Logopandecteision, OR AN INTRODUCTION TO THE UNIVERSAL LANGUAGE. Digested into these Six several Books, 

Neaudethaumata,  
Chrestasebeia,  
Cleronomaporia,  
Chryseomystes,  
Neleodicastes, &  
Philoponauxesis.    
BY Sir THOMAS URQUHART of Cromartie, Knight.  
Now lately contrived and published both for his own utility, and that of all pregnant and ingenious Spirits.  
Cedere quaerenti nonne haec justissima res est?  
Qui non plura cupit, quam ratio ipsa jubet.  
Englished thus,  
To grant him his demands were it not just?  
Who craves no more, than reason says he must.  
LONDON Printed, and are to be sold by Giles Calvert at the Black-spread-Eagle at the West-end of Paul's; and by Richard Tomlius at the Sun and Bible near Pie-corner. 1653.   

The Epistle Dedicatory, To Nobody:  
Most Honourable,  
MY non supponent Lord, and Sovereign master of contradictions in adjected terms, that unto you I have presumed to tender the dedicacie of this introduction, will not seem strange to those, that know how your concurrence did further me to the accomplishment of that new Language, unto the frontispeice whereof it is premitted.  
You did assist me in the production of many special fancies, whose promulgation will perhaps, exceedingly conduce to the delight of the Philosophical Reader: by your help, amidst the the penury of books, and want of learned conversation, have by me been enixed several treatises; which, for their apparent usefulness, and curiosity, I sometime intent to consecrate to the Shrine of public view: if none hitherto hath made choice of such a patron: neither hath any till this hour afforded an invention of that kind. In things whereof the proposed subject is within our reach, imitation is imbraceable: but where the matter is transcendent, we commonly bid patterns adieu, that porch will not befit a cottage, which is suitable to a Cathedral, nor can unusual dedications, misbeseem tractats on an extraordinary purpose; seeing therefore skill in symmetry bespeaks an artificer and gives the contexture of a work that decorum, which becomes the Author: I am with force of reason persuaded to this election, thereby to glance at the proportion betwixt your favours, and my retribution; for such were the courtesies you conferred on me, that I could not otherways choose but lay hold on this expedient, to testify my remembrance of them.  
When after the fatal blow, given at Worcester, on the third of Septemb. 1651. to the regal party, I was 5 times plundered, pillaged, pilfered, robbed, and rifled, and nothing almost left me, fortune could dispoil me of, save my health alone, which in the crowd of so many incident difficulties, as I was forced to undergo, was most miraculously preserved: You then out of your mercy, amongst the victorious soldiers, were pleased to commiserate my condition. When, in horses, arms, apparel, and money, I had, in that place, taken from me above five hundred pounds worth English: you, at that time, out of piety, amongst the Presbyterians of our army, did regret my case. When it was told, that amidst the fury of the raging soldiery, I had above ten thousand crowns worth of papers embezeled, without recovery: you from your generosity of all the great men prisoners, 
Avarus nec patientibus compatitur, nec miseris subvenit vel miseretur: sed offendit deum, offendit proximum, offendit scipsum; nam deo detinet debitum, proximo denegat necessaria sibi subtrahit opportuna: deo ingratus proximo impius, sibi crudelis.  were sorry at the loss. And lastly, when, after my being brought to London, without either money or goods, I had myself, and several others, both brothers, and servants (whereof not any, save myself alone had been in that City before) to provide for, in every thing, that the State's allowance (which nevertheless continued no longer, than my parole was taken for their true imprisonment) did not reach unto: And that, after many of my fellow prisoners, of considerable fortunes at home, had received, from the Scottish factors, on the Exchange, in matter of borrowing money, answers so full of churlishness, and inhumanity, that I am ashamed the ear of any man of common honesty should hear them: then was it (whilst the charity of those Bankers, and other rich Scots men at London, by little and little decayed, and became still the less, the greater the pitch was, unto which their wealth had formerly increased: And that for six months together, from none of my kindred, alliance, nor any other of my pretended friends in Scotland, I had received so much, as the mission, or return of a letter) that you (such was your magnificence) were content to supply my need, and furnish me with what I lacked.  
These favours, I deem myself in duty the more obliged to commemorate, that they were bestowed upon me, in sequel of some others of that nature, 
Sir James Fraser  namely, when, a while ago, I had a suit in Law, depending against a Gentleman neighbour of mine, for taking fifteen in the hundred, these sixteen years past and above, 
qui hic ardet aestu avaritiae, nostca ardebit igue Gehennae.  and refusing payment of the principal sum, that the said usury might still continue, for the which, there was given unto him by my Father, security in land (by a present possession) worth more than thrice the money, which my Father had received from him; as likewise, for plundering from my tenants (in my absence) above two thousand, and five hundred pounds' sterlin worth of goods: 
O p●●is maligna avaritia, semper bonis animis detestanda, quid illaesum quid inconcussum ● mittis.  it was then that your grace, in the session of the land, and Committee of Estate, there taking notice of these enormous wrongs, did do me justice. Much about the same time, when some Ministers had maimed my rents, to strengthen their own stipends: your reverence, sitting in the commission of the Kirk, were pleased to take my part against them, and patrocinate my cause. By your highness also, sitting then at the helm of the State of Scotland, when a grievance for the pressure sustained by me, was in all humility put in before the said Committee of Estates, was I maintained against the cruelty, and indiscretion of those, did overrate me in the exaction of public deuce, And finally, when by the oppression of some ill affected country men, under pretext of Committee acts, my vassals, and tenants had suffered extreme prejudice, straight upon the presenting of a petition thereanent, whereof at least a hundred, at several times were tabled: your wisdom remedied the plaintiff, and did for my cause redress the injuries done unto him.  
That with these benevolences; as the most eminent effects of your ingenuity, I should (as affairs then ruled) be gratified by your liberality, was from day to day, my constant expectation; being always persuaded to the greater probability of my acceptance of them, that in many sound, and wel-grounded opinions of mine, long before that time, you frequently jumped with me; for when I openly said, that Presbytery was like to turn to a Hydral Episcopacy, and that the gallantry of the English nation would never comport with such a government (which Speech was thought should have been asserted by all the Nobles, and Gentlemen of Scotland) you out of your goodness, amongst them all (being sensible of the heavy yoke of the Democratical tyranny of the Kirk) were pleased to justify my sayings. Besides this, when the intending of one thing, and pretending of another, was by me a thousand times foretold to prove destructive unto Scotland, and that the cause of God could not produce Diabolical effects: Your holiness, amongst the Zelots of the Nation, did give way to believe the truth of both. And when moreover I avouched, that money should never be held in such estimation, that either to honesty, or a good name, any sum, however so great, aught to be preferred: Your discretion, amidst many of the Ecclesiastical Army, did in very deed acknowledge the verity of the saying, although verbally you denied it. And at last, when to be charitable to distressed men, whose misery could not with reason be imputed to their own fault, was by me represented to be an especial act of goodness, you, out of your love, amongst the Scotish Merchants condescended to it.  
Whereby most seriously perpending the manifold, or rather innumerable testimonies of your goodness, holiness, grace, discretion, wisdom, liberality, reverence, mercy, piety, generosity, magnificence, love, and other unexpressible respects, I have perceived to flow from your highness in behalf of me, whether I applied myself to the Nobility, soldiery, Gentry, Clergy, or Burger degree of the Consistorian party of the Scotish Nation: I must needs promise (in acquital of these incomprehensible good deeds, out of your endless, and immense bounty, so undeservedly erogated) whilst I breath, to break my parole unto you, to be to you dishonest, and prove disloyal to you in my trust, to curse you in malicious thoughts, reproach you with scandalous words, and wrong you with cruel, and unconscionable deeds: to do you injustice, deceive, and cozen you: to persecute you with hatred, envy, and rancour of mind: and according to the infallible rules of the Sacred Evangile, dictamen of reason, and precepts of Philosophy, to approve myself your faithless, implacable and wicked enemy; and consequently, to your contrary opposite (every body) upright, true, and honest: and to your contradictory foe (some body) an affectionate, trusty, steadfast, and unalterable both Friend, and Servant.  
Thomas Vrquhaert.   

The Contents Of the First BOOK, entitled NEAUDETHAUMATA.  
THe Author in this first Book of his Introduction discloseth many excellent overtures, for the furtherance of Literature: Especially in the facility of contriving expressions for any conception, the mind of man is able to afford. He plainly setteth down the analogy, that aught to be betwixt things, and words; and that, to make a perfect Language, things semblable in nature, should be signified by words of a like pronunciation. He proveth all hitherto known tongues, to be full of imperfection, both by reason of the insufficiency of their Alphabets, and for that there are many common things, which cannot, without circumlocution, be expressed by them. He compareth the learned Languages with one another: giveth freely his opinion of all vernacularie tongues: and demonstrateth an universal defect in all, and each of both the one, and other, because of the common necessity they are driven unto, of mutual borrowing for conveniency of elocution.  
The Author also, in this Book, utterly rejecteth the vulgarly received opinion of the origin of Languages, and very neatly twits the opposers of those curious arts, wherein there is no harm. He confuteth that disproportion in matter of number 'twixt words, and things, wherewith the smattrers in knowledge, would cloak their inability of giving unto every thing its proper term: and showeth how for the advancement of Learning, and Virtue, & clearing the mind of all prejudicated tenets, the brains, and heart should be purged of malice, and wilful ignorance, the two plagues of a Commonwealth: the bad acquitals, he hath received from some great men of his own Country, he but glanceth at, to incordiat other his compatriots, with more respect in times coming, to men of no less desert: & declareth what injury, to that deity, unto which the heavens are subservient, is done by those lazy Sciolists, who frequently seek after supernatural causes, where the natural is obvious to the eyes of our understanding.  
The Author likewise, setteth forth in this Book, the possibility of framing a new idiom of far greater perfection, than any hitherto spoken, and that the performance of such an undertaking will without doubt exceedingly conduce to the benefit, and contentment of all ingenious Scholars. By its Logopandocie, or comprehension of all utterable words, and sounds articulate, he evidenceth the universality of the proposed Language, and by infallible reason proveth whilst there is no other world, but this, the impossibility of forming any other such.  
Lastly, The Author, after his delivery of a genuine and upright gloss, on three passages of Solomon, Terence, and Paul, in confutation of some Scholiasts, Idolisers of corrupt antiquity, who had misinterpreted those texts, concerning the nature of new inventions, most manifestly avoucheth, that exquisite inventions will never be wanting, so long as good spirits are extant on the earth: and, in concluding this his first Book with sixty and six several advantages, this Language hath above all other, exposeth to the view of the judicious Reader, many inestimable secrets, worthy the perusal of the best wits of the time.   

