical, in all or any of them. Therefore the blood of one that is Pluritical, is not corrupted though it seem so.  Ph. 
May this be proved?  Py. 
It may, for from a corrupted, or deprived thing, there is no going back again to life, health, or former habit. Therefore no blackness, blewishness, greenishness, or other such like colours of the blood do testify the corruption of it: but only tell us, the tokens of a boiling, or a fermental turbulence, or troubledness. For if the more watery or yellow blood, should especially tell us the faults thereof; the arterial blood should be far worse than that of the veins is; which were an error, in that the blood is in the same manner distinguished by the former signs, as Wine when it is troubled, while the Vine is blooming, which is not therefore corrupted; because the trouble being gone, the Wine of itself doth come clear again. In like manner a fever diversely disturbs the blood, and makes the face thereof of sundry ill colours. But 
29. Heats, and turbulences of blood, no testimonies of its faultiness.  But the Bug beats, or Scarecrows cease when the fever's over. Indeed I am wont to liken these men, that look into the blood; to such as give their judgement of Spanish Wine, and think they are cas●ing of an Urine.  Ph. 
But they will say: If putrefaction be 
30. The poor deceit of the Schools.  not in the blood, why streams it not out of the vein purely red, the third time, and not the first, or the first, and not the third time?  Py. 
This argument at least convinceth, that one part of the blood is more, or sooner disturbed then another, and not the whole and all together. For it is certain that Nature tendeth 
31. Ridiculous to suppose putrid humours in fevers.  to the perfection appointed her, by little, and little, and by a direct, and lineary way. And that therefore the blood near the heart, is purer, then about the first shops, or offices thereof. And that is the reason why they say, a Tertian, as well continual, as intermittent, consists of Choler, a Quarran of Melancholy, and a Quotidian of Phlegm; but all putrid: and they err therein. For what necessity had they to suppose these humours, (which I have elsewhere demonstrated to be fictious) putrid; seeing they confess a Synochus continual, and more cruel than the three former, not to be putrid? Which if they be conferred with the proposed definition of fevers, the blood in every Synochus, and the spirit of life in a Diary, Ephemera, or Day-fever must of necessity in life be putrid; that is, they will have attained, or be arrived to the bound of putrefaction. Then whereas 
32. Some absurdities alleged against the definition of fevers, in the precedent Dialogue.  the Schools confess that these putrid humours do not consist in the ventricle of the heart, and that therefore they are not primarily kindled in a fever, by this means putrefaction is consequently, in vain required to the kindling of a feverish heat in the heart. If therefore the putrid humours, shall a far off inflame the spirit in the heart, this by all law of Nature, should first be done nearer hand, then at a greater distance, and should rather inflame all the intermediating blood, by the heat of putrefaction, and so all must give a necessary putrid Synochus. Whereupon the Quartan shall neither stop its course, nor make its recourse, if the same putrid matter of it can lie quietly in expectation in the Spleen for a year together. Gangrenes teach me certainly, that nothing which is putrid, (for every thing that's putrefied is dead) can long persist without further contagion. Neither am I capable how the very spirit of Life itself, the Archaeus, shall become putrefied, 
33. A frivolous excuse by an Ephemir●.  to give Galen satisfaction for a Diary. But if they understand a Diaria to be the daughter of that putrefaction, which at last is inserted or comes into the spirit of life. So all fevers in the Schools should be Diaties. To conclude, if a Diaria be the daughter of putrefaction: it is then presupposed to be fermented with the spirit of life, whence they fall again into the same straits. But if they 
34. The foregoing definition of a fever, again impugned.  understand a beginning putrefaction only, o● a disposition to putredness, and that heat be the effect of putredness: than it follows that a Diaria, shall come to be no true fever. But the Schools require a formal, and an absolute putrefaction, that they may find out the cause of the feverish heat. Forgetful that then 
35. Schools inconstant.  heat, and not the fever, will be the effect of putrefaction, and so they must distinguish heat, from a fever by compulsion. Because a Synochus that is not putrid, being a true fever without putrefaction, should consequently be without heat. In the mean, by little and little, they lay down the fear of hea●, nor think it to be cared for in curing, while there is a greater fear to be had of hurt, which may arise from the contagion of putrefaction in things that symbolise. And that it were better therefore to turn away the putrefaction, then seek in vain to appease the fever by coolers. But whatsoever resisteth putrefaction is hot. For Myr●he preserves the Carcasis at Memphis for two thousand years together, which otherwise with Cichory, and Plantain, and your other coolers had long since been putrefied.  Ph. 
So that these putrefactions, of putrid humours, and of the blood, as also of the spirit, seem now so like our old wives tales unto me, that I should scarce believe, the Schools had spoken in earnest; had nor these Theses fatally, even till this very day, confirmed in their works of Curative intentions, and indications. 
36. Blood in the veins unputrefied.   Py. 
Well, for an upshot, I will yet add one thing more. Whatsoever is corrupted once within the body; doth never after turn again into grace, and favour. But the blood in the veins howsoever it seem corrupted, turns again into favour, therefore it was never yet corrupted.  Ph. 
They would peradventure have you prove both your Major and your Minor.  Py. 
I prove the Major thus. Corruption 
37. Whence corruption.  is an effect of the sequestration of vital dispositions in us, and therefore presup●oseth a privation, and death of the thing corrupted. And the Minor is proved, by those which are cured of the Plague, Pleurisy, and of a Fever without blood letting. And further, if the blood be at any time to be thought putrid, 
38. Blood of the Hemorrhoids not putrid.  or corrupt while it is in the veins, it will be that or none, which is in the Hemorthoidal veins. But this is not corrupted, though it be as it were almost without the veins: therefore is never to be thought putrid in the veins.  Ph. 
And how prove you this other Major and Minor?  Py. 
All Chirurgery proves the Major, in 
39 An admirable remedy against Hemorrhoids and other diseases, by a Ring  the Ulcers, and other diseases which happen to those knots, knobs, or bunches of the Hemorrhoids. And I prove the Minor by composition of a metal, whereof if a Ring be made, and worn, it will in a Pater noster while take away the pain of them; and in twenty four hours, both internal, and external Hemorrhoids, how big soever they be swelled, vanish. Therefore this Hemorrhoidal blood, is received into favour again, and the sick grow well again. This Ring is good also in Suffocations of the Womb, and other motions also of the Mother, and in very many other diseases. Whose description, and way of making and compounding, I deliver among the great virtues of other things, where we treat upon those words: In Verbis, Herbis, & Lapidibus est magna virtus.   

THE THIRD MEETING OF PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; About an examination of the Doctrine of ancient Physicians concerning Circuits, Periods, or Returns in Fevers.  Ph. 
WHat causes are there, according to the Physic 
1. Causes of feverish Circuits in the Schools.  Schools, of the set, or appointed Circuits in fevers?  Py. 
They say that so much Phlegm, forsooth is made every day, as there is Choler made every other day, and Melancholy every third day.  Ph. 
But, I should think, they do not 
2. The first Error.  hereby teach us the efficient cause; but the remote cause, which they call, Sine qua non.  Py. 
You think as it is, and therefore I am not without reason offended, that they did not feign or devise, a fifth humour for a Quintain, nor a dimidiated humour for a Semitertian; nor one and an half for an Hepiala: nor a doubled Choler for a double Tertian; nor a doubled Melancholy, for a double Quartan, nor a wanding Erratic and uncertain humour, for an Erratical fever; nor continual humours incessantly coming in the places of those which went before them, for continual fevers, every day, other day, or third day, exasperating; neither have they thought of a lazy humour, for a slow fever. They should at least have expounded, 
3. Galen detected of error.  why a putrifying blood, if it must be changed into Choler, should be turned all into a purulent matter. And why a mattery and purulent blood in Consumption should not make a burning fever, and yellow expectorations, should not produce a Tertian, but an Hectic and that presently after feeding. Wherefore this Quaternity of humours, 
4. Quaternity of humours why suspected.  in respect of so large a catalogue of fevers, and of other diseases hitherto every day increasing, cannot but be suspected by every man [of judgement.]  Ph. 
You speak home, and to the point, but what say you to the seat of putrid feverish humours?  Py. 
I say that Galen was stupid in this, as in the rest, yea and so stupid; that I should 
5. A great perverse blindness of the Schools.  be ashamed to unmask his error to the world; unless the Schools had till this day, so stubbornly persisted in upholding it to the destruction of mortals; that they have herein shown themselves to worship more the respect they bear unto antiquity; then that they own to truth and verity; as if the very fountain of wisdom, had been exhausted in Galens Cisterns. Who that he might find the causes of trembling, by fits in fevers, wrore naught else but tales, and ●ables: which as often as I call to mind, I admire ingeniously, that so many wits since the time of Galen hitherto, could subscribe them. Wherein I am indeed amazed, at the great sloth in men of their judgements, used in the seekng after things, and of such as assent to false principles, lest the liberty they have of Disputing, against such as deny them, might be taken from them. I will therefore no longer speak to Galen, but to the Schools.  Ph. 
What would you say unto them?  Py. 
I would they would declare unto me 
6. Galen exploded about the place of intermittents and many difficulties rising thence.  by what guide, what means, and what way, the putrid humour comes every fit from the shops of the humours to the extremities of the veins, which end in the habit of the body, or in the flesh, and skin? For if it were putrid before it came unto the small, and last extremities of the veins, why should one of them (for example Phlegm or Choler) be separated from its three other fellows, to putrefy in banishment, so far from its own inhabitation? Or what foolish separation is that, which should pull away an innocent humour from its compound, to so absurd, and frivolous ends, and purposes? And why therefore doth not the same fever continue during life, seeing the same separator persisteth during life? What Schoolmaster is he which admonisheth this separator, to take up in time, and to be wiser? At least, if the extremities of the veins do corrupt that putrid humour, the veins themselves shall be more corrupted, and so they should fall into an inexcusable Gangrene.  Ph. 
But what if there should some cause lie lu●king in the very extremities of the veins, which calls that guiltless humour to its self, that it might putrefy it near itself, where it is more subjected to the power thereof?  Py. 
That might be more compendiously done, in that blood which is near unto it, over which it hath greater dominion, and from whence it would be as free for it to separate Phlegm, or Choler, as it is for a purging medicine to do it commonly.  Ph. 
But what if it should have prepared the putrid humour, out of the blood that's nearest to it?  Py. 
Then should it in vain expect a fitting quantity of Choler for two days together.  Ph. 
What if this humour should putrefy, before it arrive unto the veins extremities?  Py. 
Then the Schools should contradict themselves, and the seats of intermittent fevers, should not be in the habit of the body: but in the first work houses of the humours.  Ph. 
But, what if the putrid humour should be totally dispersed out of the veins into the habit of the body, at one fit, till it be consumed?  Py. 
Then why should that separator, at least, or driver (since nothing is moved of itself which is not vital) be less generous in the bowels, than he which is placed in the extremities of the veins?  Ph. 