The first BOOK OF THE INTRODUCTION To the Universal Language, entitled NEAUDETHAUMATA. OR Wonders of the new SPEECH, which, as a Preface thereto, comprehendeth its most necessary Prenoscendas, together with some miscellany Articles concerning the AUTHOR himself.  
1 words are the signs of things; it being to signify that they were instituted at first: nor can they be, as such, directed to any other end, whether they be articulate or inarticulate.  
2, All things are either real or rational: and the real, either natural or artificial.  
3. There aught to be a proportion betwixt the sign and thing signified; therefore should all things, whether real or rational, have their proper words assigned unto them.  
4. Man is called a Microcosm, because he may by his conceptions and words contain within him the representatives of what in the whole world is comprehended.  
5 Seeing there is in nature such affinity 'twixt words & things, (as there ought to be in whatsoever is ordained for one another) that Language is to be accounted most conform to Nature, which with greatest variety expresseth all manner of things.  
6. As all things of a single complete being, by Aristotle into ten Classes were divided; so may the words whereby those things are to be signified, be set apart in their several storehouses.  
7. Arts, Sciences, Mechanic Trades, notional faculties, and whatever is excogitable by man, have their own Method; by virtue whereof, the Learned of these latter times have orderly digested them: Yet hath none hitherto considered of a mark, whereby words of the same Faculty, Art, Trade, or Science should be dignosced from those of another by the very sound of the word at the first hearing.  
8. A Tree will be known by its leaves, a stone by its grit, a Flower by the smell, Meats by the taste, Music by the ear, Colours by the eye, the several Natures of things, with their properties and essential qualities, by the Intellect: and accordingly as the things are in themselves diversified, the judicious and Learned men after he hath conceived them aright, sequestreth them in the Several cells of their understanding each in their definite and respective places.  
9 But in matter of the words whereby those things are expressed, no Language ever hitherto framed, hath observed any order relating to the thing signified by them: for if the words be ranked in their Alphabetical series, the things represented by them will fall to be in several predicaments; and if the things themselves be categorically classed, the word whereby they are made known will not be tied to any Alphabetical rule.  
10. This is an imperfection incident to all the Languages that ever yet have been known, by reason whereof, Foreign Tongues are said to be hard to learn; and when obtained easily forgot.  
11. The effigies of Jupiter in the likeness of a Bull, should be liker to that of Io metamorphosed into a Cow, then to the statue of Bucephulus, which was a horse: and the picture of Alcibiades ought to have more resemblance with that of Ceriolanus, being both handsome men, then with the Image of Thersites, who was of a deformed feature: just so should things semblable in Nature be represented by words of a like composure: and as the true intelligible species do present unto our minds the similitude of things as they are in the object; even so ought the words expressive of our conceptions so to agree or vary in their contexture, as the things themselves which are conceived by them do in their natures.  
12. Besides this imperfection in all Languages there is yet another, That no Language upon the face of the earth hath a perfect Alphabet; one lacking those letters which another hath, none having all, and all of them in cumulo lacking some, But that which makes the defect so much the greater, is, that these same few consonants and vowels commonly made use of, are never by two Nations pronounced after the same fashion; the French A with the English, being the Greek Hra; and the Italian B with the Spanish, the Hebrew Vau.  
13. This is that which maketh those of one dominion so unskilful in the idiom of another; and after many years abode in a strange land, despair from attaining at any time to the perfect accent of the language thereof, because as the waters of that stream cannot be wholesome; whose source is corrupted; nor the superstructure sure, whereof the groundwork is ruinous: so doth the various manner of pronouncing one and the same Alphabet in several Nations, produce this great and lamentable obstruction in the Discipline of Languages.  
14. The G of the Latin word legit, is after four several manners pronounced by the English, French, Spanish, and Dutch: the Ch likewise is differently pronounced by divers Nations; some uttering it after the fashion of the Hebrew Shin, as the French do in the word chasteau, chascun, chastier, chatel; or like the Greek Kappa, as in the Italian words, chiedere, chiazzarė, chinatura; or as in Italy are sounded the words ciascheduno, ciarlatano; for so do the Spanish and English pronounce it, as in the words achaque, leech, chamber, chance: other Nations of a gutteral flexibility, pronounce it after the fashion of the Greek χ. Nor need we to labour for examples in other letters; for there is scarce any hitherto received, either consonant or vowel, which in some one and other taking in all Nations, is not pronounced after three or four several fashions.  
15. As the Alphabets are imperfect, some having but 19 letters, others 22. and some 24. few exceeding that number: so do the words composed of those Letters in the several Languages, come far short of the number of things, which to have the reputation of a perfect tongue, aught to be expressed by them.  
16. For supply of this deficiency, each Language borrows from another; nor is the perfectest amongst them, without being beholden to another, in all things enunciable, bastant to afford instruction: many Astronomical and Medicinal terms have the Greeks borrowed from the Arabians, for which they by exchange have from the Grecians received payment of many words naturalised in their Physical, Logical, and Metaphysical Treatises. As for the Latin, it oweth all its Scientifick dictions to the Greek and Arabic: yet did the Roman Conquest give adoption to many Latin words, in both these languages, especially in matters of military discipline, and prudential Law.  
17. And as for all other Languages as yet spoke, though to some of them be ascribed the title of original Tongues, I may safely avouch there is none of them which of itself alone is able to afford the smattering of an elocution fit for indoctrinating of us in the precepts and maxims of moral and intellectual virtues.  
18. But which is more, and that which most of all evinceth the sterility of all the Languages that since the Deluge have been spoke, though all of them quintesenced in one, capable of the perfections of each, yet that one so befitted and accommodated for compendiousness and variety of phrase, should not be able, amidst so great wealth, to afford, without circumlocution, the proper and convenient representation of a thing, yea of many thousands of things, whereof each should be expressed with one single word alone.  
19 Some Languages have copiousness of discourse, which are barren in composition: such is the Latin. Others are compendious in expression, which hardly have any flexion at all: of this kind are the Dutch, the English, and Irish.  
20. Greek hath the agglutinative faculty of incorporating words; yet runneth not so glib in Poesy as doth the Latin, though far more abundant. The Hebrew likewise, with its auxiliary Dialects of Arabiek, Caldean, Syriack, Aethiopian, and Samaritan, compoundeth prettily, and hath some store of words; yet falleth short by many stages of the Greek.  
21. The French, Spanish, and Italians, are but Dialects of the Latin, as the English is of the Saxon Tongue; though with this difference, that the mixture of Latin with the Gaulish, Moresco, and Goatish Tongues, make up the three first Languages; but the mere qualification of the Saxon with the old British, frameth not the English to the full, for that, by its promiscuous and ubiquitary borrowing, it consisteth almost of all Languages: which I speak not in dispraise thereof, although I may with confidence avere, that were all the four aforesaid Languages stripped of what is not originally their own, we should not be able with them all, in any part of the world, to purchase so much as our breakfast in a Market.  
22. Now to return from these to the learned Languages; we must acknowledge it to be very strange, why, after thousands of years continual practice in the polishing of them by men of approved faculties, there is neither in them, nor any other Tongue hitherto found out, one single word expressive of the vice opposite either to Temperance or Chastity in the defect; though many rigid Monks, even now adays, be guilty of the one, as Diogenes of old was of the other.  
23. But that which makes this disease the more incurable, is, that when an exuberant spirit would to any high researched conceit adapt a peculiar word of his own coining, he is branded with Incivility, if he apologise not for his boldness, with a Quod ita dixerim parcant Ciceronianae manes, Ignoscat Demosthenes' genius, and other such phrases acknowledging his fault of making use of words never uttered by others, or at least by such as were most renowned for eloquence.  
24. Though Learning sustain great prejudice by this restraint of liberty to endenizon new Citizens in the Commonwealth of Languages, yet do I conceive the reason thereof to proceed from this, That it is thought a less incongruity to express a thing by circumlocution, then by appropriating a single word thereto, to transgress the bounds of the Language; as in Architecture it is esteemed an error of less consequence to make a circuitory passage from one room to another, then by the extravagancy of an irregular sally, to frame projectures disproportionable to the sound of the house.  
25. Thus is it, that as according to the largeness of the plat of a building, and compactedness of its walls, the Workmaster contriveth his roofs, platforms, outjetting, and other such like parts and portion of the whole: just so, conform to the extent and reach which a Language in its flexions and compositions hath obtained at first, have the sprucest Linguists, hitherto been pleased to make use of the words thereto belonging.  
26. The Bonification and virtuification of Lul, Scotu's Hexeity, and Albedineity of Suarez are words exploded by those that affect the purity of the Latin diction; yet if such were demanded, what other no less concise expression would comport with the neatness of that language, their answer would be altum silentium: so easy a matter it is for many to find fault with what they are not able to amend.  
27. Nevertheless, why for representing to our understandings the essence of accidents, the fluency of the form as it is in fieri; the faculty of the Agent, and habit that facilitates it, with many thousands of other such expressions, the terms are not so genuine, as of the members of a man's body, or utensils of his house; the reason is, because the first inventors of Languages, who contrived them for necessity, were not so profoundly versed in Philosophical quiddities, as those that succeeded after them; whose literature increasing, procured their excursion beyond the representatives of the common objects, imagined by their forefathers.  
28. I have known some to have built houses for necessity, having no other aim before their eyes, but barely to dwell in them; who nevertheless in a very short space were so enriched, that after they had taken pleasure to polish and adorn, what formerly they had but rudely squared, their moveables so multiplied upon them, that they would have wished they had made them of a larger extent.  
29. Even so though these Languages may be refined by some acquaint derivatives and witty compositions; like the striking forth of new lights and doors, outjetting of Crenels, erecting of prickets, barbicans, and such like various structures upon one and the same foundation; yet being limited to a certain basis, beyond which the versed in them must not pass, they cannot roam at such random as otherwise they might, had their Language been of a larger scope at first.  
30. Thus albeit Latin be far better polished now, than it was in the days of Ennius, and Livius Andronicus, yet had the Latinists at first been such Philosophers as afterward they were, it would have attained to a great deal of more perfection than it is at for the present.  
31. What I have delivered in freedom of the learned Languages, I would not have wrested to a sinister sense, as if I meant any thing to their disparagement; for truly I think the time well bestowed, which boys in their tender years employ towards the learning of them, in a subordination to the excellent things that in them are couched.  
32. But ingenuously I must acknowledge my averseness of opinion from those who are so superstitiously addicted to these Languages, that they account it learning enough to speak them, although they knew nothing else; which is an error worthy rebuke, seeing Philosophia sunt res, non verba; and that whatever the signs be, the things by them signified aught still to be of greater worth.  
33. For it boots not so much, by what kind of tokens any matter be brought into our mind, as that the things made known unto us, by such representatives, be of some considerable value: not much unlike the Innes-a-court-gentlemen at London, who usually repairing to their commons at the blowing of a horn, are better pleased with such a sign (so the fare be good) then if they were warned to courser cates, by the sound of a Bell or Trumpet.  
34. Another reason prompteth me thereto, which is this, That in this frozen Climate of ours, there is hardly any that is not possessed with the opinion, that not only the three forenamed Languages, but a great many other, whom they call Originals (whereof they reckon ten or eleven in Europe, and some fifty eight more, or thereabouts, in other Nations) were at the confusion of Babel, immediately from God, by a miracle, infused into men; being induced to believe this, not so much for that they had not perused the interpretation of the Rabbis on that text, declaring the misunderstanding whereunto the builders were involved by diversity of speech, to have proceeded from nothing else, but their various and diserepant pronunciation of one and the same Language, as that they deemed Languages to be of an invention so sublime, that naturally the wit of man was not able to reach their composure.  
35. Some believe this so pertinaciously that they esteem all men infidels that are of another faith; whilst in the mean while, I may confidently assever, that the assertors of such a tenet, do thereby extremely dishonour God, who doing whatever is done, by nature, as the actions of an Ambassador (as an Ambassador) are reputed to be those of the Sovereign that sent him, would not have the power he hath given to nature to be disclaimed by any, or any thing said by us in derogation thereof.  
36. Should we deny our obedience to the just decree of an inferior judge, because he from whom his authority is derived, did not pronounce the sentence? Subordinate Magistrates have their power, even in great matters; which to decline, by saying, they have no authority, should make the averrer fall within the compass of a breach of the Statute called scandalum magnatum.  
37. There are of those with us, that wear gowns and beards longer than ever did Aristotle and Aesculapius; who when they see an Eclipse of the Sun or Moon, or a comet in the air, strait would delude the commons with an opinion that those things are immediately from God; for the sins of the people; as if no natural cause could be produced for such like apparitions.  
38 I saw once a young man, who for his cunning conveyance in the Feats of Leger Demaine, was branded, by some of that Fry, for Sorcery, and another (for being able, by virtue of the Masson word, to make a Masson, whom he had never seen before, without speaking, or any other apparent sign, come, and salute him) reputed, by many of the same Litter, to have had a familiar, their gross ignorance moving them, to call that supernatural, or above the natural reach of mere man, whereof they knew not the cause.  
39 By which means, Mathematical Thaumaturgies, optical magic, secrets of nature, and other Philosophical mysteries, being esteemed to be rank Witchcraft, they ruin the best part of Learning, and make their own unskillfullnes Supreme Judge, to pass an Irrevocable sentence upon the Condemnation of knowledge.  
40 The matter notwithstanding would be of less danger, were this the worst: but to this ignorance of theirs, is concomitant so much wickedness, that when an action of any extraordinary performance, is done, although by a man of a most approvable conversation & to a very good end, such as the curing of the diseased, or relieving men out of apparent peril, yet if the cause thereof be unknown to them, they will not be so charitable, as to attribute the effect to a good Angel, albeit their faith oblige them to believe, that the Spirits belonging to any of the nine celestial orders, are, for the achievement of such masteries, in nothing inferior to the infernal Demons: but instead of Gabriel, Raphaell, Michael, and such good Spirits, by whom (I think) it is more probable, an honest man would be assisted, in works of a strange, and hidden operation, then by the bad ones, they ascribe the wonderfullnes of the exploit, to the inspiration of Beelzebub, Abadon, Lucifer, or some other of the Fiends of Hell; so malevolently they asperse the reputation of gallant men, whose deeds surpass their Capacity.  
41 Truly, those two qualities of Ignorance, and wickedness conjoined, are of such pernicious consequence, that no Nation, or Commonwealth, wherein they get footing, is able long to subsist, for rapine, covetousness, and extortion, flowing from the one, as from the other, doth all manner of Baseness, Pusillanimity, and cowardice, ignorance affecteth the Brain, and wickedness the Heart: Yet both the Brain, and Heart of a common weal, by the mischeiously unskilful, and illiterately, malicious, are equally depraved.  
42 For remedy of so general a Calamity, seeing universality hath its existence in individuals, would each amend but one, the total would be quickly rid of this Lamentable infection.  
43 Therefore, since ever I understood any thing, knowing that the welfare of the Body of a government, consisteth in the entireness of its noble parts, I always endeavoured to employ the best of my Brain, and Heart towards the furtherance of the Honour of that Country, unto which I did owe my birth.  
44 In prosecuting whereof, as the heart is primum vivent so was it my heart, which, in my younger years, before my brains were ripened for eminent undertake, gave me the courage for adventuring in a foreign Climate, thrice to enter the Lists against men of 3 several nations, to vindicate my native Country from the Calumnies, wherewith they had aspersed it, wherein it pleased God so to conduct my fortune, that after I had disarmed them, they in such sort acknowledged their Error, and the obligation they did owe me, for sparing their Lives, which justly by the Law of Arms I might have taken, that in Lieu of three enemies, that formerly they were, I acquired three constant Friends, both to myself, and my compatriots, whereof, by several gallant testimonies, they gave evident proof, to the Improvement of my Country's credit, in many occasions.  
45 As my Heart, hath been thus devoted to the love of my native soil, so have my Brains, to the Honour thereof discharged so much duty, that betwixt what is printed, and what ready for the press, I have set forth above a hundred several Books, on Subjects never hitherto thought upon by any.  
46. Let no man think, that I have spoke this in hope of future benefit, or by way of regret, 
S. d. B. 2. art. 53.54: 56.57.58.  I should have failed thereof in times past; virtue (in my estimation) whether moral, or intellectual, carrying always along with it a recompense sufficient: nor yet out of pride, or vain glory in extolling of my own praises, which (as willingly as to live) I would have smothered, but that the continual receiving of bad offices, for my good intentions, hath wrought this excursion out of my pen.  
47. Could any man imagine, I should have been singled out amongst all those of Scotland, to, suffer most prejudice, without a Cause; that the wickedest of all the Land, should be permitted to possess the best part of my Inheritance, under colour of a law by mere iniquity: and other, little better than he, to gape after the remainder, without any fault of mine.  
48. who would think, that, some of my Tenants (whilst I was from home) being killed, and near upon three thousand pound sterlin worth of Goods taken from them, by a pack of villains, who could pretend for their robery no other excuse, but that they had been plundered by others, no reparation or justice should be granted, although oftentimes demanded: that I should be extorsed, in matter of public deuce, beyond any of my neighbours: that a garrison should be placed within my house, and kept there ten months together, to my almost utter undoing, upon no other pretence, but that the stance thereof is stately, and the house itself of a notable good Fabric, and contrivance, and in the mean while, a party both of horse and foot remain nevertheless quartered upon my lands till the remotest Highlands should pay their sesse-mony: that neighbour Garrisons, besides my own, should by parties enforce me, upon their Governors bare tickets, to furnish them with what provisions they pleased, and yet nothing thereof be allowed unto me, although I presented a Bill to that purpose to the Scots Committee of Estates, as I did forth quartering of several Troops of horse, for many months together, without any allowance.  
49. These grievous pressures with many other, and as many more I have sustained by the ministry of the Land, whereof I make account in the large treatise of my Aporrexises to give notice more at length, have occasioned this digression in a part, which likewise having proceeded from a serious consideration of the two aforesaid scurvy qualities, that move the Inhabitants of this I'll to run every foot to supernatural causes, engageth me to say, that as it is a maxim in Philosophy, that entia non sunt multiplicanda sine necessitate. So: that it is no less in congruity to avouch, that a thing hath miraculously been done by God, or that for achievement thereof the help of an evil Spirit (because of his being reputed of more experience, than man) hath been required thereto, when, in the mean while perhaps, the performance of it, by secondary means of an ordinary working is obvious to any that have the dexterity to open his eyes to see the truth.  
50. For which cause, they are much to blame, that think it impossible for any man naturally to frame a language of greater perfection than Greek, Hebrew, or Latin.  
51. For who, instead of affording the true cause of a thing, unnecessarily runs to miracles, tacitly acknowledgeth that God naturally cannot do it: wherein he committeth blasphemy, as that Soldier may be accounted guilty of contumacy and disobedience, who rejecting the Orders wherewith an inferior Officer is authorized to command him, absolutely refuseth compearance, unless the General himself come in person to require it of him.  
52. As there is a possibility such a Language may be, so do I think it very requisite such a Language were, both for affording conciseness, and abundance of expression.  
53. Such as extol those Languages most, are enforced sometimes to say, that Laborant penuria verborum; and thereunto immediately subjoin this reason, Quiae plures sunt res quam verba.  
54. That is soon said; and, ad pauca respicientes facile enuntiant. But here I ask them, how they come to know that there are more Things than Words, taking Things (as in this sense they ought to be taken) for Things universal; because there is no word spoken, which to the conceit of man is not able to represent more individuals than one, be it Sun, Moon, Phoenix, or what you will, even amongst Verbs, and Syncategorematical signs, which do only suppone for the modalities of things: therefore is each word the sign of an universal thing; Peter signifying either this Peter, or that Peter; and any whatever name, surname, or title, being communicable to one and many.  
55. Thus though both words and thoughts, as they are signs, be universal; yet do I believe that those who did attribute less universality to words than things, knew not definitely the full number of words taking words for any articulate pronunciation.  
56. Nay, I will go further: There is no Alphabet in the world, be the Calculator never so well skilled in Arithmetic, by virtue whereof the exact number of words may be known; because that number must comprehend all the combinations that Letters can have with one another: and this cannot be done, if any letter be wanting; and consequently, by no Alphabet as yet framed, wherein (as I have already said in the twelfth Article) there is a deficiency of many letters.  
57 The Universal Alphabet therefore must be first conceived, before the exactness of that computation can be attained unto.  
58. Then is it, when having couched an Alphabet materiative of all the words the mouth of man, with its whole implements, is able to pronounce, and bringing all these words within the system of a Language, which, by reason of its logopandochie, may deservedly be entitled, The Universal Tongue, that nothing will better merit the labour of a Grammatical Arithmetician, then, after due enumeration, hinc inde, to appariate the words of the Universal Language with the things of the Universe.  
59 The analogy therein 'twixt the sign and thing signified holding the more exactly, that as, according to Aristotle, there can be no more worlds but one, because all the matter whereof worlds can be composed, is in this: so can there be no Universal Language, but this I am about to divulge unto the world, because all the words enunciable are in it contained.  
60. If any officious Critic will run to the omnipotency of God for framing more worlds, (according to the common saying, Nothing is impossible to God, that implies not a contradiction) so must he have recourse to the same omnipotent power for furnishing of man with other speech-tools than his tongue, throat, roof of the mouth, lips, and teeth, before the contexture of another Universal Language can be warped.  
61. That I should hit upon the invention of that, for the furtherance of Philosophy, and other Disciplines and Arts, which never hitherto hath been so much as thought upon by any; and that in a matter of so great extent, as the expressing of all the things in the world, both in themselves, actions, ways of doing, situation, pendicles, relations, connexion's, pathetic interpositions, and all other appurtenances to a perfect elocution, without being beholding to any Language in the world insomuch as one word, will hardly be believed by our fidimplicitary Gownsmen, who, satisfied with their predecessors contrivances, and taking all things literally, without examination, blaterate, to the nauseating even of vulgar ears, those exotic Proverbs, There is no new thing under the Sun, Nihil dictum quod non dictum prius, and Beware of Philosophers, authorizating this on Paul, the first on Solomon, and the other on Terence.  
62. But, poor souls, they understand not that in the passage of Solomon is meant, that there is no innovation in the essence of natural things; all transmutations on the same matter, being into forms, which, as they differ from some, so have an essential uniformity with others preexistent in the same kind.  
63. And when it was said by Paul, Beware of Philosophers, he meant such Sophisters as themselves, who under the vizard of I know not what, corrupt the channels of the truth, and pervert all Philosophy and Learning.  
64. As for the sayings of Terence, whether Scipio couched them, or himself, they ought to be inferred rather as testimonies of neat Latin, then for asserting of infallible verities.  
65. If there hath been no new thing under the Sun, according to the adulterate sense of those Pristinary Lobcocks, How comes the invention of Syllogisms to be attributed to Aristotle, that of the Sphere to Archimedes, and Logarithms to Neper? It was not Swart then, and Gertudenburg, that found out Gunpowder, and the Art of Printing; for these two men lived after the decease of Solomon.  
66. Had there been Canon in Solomon's days, Rehoboam (by all appearance) would have made use of them for the recovery of his inheritance; nor had some mention of Artillery been omited in the Books of the Macchabees.  
67. Pancerola's Treatise de novis adimpertis (although Polydore Virgil were totally forgot) would be, had there been no new thing since Solomon penned Ecclesiastes, but as a discourse of Platonic reminiscencies, and calling to mind some formerly lost fancies.  
68 Truly I am so far from being of the opinion of those Archaeomanetick Coxcombs, that I really think, there will always be new inventions, where there are excellent spirits.  
69. For as I ascribe unto myself the invention of the Trissotetrail Trigonometry, for facility of calculation by representatives of letters and syllables; the proving of the equipollencie and opposition both of plain and modal enunciations by rules of Geometry, the unfolding of the chiefest parts of Philosophy by a continuated Geographical allegory; and above a hundred other several books on different subjects, the conceit of so much as one whereof never entered into the brains of any before myself (although many of them have been lost at Worcester-fight:) so am I confident, that others after me, may fall upon some strain of another kind, never, before that, dreamt upon by those of foregoing ages.  
70. Now to the end the Reader may be more enamoured of the Language, wherein I am to publish a Grammar and Lexicon, I will here set down some few qualities and advantages peculiar to itself, and which no Language else (although all other concurred with it) is able to reach unto.  
71. First, There is not a word utterable by the mouth of man, which in this language hath not a peculiar signification by itself; so that the allegation of Bliteri by the Summulists, will be of small validity.  
72. Secondly, Such as will hearken to my instructions, if some strange word be proposed to them, whereof there are many thousands of millions, deviseable by the wit of man, which never hitherto by any breathing have been uttered, shall be able, although he know not the ultimate signification thereof, to declare what part of speech it is; or if a Noun, unto what predicament or class it is to be reduced; whether it be the sign of a real or notional thing, or somewhat concerning mechanic Trades in their Tools, or terms; or if real, whether natural or artificial, complete, or incomplete; for words here do suppone for the things which they signify; as when we see my Lord General's picture, we say, there is my Lord General.  
73. Thirdly, This world of words hath but two hundred and fifty prime radices, upon which all the rest are branched: for better understanding whereof, with all its dependant boughs, sprigs, and ramelets, I have before my Lexicon set down the division thereof (making use of another allegory) into so many Cities, which are subdivided into streets, they again into lanes, those into houses, these into stories, whereof each room standeth for a word; and all these so methodically, that who observeth my precepts therein, shall at the first hearing of a word, know to what City it belongeth, and consequently not to be ignorant of some general signification thereof, till after a most exact prying into all its letters, finding the street, lane, house, story, and room thereby denotated, he punctually hit upon the very proper thing it represents in its most specifical signification.  
74. Fourthly, By virtue of adjectitious syllabicals annexible to Nouns and Verbs, there will arise of several words, what compound, what derivative, belonging in this Language to one Noun or to one Verb alone, a greater number than doth pertain to all the parts of speech, in the most copious Language in the world besides.  
75. Fifthly, So great energy to every meanest constitutive part of a word in this Language is appropriated, that one word thereof, though but of seven syllables at most shall comprehend that which no Language else in the world is able to express in fewer than fourscore and fifteen several words; and that not only a word here and there for masteries sake, but several millions of such; which, to any initiated in the rudiments of my Grammar, shall be easy to frame.  
76. Sixthly, In the cases of all the declinable parts of speech, it surpasseth all other Languages whatsoever: for whilst others have but five or six at most, it hath ten, besides the nominative.  
77. Seventhly, There is none of the learned Languages, but hath store of Nouns defective of some case or other; but in this Language there is no Heteroclite in any declinable word, nor redundancy or deficiency of cases.  
78. Eighthly, Every word capable of number, is better provided therewith in this Language, then by any other: for instead of two or three numbers which others have, this affordeth you four; to wit, the singular, dual, plural, and redual.  
79. Ninthly, It is not in this as other Languages, wherein some words lack one number, and some another: for here each casitive or personal part of speech is endued with all the numbers.  
80. Tenthly, In this Tongue there are eleven genders; wherein likewise it exceedeth all other Languages.  
81. Eleventhly, Verbs, Mongrels, Participles, and Hybrids, have all of them ten Tenses, besides the present; which number, no Language else is able to attain to.  
82. Twelfthly, Though there be many conjugable words in other Languages defective of Tenses, yet doth this Tongue allow of no such anomaly, but granteth all to each.  
83. Thirteenthly, In lieu of six Moods which other Languages have at most, this one enjoyeth seven in its conjugable words.  
84. Fourteen, Verbs here, or other conjugable parts of speech, admit of no want of Moods, as do other Languages.  
85. Fifteenthly, In this Language, the Verbs and Participles have four voices, although it was never heard that ever any other Language had above three.  
86. Sixteenthly, No other Tongue hath above eight or nine parts of speech; but this hath twelve.  
87. Seventeenthly, For variety of diction in each part of speech, it surmounteth all the Languages in the world.  
88 Eighteenthly, Each Noun thereof, or Verb, may begin or end with a Vowel or Consonant, as to the peruser shall seem most expedient.  
89. Nineteenthly, Every word of this Language declinable or indeclinable hath at least ten several synomymas.  
90. Twentiethly, each of these synomymas, in some circumstance of the signification, differeth from the rest.  
91. One and twentiethly, Every faculty, science, art, trade, or discipline, requiring many words for expression of the knowledge thereof, hath each its respective root from whence all the words thereto belonging are derived.  
92. Two and twentiethly, In this Language the opposite members of a division have usually the same letters in the words which signify them; the initial and final letter being all one, with a transmutation only in the middle ones.  
93. Three and twentiethly, Every word in this Language signifieth as well backward as forward; and however you invert the letters, still shall you fall upon significant words: whereby a wonderful facility is obtained in making of Anagrams.  
94. Four and twentiethly, There is no Language in the world, but for every word thereof, it will afford you another of the same signification, of equal syllables with it, and beginning or ending, or both, with vowels or consonants as it doth.  
95. Five and twentiethly, by virtue hereof, there is no Hexamater, Elegiac, Saphick, Asclepiad, jambick, or any other kind of Latin or Greek verse, but I will afford you another in this Language of the same sort, without a syllable more or less in the one than the other, Spondae answering to Spondae, dactil to dactil, caesure to caesure, and each foot to other, with all uniformity imaginable.  
96. Six and twentiethly, As it trotteth easily with metrical feet, so at the end of the career of each line, hath it the dexterity, after the manner of our English and other vernaculary Tongues, to stop with the closure of a rhyme; in the framing whereof, the well-versed in that Language shall have so little labour, that for every word therein he shall be able to furnish at least five hundred several monosyllables of the same termination with it.  
97. Seven and twentiethly, in translating verses of any vernaculary Tongue, such as Italian, French, Spanish, Slavonian, Dutch, Irish, English, or whatever it be, it affords you of the same signification, syllable for syllable, and in the closure of each line a rhyme, as in the original.  
98. Eight and twentiethly, by this Language, and the Letters thereof, we may do such admirable feats in numbers, that no cyphering can reach its compendiousness: for whereas the ordinary way of numbering by thousands of thousands of thousands of thousands, doth but confuse the hearers understanding; to remedy which, I devised, even by cyphering itself, a far more exact manner of numeration, as in the Treatise of Arithmetic which I have ready for the Press, is evidently apparent; This Language affordeth so concise words for numbering, that the number for setting down whereof, would require in vulgar Arithmetic, more figures in a row then there might be grains of sand containable from the centre of the earth, to the highest heavens, is in it expressed by two letters.  
99 Nine and twentiethly, what rational Logarithms do by writing, this Language doth by heart; and by adding of letters, shall multiply numbers, which is a most exquisite secret.  
100 Thirtiethly, the digits are expressed by vowels, and the consonants stand for all the results of the Cephalism, from ten to eighty one, inclusively; whereby many pretty Arithmetical tricks are performed.  
101. One and thirtiethly, in the denomination of the fixed Stars, it affordeth the most significant way imaginary: for by the single word alone which represents the Star, you shall know the magnitude, together with the longitude and latitude, both in degrees and minutes of the Star that is expressed by it.  
102. Two and thirtiethly, by one word in this Language, we shall understand what degree or what minute of the degree of a sign in the Zodiac, the Sun or Moon, or any other planet is in.  
103. Three and thirtiethly, as for the year of God, the month of that year, week of the month, day of that week, partition of the day, hour of that partition, quarter and half quarter of the hour, a word of one or two syllables at most in this Language will express it all to the full.  
104. Four and thirtiethly, in this Language, also, words expressive of herbs, represent unto us with what degree of cold, moisture, heat, or dryness they are qualifyed; together with some other property distinguishing them from other herbs.  
105. Five and thirtiethly, in matter of Colours, we shall learn by words in this Language the proportion of light, shadow, or darkness commixed in them.  
106. Six and thirtiethly, in the composition of syllables by vowels and consonants, it affordeth the aptest words that can be imagined, for expressing how many vowels and consonants any syllable is compounded of, and how placed in priority and situation to one another. Which secret in this Language, is exceeding necessary, for understanding the vigour of derivatives in their variety of signification.  
107. Seven and thirtiethly, for attaining to that dexterity which Mithridates King of Pontus was said to have, in calling all his soldiers of an Army of threescore thousand men, by their names and surnames, this Language will be so convenient, that if a General, according to the Rules thereof, will give new names to his soldiers, whether Horse, Foot, or Dragoons, as the French use to do to their Infantry by their noms de guerre, he shall be able, at the first hearing of the word that represents the name of a soldier, to know of what Brigade, Regiment, Troop, Company, Squadron, or Division he is; and whether he be of the Cavalry, or of the Foot; a single Soldier, or an Officer, or belonging to the Artillery or Baggage: which device, in my opinion, is not unuseful for those great Captains that would endear themselves in the favour of the Soldiery.  
108. Eight and thirtiethly, in the contexture of nouns, pronouns, and preposital articles united together, it administereth many wonderful varieties of Laconic expressions, as in the Grammar thereof shall more at large be made known unto you.  
109. Nine and thirtiethly, every word in this Language is significative of a number; because, as words may be increased by addition of letters and syllables; so of numbers is there a progress in infinitum.  
110. Fourtiethly, in this Language every number, how great soever, may be expressed by one single word.  
111. One and fourtiethly, As every number essentially differeth from another, so shall the words expressive of several numbers, be from one another distinguished.  
112. Two and Fourtiethly, No Language but this hath in its words the whole number of letters, that is, ten vowels, and five and twenty consonants; by which means there is no word escapes the latitude thereof.  
113. Three and fourtiethly, As its interjections are more numerous, so are they more emphatical in their respective expression of passions, than that part of speech is in any other Language whatsoever.  
114. Four and fourtiethly, The more syllables there be in any one word of this Language, the manyer several significations it hath: with which propriety no other Language is endowed.  
115. Five and fourtiethly, All the several genders in this Language, are as well competent to verbs as nouns: by virtue whereof, at the first uttering of a verb in the active voice, you shall know whether it be a god, a goddess, a man, a woman, a beast, or any thing inanimate, (and so thorough the other five genders) that doth the action: which excellency is altogether peculiar unto this Language.  
116. Six and fourtiethly, In this Language there is an art, out of every word, of what kind of speech soever it be, to frame a verb; whereby, for expressing all manner of actions, a great facility is attained unto.  
117. Seven and fourtiethly, To all manner of verbs, and many syncategorematical words, is allowed in this Language a flexion by Cases, unknown to other Tongues, thereby to represent unto our understandings more compendious expressions than is possible to afford by any other means.  
118. Eight and fourtiethly, Of all Languages, this is the most compendious in compliment, and consequently, fittest for Courtiers and Ladies.  
119. Nine and fourtiethly, For writing of Missives, Letters of State, and all other manner of Epistles, whether serious or otherways, it affordeth the compactest stile of any Language in the world, and therefore, of all other the most requisite to be learned by Statesmen and Merchants.  
120. Fiftiethly, No Language in matter of Prayer and Ejaculations to Almighty God, is able, for conciseness of expression, to compare with it; and therefore, of all other, the most fit for the use of Churchmen, and spirits inclined to devotion.  
121. One and fiftiethly, This Language hath a modification of the tense, whether present, preterite, or future, of so curious invention for couching much matter in few words, that no other Language ever had the like.  
122. Two and fiftiethly, There is not a proper name in any Country of the world, for which this Language affords not a peculiar word, without being beholding to any other.  
123. Three and fiftiethly, In many thousands of words belonging to this Language, there is not a Letter which hath not a peculiar signification by itself.  
124. Four and fiftiethly, The polysyllables of this Language do all of them signify by their monosyllables; which no word in any other Language doth, ex instituto, but the compound ones: for though the syllabical parts of exlex separately signify as in the compound; yet those of homo do it not, nor yet those of dote, or domus, as in the whole: and so it is in all other Languages except the same: for there are in the Italian and Latin Tongues, words of ten, eleven, or twelve syllables, whereof not one syllable by itself doth signify any thing at all in that Language, of what it doth in the whole; as adolescenturiatissimament, honorificieabilitudinitatibus, etc.  
125. Five and fiftiethly, all the Languages in the world will be beholding to this, and this to none.  
126. Six and fiftiethly, there is yet another wonder in this Language, which although a little touched by the by in the fifty eighth article of this Preface, I will mention yet once more; and it is this, That though this language have advantage of all other, it is impossible any other in time coming surpass it, because, as I have already said, it comprehendeth, first, all words expressible; and then, in matter of the obliquity of the cases and tenses, the contrivance of undeclinable parts; and right disposure of vowels and consonants, for distinguishing of various significations within the latitude of letters, cannot be afforded a way so expedient.  
127. Seven and fiftiethly, the greatest wonder of all, is, that of all the Languages in the world, it is easiest to learn; a boy of ten years old, being able to attain to the knowledge thereof, in three month's space; because there are in it many facilitations for the memory, which no other Language hath but itself.  
128. Eight and fiftiethly, sooner shall one reach the understanding of things to be signified by the words of this Language, then by those of any other, for that Logarithms in comparison of absolute numbers, so do the words thereof in their initials respectively vary according to the nature of the things which they signify.  
129. Nine and fiftiethly, for pithiness of proverbs, oracles, and sentences, no Language can parallel with it.  
130. Sixtiethly, in Axioms, Maxims, and Aphorisms, it is excellent above all other Languages.  
131. One and sixtiethly, for definitions, divisions, and distinctions, no Language is so apt.  
132. Two and sixtiethly, for the affirmation, negation, and infinitation of propositions, it hath proprieties unknown to any other Language, most necessary for knowledge.  
133. Three and sixtiethly, in matters of Enthymems, Syllogisms, and all manner of Illative ratiocination, it is the most compendious in the world.  
134. Sixty fourthly, Negative expressions are more compendiously uttered in this Language, then in any other in the world.  
135. Sixty fifthly, The infinitant terms by this Tongue are in one single word expressed, which succinctness is by no other Language afforded.  
136. Lastly, There is not any phrase whatsoever, which, for being peculiar to one Speech, and consequently in all other to be improperly taken (wherewith each known Tongue in the world is most variously stored) hath, when translated from its original idiom, the denomination of Graecism, Latinism, Scotism, Anglicism, and so forth; but in this universal Language is so well admitted, that, in losing nothing of its genuine liveliness, it beareth along with it, without any diminution either of sense or expression, the same very emphasis in the stream, which it had at the spring, the like whereof is in no other Language to be found.  
137. Besides these sixty and six advantages above all other Languages, I might have couched thrice as many more, of no less consideration than the aforesaid, but that these same will suffice to sharpen the longing of the generous Reader, after the intrinsical and most researched secrets of the new Grammar and Lexicon which I am to evulge.   

The Preface To the second BOOK, entitled CHRESTASEBEIA.  
THe scope of the Author in this his second Book is to plead for the removal of some impediments, which stand in the way of emitting those his works of a curious invention, wherewith he intends to gratify this Isle; in doing whereof, he observeth a very compendious, and most commendable method, for prosecuting of the noble design, proposed in the general title of the Introduction. Natural Philosophy teacheth us, That one form is to be expelled, before another can be introduced upon the subjected matter; for which cause Aristotle very wisely, constituted Privation for one of the three principles of Nature. No judicious Architect will begin to erect a fabric, till the ground be first cleansed of the rubbish, which hindereth the laying of the foundation. Arts, disciplines, and sciences, for being qualities (as are the faculties whence they emane) (though of another species) are predicamentally classible under accidents, that have their essential dependence on that substance, which, without derogating any thing from the soul of man, may properly be said, to be the body, whose livelihood consisting in a maintenance by external means, The Author very rationally thence inferreth, a necessity of being established in the estate of his Predecessors, for the production of his brain-issues, in many elaboured secrets. Those the Author metaphorically termeth moveables, thereby to claim the benefit of an act of Parliament, for his redintegration into his progenitors Land, and yet that he should make so disproportionate a parallel, he layeth the weight upon the iniquity of the times, and rigour of Flagitators, whose lamentable wrongs done unto him, he most egregiously amplifyeth by three notable examples: and in sequel thereof describeth Usury to the life, together with the brutishness of the churlish exacters of it. Why to the promised Language, is premised this Introduction, and that the promulgation thereof is retarded, the Author, besides what is said, inserteth this other reason, lest it's inconsiderate prostitution should make it be undervalved: to confirm this, he showeth by three or four pregnant examples, how enjoyment abates affection, and by ten instances more, how in the estimation of ill-poised Judgements, very precious things have been postposed to quisqu liary trash, for witnessing the transcendency of the effects of mental faculties, beyond those of either body or fortune, he points at Scotus, and Sacrobosco: but in collatiotioning Learning with Warfare, he leaves the odds undecided. What large Donatives have been bestowed on learned men for their encouragement to Literature, he specifyeth by eight several examples: and by seven more, the indefatigable pains taken by eminent Scholars of former ages in the prosecuting of their studies; all which the Author is pleased to display before us, the better thereby to extol the gifts of the intellectual part: and where he transiently lets fall a word in praise of his own elucubraetions, he excuseth it by the necessity of avoiding a greater evil, subjoyning thereto for better illustration, three specious precedents of a King, a Prophet, and a Saint, all divinely inspired: and finally closeth all, with a certainty (upon the removal of obstructions) of performing whatever he hath promised, the contexture of all which being maturely prepended, cannot choose, but be pleasing to the industrious Reader.   