Nay further, to what mad end, should this passage of the putrid humour, be made from the mesentery, by the Liver, and Heart to the extremity of the veins?  Py. 
It is a passage full of danger, and it is to be feared lest the whole blood should presently, by the putredness, and deadly venom thereof, be defiled through its frequent thorow-course. For either Galen tells us a large lie; or humane Nature, doth of herself medicate her own destruction. And by this means, that necessity of Revulsion, which boast to be done by blood-letting faileth. Insomuch as by the proper power of intermittents, the putr●d humour reveled, or pulled back, from the nest of its generation, at hours appointed; (yea it of itself) runneth, to the extremities of the veins: unless peradventure, this Revulsion may be thought dangerous, which must all be made by the heart, and through the hollow vein, as well in intermittents, as by blood-letting. Again, either all the feverish matter, is by particular fits, drawn from the nest of its nativity; or not all. If all, there will be no cause of return: if not all, why should not the new humour, which putrefies against the coming, of particular future fits, rather move a feverish fit by its putrefaction, then by its expulsion? In that the trouble and pain is greater, while parulent matter is in making, then when it is made. In this case why should not the seats of fevers, be rather in the place of putrefaction, then in places by which it passeth, while it is expelled? Nay why should Choler, or Phlegm in the Bowels putrefy, when the Appetite returneth, and Thirst, and Watchsulness are absent, (suppose on the quiet days of intermittent fevers) and the putrefaction thereof doth not disturb the order of affairs, in the work-houses of the humours? Why should Melancholy made upon Monday putrefy into a type putrefaction in two days, and that which was made, the day following putrefy in one day only, as much as the former did in two days? If both shall make a joint fit of a Quartan upon Wednesday? Why should not that which was made upon Monday, move its fit upon Wednesday, and that which was made upon Tuesday, its fit on Thursday? And consequently, if any where made upon Wednesday, move its fit upon Friday?  Ph. 
Hear doubtless Physicians will wi●h a Spanish shrug, lift up their shoulders bend their eyebrows, and accuse occult proprieties, when they are constrained to make answer to things known unto the senses, by their credited, and supposed madnesses.  Py. 
Yea and why at last in the shake of a Tertian, will they have that to be Gall which is vomited in the beginnings of fits; and say, that Nature moveth this way; if the course of Nature in the same time, doth choir contrary proceed, from the Centre to the veins extremities?  Ph. 
Indeed Nature doth not, in one an● the same instant, move two opposite mot●ons, inward, and outward, especially for the sake of one excrement which is though: to be Gall.  Py. 
You say well. But why doth not this vomiting, take away so much of the outragiousness of the fit, as the expulsion of that excrement was copious, which they hold to be the very matter of the Tertian? But if there be yet any remainder left of Choler after the fit, in its work-houses, why should it rather putrefy new Choler, than those humours, which radically annexed to it? How comes bitter vomiting thirst, and so great signs of hurts, to trouble the stomach, while the dregs, and filth of the mischief should have for the most part, gone unto the ex●emi●●es of the veins to cause the shakes? But such as have issues, perceive that within two days, that they have had their fevers, there come forth but few, if any excrements: which doubtless should be many, if so much feverish filth, should every fit pass to the extremities of the veins, and habit of the body.  Ph. 
The Schoois take great joy in these causes of shake so pleasantly feigned, and so fond credited.  Py. 
Let them; but why doth Galen attend more unto the quantity of the humour, then unto the dutiful obedience of it? Would not: Choler by reason of its heat and fluxibility, be more ready to follow, or attend upon that which is putrefactive, than Phlegm would be? But why doth not Choler move a fit every day, if the less half thereof suffice to make a Tertian? Considering that the greatest half thereof is cast out by vomit? And to conclude, he should have told us, how many ounces of putrid humour should be requisite for every fit. Whether six or seven 
7. What quantity of Choler requisite to make a fit of a Tertian after the Schools.  for twice, as much is often cast out by vomiting about the beginning of a Tertian, and yet the fit is nothing less. Therefore if yet seven ounces are gone unto the mouths or extremities of the veins, and twelve other ounces be cast ou● by vomit. There will then be nin●teen ounces requisite for the fit of a Tertian. Whereof if you take about the one half, suppose it eight ounces of Choler 
8. It is refelled by Arithmetic.  made daily; and consequently about double as much Phlegm, there will be seventeen ounces of it: and more four ounces at the least of Melancholy daily, and daily so much blood at least, as was of Phlegm, that is sevente●n ounces; these being added will amount unto 46 ounces daily, in a Patien: sick of a fever, though he be abstenious.  Ph. 
Fine fables, if a man could credit 
9 Concluded out of the former suppositions, that in a fever there cannot be a fullness two days together.  or believe them. I would gladly hear of that Musician, who out of these Pipes would make an harmony. But what conclude you from hence?  Py. 
I conclude at least, that out of these supposed dreams of the Schools, neither blood letting, nor purgatives, aught in fevers to be used, though such a quantity of humours were bred in the Febricitants; seeing the same quantity is consumed in an abstirent patient; because though appetire, digestion, and meat be wanting; yet will this quantity of necessity be supplied out of the whole mass of blood. Therefore emptying is not to be ordained in a Febricitant who ●ath been abstinent, two days together.  Ph. 
But for God's sake: whence knew 
10. Petitio Principii in Galinists.  Galen that there is so much Choler made in two days, as there is Phlegm made in one day, and Melancholy in three days?  Py. 
You may well ask, especially seeing it concerns him, wh●● Vesalius Prince of 
11. Galen ignorant of Anatomy, wrote many books of Anatomy out of others.  Anatomists, doth in a hundred and six places, prove never to have anatomised, or look● into ●n humane body.  Ph. 
What if Galen wrote this without proof or trial?  Py. 
Then were not the Schools tied to subscribe unto his madness.  Ph. 
But what if he learned this, as being taught by fevers themselves?  Py. 
Then could he not assuredly bring, this same thing, to be the effect, and cause, together of one thing. For it m●st of necessity have contained, an absurd, and ●ond fallacy (called Petitio princip●i) to produce the same thing to be cause and effect of itself.  Ph. 
Good Sir, suffer me to digest this passage a little better: supposing [first] he saith] that a Te●●ian comes from putrefied Chole●●very other day: and a Quartan from Melancholy putrefied, every third day: by reason that th●re is so much Cho●●● made in two days, as there is Melancholy made in three days.  Py. 
I hope you understand him thus far; now go on again, and tell me how he proves the verity hereof.  Ph. 
He says that a Tertian every two days, and a Quarta● every three days: because so much Choler is made every other day; as there is of Melancholy in three days.  Py. 
And are not these very miserable Theorems 
12. Unhappy theorems of ●uring, invented by the devil to the ruin of mankind.  of Cu●ing to be taught unto the flower of youth; to be upon command obeyed by patients, and to be till this time by the Schools adored?  Ph. 
It seems they are, but what ensues of them?  Py. 
Unfortunate curing of diseases daily 
13. An argument against them taken from the vessels  follow them, to the destruction of the Christian world, and salvation of Souls. But at least if Choler ●hould surmount Melancholy two in six, and the Spleen exceed six times the bag of Choler, if then that be ratified which the Schools do teach, as well as Galen; that there is so much Gall or yellow Chol●●r made every other day, as there is black Choler or Melancholy, made in three days, and that the Spleen be the receptacle of Melancholy, and the Gall bag receptacle 
14. Yellow & black choler, not lodged in the spleen and gall-bag.  of the Choler; either the Creator erred in his ends, making of those receptacles of them, otherwise than Galen hath appointed, or the Gall and Spleen were not Butlers, or keepers, or containers of these tables of the Schools of Physic.  Ph. 
Were all Physicians satisfied with these inventions of Galen about the Circuits of servers?  Py. 
No, and therefore some of them ran for help to Astrology, by reason that a fever 
15. Against Astrologians, attributing the Circuits of fevers to the Stars.  made returns at hours appointed. But these are dashed against other dangers, while fevers have at all ●ours their beginnings, and sometimes they come slower, sometimes sooner, yea, and sometimes they sleep out their turns and are silent. Whence it was not sufficiently ratified that humane nature was constrained to obey the pleasure of Stars; nor that there was any Syngamie between the Stars, and feverish matter.  Ph. 
It should seem then, these were trash, and vain tinglings, which credulous ears did hearken to. But sought they any other ways to satisfy this question?  Py. 
They did; for some at last affirmed 
16. Similitudes taught in Schools square not.  that they had satisfied it by similitudes, saying, that severs are like other seeds whereof some come forth soon, as Nasturtium, or Cress'; some much more slowly, as Pa●sley.  Ph. 
Did this affirmation please you?  Py. 
No, because that example is invalid, which resolves a question by a question. For seeds which are more slowly resolved in moisture, in respect of their gummy oiliness, sprout up more slowly: as other get up more readily, which have a sliminess, nearer unto the juice of the earth. Whereupon this similitude no w●y concerns levers; whose fits they will not have made, by ●n easy, or a difficult resolution: but by a sparing, or a copious affluence of putrid humours. Otherwise 
17. Some arguments against the doctrine of the Schools.  Phlegm, most alienate from putresaction, would scarce afflict every seventh day, whereas Melancholy (which is deemed most like unto flesh, or to a carcase) would in the mean time putrefy much sooner. But at least, during the doctrine of the Schools, about the shake and Circuits of severs, a Tertian must of necessity be cured, by exhaustion of the matter in the fit; and by defect of new Cholet, requisite for the next Paroxysm; if the Patient shall abstain from meat and drink, for two whole days together. But the consequent is false, therefore the Galenical Thesis is false also.  Ph. 
But what if the Schools shall teach, and say, that then new Choler is liquefied out of the Blood?  Py. 
This were to feign that Nature were more solicitous to maintain the fever, then to preserve the life, and blood which is the treasury thereof. And to conclude, this Chole separated, or brought out from the blood, if it be putrid; why is it not together with the Choler of the precedent fit, banished by the veins, which was formerly detained, with the blood in the veins? Or whether did this remaining putrid Choler peradventure know, there should be a contingent abstinence of two days, that it should forsooth reserve itself against this defect, to continue the sever, which should otherwise perish through the penury of Choler? Or, whether did Nature please herself in the custody of a putrid Choler? But if this Choler flowing out of the veins be not putrid, than Nature should be mad and surious, to dissolve the blood, that she might have something for the continuation of the suture sever. But the Galenical Schools confess it putrid, and that a putrid humour, is every fi● poured out by the veins, and carried into the slender extremities of them: and that, that is the cause of the trembling, of the fit, and of the exceeding cold thereof: the putrefaction of which humour, while it is there more increased, should presently after, be the cause of heat in such extremity.  Ph. 
How relished you this?  Py. 
I esteemed these, as dry stubble, unworthy tales, miserable old wives fictions, and ignorances' most pernicious to humane Nature.  Ph. 
But did not Fernelius fi●st detect this ignorance of the Schools?  Py. 