The second BOOK OF THE INTRODUCTION ENTITLED CHRESTASEBEIA. OR Impious dealing of CREDITORS. WHEREIN The severity of the Creditors of the Author's Family, is desired to be removed, as a main impediment to the Production of this Universal Language, and publication of other no less considerable Treatises.  
1 WHy it pleased me to set forth this Preamble a part, without annexing thereto the rudiments of the Language, by the faith I owe to truth, it was against my will, and the cause thereof did merely proceed from without: First, for that all the Papers concerning that Subject were lost at the spoil after Worcester fight, and next, there being in Scotland of those that would despoil me of my whole Lands, who care as little for Learning, as a Sow doth for a Pearl: 
Avarus prius saccum implet quam animum.  should I have publicly exposed these treasures, like Aesop's Cock, they would have preferred a Barley Corn before them.  
2. And although I expect no applause from them, whose Arcadian ears by the warbling of no Nightingale; 
Interea pleno cum turget saculus, ore. Crescit amor nummi quantum ipsa pecunia crescit.  are to be demulceated: yet by reason of the power they have in the land, I thought fit to stop my Pen for a while, lest otherwise I should fail of my design, in the preservation of my Predecessors inheritance.  
3. For albeit it might be thought unreasonable, that I should be denuded of those possessions, my Ancestors have enjoyed these one and twenty hundred years, and upwards, and that by them to whom I was never beholding insomuch as a penny, 
Avari animus nullo satiatur lucro.  nor any of my predecessors, save my Father alone, whose facility, in making of unprofitable bargains, they abused, for enriching of themselves; and at whose hands they have gained so much, although they never get a penny from me they can be no losers.  

Suos hospites male remunerat avarus serpens est in sina ignis in gremio, mus in pera.  4. Yet as if I were their Debtor (of which Title, the civilest Nations in the world will acquit me) I demand of the State, and Authority established, this favour amongst others, that they would allow me the benefit of the six and thirtieth Statute of the fifth Parliament of King James the third, which never yet was repealed, in so far as it provideth, that the Debtors movable goods be first valued, and discussed, before his lands be apprised, much less possessed.  
5. And if conform to the aforesaid Act, this be granted, I do promise shortly, to display before the world, ware of greater value, than ever from the East India's were brought in ships to Europe.  

Qui studet nummis hic praefert infima summis: condita fastori proeponit & ejus amori.  6. And though there be many (even of my Father's Creditors) that will postpose it to a Little money, yet are not Diamonds and gold of the less worth, because the Americans make more account of Iron, and Beads.  
7. I have seen of those, that choosed Sugar, before Ambergrece; because they deemed it sweeter to the taste: and preferred Black Tours velvet, to pure Segovia scarlet; for that it seemed softer to the touch: Yet is not such a simple, and unskilful misprising of things to pass for a Rule amongst the better sort, for enhancing, or imparing of their prices.  
8 For truth being in indivisibili, as is the essence of what ever is, who is most versed in the nature, and properties of a thing, is always best able to dignosce of its value.  
9 A Shoemaker cannot judge so uprightly of an elabourate Picture, as a cunning Artist in the trade of Painting: nor an illiterate Soldier pry so profoundly in a Metaphysical Argument, as a Learned Philosopher brought up with quiddities.  
10. A Ploughman, is better acquainted with tilling, than Bills of Exchange: and a Merchant banker, with the rate of what in the Hundred, is to be taken from Amsterdam to Venice, then what Fair he should go to, for buying of the cheapest, and best cattle.  
11. Seamen will prove as ridiculous, in making on foot their approaches to a Fort, as Land warriors, in the conding of a ship; and it will become a Clown as ill, to compliment with a Lady, as a Courtier to carry Burdens. Each trade, or vocation having its own genius, and no man being skilled in all alike.  
12. I have heard an Italian of good report say, that, with the money got from a Lapidary, for a box of precious stones, he bought a signiory of Land, which the owner, ignorant in such, would not have disponed for a Hundred times as many Jewels.  
13. And have likewise known a Citizen in Paris, that would not have let out one single Chamber of his, though but for a month, for six times more Cochenile, then at the hands of others, well seen in the like Chaffer, afforded the money, for which he was glad to sell a Ninteen years' Lease of his whole house together, consisting of ten Rooms as good, which is the proportion of thirteen thousand six hundred and eighty, to one.  
14. Out of which instances, is to be collected, that seeing men of all professions trade for money, who usually are unexpert in the Commodities of one another's vocation, if it occur, that the Debtor and Creditors be of several Faculties, the Debtor must otherways then with the Chevisance of his Employment, Labour for the Contentment of his Creditor of another calling; and consequently money being the common measure of all merchandise, must needs sell to some other, for the payment of him.  
15. The case in some measure is my own, considering the condition, wherein, for the present, I am made to stand with my Father's Creditors, whose lack of insight in the Ware, I would make sale of, together with their earnest pressing me for money, enforce me, for the better obtaining of the last, to have recourse to those, that are more skilful in the first to dispone it to.  
16. Yet if I were not nettled by such a Sect of bawling, & obstreperous Seekers, 
Vide Art. 69.  in a time so unfertil of good shifts, & wherein I have already essayed the uneffectualness of all other manner of means, 
Hic bona pars hominum decepta cupidine salsa. Nil satis est inquit.  this vendacity should never have appeared in me of a Commodity, which to appreciate at the rate of any coin, I would have accounted a kind of Simony, and a course which, had my Land been as clear of Merchants, as my mind is of mercinariness I had not daigned to stoop to for a Kingdom.  

Ergo sollicitae tu causa pecunia vitae es.  17. But for want of other expedients, making bold to pitch on this, I heartily supplicate the subsidiarie-courtesie of the State aforesaid, towards the emancipation, and infranchising of my mind, from the drudgery, and servile ploddings, wherewith it hath been captivated, 
Tu vitiis hominum crudelia pabula praebes semina curarum de capite orta tuo.  how to perform duty to those Faeneratorie Masters.  
18. Who always sticking close about me, like a cluster of stinging Wasps, and thundering upon me charges, as unwelcome to any generous Spirit, as is the touch of an Ibis' Pen to a Crocodile, have so fretted, galled, and pricked me to the very Soul, that all the Faculties thereof, have by them been this great while most pitilesly, and atrociously enslaved, and incarcerated in the comfortless dump, 
Faenus est on us etiam divitibus intollerabile, says Plutarch. Magno malo est hominibus avaritia idcirco quod homines magnis & multis incommodis conflictantur propter immensam pecuniae cupiditatem.  of searching for wherewith to close their yawning mouths, and stop their gaping.  
19 For truly I may say, that above ten thousand several times, I have by those Flagitators been interrupted for money, 
Vid. lib. 5. Ar. 43. Avarus omnia devorans vellet nullum hominem esse, ut omnia solus possideret.  which never came to my use, directly or indirectly, one way, or other, at home, or abroad, any one time whereof, I was busied about Speculations, of greater consequence, than all that they were worth in the world; from which, had not I been violently plucked away by their importunity, I would have emitted to public view, above five hundred several Treatises on inventions, never hitherto thought upon by any.  
20. But as a certain Shepherd, on a time (according to the Epimythist) would have persuaded the Fox not to destroy his flock, till he had got their fleeces, 
Excusatio avaritiae est cumulare pro filiis.  the wool whereof was to be employed in Cloth for the royal Robes of the Sovereign of the Land: unto whom the Fox replied, That his main interest being to fatten himself, and his cubs, he did not find himself so much concerned in either Sovereign or Subject, that upon any such pretext (how specious soever) he would leave his terrier unmagazined of all manner of provision, competent for his vulpecularie family.  
21. Even so may I avouch, that the nature of the most part of this strange kind of Flagitators, 
Nullum est justitiae in cordibus illorum vestigium in quibus avaritia sibi fecit habitaculum.  being without any consideration, or regard to the condition of a Gentleman, or whether the improvement or impairing of his Fortunes, should further, or retard the progress of the Country's Fame, totally to employ themselves in a coin-accumulating way towards the multiplying of their trash, and heedful accrescing of the Mammon dross, wherein their Lucre-hailing minds, and consopiated Spirits lie entombed, and imburyed.  
22. For again, as the old Hyena of Quinsy (as it is reported in some Outlandish stories) after he had seized upon the sublimest witted Gymnosophist of that Age, 
Omnium scelerum gravissima est avaritia cum omnia humana & divina jura cultumque vel ipsius dei pessundare consuevit cum nihil sit tam sanctum quod avaritia violare non soleat.  on purpose to feed upon him, being a Hungered, did vilify and misregard the tears and sorrow, justly shed, and conceived by the Inhabitants of that populous and magnificent City, for the apparent loss of such unparallelled wisdom, and exquisite Learning, as through the death of so prime a Philosopher, was like for ever to redound to the whole Empire of China: and altogether postposing them, to the satisfying of his base appetite, with one poor meal of meat, and that only in a sorry breakfast he was to take out of his bowels, killed him, tore him in pieces, and greedily snatched up that repast, the better to dispose his stomach, within three hours thereafter, for another of the like nature.  
23. Just so, amongst many of my Father's Creditors, hath there been a generation of such tenacious Publicans, 
Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, auri sacra fames.  that cared so little, what the Country in general might be concerned in any man's private interest (though much by some singular good friends of mine, hath been spoke to them in my own particular) that through their Cruelty, and extreme hard usage, I have been often necessitated to supply out of my Brains, 
Qui maluat locupletari crumenas quam Camoenas consulcre. Ab ipsis etiam statuis exigerent (ut aium) farinas.  what was deficient in my Purse, and provide from a far, what should have been afforded at home, one half terms. Interest, although but of a Petty, and trivial Sum, being in their eyes of more esteem, than the Quintessence of all the Liberal Arts, together with that of the Moral Virtues, epitomised in the person of any, though embellished to the Boot, with all other accomplishments whatsoever, for discategorically, in despite of all order, by marshalling quality after habere, they have still preferred the possession of a little Lumber, and baggagely Pelf, to all the Choicest perfections of both body and mind.  
24. And indeed, to speak ingenuously, as the Sparrow, whom a late Archbishop of Canterbury weeped to see as often forced to fall back, as it strove to fly upwards, by reason of a little Peeble stone, fast at the end of a string, that was tied to her foot: the contemplatively devout Prelate thereby considering, that the sincerest minds, even of the most faithful, are oftentimes impedited from soaring to their intended height, because of the clog of worldly encumbrances, which depresseth them.  

Nunquam expletur cupiditatis sitis nam cupiditati nihil est satis.  25. Even so may it be said of myself, that when I was most seriously embusied about the raising of my own, and Country's reputation to the supremest reach of my endeavours, than did my Father's Creditors, like so many millstones hanging at my heels, pull down the vigour of my Fancy, and violently hold at under, what other ways would have ascended, above the sublimest regions of Vulgar conception.  
26. Thus I being, as another Andromeda, 
Nil avaro molestius nullam est hominum genus quod tam auri habendi cupiditate intab. scat.  chained to the Rock of hard usage, and in the view of all my Compatriots, exposed to the merciless Dragon, Usury: I most humbly beseech the Sovereign Authority of the Country, like another Perseus, mounted on the winged Pegasus of Respect to the weal and honour thereof, to relieve me, by their power, from the eminent danger of the jaws of so wild a monster.  
27. Which maketh the very meanest, and most frivolous sum of any (like the Giant Ephialtes, 
Vid. B. 3. Art. 8. Inflammatur lucio avaritia & non extinguitur quasi gradus quosdam cupiditatis habet et quo plures ascenderit eo ad altiora festinat unde sit gravior ruina lapsuro.  who grew nine Inches every month) immensely to spread forth its exuberant members, without any other sustenance, or nourishment, than the mere invisible Flux of time, that starveth all things else, until it extend itself at last to a mighty huge Colossus of Debt, able, like that of the Rhodes, to take fastening upon two territories at once.  
28. And in recompense of a so illustrious and magnificent action, unto the State of this Land, as fittest patron for such a present, will I tender some of the aforesaid moveables whose value I do warrantably make account to be of no less extent, then in the estimation of all the Universities of both Nations, & other pregnant Spirits of approved Literature, shall centuplate the worth of the whole money, that for debt can be asked by those Creditors, out of the profoundest exorbitancy of their Covetousness.  
29. By my appealing thus to a judicatory, conflated of the prime lights of the Isle, and who (as all wise men else) do more magnify, and extol the endowments of the mind, than those of either body, or fortune: it is very perceptible, unto which of these three branches of good this offer of mine is to be reduced.  
30. No man will deny, that is not destitute of common sense, but that Scotus, and Sacrobosco, brought more reputation to Scotland by their learned writings, then if they had enriched it with Gallioons, loaded full of gold: and that it had been better for that Nation, to have lost many millions of Angels, then that through penury, or any other accident, the works of those Gallant men had been buried in Oblivion.  
31. For as in both body and mind, the instruments of the nobler faculties are esteemed of the greater value: so in a politic incorporation, so much the more should be respected, and dignified the advancers of the reputation thereof, than the accrescers of its wealth, that of the three degrees of goodness, the qualifications of the mind have the precedency.  

Cum avaritia alicui dominatur subjectus malis omnibus demonstratur quia de avaritia omnia mala oriuntur & peccatorum omnium spinae producuntur.  32. And although, there be Legions in Scotland of those Gadarenal Swine, that will prefer the taste of a Sky ball to the fragrancy of the most odiferous Jasmin: who also, like so many dunghill fowls, to a grain of wheat, will postpose the most precious Pearl that is: and haling only after sensual things, reduplicatively as sensual, give no repast at all to the better part, which preposterously dancing attendance, after the inferior appetites, hath its eyes in a veternatorie somnolency shut up from the prospect of all mental speculations.  
33. Yet the essence of man consisting in reasonability, he may be said to have little of man in him, that regards not another the more, for having his reason embellished with the addition of Literature.  
34. Which hath been held in such grandissim account by the prudentest of Pristin ages, that making it come in competition with Soldiery itself, they did not stick to aver, that Greece (which of all Nations was most renowned, and most worthy to be most renowned, both for wit and valour) did owe more cordial praise, and commendation to the Philosophers thereof, then to all its most military and warlike Champions; preferring in this Case, knowledge in Sciences, to fortitude in the fields; and the habits of the Intellectual faculties, to those of the moral.  
35. But unfeignedly, seeing to the foundest judgements of any, and most consentaneous to one another, in their Adherence to Apodictick conclusions, is oftentimes incident a repugnancy of Opinion in matter of Dialectical ratiocination: and that some of them, in a very similitudinary probability of prevalency on both sides of the Argument, do ferret, out of Topick celluls, mediums prompting them to have in greater estimation magnanimity of Courage, than vivacity of Spirit.  
36. I will in so far as concerns myself, for that I hope ere long to breathe in such auspicious days, as will give way to my good destiny, to present me with those favourable opportunities may make my deservings appear equally recommendable in both, rather choose to suspend the pronouncing of my verdict, then by any sentiment of mine, positively to determine of the preeminence of either.  
37. However, to descend more particularly to the purpose, seeing it is every where uncontroversibly acknowledged, that the goods of the mind are of more worth, than those of fortune; and by consequence, the pregnantly conceived, and maturely ennixed offspring of my own brain (which lest I should seem to philotize it, I in all humility submit to the unpartial censure of the choicest Spirits) of far greater value, than any piece of money due to my Father's Creditors.  
38. I do ardently desire, and supplicat the State not to suffer the majesty, and sacred name of Sovereign authority, under colour of a Law, any more to be abused in favours of those men, who have made use thereof in several charges against me, formerly in the name of both the King Charle's, and now in that of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, 
O Avare sordidius nihil est nihil est te spurcius uno qui potes insidias dona vocata.  to no other end but to rob me of my Predecessors Inheritance, without any procurement of mine.  
39 Withal, I heartily entreat them to vouchsafe the Patronising of the present, I am to make unto them, and in Testimony of their acceptance of it, exoner me of the Burden of these Flagitators, by taking such a course, as to their discretions shall seem most expedient, which, if they consider aright, were it for the defrayment of greater sums, will be of small difficulty. 
Sic avidis fallax indulget piscibus hamus Callida sic stultas decipit esca feras.   
40. And here I promise, by the Faith I owe to God, that this courtesy, so conferred, shall (if I live) as Seed sown in a fertile soil, yield a hundred fold, to the promoving of the repuputation of the Land.  
41. Which in an age, so full of Calumnies, and wherein the most zealous thoughts do not escape misinterpretation, is not to be rejected, nor any thing in that kind, which may conduce to the undeceiving of Foreigners of any prejudicated opinion of late conceived by them against the integrity of our Countrymen.  
42. Some will say, that, I demand much, and things unusual to be granted: others again, that I promise far more, & am too prodigal in my own praises: But myself will avouch, that as my demand is reasonable, so would I have ere now performed what I promised, and not spoke so much as one syllable in my own Favours, but that by one and the same occasion, I was necessitated to do the one, and forbear the other.  
43. It is ordinary amongst Seamen, to say the Tempest so increased; that, for safety of my life, I was glad to throw my goods overboard: I have heard Soldiers likewise affirm, and have seen, that they have heartily abandoned their Purse to the prevailing Enemy, for obtaining the better quarter: yet to examine either of these actions aright, they were but mixed ones tending to the lesser evil; voluntary, secundum quid, but simpliciter, unwilling.  
44 Just so is it, for shunning of the greater harm, to wit, the Inconveniency might ensue upon the vilifying of my brainworks, I choosed both to restrain their Emission, and commend what was to be promulgated: either of which, had it not been for the aforesaid necessities, would have been as unwelcome to me, as to the Merchant, was the casting out of his goods into the Sea; or to the Soldier, the delivery up of his purse unto his Foe.  
45. Enjoyment commonly abates Estimation, but longing doth increase it; And as there are of those, who, for one night of a Lady, have bestowed double the means, would have sufficed for a Jointure to the Mother of their lawful children, although a better and more handsome woman to the boot: so are vulgar Spirits (for the most part) highly mistaken in their sense of the true value of things of any importance.  
46. Judas valued at three hundred pence the Box of Ointment, which Mary poured on the feet of Christ, whom himself sold for thirty.  
47. I have seen of them, that accounted no more of Ambergrece, then of Fuller's Earth, though in some parts, a handful of the one, will be worth a Thousand cart loads of the o- other.  
48. I have likewise heard of a hundred crowns, given for a Fresh Salmon, where the Scots Pint of wine did cost but three halfpences: and of a Salmon every whit as good, got for six pence, where so much wine of no better kind would have stood you in half a Crown, which is the proportion of twenty thousand to one. For who at Toledo with the hundred crowns got for a Salmon, supposed fresh, which at Aberdeen he bought for a six pence, did purchase four thousand pints of Wine, which at his return to Aberdeen yielded him two thousand Crowns, hath clearly obtained twenty thousand six pences for one: Or who at Aberdeen with the two Crowns got for four pints of Wine, which at Toledo he bought for a six pence, did purchase twenty fresh Salmon, which at his return to Toledo, yielded him two thousand Crowns, hath in the same manner, for one six pence obtained twenty thousand, which is a hundred to one, two hundred times told.  
49. Of these examples there are many, which to sum up in one of a more disproportioned mistake, than any of the rest, I will tell you, that there happening a Gentleman of very good worth, to stay awhile at my house, who one day, amongst many other, was pleased, in the deadst time of all the Winter, with a Gun upon his shoulder, to search for a shot of some Wildfowl: & after he had waded through many waters, taken excessive pains in quest of his game, & by means thereof, had killed some five or six Moorfowls, and Patridges which he brought along with him to my house, he was by some other Gentlemen, who chanced to alight at my gate (as he entered in) very much commended for his love to sport; And (as the fashion of most of our Countrymen is, not to praise one, without dispraising another) I was highly blamed for not giving myself in that kind to the same exercise, having before my eyes so commendable a Pattern to imitate; I answered, though the Gentleman deserved Praise, for the evident proof he had given that day of his inclination to thrift and laboriousness, that nevertheless I was not too blame, seeing whilst he was busied about that Sport, I was employed in a diversion of another nature, such as optical secrets, mysteries of natural Philosophy, reasons for the variety of Colours, the finding out of the Longitude, the squaring of a circle and ways to accomplish all Trigonometrical calculations by signs, without tangents, with the same compendiousness of computation, which, in the estimation of learned men, would be accounted worth six hundred thousand Partridges, and as many Moor-Fowles.  
50. But, notwithstanding this relation, either for that the Gentlemen understood it not, or that they deemed the exercise of the Body to be of greater concernment, then that of the mind, they continued firm in their former opinion, whereof I laboured not to convince them; because I intended according to their Capacities to bear them Company.  
51. In the mean while that worthy Gentleman who was nothing of their mind, for being wet, and weary after travel, was not able to eat of what he had so much toiled for whilst my brain recreations so sharpened my appetite, that I supped to very good purpose. That night past, the next morning I gave 6 pence to a footman of mine, to try his fortune with the Gun, during the time I should disport myself, in the breaking of a young horse: and it so fell out, that by I had given myself a good heat by riding, the Boy returned with a dozen of wild fouls, half-Moor-foule, half Partridge, whereat being exceeding well pleased, I alighted, gave him my horse to care for, & forthwith entered in to see my Gentlemen, the most especial whereof was unable to rise out of his bed, by reason of the Gout and Siatick, wherewith he was seized for his former day's toil.  
52. Thus seeing matters of the greatest worth, may be undervalved by such as are destitute of understanding: 
Vide Art. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 46, 47, 48, 49. B. 6. Art. 51, 52, 53, 54, 55.  who would reap any benefit by what is good, till it be appreciated should be chary of its prestitution; let this therefore suffice, why to this preface, or Introduction, I have not as yet subjoined the Grammar, and Lexicon.  
53. But why it is I should so extol the worth thereof, 
Vide Art. 46. of the first Book, and 54, 56 of this same.  without the jeopardy of vain Glory, the reason is clear, and evident, being necessitated (as I have told in the fifth and twenty eight articles of the same Book) to merchandise it for the redintegrating of an Ancient family, it needeth not be thought strange, that in some measure I descend to the Fashion of the shopkeepers, who to screw up the buyer to the higher price, will tell them no better can be had for money, 'tis the choicest ware in England, and if any can match it, he shall have it for nought.  
54. So in matter of this Literatorie chaffer, I determined not to be too rash in the prostitution thereof, lest it should be vilified: yet went on in my Laudatives, to procure the greater Longing, that an ardent desire might stir up an emacity, to the furtherance of my proposed end.  
55. Thus the first step of this Scale, being to avoid the dispreciative censure of Plebeculary Critics, 
Hi admiratures auri oderunt virtutis indolem & omnes honestas arts.  who (as Children prefer an apple to an Inheritance, or, Esau like, postposing their birthright to a dish of pottage) have no regard of intellectual perfections, where they come in Competition with any sensual goodness; or if they do consider of them, in so far as concerneth new inventions, they slightingly use to vent themselves thus, the matter is not great, another could have done it, what serveth it for edification, Philosophy is dangerous, the Apostle himself avoucheth it, and other such Quisquiliary diblaterations, to the opprobry of good spirits, and cloak of their own ignorance, they cast in the face of Learning, that there is more humanity in the voice of a bull, or that of the wildest bear that ever was, then in the speech of those monsters  
56. The second step thereof, is my elogiarie interthets, in extolling the proposed matter (without any philotary presumption) whereof in the most authentic writings there wanteth not store of precedents.  
57 Moses, in a book commonly said to be of his own writing, entitled himself, the meekest man upon the face of the earth, and Paul, in the 11 of the 2 to the Corinthians, which was an Epistle of his own, ascribed to himself the stile of one of the chiefest of the Apostles, magnifying likewise his own Learning therein, and other qualifications, wherewith he was endowed.  
58. Nor was David, for all his heinous transgressions, free from this manner of exalting himself; for in several of his Psalms, he wished to be judged according to his righteousness, all which, though proceeding from the pen of man, had the Spirit of God for the Dictator.  
59 Truths related to a good end, carry not along with them any Blemish of ostentation, and the intention being that which specified the Action, such self commendatives are not to be dispraised; seeing they bring us to the third step of the Scale, which is seriously to long after Learning.  
60. Men of the greatest renown among the Ancients have been so taken with the Love thereof, that some divested themselves of large Patrimonies, and vast possessions, the better to attend their Studies, Such was Anaxagoras: others pulled out their own eyes, that they might be subject to the less distraction from Philosophical Speculations, as did Democritus: others again, like Carneades, with metaphysical raptures were so taken up, that when set down to table to eat, they forgot to put their hands to their mouths.  
61. Nor was this at starts, but so indefatigably studious were the most of those prime men, in times of old, that Simonides writ his poesies, Chrysippus his Logic, and Isocrates his Panathenaicon, when each of them was full fourscore years of age: 
The reader may be pleased to have recourse to the 22 Axioms mentioned in a Book of mine entitled The vindication of the reputation of Scotland.  it being likewise reported by Cicero, that Sophocles, in his hundreth year, write the Tragedy of Oedipus.  
62. From this earnest desire of Literature, we ascend another step, which is to hold him in great estimation, that is well qualified therewith, and not permit the offspring of his brain to perish, through the defect of worldly goods wherewith to support it.  
63. Of that most noble kind of Favourers of Learning, was Alexander the great who allowed several thousands of men to attend upon Aristotle, in the writing of his Natural history, for which, when done, he gave him in a donative, two hundred and fifty thousand pounds' sterlin. Largius Licinius to Pliny the younger, would have given four hundred thousand Crowns for his Annals: and Marcus Popilius Andronicus for a little treatise of that sort, got sixteen thousand Ducats.  
64. Isocratés for one oration which he penned, had given unto him six thousand two hundred and forty pounds' sterlin: and Antonius the Son of Severus, to Oppianus the Poet, gave a crown for every verse of a great poesy, which he had written of the Nature of Fishes.  
65. Ptolomae, on Cleombrotus the Physician, bestowed a hundred talents: and at how dear a rate Aristotle bought the Books of Speusippus; and Plato those of Philolaus the Pythagorean, is clearly set down in Aulus Gellius, and Valerius Maximus.  
66. Notwithstanding what hath been said, I would not have it to be thought, that these Largesses were so much competent prices for the Learning approved of, as manifest testimonies of the giver's unfeigned affection to the learned man.  
67. For, as there is no known proportion betwixt a crooked line, and a straight; and that the angle of contingence, is less than the least acute angle that is: so cannot all the transitory goods in the world, be paralleled with those of the mind, if either we believe Ovid, whilst he saith, Nil non mortale tenemus, pectoris exceptis, ingeniique bonis: or the Dutch Poet Buschius, in this his Epigram, 
Judicious, virtus, saepientia, cedere fato  
Non norunt tristi, nec didicere mori:  
Nec coal (si cordis quod habes) sunt caetera mortis,  
Divitiae, robur, gloria, sama, genus.  Or yet Julius Scaliger, who in his sixth book de re poëtica, (entitled, Hypercriticus) professeth, That he had rather have been the Author of Pindar's Pythionick, and Nemeonick lines, than King of Arragon, although he accounted them far short in value, to the third Ode of Horace's fourth book, or ninth of his third, which nevertheless he esteemed to be by many stages inferior to Virgil's verses, at so high a rate he valued the minds endowments.  