He did so, and therefore Rondeletius, 
18. The merit of Fer●elius.  and his fellow Galenists, inveighed against Fernelius, as a desertor of the Schools, and an Apostata. But Fernelius was the first that smelled out the nest of intermittents, to be about the stomach, and next Gut unto it called Duodenum, and about the Pancreas also, which we call Sweetbread; as likewise he established the seat of continual fevers about the heart: But he had not the boldness to decline from the old way of curing fevers. He began indeed openly to dispute against the precedent Schools, about the nest of fevers: but he afterwards hid himself amongst [his] abdita, and not able to shake off those straw-made shackles of putrid humours, he suffered both the knowledge, and the essences of fevers also, to be taken from him.  Ph. 
But what saith Paracelsu● to this business?  Py. 
Paracelsus being terrified by the rigour 
19 The rash●ness and inconstancy of Paracelsus.  of fevers, persuading himself he had the knowledge of all fevers, sure enough, tickled by his own invention of an allegorical Microcosm, defines a fever to be a disease, made of Sulphur, and Nitre. And in another place that it is the earth quake of the little world, ●● if Sulphur and Nitre should be made much colder than themselves, as b●ing drawn, out of the mud, or slime. (which he calls Lincus, or Limbus) of the Microcosm, which afterwards should of their own accords, be set on fire by the burning Aetna. Now, as Galen in the search of causes stumbled every where, and therein showed himself to be no Physician, (whose name he saith is, Iventor Occasionis:) so Paracelsus with a wondrous liberty is fallen in [his] Microcosmi Par●emius, unworthy a Physician.  Ph. 
It would prove an hard law, to precipitate 
20. Man no Microcosm, if we obey the Scripture.  a man nakedly, to have a relation, or a reference to the Microcosm in the miserable necessities of all diseases.  Py. 
I therefore rejoice with myself, that I bear the Image of the living God, and not of the world.  Ph. 
It should seem then that this good man was deceived?  Py. 
Nothing more certain: In that he knew not, that fire burneth no where, unless 
21. Paracelsus deceived  it be first kindled; neither knew he any flint in us, or steel, or any thing, to strike them one against the other, in the point, or instant of the beating of the flint, howsoever he dissemble the business; and indeed there was no necessity of them, no nor of gunpowder to produce a feverish heat, unless we were to be burnt up the first stroke, and torn in pieces. Therefore the matter of actual Sulphur, and Saltpetre, are wanting in us. So is the connection of them both together, neither is there actual fire within us. And in fine, there wants a body which could tolerate this burning though it were but for a moment. Wherefore the causes and originals of fevers in the Schools, are trifling songs, and very fables.   

THE FOURTH MEETING OF PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; About the Examination of Blood-letting in Fevers.  Ph. 
GOod Sir, let me hear your opinion of Blood-letting in fevers.  Py. 
You shall, but before I go on to further scopes, intentions, or purposes, I should repeat, what I have elsewhere in a large Treatise demonstrated, viz. That there are not two Cholers, and a Phlegm in Nature, as parts whereof the blood consisteth.  Ph. 
No? That were worth the hearing.  Py. 
It were; and the rather, because in this place, where there is no mention made of any but putrid humours, those would of themselves be destroyed. In that a putrid 
1. One reason against humours, the rest elsewhere.  animal, is no longer animal. But this discourse of fevers, requires a more succinct brevity of me.  Ph. 
Use your pleasure.  Py. 
I will therefore only examine two general helps in curing.  Ph. 
What are those?  Py. 
Blood-letting, and Purging.  Ph. 
These are as it were the two Pillars of Physic; if you should deal● otherwise then well with them, the whole house would of its own accord fall upon the heads of Physicians. For if these helps should be taken away, Physicians must forsake their Patients, as not having other medicines than such, as doth diminish strength, and body. 
2. Galen's universal pr●position for Phlebotomy.   Py. 
These therefore I will touch upon in general. For by the consent of Galen, blood-letting is required in every fever except an hectic.  Ph. 
What arguments bring you against the Schools, and the destructive custom of these times, in this occasion?  Py. 
Such as follow, viz. Blood letting, 
3. A Syllogism against him.  where there is no necessary indication thereof, that is, where there is no proper use of it, is unprofitable. But in fevers there is no necessary indication thereof: therefore blood-letting in fevers is unprofitable.  Ph. 
What if they deny your Major?  Py. 
I prove it thus, because the end is the first director of the causes, and disposer of the means unto itself; wheresoever therefore the end shows not a necessity of the means, those means not being requisite to that end, are impertinently used. Especially where a contrary indication tells us; that we cannot let blood without dejection of our strength or forces. Therefore these means are foolishly appointed, which are by the end declared to be used in vain, unprofitably, and with diminution of those forces.  Ph. 
How prove you your Minor?  Py. 
Horatius Augenius proves it by three books written to that purpose, wherein he teacheth by consent of the Academies, that only a Phlethora, or too great fullness of the veins, that is, too great abundance of the blood, is that which shows when blood-letting is to be used. No● that directly for the curing of fevers, but for the evacuation of that fullness: but there's never any Phlethora in fevers. Therefore there is never any need of blood-letting in fevers. And consequently i● is altogether unprofitable.  Ph. 
I must confess the conclusion is new and paradoxical, and therefore it should be proved many ways.  Py. 
Galen himself proves the Minor. Teaching that in every fit of fevers, there is more Choler breathed out [or spent] then there is in two days generated. In the mean time the other members cease not to be nourished by the blood accustomed, that is; besides the consuming caused by the fever, they likewise consume their shares of the blood as they were accustomed, which I have computed, by the humour avoided by vomit in the foregoing Dialogue.  Ph. 
But now again, may not the same computation with greater [permission] connivency, be intimated, and reinforced.  Py. 
It may, and therefore I say, that i● 
4. A Logistick proof.  in a sound body, there be eight ounces of blood made daily, of necessity there must other eight ounces be daily spent in aliment; otherwise a man would quickly grow (as they say) from a horse load to a Cart load. If therefore from a sound man, there go daily eight ounces of blood; certainly a fever will not consume less. Therefore where there is little or no appetite, to meat, as little digestion, and no more sanguification, of necessity also that fullness (which we spoke of) if there were any in the beginning, it will presently within two days fail: and the indication will cease; for so much as concerns the letting blood in that fever.  Ph. 
But how should we know that in fevers, there is presently no more of that fullness?  Py. 
This is manifest to every one that 
●. Fullness of good blood impossible.  hath an Issue: because they are presently dried in fevers; neither do they yield their wont matter. But here is principally to be noted, how the forces can n●ver offend in their abundance; no not in Mathusalem. Neither doth good blood ever offend in being too much; in that the vital powers, and blood are correlatives: because according to the Scripture, the soul, or vital strength, is in the blood; and consequently therefore in good blood there can never be a fullness. On the other side I have in the precedent Dialogue demonstrated; that corrupt blood is never contained in the veins. Therefore if 
6. Never any corrupt blood in the veins.  at any time there should be any fullness of the veins possible, it should be in a middle state of blood, between that is corrupt, and that which is very sound. Whether we should consider that state, as of Decidency, and 
7. No fullness in a neuter stare of blood.  [Convalescency] for Neutrality comprehends both these states: or as it is mixed of both those states, let Galenists at least remember that good comes of an entire cause; but ill out of particular defects: and that therefore this state is not called, Plethorical, or the state of fullness; but Cacochymical, or of evil juices. Neither doth it require blood-letting; but Purgation rather, which may 
8. Blood-letting never indicated by the Theses of the Schools.  by election, or choice, bring out the evil, and leave the good behind it. And therefore our of their Theses it is not hitherto proved, that blood letting, is any way indicated or to be used.  Ph. 
How so I pray?  Py. 
Because according to the truth of the 
9 What Cacochimie in the veins is properly.  thing, I have already showed, that there is no Cacochymy in the veins, as being only a disturb ●●● of the blood, to the taking away whereof, there is no drawing of the blood required; but only a taking away of the disturbing affect. And so much the rather, because it is the pur●r blood, which passing by the centre of the heart, hath obtained its purification: And therefore that which is drawn out of the arm, and comes 
10. Coindications in place of a proper indication and oppofite to contraindications, agree but fond.  out first of all, will be the purer, and that which staves behind will be the impurer.  Ph. 
Now seeing it appears there is no fullness in fevers, which may require the blood letting, what follows?  Py. 
This follows; that the Schools having smelled so much; they h●ve in place of an indication, substituted certain coindications as counterpoising an adjusted indication in Nature, and weighing down a contrary indication, 
11. A Proposition of the Author against blood-letting in a fever.  which ought otherwise (being taken from the conservation of the forces) wholly to obtain the prime place; in this respect alone; that every fever, is soon, safely, and perfectly curable, without blood-letting. For in every putrefaction, of so many sundry client humours, and in the fevers flowing 
12. The Schools defame their purgatives by their allowance of blood letting.  thence, they presently make use, only of the help of blood-letting: b●cause (as they say) it presently easeth, and is stopped at pleasure.  Ph. 
But do they not by this distinction, in some sort discredit their purgatives? For they say, though blood-letting seem to be required, for a sulness, by its natural, and only indication; yea, and though it do not properly 
13. The ends of Coindications:  take away such humours as putrefied: yet it cools, and disburdeneth the veins; it recreates the forces, or spirits; it takes away part of the evil humour, with the good; and by derivation, and revulsion, it stops, and pacifies the flux of humours, calling them another way from running to the nest of putrefaction; whereupon Nature finding herself comforted, doth what is else required, much more happily and easily.  Ph. 
What said the Sow when she eat up the Penitential Psalms; These are good words, but they do not satisfy the hung●r. I mean, these are Coindications whereby they persuade men to continue their afflictions. But in these I will particularly give satisfaction.  Ph. 
And herein you will much oblige posterity.  Py. 
But before all, I would have you 
14. A forewarning by the Author.  know. That though in a more strong, and full body there be no notable hurt done, yea, and sometimes, such as are sick also, seem presently to be bettered, and cured. Ye blood-letting, cannot but be dis-allowed, considering, that such as have fevers, are mo●● happily recovered without it.  Ph. 
Do we not see, that at the first, or iterated blood-letting; the violence of fevers, is oftentimes remitted?  Py. 
'Tis confessed. But how comes this to pass think you? Note: no otherwise then thus. The Archaeus, or spirit of Life, finding itself suddenly rob of its forces, and surprised by a disagreeing coolness, is strucken with so manifest an horror, that it neglects the expulsion of the feverish matter, and to do its duty. But those which seem to be ●●red by Phleboto●●y, they either certainly relapse, or at least they come more slowly to their health, and when they have obtained it, is not so firm as it was formerly.  Ph. 
The Turks and a great part of the world make this assertion good unto you, which never heard of blood-letting, as being that, which is no where read, to have been either instituted by God, in Nature; or that, it was approved by him, or that he ever did so much as mention it. But now what say you further in those Coindications.  Py. 