Vid. B. 3. Art. 12.  68 Seeing thus it is then, that, being put into one balance, the scale of learning depresseth the other, I would not expose any such talon of mine for external means, were it possible for any else to buy, with all the moneys in the world, that which I would preserve therewith, to wit, that antiquity of race, by a continuat descent from many Predecessors, in one and the same Land, which would be altogether buried in oblivion, by dispossessing me of my ancient inheritance.  

Vide Art. 16. Perpetuo signis crescit crescentibus ignis orco siv mari mens aequ paratus avari.  69 Yet were free from the slavery of Flagitators, though most of the Island should disapplaud my writings, I would nevertheless emit them, without hope of any further recompense; for a deed of virtue, whose reward is in the action itself, makes the very doing thereof to pass for a competent remuneration.  
70. But the exigence of my estate, and fortune, requiring another course to be taken, I will on this fourth step of the scale, as on its landing place, expatiat myself upon the equity of my demand, and assurance of the performance of what I promise, for the better doing whereof, I make account to speak somewhat of our family, other some of the rigour of the Flagitator, a little of what the Law in Justice may provide for either of us: and lastly, to mount the highest degree of all, by closing with a persuasion to have my Ancestors inheritance made free to me, and mine.  

In Flagitatores. Ep. 1.  
Scotorum è templis nunc exulat omnis imago,  
Sculpta nec in saxo sed nec in aere manet.  
Causa patet nimirum, est unum venerabile numen,  
Nec colimus, quanquam novimus esse deum.  
Aurea nam postquam Scotis affulsit imago  
Nomina sola colunt quae gravis arca tenet.    

The Design Of the third BOOK, entitled CLERONOMAPORIA.  
AS in the Book immediately foregoing, the Author very plainly hath pointed at the main block, which lieth in the way, as a hindrance to the progress of his brain-itineraries: so in this, the third of his Introduction, doth he, with great perspicacity, educe most peremptory reasons out of the clearest springs of both modern, and ancient, divine, and humaene Law, why it should be removed. In the mean while, the better to prepare the Reader towards a matter of so prime concernment, he begins the purpose with a peculiar, and domestic Narrative of the manner, how those impediments were cast in, to the end that the more unjustly he was dealt with by the persons, who did inject them, the greater justice may appear, in his relief from their oppressions, to have mentioned such particulars, and unfolded them to the view of the public, did very much damp the Genius of the Author, who, could he have otherways done, would undoubtedly have manifested ae most cordial dislike of any motion, tending to approve the offering unto Pan, the sacrifice of the household gods, or disclosing to all the mysteries of penatal rites. But the thread of the discourse hanging thereupon, without a gap in its contexture, it could not be avoided; especially, that generous and worthy Knight, the Author's Father, haeving been unparalleledly wronged by false, wicked, and covetous, men, himself being of all men living, the justest, equalest, and most honest in his dealings; his humour was rather than to break his word; to lose all he had, and stand to his most undeliberate promises what ever they might cost, which too strict adherence to the ansterest principles of veracity, proved oftentimes damageable to him, in his negotiations with many cunning sharks, who knew with what profitable odds, they could screw themselves in upon the windings of so good a nature. He in all the near upon) sixty years that he lived, never injured any man voluntarily, though by protecting, and seconding of some unthankful men, he did much prejudge himself: he never refused to be surety for any, so cordial he was towards his acquaintance; yet (contrary to all expectations) his kindness therein was attended by so much good luck, that he never paid above two hundred pounds English, for all his vadimonial favours. By the unfaithfulness on the one side, of some of his menial servants in filching from him much of his personal Estate, and falsehood of several Chamberlains, and Bailiffs, to whom he had entrusted the managing of his Rents, in the unconscionable discharge of their Receipts, by giving up one account thrice, and of such accounts many: And, on the other part, by the frequency of disadvantageous bargains, which the slieness of the subtle Merchant did involve him in, his Loss came unawares upon him, and irresistibly, like an armed man; too great trust to the one, and facility in behalf of the other, occasioning so grievous a misfortune: which nevertheless, did not proceed from want of Knowledge, or Ability in Natural parts: for in the business of other men, he would have given a very sound advice, and was surpassing dextrous in Arbitrements, upon any reference submitted to him, but that he thought it did derogate from the Nobility of his house, and reputation of his person, to look to petty things in matter of his own affairs. Whereupon, after forty years' custom, being habituated thereunto, he found himself at last (to his great regret) insensibly plunged into inextricable difficulties, in the large field whereof, the insatiable Creditor to make his harvest, by the ruin of that Family, struck in with his sickle, and by masking himself with a vizard, composed of the rags of the Scotish Law, in its severest sense, claims the same right to the whole inheritance, that Robin-hood did to Frankindals' money, for being master of the purse wherein it was. Those wretched, and unequitable courses, indefatigably prosecuted by merciless men, to the utter undoing of the Author, and exterminion of his name, have induced him, out of his respect to antiquity, his piety to succession, and that intim regard of himself, which by divine injunction ought to be the rule, and measure of his love towards his neighbour, to set down in this parcel of his Introduction, the cruel usage, wherewith he hath been served these many years past, by that inexorable race, the lamentable preparatives, which, by granting their desires, would ensue to the extirpation of worthy pedigrees, and the unexemplifyable injustice thereby redounding to him, who never was in any thing obliged to them. The premises he enlargeth with divers acquaint, and pertinent Similes, and after a neat apparelling of Usury, in its holiday garments, he deduceth from the Laws, and customs of all Nations, the tender care that ought to be had in the preservation of ancient Families: the particulars whereof, in matter of Ordnance, he evidenceth by the acts of Solon, the Decrees of the Decemvits, and statutes of the Twelve Tables: And for its executional part, in the persons of Q. Fabius, Tiberius the Emperor, and the Israelitish observers of the sacred institution of Jubilees. By which enarration, nothing is more clearly inferred, then that seeing both Jews, and Gentiles, paynims, and Christians, in their both Monarchical, and Polyarchical Governments, have been so zealous in their obsequiousness to so pious a mandate, that the present age being no less concerned in the happy fruits thereof, than the good days of old, the splendid Authority of this Isle should be pleased, not to eclipse their commendation, by innovating any thing in the Author's case. Who deciphering the implacability of Flagitators, by showing how they throw in obstacles, retarding their own payment, thereby tacitly to hasten his destruction; and hinting at the unnatural breach of some of his Fiduciaries, he particularizeth the candour of his own endeavours, and nixuriencie to give all men contentment, the discourse whereof, in all its periods, very well deserveth the serious animadversion of the ingenious Reader.  

Ad Illustrissimos Dominos Comitiorum Serenissimi Status ANGLICANI. Carmen 〈◊〉.  
SCotia quam vidit sublimi in sede superbam,  
Praeque aliis unam saepe tulisse caput;  
Ehen prisca domus generoso stemmate foelix  
Urcharti diro foenore pressa jacet.  
Commodat aera viris usurae subdolus author,  
(Aerased in turpem conduplicanda sinum)  
Hinc erosus ager vastus, victique penates,  
Et lex conspicuos turbat iniqua lares  
At vos ô patres, legum queis summa potestas.  
Quique datis populis jura benigna tribus,  
Ne sinite indigno ruat ut domus optima lapsu,  
Terraque ut immeritum rapta relinquat herum:  
Ille sacer Musis lotus parnasside lympha,  
Vivat, & Aonii gloria prima chori:  
Primus Hyperboreum musas qui duxit ad axem,  
Cum stupuit dominum barbara terra suum.  
Ponè lyram Pataraee tuam, tu barbiton Orphen,  
Sint licet & carmen saxa secuta tuum:  
Ille rudem populum primus feritate remota,  
Jusserat Aonios edidicisse modos.  
Nunc querulae lugent sylvae, collesque nivosae,  
Gens viduata dolet, monticolaeque gemunt.  
Nec Pan Arcadia sylvis tam saepè vocatur,  
Quam nunc Urchartum terra relicta sonat.  
Patres bellorum primi, pacisque columnae,  
Ferte ô, nam meritam ferre potestis opem,  
Creditor heu totas sylvas est, flumina potat,  
Et centena avido jugera ventre premit.  
Ut Scylla in medio fertur latrare profundo,  
Sorbet & aequoreas dira Charibdis aquas.  
Utque rates avidis claudit Godwinus arenis,  
Gazaque cum domino non reditura suo.  
Sed neque pul, a fames, det tandem Jupiter ut sit  
Carne vorax propria visceribusque satur.    

The third BOOK OF THE INTRODUCTION ENTITLED CLERONOMAPORIA. OR The intricacy of a distressed Successor, or apparent Heir. WHEREIN For the better evulging of this Universal Tongue, and other works, the preservation of the Author's ancient Inheritance, is by the laws of all Nations, Pleaded for.  
1 MAy it therefore be considered, in the first place, that a competent estate, (which, these many years past, hath yielded a thousand pounds sterling of rent, although hardly the fifth part of that, either in extent of bounds, or revenue, which some 900 years ago from the days of my forefather Zeron upwards, till those of Nomostor, who was the first of my Progenitors, that stayed to inhabit the Land of Cromartie) being (consecutively (through a direct uninterrupted Series, for the most part, and Lineal descent of threescore and twelve several Ancestors, from Father to Son, for the space of (near upon) fourscore two jubiles, at 25 years each served, and retoured heirs (almost always) to their immediately foregoing Predecessors, in the same family,) continued, devolved, and transmitted, with many especial royalties, privileges, and immunities from one another, and in all integrity preserved, until the time of the majority, and perfect age of my Father: who according to the prescript form of the country received it then, from his Guardian, or Tutor (as they called him) without any burden of debt (how little soever) or provision of brother, sister, or any other of his kindred, or alliance, wherewith to affect it; he having nothing else (being void of all manner of encumbrances) to care for, out of so considerable means, blest with so much freedom, but himself, and Lady alone, my Mother, it pleased his Father-in-law, my Lord Elphingston then high Treasurer of Scotland, at the time of the marriage, to require of him so to manage the foresaid patrimony, with such ease and plenty, through a various change of neighbours, and so carefully conveyed unto him, that in compensation of the courtesy received from his predecessors, and to retaliate so great a favour, he should be obliged and tied to leave unto her eldest Son, to be begotten of her (who some 5 years afterwards happened to be I) the said estate, in the same freedom, and entireness, every way, that it was left unto himself, which before many noble men, and others he solemnly promised to do to the utmost of his power.  
2. Nevertheless, by incogitancy one way, or what else I know not, 
Faenus extremae impudentiae signum. Lucri promissio est quasi esca in muscipola.  and on the otherside, by the extortion, and rapine of some usurious Cormorants, whose money then was constantly laid out, as a bait for improvident men of great revenues, to be hooked by: the fortune of his affairs turned so far otherways, from the bias they had been put in (to the regret and heavy dislike of all his friends, and his own likewise at last, when he knew not how to help it) that all he bequeathed unto me, his eldest Son, in matter of worldly means, was twelve or thirteen thousand pounds sterling of debt, five brethren all men, and two sisters (almost marriageable) to provide for, and less to defray all this burden with, by six hundred pounds sterling a year, although the wars had not prejudiced me in a farthing, than what for the maintaining of himself alone, in a peaceable age he inherited for nothing.  
3. But that, 
Avarus animus nullo lucro satiatur, Auri namque fames parto fit maior ab auro.  which did make my case the more to be commiserated, was, that all these huge, and exorbitant sums were charged on me by those, to whom I was never obliged in a penny, nor whose money ever came to that fine, that it might be known to what good end, it was borrowed; there being nothing more certain, then that the education of his whole children, comprehending myself, and all together, with what he expended on his daughter's portions, and other ways disbursed for suretyship, did not in all amount to above two years' rent, and a half, of that estate, which he totally enjoyed for six and thirty years together: and that in such haltionian days, without any compulsory occasion of bestowing his means other ways, than might best please himself, that till two years before his decease it was not known by the commons of the Land, what the words of Musqueteer, and Pikeman did signify.  
4. Notwithstanding all this, and that neither directly, 
Lucrum facit homines deteriores et nisi lucrum esset nemo fere esset improbus. saith Volateranus.  nor indirectly, I had a hand in the contracting of so much, as one twopences of the aforesaid burden, Those Creditors (all Scots) dealt so rigorously with me, that by their uncharitable severity (even in my father's time) it was done what lay in them, to shake me lose of my progenitors inheritance, and denude me of what I was born unto, by investing themselves in the right of those Lands, that through the continuat race of six dozen of Predecessors (as aforesaid) were after the expiring of many ages, by their valour, virtue, and industry, most heedfully transmitted to these late years, free from all entanglements, claims, and intricate pretences whatsoever.  
5. Yet did I thereby attain to the greater portion of my father's blessing, who conscious of the prejudice I sustained by leaving me (contrary to the promise made to his Father-in-law, and ancient custom of the Country) so much enthralled, 
This was do 〈◊〉 August in the year 1642 some 4 years after the hatching of the Covenant.  had of me that respect, and remembrance, although in another dominion for the time, that, besides his constant bewailing the hard condition, whereunto he had redacted his house in my person, during all the time of that long, and lingering disease, whereof at last he died, he so generously, and lovingly (as truly he was one of the best men in the world) acquit himself two days before his decease, that he had all my six brothers strongly bound, and obliged before famous witnesses himself being one, and the prime of all, especially my nearest brother entitled the Laird of Dun Lugas for whose occasion, to sharpen his thankfulness the bond was conceived, because of that portion in Land he received from him worth above 3000 pounds English money, under pain of his everlasting curse, and execration, to assist concur with, follow, & serve me, (for those are the words) to the utmost of their power, industry, and means, & to spare neither charge, nor travel, though it should cost them all they had, to release me from the undeserved bondage of the domineering Creditor, and extricate my Lands from the impestrements, wherein they were involved: yea to bestow nothing of their own upon no other use, till that should be done; and all this under their own hand writing, secured with the clause of registration, to make the opprobrie the more notorious, in case of failing, as the paper itself, which I have in retentis, together with another signed to the same sense, by my mother, and also my brothers and Sisters, Dunbugar only excepted, will more evidently testify.  
6. Thus lacking nothing I could have desired of him, but what by my grandfather he was engaged to leave me in matter of temporal means. I must in all humility make bold to beg the permission to proceed a little further in this purpose, seeing it doth not diametrally militate against the reverence, I owe to the established authority, and municipal Laws of the Land.  
7. In competition with which, though by the Laws, and and statutes of many the most civilised parts of Europe, the punishment, or correction inflicted for faults of undertaking excessive burdens upon ancient estates, be merely personal, and not (like Gehazies leprosy) derived to posterity; 
Qui in magnis opibus sunt avidiores & sitibundi in medio oceani gurgite.  there being more regard had by them to the memory of worthy, and renowned Gentlemen (whose reputation they would not have laid in the dust, by the supine remissness of any one of their successors) then to the raising up of the fortunes of those, who have no other virtue to recommend them by, but the stupid neglect, forgetfulness, and improvident carriage of those, that borrowed their money.  
8. Whereby like the indwellers of Guinea, 
Vid. B. 2. Art. 27. Avoritia est porta nortis & radix omnium malorum.  they may be said to purchase their gold sleeping; for in whose hand soever any little heap thereof is sequestered upon obligation; the smallest time of any engendereth interest thereon, which is no sooner bred, then apt to propagate another progeny, of the same pregnancy with the first, to beget a third: and so forth from term to term, by the incestuous copulation of the Parent with the whole Children together, and with each a part, 
Argentum & aurum non extinguit agenti & auri cup ditalem neque si plura possideas coercetur plura possidendi cupiditas.  and every child conjunctly, & severally with all the rest: one brood springing forth of another, and another again out of that, producing still, in that progressive way of procreation, a new increase of the like nature with the former.  
9 And all by virtue of a bond dormant, lying passibly in the greasy cobweb of a musty chest, whose master (perhaps) being lulled all this while in a dull lethargy of ease, awaketh not (Like the Angel Apollyon, in the eleventh of the Apocalypse entitled Abadon) but to the destruction of some one or other of his paper-fetterd slaves. 

Avarus, saith St. Austin, est inferno similis, nam quantumcumque devor iverit numquam dicet is. Sic quanquam omnes thesauri consluxerint in avarum non satiabitur.  
Heu crescit scelerata sitis praedaeque recentis incestus jam flagrat amor nullusve petendi crescendique pudor.   proving such a bad one indeed to whom he hath concredited his goods, that he never abandoneth them, till his covetousness (making that the fertilest thing of any, which of itself is most unfruitful) have, in the unconscionable multiplying of such a graceless generation, reared up that unhallowed result from a spark (as it were) in a corner of their houses, to the height of a most prodigious flame, to consume them, their wives, and children, with their whole estates, and fortunes for ever.  
10. Yet seeing the rigour of the Law of Scotland, seems rather (as the times have been this while passed) to favour, 
Contemnanda est cupiditas quae quidem veluti ignis quanto plus accipit tanto plus requirit.  and abett the unmerciful creditor, than the debtors innocent successor, I have till this hour (although not without some inward reluctancy) chosen rather to undergo the sternness, and austerity thereof, then legislatively to supplicate the eversion of an established custom.  
11. Albeit (what ever Lawyers say) I be sure, that Law, as it is conform to equity, and justice, requireth as well (if not more) that there be antidotes, and preservative remedies for men's estates in Lands, as for the fortunes of them, whose stock is only in money.  

Vide. B. 2. Art. 68 O avare jungantur solium Craesi Cyrique tiarae, Nunquam dives cris nunquam sallabere quaestu.  12. Especially, in the behalf of those, whom to deprive of their old possessions (as is glanced at a little in the sixty eight Article of the second Book) would engulf, and bury in forgetfulness, that antiquity of Line, which all the riches on earth is not able to purchase, and consequently, making nobility stoop to coin, and virtue to gain, bring the only support, and props of honour, to serve as fuel to the unquenchable fire of avaricious hearts.  
13. And I may very well say, seeing it cohaeres with the purpose in hand, that I sustain a greater prejudice, in being debarred from my Lands, 
Lucrum justitiae praeferunt impit.  which were more than two and twenty hundred years ago, acquired by the valour, and prudence of my Predecessors, than the Sons of the aforesaid Creditors can do, by the want of the money, pretended to be due to them, for my Father's debt; the overthrow of a worthy Family, being more deplorable, than the missing of what a Thief may filch out of a clout: and have reaped as little benefit of the sums so lent, as the brats, they are as yet to beget, have done of the Revenues which should be mine.  
14. What forcible Statutes have been published in former ages, for obviating the decay of honourable houses, is not unknown to those, that are any thing versed in the history of prudential Law.  
15. In this, the ablest, and most judicious men on earth, have employed the best of their wits: and Solon, that famous Legislator amongst the Athenians, and wisest man then living, made acts so favourable for the preservation of ancient Families, and so strictly to be observed, that the controveners of them, so long as the splendour of that Republic lasted, were by the Arcopagits most exemplarily, and condignly punished, as the relics of the Attic Laws, till this day, will sufficiently bear record.  
16. Nor was this so conscientious an ordnance, so totally proper to the Common-weal of the Greeks, but that the remanent of the world, in those happy times of old did taste of the wholesome influence, and goodness of it.  
17. The Decemvirs (amongst the Romans) instituted, and ordained, that those who were apt by their misgovernment, and reckless conduct to endanger the undoing, and subversion of their predecessors house, to the apparent detriment, and damage for ever of such, as by nature were designed to succeed after them in that family, should be disabled from disponing Lands, alienating any whatsoever goods, and contracting debts, in such sort, that whosoever should meddle or deal with them, in either of those kinds, should do it at their own hazard, and peril, without hope of restitution of any loss, or hindrance they might sustain thereby, as manifestly may be seen, by the Law Julianus, in the paragraph de cura Furiosorum, and in the Law, is cui bonus in the paragraph, de verbis obligatoriis.  
18. Which being conform to that other Law of the twelve tables, whereby such like inconsiderate persons were appointed to have surveyors, and controulers set over them, and wholly prohibited, and interdicted from all manner of managing their own affairs, as the words of the Text itself more succinctly declares, Quando bona tua paterna, avitaque negligentia tua disperdis Liberosque tuos ad egestatem perducis, ob eam rem tibi, ea re, commercioque interdico.  
19 It is apparent how heinous, horrid and sacrilegious an offence it seemed to be in those happy days, to have a hand in pulling down the monuments of their forefather's virtue, and demantling the honour of their house, by dilapidating their estate.  
20. And lest these premised acts, should be thought to have been but good Laws ill obeyed, and worse executed: such rigorous punishment was inflicted upon the delinqents in them, that no person guilty, of what age, or condition soever, was spared.  
21. As may be instructed by Quintus Fabius, son to Quintus Fabius the great, surnamed Allobrogicus, who, by an edict of Quintus Pompeius Praetor, was kerbed and inhibited from doing by his misguiding, and unadvised carriage any harm or prejudice to the house of his progenitors.  
22. And by that prodigal Senator of threescore years of age (otherways wise enough) over whom the Emperor Tiberius did constitute, and impose a tutor, or governor, that, to the impoverishing of his issue, he might not have power to lavish away the estate he never acquired.  
23. The causes which moved them to enact, and publish those Statutes being no less urgent now, than they were then, should (as I conceive it) astrict, and oblige us to be every whit as zealously fervent, as they in the observing of them.  
24. Chiefly being warranted thereto by the sacred Scripture itself, in the old Testament, whereof, the people of Israel is said to have been enjoined to marry in their own Tribes, Jubilees appointed, and all debts whatsoever, after the revolution, and expired date of so many years, ordained to be discharged, annulled, freely acquit all bonds and bills rescinded and canceled and all this only for the preservation of ancient houses.  
25. Of which the country of Scotland also, till within these fourscore ten years, was so exactly careful, that Signior David, one of Queen Martes prime Courtiers, could not for all the money he was master of, obtain in that whole dominion, the purchase of one hundred pounds sterlin of rent in Land, whereby to acquire the benefit of a Scotish title, the more to ingratiat himself (being an Italian) in the favour of the Nation; so unwilling in those good days, was every one to break upon any parcel of their predecessors inheritance.  
26. Seeing thus it is then, that all Nations, and almost all Religions, both Jews and Gentiles, have had the benefit of so commendable, and pious a custom, shall Scotland alone be deprived, and destitute of it, and that only since it is said by themselves, to have received the purity of the Gospel, and about the year of the Jubilee, no man will think it, that hath any good opinion of the Nation?  
27. But although it were so (as God forbid it ever come to that pass) and that like to the most rigid Levellers who would inchaos the structure of ancient greatness, into the very rubbish of a Neophytick parity, it were enacted there be no more regard had thereafter of pristin honour, then of old garments: and that none be thereby dignifyed, but in so far, as the number, weight, and measure of modern coin, shall serve to inhanse him.  
28. Yet with some probability, do many harbour in their breasts the opinion, that with a never so little auxiliary suffrage of public Order, there should be found amongst them, and the successors of those, that in divers good offices (not to speak of myself) have been obliged to the proprietaries of our house, severals who would of their own accord, (in what they could) without any great incitement thereto, supply the deficiency of the Law in that point▪ and further of themselves, the redintegration of my Predecessors family in my person.  
29. Notwithstanding all this, 
nullum est officium cam sanctum atque solenne quod non varitia comminuere atque violare soleat.  the embracing of the foresaid subsidiary expedient, being too far below my inclination I do really Imagine, that (without the conscriptitious adjutancie of the State) I shall enterprise but impossibities, and never enjoy the proposed end; which nevertheless my bashfulness and natural averseness from craving what might put me to a blush if denied would never have permitted me to prosecute by such means, if by the iniquity of the times, disloyalty of some I did put trust into, and rough harshness of the unplacable creditors, I had not been frustated of my other designs.  
30. For albeit, to the most frugal, 
Avaritia crudeles efficit eos qui ei serviunt & animus avari sepulchrum est.  it might seem a task very difficult, to make the payment of my Father's debt, consist with the preservation of my forefather's estate: when by the malignant influences of concredited sums, the Land rents do usually shrink in, to the accrescing of the burden; there being nothing more certain, then that the apprising of of Lands, serving of inhibitions, arresting of Farms in the hands of Tenants, purchasing of letters for delivering up of the Manor house, & other such like most rigorous proceedings, whereby one is made illegal, would have disabled any (though never so well affected) from putting his means to the best avail, and taking that safe course for himself, and creditors together, which otherways (with less disadvantage to either) might be performed by one, that were free of these lets and disturbances.  