Touching the first scope of Co-indication: 
15. How blood letting cooleth.  which is called resrigeration, or cooling. I say blood-letting doth not otherwise cool, then as it steals away part of the vital heat. Not that it hath any positive power of cooling; and therefore at the least, in this respect, this kind of cooling must be hurtful. I pray you tell me; why do they not let blood in an Hectic fever, vulgarly called a Consumption? Doth not a fever want cooling? Or doth a Hectic cease to be a fever?  Ph. 
No, for in those who are sick of Hectics, there is a want of blood.  Py. 
Therefore I said, that where there is ● detect, or want of blood, and strength, the hurts of blood-letting are casi●y taken notice of; which do otherwise in such as are of stronger forces, lie more concealed. And of this I could bring you lamentable precedents.  Ph. 
Good Sir, were it not too tedious or troublesome, I should entreat you to recount me one of them.  Py. 
I will; In the year 1641. on the 
16. A lamentable history of the Infant Cardinal.  ●ighth of November, there was a dissection made of the body of Prince Ferdinando, brother to the King of Spain, and Cardinal of Toledo. Who lying sick of a Tertian fever, the space of 89 days died at the age of 32 years. This noble Prince having his Heart, Lung●, and Liver taken out, and by that means his Veins, and Arteries dissected, there hardly came from them one spoonful of blood into the hollow capacity of his breast: his Liver shown no blood within it; his heart was limber like an empty purse; yet two days before his death he would have eaten more, had he been permitted. For though he was so exhausted by blood letting, purgations, and by Leeches, as I told you; yet the Tertian desisted not to keep its fits accustomed.  Ph. 
What profit found he t●en, by this loss of blood? Or how did these evacuations 
17. A note against Physicians greedy of blood to be most seriously regarded.  cool him?  Py. 
Nothing at all they shown this kind of c●ring vain, and fruitless, which took not away one tittle of the fever.  Ph. 
Is this then that method of cuuring which makes that Physi●an whom the most H●gh created, and commanded to be honoured 
18. A guilty mind a thousand witnesses.  for the necessity which is of him? If it knows not how to cure a Tettian in a young man, whereto serv●s this kind of method? Is this that Art whereof the infirm have need, and not the healthy?  Py. 
I would to God this good Prince had never made use of it, who when he returned from Cortrick and was saluted by the Senate of Brussels, at his recovery from the agony of death, (which fell upon him, by the loss of so much blood, and forces) walked strongly up and down in his Chamber. Wherefore let Physicians be wary, how they expose their severish Patients to the occurse of coolers (I mean such as they should presently, and largely find the virtue of, by a manifest token;) that they trust not [too] much unto their rules of heaters, and of coolers. For seeing it is now apparent, that all the heat in a sever, is of the spirit of life itself: it follows that the coolings by blood-letting, is a mere exhausting and impoverishing of that Spirit and the blood together. For if a sever should be cured as a distemper; by blood-letting, as a cooling remedy; (alas the contrary appears by the exhausting of all the blood, out of this Prince, Infant of Spain. In whom yet three days before his 
19 An argument taken from thence.  death, the Tertian sever, notwithstanding so much cooling, kept its courses. Or if they by cold alone intent the curing, others should also in a Quotidian (which they pretend, out of a pu●red Phlegm to be inflamed) find that this cooling would at least, with much more easiness be obtained, by exposing their Patient's half naked to the No●th, and Western Winds, or by ha●ging ●hem in wa●●r, or in some deep W●●l, ●ill they should confess th●y were sufficiently cooled, for so, they should presently, and abundantly do their cure. i● a guilty inward, ignorance did not condemn their feverish essence of h●at.  Ph. 
It should ●●em ●hen that a sever is not a n●ked d●ftemper of heat?  Py. 
No, it is not, but there is an occasional 
20. The Essential seat of Fevers.  offending matter, for whose expulsion the Archaeus doth by accident inflame itself, being as it were displeased with i●. Which so long as it is neglected by the Schools, the cures of fevers will be preposterous, pernicious, and conjectural; and by that m●ans, no man shall owe any thanksgiving to the Phys●ian, b●cause of their own accord, through the goodness of Nature they are cured, and I wish they w●re not put back 
21. An explanation of the precedent Argument concerning cooling, and the Sch●●●s evasi●●●.  and hindered by Physicians.  Ph. 
But to this Argument of curing, by sod●in cooling, I should think the Schools should make some answer.  Py. 
They do in saying it is dangerous to pass from one extreme unto another. By which excuse of their ignorance, they stop the mouths of the people, as if they had said, something worthy to be credited; not taking notice that they contradict themselves therein, while they commend blood-letting, and prefer it before laxatives for this cause especially, that presently and abundantly, it yields relief by cooling, and therefore they have entitled it, the speedy, and universal remedy; tying their impotency, founded upon ignorance, to the arbitrement of an Axiom ill understood, and wo●se applied. For who doubts but a man may presently cut the h●lter 
22. Not to go from one extreme unto another, ill drawn from the Mathematiks and applied in Physic.  of one that's hanged, that he may presently enjoy the air, whereof he is deprived? Who doubts but we may presently lay a drowned man shelving downwards upon his belly; that he may cast the water off of his Lungs: 'tis lawful also to draw one that's saln into a River, presently to the Banks side thereof, and presently to fr●e a wound that's indisposed, and close it with a Cicatrice. For so many wounds are in one day healed: because the solution of union, wants nothing more, but its re-unition. So is it lawful to put a broken, or displaced bone presently into its place again. So may we likewise in a fit of Falling-sickness, in a fit of Fainting, in the Cramp or Convulsions, recall the infirm as soon as may be, and presently dissolve and call away detained excrements. For we must conjecturally think that Nature delighteth in her own destruction, or that out of the state of health she presently suffers death to enter, and will refuse a remedy, which speedily repels diseases. Otherwise she should not do, that which in things possible, is far the best, neither should she desire to be, or be conserved. In the Mathematics it's thought impossible, to pass from one extreme unto another, without a Medium: and this Medium peremptorily, and utterly denieth the coming of any thing between it and those extremes, which if we shall allow with some Latitude in things natural, yet we may be thought to have done speedily, sufficiently, and very well. And therefore we ought not to wrest that of the Mathematics unto curings. I confess indeed we should not by a Paracenthisis, draw out all the water, of an hydropical body, at once together: nor should we take away all the purulent matter, of a great Aposthume, not bring one that's congealed with cold, into a warm Stove presently: nor yet nourish one that's almost starved too too speedily. But yet, a slow, and necessary pace, as such, or a progress by degrees, from one extreme unto another, doth not hinder, or restrain this Mediocrity, or Medium, as if Nature were averse from speedy curing; for this, to her is an ordinary, allied, innate, and intimately proper indication. But these are forbidden, because the loss of strength, or spirit thereupon depending, would not endure these so speedy motions. Therefore the Schools do 
23. A fallacy in curing.  by a fallacy tie up their Patients from a sudden remedy, which they have not: that they may hid their ignorance from the vulgar, by some Axiom ●ll directed.  Ph. 
I should think that so oft as a cure may be had without loss of strength (for the strength must ever have the primacy in indications) the sooner it is done, the greater is the Jubilee which Nature gaineth.  Py. 
You think aright, and I have observed as much in fevers, to my great content and admiration. To our purpose therefore, if it be so, that a fever be merely a preternatural 
24. The Argument out of the Thesis of the Schools is opposed.  heat, and that every cure is to be accomplished, by striving contraries; therefore it requires a preternatural cooling; that contraries may be placed under one, and the same kind or Genus. That is every fever should be necessarily cured, by a more than ordinary coldness of the Ambient, and the rather, because the Ambient coldness, gathers forces, and doth not dissipate them. But the consequent is false, and therefore the antecedent also.  Ph. 
It should seem then, that the Schools intent not the cooling of the heat by blood-letting: but primarily, the taking away of blood, and mitigation of accidents, which wait upon the dejected forces: or, they primarily intent, a diminution both of blood and forces.  
This is that which they term a more free 
25. Deceit of the Schools out of a perverse ignorance  respiration of the Arteries, though with much deceitfulness. But I always make greatest esteem of that indication, which concerns the conservation of those forces, and is quite opposite to all emptying of veins, how and whatsoever; because the forces being diminished, 
26. Strength hath chiefest place in indications.  and cast upon their backs, the disease cannot be chased away; neither is there any thing further to be done by the Physician. Therefore Hypocrates concludes, that the natures themselves, are the curers of diseases; because the indication which is taken from the conservation of the forces, is that which governeth the whole scope of curing. As reason therefore counsels us, to keep our strength, and forces: so also she would have us keep our blood, because the one includes the other, as the blood the forces.  Ph. 
But Hypocrates in an Athlatical fullness, commands us to let blood presently, together, and in quantity.  Py. 
You say true; and that is it which 
27. Hypocrates de Athletis, alleged but not understood.  the Schools proclaim in every place; but this is ridiculously alleged, for cures of fevers, and diseases. For he commanded it not, out of fear of the fullness, though their veins did sufficiently abound with blood: but only that their vessels so filled, might not by the exercising of their strength be broken, or overstrained: otherwise, what have Wrestlers which are found, to do with cures belonging unto fevers? For the feverish have no fear of fullness; nor that their veins should be broken with exercise. It is further to be 
28. Differences of emptyings.  noted, that the letting of blood is of this condition; that if it be done after the accompanying of women, it makes such an exhaustion of the strength as is irreparable; because it takes from the inbred spirit of the heart. And to this exhaustion [of that spirit] by blood-letting, is a very near neighbour; because it doth readily and at once rob the influous Archaeus. But a disease, though it directly also oppugn the forces; yet because it doth it not, at once, and together, but by little 
29. A fever hurteth less than the opening of the veins.  and little, therefore it rather shakes, and wearies the forces, then that it doth exhausted them really. Therefore the restoration of the forces, impaired by diseases, is made more easily, then of those, which are exhausted by blood letting.  Ph. 
I should think so too, but what's your reason for it?  Py. 
My reason is, that such as are weakened by blood letting, are for the most part deprived of the benefit of a Crisis. And if they do recover, it is but slowly and that with many perplexities in their getting up again, after many day's endurance, and not without danger of relapses. But such as lie sick of a disease wherein blood letting hath not been used, come presently to their wont strength again, and are restored easily. But if by being destitute of remedies, they sometimes come unto the extremity; yet Nature endeavoureth a Crisis, and relieus them; because their forces (though shaken much by the infirmity) yet they are not perished, as being not exhausted by their blood letting, which they so speedily and abundantly.  Ph. 

30. Th' obligation of Physicians.  Hence may be gathered that the Physicians, are out of Conscience, and in Charity bound to cure, not by sudden wasting of the forces; nor by dangers consequently following it: nor yet by a necessary shortening of the li●e, for according to the Psalm: Spiritus meus attenuabitny (ergo) dies mei abreviabuntur.  Py. 
'Tis well gathered: And since (according to the Scripture likewise) the life glideth in the blood; however this be taken aw●y largely together, it cannot be done without prejudice of the life also. For the 
31. The general intention in fevers, and blood letting opposed thereunto.  perpetual intention in Nature, in the cure of fevers, is to do it by sweatings; and therefore also the fits of fevers, do for the most part end by sweatings.  Ph. 
But you think that blood letting is diametrically imposed to this intention.  Py. 
I do so, for this draws the blood inwards, to fill again the vessels, which are emptied thereof: But the motion of Nature requisite ●o th● cure of fevers, proceeds from the centre, and goes outwards; from the noble parts, and bowels, unto the skin.  Ph. 
Yet once more I beseech you; how should blood letting necessarily weaken? Se●ing such as are strong, and ●ull or Plethoric seem to find the contrary by experience, and to justify it?  Py. 
If the sacred Text be not of power enough, which warns us of the inhabitation of the life within the blood: it will at least be made manifest, if you offend by a more liberal emission thereof. For, presently the Spirits, and the Patient are dejected. If 
32. The Mathematiks prove blood-letting always hurtful.  therefore (in the Mathematics) six do hurt notably: Three cannot choose but hurt, though not so sensibly. Now, for him to hurt Nature, which should cure her, and restore her, is not permitted. If Nature must be her own Physician; and that she is by so much the happier, by how much the stronger, let it suffice the Physician, that the Patient falls otherwise into an excusable weakness, through the disease, fastings, wants of appetite, unquiet restings, pains, anxieties, watch, sweats, and the like; and let not him who is called as a faithful helper, add weakness unto weaknesses.  Ph. 
But is this blood letting [so much cried up; and so much used;] so fraudulent a remedy as you seem to make it?  Py. 
It is so fraudulent, and so uncertain, that no Physician hath hitherto had the boldness to promise any future cure by it.  Ph. 
I, but every Artificer doth what he promiseth; the Stone-cutter makes Statues, the Shoemaker makes shoes, and that undoubtedtedly; 
33. The incertainty of Physicians argues a defect of their principles.  why should the Physician only want the daring, to uphold what his Art promiseth?  Py. 
Because he builds upon foundations which are uncertain, and therefore he is by accident alone, and fraudulently profitable. For which way soever the business be turned, it is a thing that's full of ignorance, to go about to cure, by a procured weakness, viz. by a sudden emptying, or effusion of the blood, made at once in quantity together, Nature is for the most part, so daunted, that she neglecteth the expulsion of her enemy. Which expulsion I have notwithstanding demonstrated to contain the whole Scene, or Stage of Fevers, and of Nature.  Ph. 
But besides this, is it not confessed, that the matter of the Fever consists not in the vein above the heart?  Py. 
It is so, but what of that?  Ph. 
It follows then, that blood letting 
34. Blood letting cannot diminish the cause of fevers.  draws not by any means the occasional matter, or that it effectively cureth, by any direct intention of curing; if I be not deceived.  Py. 
You are not deceived, therefore let us go on.  Ph. 
To conclude then, what say you of 
35. An Argument drawn a sufficient enumeratione.  the blood that's let, for the more perspiration of the Arteries?  Py. 
That is (at the least) in the beginnings, and increase of fevers, fruitless; when the heat is not yet in its full strength. And seeing that neither in the state, or height thereof, a vein is to be opened, nor yet in the declination; when is it good then to let blood?  Ph. 
Never; but how prove you that it is good to let blood, in the state or height of a fever?  Py. 
Because it hinders the Crisis, when Nature (as they writ) struggleth, especially being hindered, and being for the most part conqueress, she may then lest of all tolerate, the loss of forces, or be called from the duel. Now if in the height, or state Nature be conquered, what will blood letting then b●e?  Ph. 
A mere Manslaughter.  Py. 
Right, but if it be not convenient to open a vein in the state of fevers, whilst the greatest heat, and Anxiety, or difficulty is extant; and the greatest respiration of the Arteries is required: it will be certainly much less convenient in the beginnings, and increases of them. Especially considering, that the fear of a fullness goes presently away in the first days of those fevers. And by that means the perspiration of the Arteries will be easy enough.  Ph. 
What say you to infirmities in their declinations?  Py. 
I say it is clear, and manifest, and commonly testified, by the votes, and voices of all men, that then they neither require nor tolerate any blood letting.  Ph. 
Let us yet further consider in fevers, 
36. Another from the quality of the blood.  the blood within the veins, what say you thereof?  Py. 
I say it is either good, bad, or neither; if it be good, it will be good, to keep what's good, because it addeth to the forces. For (as I elsewhere show) the fear of fullness did even from the beginning cease if there were any.  Ph. 
But they say, they let good blood to cool it, and breath out the putrefaction.  Py. 
That's needless. [That is, there is neither heat nor putrefaction in it, as is proved] for both are taken away already, and that imaginary good (which they suppose comes by it) bringeth a real, and a necessary loss of forces.  Ph. 
But they teach further, that blood-letting in a fever, is not commanded for the goodness of the blood, since they suppose it to be both ill and pu●red.  Py. 
But I have sufficiently taught, that during life, there's no blood in the veins corrupted, and consequently that the scope of the Schools in letting blood is ruined. They must show me therefore, what other malice 
37. Whereto the Schools are constrained.  is in the blood besides its corruption. They must also show me, or demonstrate to me, that this bad blood is detained, in the vein, from the heart to the hand, if they will have their blood-letting be ratified as such, or as a Revulsion. They must I say teach us, that this ill blood, is not in the first Shops, or Offices thereof, and that it being drawn out, by the vein of the arm, there be not worse blood drawn unto the heart, in that place the hollow vein, makes the hearts right ventricles. Let them in like manner instruct us, that the upper veins being emptied, there is not a greater liberty, and impunity, whereby things feverish, and hurtful may approach unto the heart, then formerly. So that instead of breathing out of the purrefaction, (which I have proved to be truly nothing) there be not rather a free access of putted breath unto the heart occasioned. For whether doth the vacuity of the emptied veins draw the blood downward? Let them show me I say, by what reason, the pouring out of the blood, and the diminution of the forces by the arm, should hinder the putrefaction, or should import a correction, or renewing of what is putrid. In like manner, let them express themselves, what they mean when they say, that blood should be let, or drawn, that the Arteries may breathe more freely; considering that putrefaction, (if there were any such thing possibly to be found within the veins) affecteth not the arterial blood, which is the Steward of our whole Nature. Let them moreover prove, that the good blood being diminished, and the forces also spent proportionably, there is greater power in that which is remaining impure and tainted by putrefaction (as they suppose) of preserving itself from an imminent purrefaction. Again, let them teach against the Holy Text, that the life, and soul, are rather, and more willingly in the defiled residue of blood, then in the puter taken away by blood-letting. Otherwise regularly the drawing out of the good includes an increased proportion, and an unbridled liberty of the bad remaining.  Ph. 
But what if at last the blood in the fever, and veins be bad, and they say '●is good (as a sign and effect) that in the letting of the blood, the bad comes out, and that they think, that so much at least of the bad is taken away?  Py. 
First let them prove that blood which they suppose hurtful, to be truly hurtful, as I have formerly proved it guiltless. And then let them teach, that by the hasty, and full emission of this bad blood there is no prejudice brought upon the forces, and that in the residue of the defiled blood, (the forces being now decreased) the taking away of the blood will be cause, why the corruption of that which remaineth, is of less power to go forward? And whether they hope at any time, that in the blood, howsoever once infected (viz. by this privation) a regress may be given in Nature [to perfection.] For let them show that, it contradicteth not, that it's proper to a fever to pollute the blood, and 
38. A vain hope in the changes of blood drawn by Phlebotomy.  that this property is taken away a posteriori, viz. by removing what is purrefied? For if first the impurer blood be drawn out of the veins, and they again open the vein, and in the mean time, deject, and trouble or disturb the forces, and by this means take away the hope of a Crisis; what if it then come out more red then formerly?  Ph. 
They will then certainly cry out, as if all the quantity of the bad, had been taken away by the first effusion; and that the seat of the fever was extended from the heart, un●… the arm only: and that the good, had its residence about the Liver.  Py. 
But in a Dropsy I have noted that the evacuations of the last excrements were always to be feared, and much more therefore in the naked drawing out of blood which leads away the vital spirits from the heart in a direct course, thorough the wound; whether it be deemed bad, or good, or neuter.  Ph. 
You have first proved that they offend in a fallacy, as well as in those things which are supposed, of a Synachaes, or burning 
Petitione principii.  fever, both purred; as of those which are conceived of the emission of a purred blood. Now therefore to our purpose, what think you of the helps, are gotten in lieu of the forces which are taken from us.  Py. 
I always found them full of deceit: that for so little a help, the strength should be enfeebled by bearing the burden of diseases: for it is as drink in ●he beginning of a fever; which seems for a while to give a refreshing: but is any man so mad as to drink, if he knew that drink did rob him of his forces?  Ph. 
You conclude then, that the help of cooling by blood-letting is trustless, fraudulent, and momentary. But now, what say you of that neuter blood, which is nor good, nor bad in letting?  Py. 
Of this it is best to say nothing, in that, what is denied in does junction; may be denied also in copulation. For if that be neuter which consists, of a commixture of good with bad, (supposing that bad which is not.) Or that whereinto a neutral alteration is introduced; what is formerly said may satisfy the event in either of them.  Ph. 
Have you not yet done with Coindications?  Py. 
I shall at length, when I have cut off the hope which is in revulsion: and so I shall equally take away all coindications, as the poor, and miserable sculking-holes of perverseness. It is a mad remedy to let blood, (for 
39 Co-indication of Phlebotomy in fevers, & Menstrue, for Revulsion a vanity.  to this end they draw a great quantity) whether it be in fevers, or in the menstrues, for revulsion; in that the feverish matter swims not in the blood, or floateth up and down the veins, but sticks within unto the vessel; as I shall tell you in its own place, when I speak of the occasional matter. And for the Menstrue likewise: in that the separation thereof, is made out of the whole, and not without the separating hand of the Archaeus. But Phlebotomy separates nothing of things separable: because it works without a foreknowledge of the end, and therefore without election. But the nearest always runs out first, and as soon as the vessel is open, away goes the innocent blood, which because, after by a continued thread, others follow, for fear of vacuum: therefore the Menstrues, about the womb, or Mother, collected there by the industry of Nature, and of set purpose; are drawn from thence by blood letting, and retire back again into ●●e whole: what though Phlebotomy may sometime in a full, and well complexioned woman find success; yet certainly in many others it hath given a most miserable catastrophe.  Ph. 
But what if the menstruous blood should offend only in quantity, while it is now gathered together, and set apart in the veins about the Mother?  Py. 
In this case supposed, I shall willingly admit an individual indication of Phlebotomy. But if Menstrue, flow in a womb that's well conditioned, it will abundantly satisfy, and do its own business, And in this case revulsion is useless; though the Hypothesis suppose an impossibility. For Phlebotomy is nothing, but a mere and indistinct pouring out, or ensptying of the blood. But the emptied veins, presently recall unto themselves what blood soever, and whence soever: for as they are the greedy receptacles of the blood; so they are impatient of emptiness, And therefore the menstrue (being destined to its departing: that is, already once written, 
40. Derivation in topical diseases sometimes profitable But impertinent in fevers.  or enrolled by Nature, in the catalogue of Excrements) is drawn [or sucked] by the empty veins. But derivation because it is a sparing letting of the blood; so it be done out of fitting veins, was wont often to be profitable in many topical diseases, but in fevers '●is impertinent.  Ph. 
But they insist upon this, that blood-letting 
41. Blood lettin hurtful in Pleurisies.  in a Pleurisy, is so necessary, that it is enjoined upon pain of death [to be made use of.] For they say that unless this blood, which hath recourse unto the ribs, be called back by much effusion thereof, it is to be feared that the Pleurisy, will presently kill the man by suffocating of him.  Py. 
But I never let any man blood, that is sick of a Pleurisy; and this kind of curing is safe, certain, solid and commodious. None fail that run this course, whereas by Phlebotomy; many of them perish through a slow Consumption, and they are subject every year unto relapses.  Ph. 
Indeed according unto Galen, whosoever is not perfectly cured within 40 d●yes falls into a Consumption.  Py. 
But I cure perfectly this disease, neither are my Patients sensible of those relapses. But I keep my secret to myself herein. Yet I have seen a Country-fellow cure all 
42. The Schools may learn from Rustics that their Axioms are false.  Pleurisies in three times giving a Potion. He used Horsdung, which being dissolved in Beer he strained it well and gave it. Such is the ignorance of Physicians; and such the pertinacity of the Schools, that God give● knowledge unto Clowns, and little ones; which is denied to such as are pufe up with Ethnic learning.  Ph. 
But now Sir let us see whether there be any use of Revulsion [of the blood] in fevers.  Py. 
With all my heart, for the work of 
43. Revulsion a rule in fevers.  revulsion is primarily nothing else but a blood-letting, or vein-cutting, whereto by accident it is hoped that the following blood should come, and by benefit thereof, th●t it will not flow unto the part affected.  Ph. 
What may be grounded on this Thesis?  Py. 
That, by this kind of evacuation, the offending feverish blood (I speak this winking) dispersed in the veins, which otherwise hiding itself in its own nest, far from the heart, would not so fiercely communicate the ferment, or Leven of its mischief. Which is as much as to say, by this Revulsion it will come to pass, that the peccant humour would be drawn from an ignoble part to one more noble: In that the more c●ude and feculent blood, is in the M●saraick veins: but that is better purefied, which comes nearer the heart. Otherwise Nature had been indiscreet to place the main murdering weapons or instruments of pa●●icide so near the fountain of life. Seeing therefore the feverish matter flows, or floats not in the veins, nor hath its mansion near the heart: God forbidden we should believe, that it is stirred, or moved from place to place, by vein-cuttings, or blood let, howsoever otherwise, by reiterated Phlebotomy, blood may be drawn out from thence of divers colours.  Ph. 
If then another blood come from remote parts, to the place whereout the blood must issue, I should think that this may prove a dreadful remedy.  Py. 
You think as it is, for by that means the mischief of one particular place, should be communicated to the whole, and so unto the parts more noble, and there is an easy mingling, and defiling, in, or between such things as symbolise, partake, or communicate each with other.  Ph. 
Now growing to the end of our discourse: what if our Modern men should cast away these Ethnic errors, and look more carefully into the lives of their neighbours, should they know any thing the more hereby?  Py. 
In this place they would know that 
44. What is by Physicians to be learned out of this Dialogue.  the Comments of Revulsions are frivolous; that the loss of the treasury both of blood, and forces is pernicious; also that no hurt results from the blood in the veins; but only from the enmity of strange, and foreign excrements: As also that God hath ordained sufficient store of emunctories for any sort of filth that is within us: And that we need not tear the veins to get the victory of fevers.   

THE FIFTH MEETING OF PHILIATRUS, AND PYROSOPHILUS; About the Examination of Purging in Fevers.  Ph. 
YOu spoke in your former discourse of two remedies, which you were to examine; Blood letting, 
1. The first confession of the Schools about their purging Medicines.  and Purging, the first is ended, now to Purging.  Py. 
The Schools acknowledge that their Putgatives, from the highest, down as far as Agarick want correction, because they injure Nature. And I would those corrections were not weak and unadvised; but serving rather to beget an innocency of the Medicine, then to the Gelding, or taking away the strength thereof.  Ph. 
Why wish you this?  Py. 
Because gelding the strength of Medicines 
2. Deceit of Correctives.  carries a deceit along with it; as done by reason that the sick, might not understand that there is a venom under it. Likewise the hemlocked Shop-remedies, are like tame Wolves, who while they are trusted, turn upon occasion given, to their accustomed wild and Wolvish nature. By this means they dare not call corrected Medicines by their proper Etymology: but they hid Scammony under the veil of Diagridium. And they besmire Colloquintida, with the paint of Alahaendal. And then the compounded Purgatives in Dispensatories, fight under a false title of ringleader. In the mean time they cannot 
3. Another confession  deny, but Scammony, and Colloquintida, are the two Pillars whereon, the whole edifice of Purging leaneth; which being broken down, what ever was built upon them falls to ruin. And then the gentler Purges, as Manna, Cassi●, Sena, Rheubarb, etc. have rendered, or given over to those two anti-signant Leaders, or Conductors. They confess 
4. A third confession  fur●ther, that a Purgative once given is no longer in the power of the Physician. And by this means they defame Purgatives, and give the precedens to Phlebotomy.  Ph. 
But what if a laxative work more cruelly than it ought to do?  Py. 
Then do they blame either the dose 
5. Foul excuses.  thereof, or the correction, or the fluid Nature or looseness of the Patient, or the Apothecary, or at least his Wife, before the Purgative should lose its credit. Yet in the mean 
6. The 4th. Confession.  season, whether they will or no they do confess, that all Solutives contain a poison in them, only they have excepted innocent Aloe, by a proverb: Sola Aloe innocua. But the r●st must be exhibited with additament correction, and circumspection; and that neither too soon, nor yet too late [but in the proper time of giving.]  Ph. 
Why? are there any Precedents of their mischief otherwise?  Py. 
●●e tell you one. A judicious man, and 
7. A frequent history.  Secretary to the Senate of Brabant, for conservation of his health, took a usual Pill of washed Aloe (viz. gelded) and not finding the accustomed effect thereof; as the Physician passed he told him of it. He presently blamed the slowness of the Aloe; and told him he would prescribe Maial Pills for him, which b●ing taken, he perished miserably. Because the whole Weeks labour after was spent in vain, to pacify the unbridled effect of that purging medicine. For he to free himself of a future infirmity, by the deceit of his Physician died, leaving eleven children fatherless. Whence it primarily appeareth plainly, that it is as free for a purgative to show its raging f●ry on a sound man, as a sick one. For its lawful under the name of a Physician, and fraud of a medicine, to run headlong unpunished, even upon the lives of Princes. Because the earth covers the cruel illiterature of the curers.  Ph. 
Purgation, or Depuration (I must 
8. Deceit in the ●●me.  confess) are fair, and spetious titles, but full of falsehood: and wish the Purgatory of Pnysitians might expiate their diseases: In this case I wish it were not so, that Patients should expect their purgatory from the hands of Physicians!  Py. 
Well let us forward. It is a thing to 
9 What it is to give Medicines laxative, when the humours abound or swell, and how full of deceit.  be much grieved at, that they say a purgative being given before the decoction of a disease, the same humours should be drawn away, which should be drawn away, af●er the said decoction. (For they will have purgatives to draw away one humour by election, and not another) and that yet the purging is unprofitable, yea and hurtful. And that notwithstanding they do not learn from thence, that humours drawn away by Laxatives, are not humours nor offending: (for otherwise both the stations of the disease, and one purgative being supposed, they should necessarily help ●qually, if they drew from the same offending matter) but by the poison of the laxatives, they draw only a mere putredness, and consuming moisture. And this enemy is so much the more unfortunately received into the body, that should exercise this ravenous inward teating both in the flesh and blood [together.] I shall tell 
10. An history of the penitency.  you a true story of mine own penitency, and the beginnings of my science in Physic. Being about 15 years of age, having put on the Glove of a young Gentlewoman, infected with a dry scab, first I got that disease in one hand, then in the other, which became very foul with Weals, or Pustules, and with purulent matter.  Ph. 
What remedy used you for this disease?  Py. 
The elder Physicians of our Town were called, who gave command; first that I should be let blood to cool my Liver, than they prepared a yellow adust Choler, and salt Phlegm for evacuation by a three days Apozem; and at last by pills of Fu●●ote●●e they appointed to purge those former humours, and they brought forth many stools, and matter in abundance. I rejoiced that I had avoided so much filthy stuff. Therefore they gave further order, I should take the same purgation again, the third day after: and in like manner, the s●me again within other three days after it; and these two latter purgations, had the same success that the first h●d: and in my judgement, if all the excrements had been joined together, they had well near filled two pretty pails full, with that filthy stinking matter, which I thought had been humours.  Ph. 
What effect had this purgation in you?  Py. 
Bad. For I that was sound, cheerful, and full of strength, light in dancing, leaping, and running: was now reduced to be lean, my knees trembled, my cheeks fell, and my voice was hoarse.  Ph. 
What thought you then?  Py. 
I concluded, that these humours were 
11. A Conclusion drawn from thence.  not formerly within me: but were made in me. And I knew certainly, this putrid liquor, was made by the laxative which I had taken: and that it would have made the same as  as I had taken it: And in the mean time I was notwithstanding full as scabby as I was formerly.  Ph. 
What gathered you from thence?  Py. 
First, I knew that the scab, was a 
12. 9 Things of note destructive to Physicians.  contagion of the skin, and not a distemper of the Liver. S●condly, that the salt that was put upon these humours in the scab was false: as being gotten only by the touch of the Glove. Thirdly, that purging medicines, did not purge, and cleanse but putrefy. Fourthly, that they liquefied the substance of my body, and resolved it into a putrid matter. Fif●hly, that they indifferently defiled whatsoever by any means th●y touched, whether it were blood, or the flesh it sel●, which was then living: and that they did not draw and separate by election one rather than another. Sixthly, that the thing defiled, denoted, that the defiler thereof was mere poison liquesying, and pu●resying of the body. S●v●n●hly, that, that which was contaminated flowed out by Nature's expelling it, till the force of the purging medicine was inseebled. Eighthly, that this would come to pass as well in sound men, as in sick. Ninthly, and that therefore a solutive purgation was dangerous, before such time as Nature had gotten the victory in diseases, but afterwards the hurts thereof, would not appear so manifest.  Ph. 
After so many worthy observations, what determination had you?  Py. 
When I had seriously pondered these things within myself, I forsook Galen, who is so wholly employed, and entangled in and about those humours, that he affirms that all disease's come from thence. But considering that I wanted better things, to substitute in place of humours, and of laxatives, with admiration, and compassion of m●nkinde, I determined at last to respite my study of Physic, till the Highest out of his good pleasure, should (after consuming much money, and many years) vouchsafe to give me (who was seeking) understanding: which I pray God the world may apply beneficially to itself out of my works, and endeavours?  Ph. 
How were you encouraged in this search of yours?  Py. 
My dating increased my going forward, and I was daily more, and more confirmed, by continual observation of Physician's errors.  Ph. 
Why what errors sound you?  Py. 
Amongst the rest I remember, that 
13. A History of a great man.  the prime Physicians had given a Scamoniated medicine to the Prince, which in one day gave him one and forty stools. Which being by request weighed, there were found eighteen pound s●ven ounces of that yellow and putrid liquid matter. Whereupon I said unto him, and his Physicians; v●rily, if this liquid stuff be Choler, and one of the four humours, there will be yet Phlegm remaining in the body, which will weigh twenty seven pounds, and ten ounces, (because according to Galen it is third part more than the Choler.) And by this computation, there will be yet remaining of mere black Choler, 
14. A fifth confession.  nine pound and 3 ounces. That is of Phlegm, and Melancholy not mixed with yellow Choler, 36 pound, and 13 ounces. And therefore they ought to have confessed that purgation, is not a purification of the body: but rather a distempering of the remaining humours (if there be any.) And then that the former solution, was not an elective cleansing of Choler, or a freeing the body from superfluous Choler: but a mere putrefactive liquation of the blood.  Ph. 
What? Did that blood stink while it was in the veins?  Py. 
By no means, but presently at the self same instant, that it fell out of the veins 
15. Examination of the former.  into the guts, it got that savour.  Ph. 
But for God's sake, what vessel in man shall contain those thirty seven pounds of Phlegm and bl●ck Choler, that are remaining? Especially considering, that after that purgation, the veins which formerly were full, ●ell immediately, and disappeared.  Py. 
Let the Schools satisfy you herein. But in the mean time, The Prince (who is much to be pitied) committing himself to your arbitrement, did the next morning confess, he was purefied, but he spoke it with so weak, puling, and hoarse a voice, such trembling of his hands, such wavering of his knees, with so hollow eyes, such exhausted veins, and countenance so dejected, with so 
16. A sixth confession.  importunate a thirst, and so lost an appetire; that he affirmed he suffered much the day before, by so fraudulent and doubtful experience of being purefied; and that he doubted whether he should turn that way again, in that, he certainly believed that if 
17. Foul, and vain evasions.  the quantity of the Laxative, had been never so little more, the business had gone ill with him.  Ph. 
Out of this strong purging in the Prince, the virulent property of solutives, cannot but presently be clearly manifested. But what answered the Physicians?  Py. 
That the easy Nature of the Prince harkened too much unto the medicine, and the rather, for the shunning of the former filth, of the remaining humours, together with their disproportion; in that, Scammony, ●ut of its property did not only choose Choler unto itself, but out of the blood also, or compound, it did of four make one melted stuff, avoided downwards: And hence I again 
18. A dart retorted ou● of the seventh c●fession.  concluded, the imposture and deceit, which supposeth either Choler, or Phegme to be ejected; and which affirmeth, that one is by choice rather put out then another, in that, they now confess that they become melted altogether. And according to Galen, while Blood putrefies, Choler is made; and that it is false that a medicine pu●ging Choler, should cure choleric diseases; and that it is a deceit to say, that Choler is brought away, if the other three first corrupted, shall together be ejected also.  Ph. 
I should hereupon think that there wer● no m●n studious of truth, but must presently understand, that hence the Basis of curing, after the Ancients is gone to ruin, as well in respect of the humours; as of the choice made by solutive medicines.  Py. 
And I am indeed astonished with admiration, that the world, which is otherwise so soon sensible of every plot that's laid to catch their purses, takes not as yet any notice of the dangerousness of Laxatives. Seeing it is no way to be doubted, but Laxatives carry an hidden poison in them, which hath many thousands, both of Widows and Orphans. For, they draw not after th●m any particular humour, (which I in a particular Treatise have demonstrated never to have been in Nature) otherwise then in the Books of Physicians. For if you do but augment the doses of the Laxative, a deadly poison presently appears unto you.  Ph. 
Well, go to now, why should this 
19 An Argument of poison from ill smell.  Choler of theirs, following so speedily their Laxatives smell so horridly, which but a quarter of an hour before, had no ill savour? For the speediness of the ●ffluence takes away the occasion both of putrefaction, and of Fetour; for it smelleth like a carcase, and not like ordure. Neither could it borrow so soul a smell of ordure from the guts so suddenly. Therefore I should think, that this ill savour is a sign of poison, and the efficient cause of that cadaverous matter, taken out of the living creature.  Py. 
Neither should you think amiss, as I 
20. A mechanic proof  shall mechanically, or by practice prove unto you. For if a man shall take a dram of white Vitriol dissolved in Wine, it will presently provoke vomiting. But if he shall presently after drinking it, drink a draught of Beer, water, etc. upon it, he shall have many stools thereby: yet altogether without fetour. Therefore Scamony, and Vitriol, do equally liquefie the mesaraick blood. This by its violent pontici●y: that by the putrefactive, ill smelling poison of the Laxatives. And therefore out of this consideration alone, purging should by every man be suspected, as a cruel, and a dull invention. For if according to Galen, 
27. The same out of ●●len.  Blood be made Choler while it putrefies, then is that fe●id and yellow liquefaction, cast out by Laxatives counterfeiting Choler generated of Blood putrefied. And consequently Laxativ●s themselves, are putrefactors of the Blood.  Ph. 
If I be not deceived, this, whether the Schools will or no, may easily be gathered 
22. A prooll from th● effect.  out of Galen, and especially out of his commendation of Treacle, as that which principally resisteth poison.  Py. 
It is very well gathered of you, and to the purpose; for he affirmeth that it is an assured sign of good Treacle, that if it be taken together with Laxatives, they undoubtedly produce no stools.  Ph. 
And do not these words then of Galen 
23. The Schools impugns their ow● Theorems.  convince Laxatives of being mere venoms? seeing their whole operation is countermanded by Treacle as their Tamer?  Py. 
No doubt but they do. For the effects are consonant to that which you suppose therein● in that, upon taking of the Purgative, both sick and sound do equally avoid, a liquid matter of the same colour, smell, and condition: therefore it stirs not the peccant humour more, than it doth that which is not peccant: but indifferently defileths whatsoever it toucheth.  Ph. 
Yet further, do not the Schools impugn that choosing liberty which they attribute to solutives?  Py. 
They do; for if any humour of the four be putrid in Fevers, I do indicate its taking away: and Laxatives avoid by election an humour out of the Blood, yea, in such as are sound (as they are persuaded) they liquesie the sound fl●sh, that thence they may compass that they aim at, which is, to make that liquid putrefaction fusible, that the belly may avoid it. Laxatives at least, will not have a like liberty in Fevers to choose the peccant, and the putrid excrement. For what is putrid, hath no longer its former e●●ence, and proprieties, which it had before its putrefaction: as, though a Loadstone draw Iron, it will not also draw rust therefore. And therefore though a purging medicine should resolve flesh, and blood, that thence it might draw Choler, which it draws un●o it as master; by a special propriety: It doth not therefore in like manner draw putrid and putrefied [matter●] included in the veins, which had been causes of the Fevers.  Ph. 
Surely no man should ever die of Fevers 
24. The Hypothesis of the Schools being granted no man should dle of a Fever. And it should be false that purgatives should not be given in the beginning of fevers.  if two Axioms of the Schools were true, viz. If putrid humours should be causes of Fevers: or should by choice be carried out by Purgatives.  Py. 
And moreover it would be a mad caution, that Purgatives should not be given in the beginnings of Fevers, before the matter did abound; to wit not before maturity, and concoction of the offending matter. Whence it appeareth, that Laxatives would be otherwise hurtful. But if they be given after the matter of the disease is rightly prepated, the former caution includeth an imposture. Because it a●tributes an effect me●rly procured by the benefit of Nature, to the purging medicine. From which the honest Physician 
25. That this A phorism includes a decelt, and the unadvisedness of Hyp●crates.  shall more justly abstain at that time. B●cause then he disturbs the Cris●●, he induceth a danger of a confusion and relapse also. For a purging medicine, doth always, and of itself, bring out that which is not concocted, in the same manner as it doth that, which afterward is alled concocted: because it is every where 〈◊〉 and virulent. But after Nature 〈◊〉 come the disease, it brings less hurt; neither is the fraud of the Laxative so manifestly then perceived. And by that means if a purging medicine, be at that time given, the Physician will seem to have conquered the disease by his own Art.  Ph. 
So that if every Purgative should bring away its own humours by election; they would necessarily conduce also in every station of the disease, by reason that they always bring forth the same liquours, with the same ill savour.  Py. 
But they disturb more especially, before Nature hath gotten the superiority, than afterwards. And this superiority, or victory 
26. An abuse of the name concoction in dis●●ses.  over the disease, the Schools call concoction. Not that Nature goes about to digest, or concoct any thing that is vicious, or falls not within limits of her use, as being governed by an unerring Intelligence. And this admonishment may suffice, touching both these universal helps in Fevers. And therefore I will conclude with Hypoerates to Democritus: Every Purgative preys upon the strength and substance of our bodies.   
FINIS.   

Reader, These Books following are printed for Nath. Brook, and are to be sola at his Shop at the Angel in Cornhill.  

1. Time's Treasure or Academy for the Gentry, for their accomplishment in arguments of discourse, habit, fashion; summed up all in a Character of Honour: By R, Brath. Esq.  
2. B. Morton on the Sacrament, in folio.  
3. That excellent piece of Physiognomy and Chiromancy, Metoposcopy, the Symmetrical Proportions and signal Moles of the Body; the subject of Dreams: To which is added the Art of Memory; By R. Sanders, Fol.  
4. Theatrum Chemicu● Britanicum, containing several Poetical pieces of our famous English Philosophers, which have written the Hermetick Mysteries in their ancient language: By the truly noble, Elias Ashmol● Esq.  
5. Chiromancy: Or, the Art of Divining by the Lines engraven in the hand of Man by D●me Nature, in 19 Genitures; with a learned Discourse of the soul of the Worl●: By Geo. Wharton, Esq.  
6. Catholic History, collected and gathered out of Scripture, Councils, and ancient Fathers, in answer to Dr. Vanes lost sheep returned home: By Edward Chesen●ale, Esq.  
7. Tactometrica, or the Geometry of Regulars, after a new manner, in Solids: with useful Experiments, never be●ore extant, for Gauging; a work useful for all that are employed in the Art Metrical: By John Wyberd, Dr. in Physic.  
8. An Astrological Discourse, with Mathematical Demonstrations, proving the influence of the Planets and fixed S●ars upon Elementary bodies. By Sir Chr. Heydon, Knight.  
9 Magic Astrology vindicated by H. Warren.  
10. Catastrophe Magnatum: by N. Culpepper.  
11. Ephemerideses for the year 1652. by N. Culpepper.  
12. Lux Veritatis, Judicial Astrology vindicated, and Demonology confuted: By W. Ramsey, Gent.  
13. The History of the Golden Ass.  
14. The painting of the Ancients, the beginning, progress, and consummating of that noble Art.  
15. Israel's Redemption, or the Prophetical History of our Saviour's Kingdom on earth: By R. M.  
16. An introduction to the T●utonick Philosophy, being a determination of the Original of the Soul: By C. Hotham, Fellow of Peter●he●se in Cambridge.  
17. Teratologia: Or, a Discovery of God's Wonders, manifested by bloody Rain & Waters: By J. S.  
18. Fons Lachrymarum: or, a Fountain of Tears; with an Elegy on Sir Charles Lucas, by J. Quarles.  
19 O●dipus: or a Resolver of Secrets in Nature, and resolution in amorous, natural Problems, by C. M.  
20. The Celestial Lamp, enlightening every distressed soul from the depth of everlasting darkness, by T. Fetisplace.  
21. Nocturnal Lucubrations, with Epigrams, and Epitaphs: by R. Chamberlain.  
22. The unfortunate Mother, a Tragedy; by T. M.  
23. The Rebellion, a Comedy; by T. R.  
24. The Tragedy of Messalina, by N. Richard's.  
25. A Treatise of Contentation, fit for these sad and troublesome times, by J. Hall, B. of Norwich.  
26. The grand Sacrilege of the Church of Rome, in taking away the sacred Cup from the Laity at the Lords Table, by D. Featley, D. D. 4.  
27. The cause and cure of Ignorance, Error, and Profaneness; or a more hopeful way to Grace and salvation: by R. Young. 8.  
28. A Bridle for the Times, tending to still the Murmuring, to settle the Wavering, to stay the Wand'ring, to strengthen the Fainting: By J. B. of Yarm.  
29. Comforts against the fear of Death, wherein are several evidences of the work of Grace; by J. C.  
30. jacobs' Seed; or the excellency of seeking God by Prayer: By jer. Burroughs.  
31. The zealous Magistrate a Serm. by T. Threscot.  
32. Britannia Rediviva, a Sermon before the Judges, Aug. 1649, by I. Shaw, Minister of Hull.  
33. The Princess Royal, a Sermon before the Judges March 24. 1650. By I. Shaw, Minister of Hull.  
34. New jerusalem, in a Sermon for the Society of Astrolog●rs, Aug. 1651.  
35. Quakers cause at second hearing, being a full answer to their Tenets.  
36. Divinity no enemy to Astrology: a Sermon for the Society of Ast●ologers, for the year 1653. by Dr. Th. Swaddling.  
37. Historical Relation of the first planting of the English in New England, in the year 1628. to the year 1653. and all the material passages happening there exactly performed.  
38. Select Thoughts: or, Choice Helps for a pious spirit, beholding the excellency of her Lord Jesus: by I. Hall, B. of Norwich. A new piece.  
39 The holy Order, or Fraternity of Mourners in Zion. To which is added, Songs in the night: or, Cheerfulness under affliction: by I. Hall, Bishop of Norwich. A new piece.  
40. History of Balaam & Jonah, and John the Baptist in Verse; with other Poems: by J. Harvie, Esq.  
41. Re-assertion of grace, Vindici●● Evangelii: or, the Vindication of the Gospel. Or a reply to Mr. Anthony Burghess Vindiciae Legis, and to Mr. Rutherford, by Robert Town.  
42. Anabaptists anatomised and silenced: or a dispute with M. Tombs, by M. J. Crag, where all may receive satisfaction in that controversy; the best extant.  
43. The sum of practical Divinity; or the grounds of Religion in a catechistical way; by Mr. Christopher Love, late Minister of the Gospel: a useful piece.  
44. The Yorkshire Spa or the virtue and use of those waters in the curing of desperate diseases, with rules necessary to be known by all that repair thither.  
45. That complete piece called, The exact Surveyor of Land, showing how to plot all manner of Grounds, and to reduce and divide the same: also Irish measure reduced to English statute measure, useful for all that either sell or purchase: by J. Eyre.  
46. Judgement set, and Books opened. Religion tried whether it be of God or Men: by M. Webster.  
47. Milk for children, or a plain and ●asie method, teaching to Read, and to Writ; with brief Rules for Schoolmasters to instruct their Scholars in, and Masters to instruct their families in: by Dr. Thomas.  
48. Culpeppers last Legacies, left to his Wife, for the public good, being the choicest and most profitable Secrets, which while he lived was locked up in his breast, resolved never to be published till after his death; being experiments in Physic and Chirurgery, compounding Medicines, etc.  
49. Culpeppers Semiotica, or his Astrological judgement of Diseases, much enlarged from the Decumbiture of the sick, the way to find out the cause, change, and end of the disease: also whether the sick be likely to live or die, with the signs of life and● d●ath by the body of the sick party, according to the judgement of Hypocrates, with a Treatise of Urines: by N. Culpeper.  
50. Cornelius Agrippa, his fourth book of Occult Philosophy, or Geomancy; Magical Elements of Peter de Abbona, the nature of Spirits, made Eng●ish by R. Turner.  
51. A Glimpse of Divi●e Light, being an Explication of some passages exhibited to the Commissioners of Whitehall for approbation of public Preachers, against John Harrison of Lund. Chappel, Lancasbire.  
52. The Queen's Closet epened; Incomparable Secret in Physic, Chirurgery, preserving, candying, and cooking, as they were presented to the Queen, transcribed from the true Copies of her Majesties own Receipt books: by W. M. one of her late servant's.  
53. The Conveyancers' Light, or the complete Clerk and Scrivener's Guide; being an exact draught of all Precedents and Assurances now in use, as they were penned and perfected by divers learned Judges, eminent Lawyers, and great Conveyancers both ancient and modern; whereunto is added a Concordance from K. Rich. 3. to this present.  
54. A Satire against Hypocrites; 4.  
55. Iron Rod put into the Lord Protectors hand, to break in pieces all Antichristian power: by Io●● Sanders.  
56. Wit's Interpreter, the English Paruassus, or a guide to those admirable accomplishments that complete our English Gentry in the most acceptable qualifications of Discourse or Writings; also the whole mystery of those pleasing Witchcrafts of Eloquence and Love, are made easy in the Art of Reasoning, Theatre of Courtship, Labyrinth of Fancies, Love songs, Drollery; the perfect Inditer of Letters a la-mode: by I. C.  
57 The Floating Island, a Tragicomedy acted before the King, by the Students of Christ Church in Oxford: by Dr. Stroude.  
58. Paracelsus Occult Philosophy of the mysteries of Nature, and his secret of Alchemy.  
59 Wit and Drollery, with other Jovial Poems, by Sir I. jam. 1. Sym. 5. W. D. Never before Printed.  
60. Illustrious Shepherdess, the imperious Brother; translated out of Spanish: a famed Romance.  
61. Monarchy no Monarchy, with the Prophecies of the White King, and other explained, to which is added several Hieroglyphics: by W. Lilly, Student in Astrology. With his other Works.  
62. Short hand Writing made most plain and easiest that ever was, newly published by I. Rich. Mr. in shortwriting.  
63. Tectonicon, showing the exact measuring all manner of land squares, timber, stone, Steeples, Pillars, Globes, also the making and use of the Carpentes rule, etc. fit to be known by all Surveyors, Land-meters, Joiner's, Carpentets & Masons: by L. Diggs.  
64. Heaven and Earth shaken, a Treatise showing how Kings and Princes, and their Goverments, are turned and changed: by I. Davis, Minister in Dover.  
65. The Tears of the Indies, being an Historical Relation of the cruelties of the Spaniards in the Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, jamaica, etc. in the West-Indies: by Casaus Bishop in Spain, an eye-witness.  
66. Themis Aurea, the Laws of the Fraternity of the Rossie Cross, written by Count Mayerus, and now Englished for to inform that honourable Society: by T. H.  
67. Complete Midwife's practice, in the high and weighty concernments of the Birth of Mankind: or perfect Rules derived from the Experiences and Writing●, not only of our English, but the most accomplished & absolure practice of many French, Spanish, Italians, and other Nations, fitted for the weakest capacities, in a short time to attain the knowledge of the whole Art: by T. C. and others.  
68 Sportive Wit, the Muse's Merriment, a new spring of Drollery, Jovial Fancies, etc.  
69. I. Tradescan's Rarities, published by himself.  
70. Most approved Medicines and Remedies for the diseases in the body of Man: by Alex. Read, Dr. in Physic.  
71. Art of Simplng, an introduction to the knowledge and gathering of Plants, wherein the Definitions, Divisions, Places, Descriptions, Differences, Names, Virtues, times of flourishing and gathering, Uses, Tempera●ures, Signatures of Plants. To which is added, a Discovery of the Lesser World: by W. Coles.  
72. Wilsfords' Arithmetic, made plain to the easiest capacity, in two books, viz. Natural and Decimal, being most useful for all Gentlemen, Merchants, shopkeepers, and all others: by Tho. Wilsford, Gent.  
73. Adam in Eden, the Paradise of Plants, a Description o● all our English Plants, wild or otherwise, with their Signatur●s applied to the parts of the body of Man, which their Physical use, that a man may be his own Physician, the ingredients being to be had in every field and ga●den: made publ●ck by W. Coles. M. D. for the benefit of all English men.  
74. The perfect Cook; a right method of the Art of Cookety, restoring the whole practice to a more refined way than was ever before extant.  
75. Medicina Magica, Tamen Physica, the method of curing diseases by Sympathy and Antipathy; a work fit to be known by all: by S. Bolton.  
76. The Treasury of the Soul.  
77. The expert Doctors Dispensatory; the whole Art of Physic restored to practice. The Apothecary's Shop, and Chyrurgians Closet, with all safe practices are maintained: a useful piece.  
78. The History and Nature of Meteors, with the Wether's prediction: by T Wilsford, Gent.  
79. The proceeding of the High Court of Justice against the late King Charles, with his Speech upon the Scaffold, and other proceed, jan. 30. 1648.  
80. Sir kelum Digbies and other Ladies of Honour, their Physic and Chirurgery; with preserving, etc.  
81. Cabinet of Jewels; Man's misery, God's mercy, Christ's treasury, etc. in eight Sermons; with an Appendix of the nature of Tithes under the Gospel; with an Expediency of Marriage in public Assembly: by Io. Cragg, Minister of the Gospel.  
82. The mysteries of Love and Eloquence, or the Arts of Wooing and Complementing; in which are discovered the pleasures, recreations of persuasive Language, whether by Letters or other usual or mor● secret Dispatches, etc.   
FINIS.