Avaritia omnis injustitiae comes est, & avarus communis omnium hostis cujus arculae sunt sepulchra in quibus saepe 〈◊〉 vitae pauperum.  31. Whereupon ensue such dismal inconveniences, that commonly, when a gentleman's estate begins to be clogged with such like impestrements, little or no use at first is made of the rents thereof; either for that the Tenants (for fear of creditors attaching and arrestments) pay not their due, lest they be forced to repay it, & so, through the uncertainty of masters, spending all on themselves, become some times insufficient debtors: or for that merchants (being afraid to fall into the reverence of creditors, because of inhibitions and arrestments) dare not bargain for victual, or any such like annual commodity: both, or either being like to drive on the decadence of a house to its utter desolation at last.  
32. So that instead of a double benefit, that aught to accrue to both the Debtor, and Creditor, by the timely payment of both Lands, and money rend, a twofold prejudice (for the most part) through the strictness of the creditors, is incurred, to wit the one, by delaying their own pay, and the other, by hastening the ruin of the house of their Debtor: as if men should be tied to defray great sums of money, and yet not get leave to make use of their own means, wherewith to do it, there being hardly any shift remaining for a man so used, but to have recourse to his wits.  
33. Nor is it any thing less lamentable, that the Law of Scotland, in matter of Horning, should be a main furtherance of this inconvenience by debarring any one lying under the lash thereof, from getting payment at the hands of others of never so just debts due to them; whereby a greater load being laid on him that is already overburdened. Machiavel's policy of breaking the bruised reed, and thrusting him over head and ears in the water, that was in it to the chin, is very punctually observed.  
34. Which rugged, cross, 
Similis est pecunia usurarii morsui aspidis, percussus enim ab aspide quasi delectatus vadit in somnum, et per suavitatem soporis moritur.  and thwarting proceedures so incensed, damped, and exasperated my father, that a charge from a creditor, being as the hissing of a Basilisk, the disorderly troubles of the Land being then far advanced (though otherways he disliked them) were a kind of refreshment to him, and intermitting relaxation from a more stinging disquietness.  
35, For that our intestine troubles, and distempers, by silencing the Laws for a while, gave some repose to those, that longed for a breathing time, and by huddling up the terms of Whitsuntide; and Martimass, (which in Scotland are the destinated times for payment of debts) promiscuosly, with the other seasons of the year, were as an oxymal julip, wherewith to indormiat them in a bitter sweet security.  
36. Yet for all this, and notwithstanding the grievousness of such solicitudinary, and luctiferous discouragements, able to appall the most undaunted spirits, and kill a very Paphlagonian partridge, that is said to have two hearts, I did nevertheless, without attristing myself a jot, undergo the defrayment of the debt, although not as a debtor, with as much alacrity, and cheerfulness, 
Usurae liberos servos faciunt.  as if it had been of my own undertaking: and took such speedy course therein, that immediately after my Father's decease, for my better expedition in the discharge of those burdens, having repaired homewards, I did sequestrate the whole rent (my Mother's jointure excepted) to that use only, and, as I had done many times before, betook myself to my hazards abroad, that by virtue of the industry, and diligence of those, whom by the advice, and deliberation of my nearest friends, I was induced to intrust with my affairs, the debt might be the sooner defrayed, and the ancient house relieved out of the thraldom, it was so unluckily fallen into.  
37. But it fell out so far otherways, that after some few years residence abroad, without any considerable expense from home, when I thought, because of my having mortified and set apart all the rent to no other end, than the cutting off, and defalking of my Father's debt, that accordingly a great part thereof had been discharged: I was so far disappointed of my expectation therein, that whilst conform to the confidence reposed in him, I hoped to have been exonered, and relieved of many Creditors, the debt was only passed over, & tranferred from one in favours of another, or rather of many in the favours of one, who, though he formerly had gained much at my Father's hands, was notwithstanding at the time of his decease none of his creditors, nor at any time mine; my Egyptian bondage by such means remaining still the same, under task masters different only in name, and the rents nevertheless taken up to the full, to my no small detriment, and prejudice of the house standing in my person.  
38. The aim of some of those I concredited my weightest adoes unto, being, as is most conspicuously apparent, that I should never reap the fruition, nor enjoyment of any portion, parcel, or pendicle of the estate of my predecessors, unless by my fortune, and endeavours in Foreign countries, I should be able to acquire as much as might suffice to buy it (as we say) out of the ground.  
39 And verily (though not in relation to these ignoble, and unworthy by-ends) it was my purpose, and resolution to have done so, which assuredly, had not the turbulent divisions of the time been such as to have crossed, and thwarted the achievements or more faisible projects, I would have accomplished two or three several ways ere now.  
40. And yet for all the stops, and inconveniencies, that flowed from the late unhappy stirs, and garboils in both Nations, I had by all probability) got a great many thousand pounds thereof, had not a wretched, poor, and trivial sum scarce worth the naming, been more prevalent with the aforesaid party.  
41. By reason of whose injurious, and unequitable dealing, in appropriating to themselves, and converting by all appearance) to their own use my rents, and neither purging the Land, nor exonerating me of any considerable part of the burden, wherewith either it, or I stood affected: I was moved to face about, and return homewards, to take that solid, and deliberate course with the crazed estate left unto me, as might make the subsistence of my house, compatible with the satisfaction of my Father's Creditors.  
To which effect, with might and main, to the uttermost of my ability, I strove, with pecunial charms, 
Questum facile negligit generosus animus, inquit Hieronymus.  and holy-water out of Pluto's Cellar, to exercise and lay the Spirit lately raised, and raging abroad, without the besprinkling of a Chrysopast hyssop, not to be conjured: my successfulness therein amounting, non obstans all interveening impediments, to the final discussing of some of these creditors, and, in a plausible way, according to the exigence of the persons, and circumstances of the nature, condition and quality of their security, to dispatch the residue of them epassyterotically, that is, one after another.  
43. And to this end, applied all my aforesaid rents, save so much, as for public deuce, and augmentation of Ministers stipends were exacted of me: in the latter whereof, because of the hereditary loss, which I thereby am like to sustain, I will make bold to insist a little, with that reverence nevertheless, which becomes me to the Church, and to be established Ecclesiastical order of the Land. 
Nulla ditare ratione potestas avari vos faciunt inopes quas cumulatis opes.   
24. Here nevertheless, Let the good Reader be pleased to take along with him for his better conceiving of the unmercifulness and indiscretion of my Father's creditors, how when to some of them I had offered present possession of Land, till they should be found paid; and unto others, who formerly had been victual Merchants, had made tender of my rents of that kind, at very easy rates, to be delivered by my deputies, 
Hu jusmodi lucra hominem comparare decet propter quae nunquam in postcrum doliturus sit.  without their running of any hazard at the hands of a distressed Tenandrie: the answer of the former was, That they would have no land, but money; and of the other, That though they had often before that trafficked in such like commodities▪ yet that then for being taken up with other more public businesses they could not accept of my proffer, but wishing I might have the fortune to deal with those would give the greatest prices, expected I should not fail to let them have the money for defalcation of some of their accounts.  
45. By which their subdolous and crafty tergiversation, from what in a time of peace, 
De damno alterius nemo lucrum spectet.  they would have so eagerly embraced, they have made it too evidently apparent, that in prosecuting of their own ease, they have aimed at my utter destruction, both their resolutions concentring in this, That they thought it more expedient, 
Queen lucra lenta fugit damna repente subit Non habet eventus sordida praeda bonos. Nam quae male parta domi accumulantur nihil salutis habent.  by a little forbearance, to suffer their unhallowed sums to increase, for the better obtaining afterwards of my whole Estate to themselves, then by any ways meddling with my rents, in a tumultuous time, to bring me the sooner in a capacity of enjoying my own, through the diminution of my Father's debts, by their receivings. This pit they digged for me, which that they should fall into themselves were both just and equitable.  


In Flagitatores. Ep. 1.  
Tros quondam Aeneas Harpyas, virginis ora,  
Atque ungues volucrum vidit habere truces.  
Namque fame rabidus dum littore prandia sumit,  
Omnia foedarunt vel rapuere viro.  
Creditor his similis, perturbans omnia, pacem  
Nullam vicini qui sinit esse sui.  
Harpiae proprios certant defendere fines,  
Ille tamen pejor namque aliena rapit.   

Alterum.  
Non satis apparet cur nomina creditor omnis  
Accipit à credo: res ratione vacat,  
Debuerat potius vocitari incredulus, et sic  
Sortiri merito nomina digna suo,  
Esse avidus nullum nam credit in aethere numen,  
Nec quenquam fidum Creditor esse virum.     

The Scope Of the fourth BOOK, entitled CHRYSEOMYSTES.  
THe Author having in the two preceding Books, very orderly proceeded from the manifestation of the huge log of Flagitators, lying in his way, to the displaying of pregnant reasons, why the said impediment should be removed, for the weal of the whole Isle, whose Literature by his endeavours he is to improve; In this fourth Book of his Introduction, he maketh mention of another block, which, though not of so immense a bulk, ought nevertheless, for its repugnancy with the proposed end, be as well laid aside, as the former, and that is the unjust decrees, wherewith the Presbyterian Commission hath robbed him of a great deal of his rents. He for compendiousness sake, begins with the figure of Apophasis, to say he intends not to expostulate for the injury sustained by that Kirkomanetick tyranny, which despoiled him of his right of Patronage to his Churches, and from thence descendeth to a plain Narration, how contrary to an established Union by Act of Parliament, and in opposition to seven relevant reasons, to any one whereof they would not deign to make answer, the Commission of the Kirke; without giving any hearing to the Author's advocats, discerned one of his good Priests, to have an augmentation out of his patrons, rents, though equivalent to as much more, as was possessed by his Predecessor in that Church; and the Churches of the other Parish (in spite of both Law & Reason) to be disunited, & to each of the Ministers thereof, more stipend mortified, thou to them both formerly was thought to be sufficient. This is one of the chips of the block of Presbyterial Government, which because the violent assertors thereof would by a pretended jure divino authority pertinaciously obtrude upon our consciences, and co-essentiat it in the object of our Faith, with the most orthodox Ecclesiastical doctrine, the Author very civilly, without falling upon the common School-controversies, twists out a discourse concerning Fables, Sorcerers, and distracted people, wherein, they will be found as erroneous in their opinions, as in their rule, oppressive. The Author desires to have the prolixity of the disgression for this cause excused, that who would encounter with such an adversary, must step a little aside to cope with him aright. He walks in no known tract, his actions are arbitrary, and passion directs his motions: and where he finds evasions suitable to his hypocrisy, Proteus never transformed himself into so many shapes, as he will do for his own ends. What the Author speaks of the devotion of his Ancestors, before the Nativity of our Saviour, and when afterwards the only Romish Faith was embraced by them: Of the antiquity of his Tenandrie, and their skilfulness in the Ceremonies of pristine Sacrifice: Of vindicating old customs from the aspersions of Neoterick Sciolists, and maintaining the ingeniosity of Fables: Of the consistence of Poetical Fictions with true Divinity, and sympathy 'twixt old and new Rome in their Rites and Mysteries of Religion: and Lastly, of Hypocondriack, and Fanatical brains, and the great perpetrations of horrible unjustice in Scotland, by the too frequent mistakes of their diseases, is to no other purpose; but in view of the Courteous Reader, to career his Spirits along the bounds, the rigid Presbyter would not have to be trod upon: and to make that Judicatory perceive, to whom he makes his appeal, how unfit it were, that any consistorian veil should darken the light of his Elucubrations. After all, he closeth with the covetousness, and inflexibility of the selfish Kirkist, which as it is connexed with foregoing passages, to the discretion of the gentle peruser cannot come unseasonably.   

The fourth Book OF THE INTRODUCTION ENTITLED CHRYSEOMYSTES, OR The covetous Preacher. WHEREIN The rigour of the Scotish Kirk, beyond that of the Churches in former ages, is shown to have very much obstructed the Author's design, in the emission of this new Idiom, and other Tractates of that nature.  
1. HEre I omit the Kirks denuding me of my Heritable right of Patronage to the Churches of the Shire, whereof my Predecessors have above these two decades of Ages been both Hereditary Sheriffs and sole proprietaries: as likewise to make mention of the five Chalders rend of additional stipend, any year worth 500 l. Scotch, which the Minister of Cromartie hath now, more than his foregoing Incumbent in that Charge did enjoy.  
2. I will only speak a word or two of my two other Churches, which when separated in former times, and those of late too, had but 300 l. Scotch of allowance betwixt them both, which nevertheless was a great matter then in proportion to the little stock whence it was to be educed; and therefore together with other more relevant causes, were by a commission to that effect by the Parliament then sitting in the year 1617. united into one, and ordained after the decease of either of the two, that then preached in them, to have the cure of them, served singly by the Survivor, and so consecutively from one another, by one alone.  

Presbyter in mundo non est qui dicit abundo.  3. But when the stipauctionarie tide, immediately after the Duke of Hamilton's unlucky engagement, begun to overflow the Land, and that I thought with sufficient Bulwarks of good argument to have stayed the inundation thereof, from the two foresaid half Churches I was violently driven, 
Clericus annosus lic●timb●r●s: furiosus, non possit prunam dum drachmam suscipit unam.  like a feather before a whirlwind, notwithstanding all my defences, to the sanctuary of an enforced patience.  
4. For though I did put in these subsequent reasons, against the disuniting, and adjectitious provision of the aforesaid two Churches.  
First, that both parishes together are but three miles long, and one of the churches thereof (called the Kirk of Cullicudden) seated in the middle (or near by) so that the dwelling house of the remotest parishioner of either of the parishes, will not be above a mile and a half distant from that church, and yet within 40 miles of that place, and that in a plain country, there are of those whose dwelling house in the parish, is sixteen miles distant from the parish Kirk.  
5. Secondly, that there are not thirty six ploughs labouring in both, and when acknowledged to be united, they shall be found the least parish in the Country, both for rent, people, and bounds.  
6. Thirdly that these two have been but one parish (by all appearance) from the beginning; for Cullicudden is built after the fashion of a Church, but that other (now called Kirkmichel) is in its edifice like but to a Chapel.  
7. And forsooth, it was nothing else but a Chapel, which one of my predecessors, in the time, that the Romish Religion was universally professed in Scotland, caused to be built for his own ease of devotion.  
8. For having a pretty summer dwelling adjacent thereto, within the precinct of the parish of Cromartie, and three miles distant from the church thereof, he choosed rather, then weekly to go so far to hear mass, and other such liturgies, as, on the Sundays, and many festival days, are amongst the Catholic Romans till this hour in use, to be at the charge of that petty Fabric, and the maintenance of a Chaplain, whereby, with the less labour to exercise his devotion at his own doors.  
9 and in testimony thereof, my father, not thinking it should have been at any time destinated for a parish Church, but a place only for preaching, with the more ease to the auditory caused make it as much longer as it was before, which evidently showeth, it being the shortest church as yet in all the country, that it could not at first have been but a Chapel.  
10. Nor is it to be thought strange, why my Ancestors of late have been pleased to expend so much on structures, to a religious end; seeing as my father, who was the first protestant that ever was of our house bestowed the charge of the additional length of the half of the whole of that chapel, which now they call a Kirk, and as some of my progenitors, bestowed all those lands in the parochin of Rose Marknie which now are in the Possession of Robert Leslie of Finrasie upon the Bishop Dean and Chapter of Ross, and that others of them were at the cost of building the churches of Cromartie and Cullicudden, and many other monuments, betokening their zeal to the Romish faith then professed: so amongst their forefathers, were there severals of our family, who before the days of Christ, in the same foresaid parishes, founded many Temples, delubres, and fanes, for sacrificing in the groves, and high places to Jupiter, Juno, Mars, Pallas, Mercury, Venus and Diana, the relics whereof are as yet in my Land obvious to the eye of any curious antiquary, and so much extant till this day as by the circulary oval, Triangulary, or square figure, together with the various manner in situation of the stones, will to an intelligible Mythologist, and well versed in rites of old, make it easily discernible, to which of the Heathenish deities the respective dedication was made.  
11. That in my bounds should be seen remainders of so great antiquity, is much: yet is it more to have them in a Country so remote from the territories of the Theonomothets, and Legislators of the divinity of the Ancient Poets; but most strange of all it is, that in my Lands should be found of those, who (though they can neither read nor write) will nevertheless be able to exchange discourse with any, concerning the Nature of the Heathenish deities, and afford pertinent reasons for the variety of Sacrifices, and other circumstantial points usual to be performed in the days of old.  
12. I asked them how they came by this knowledge, they told me, that their fathers taught them it, who had it from their progenitors, unto whom (say they) it was derived from their first forefathers, that accompanied my predecessors Alypos, Beltistos, Nomostor, Astioremon and Lutork in their aboriginarie acquest of the Land of their Ancestors residence, and in this their relation, they were so punctually exact, that some of them by Nomenclature, in a Lineal pedigree from Father to Son, of above threescore several persons, instructed their dependence upon our family, in one and the same Land, three hundred years before the days of our Saviour.  
13. That this is very probable, and that none hath a more ancient Tenandrie than myself, I do the rather believe it, that both history, and the most authentic tradition we have, avoucheth the first Labourers, and manurers of that Land, to have come along with my ancestors Beltistos, Nomoster and Lutork, and for their good service done, especially to the last of those three, received Leases thereupon in the quality of yeoman's, who were so well pleased with what they got▪ that after they had most contentedly spent the best of their age, when decrepit years did summon them to pay their last due to nature, they bequeathed unto their children the hereditary obedience they did owe their master, to whom they left their blessing, and best wishes.  
14. Which proved so effectual in advancing obsequiousness on the one side, and protection on the other, that in his posterity they were most fortunate, from generation to generation, and so deeply engaged to each, in the long continuate succession of our house, that the children of their children, in a subsecutive progress of Dad to Brat, and Sire to Suckling, have, till this hour, through so vast a flux of time, remained tenanciarie enjoyers for pay of those their respective rooms, without any interruption of assedation, or breach of Lease, which, at the expiring of any 5 years' end, might (unwronged the late possesser) have been bestowed on any other.  
15. I have Farmers, who, albeit neither they, their Fathers, nor forefathers ever paid to me, or any of my predecessors, above fifteen pounds' sterlin a year, dwell nevertheless in the self same house, which hath been inhabited by their Ancestors, from parent to child, above nine hundred years together, though none of them ever yet had a lease for above five years.  
16. But of such; as have removed a furlong, or two from the place of their progenitors abode, there are that can reckon, in their own familiar pedigree, a row of antecessors who have dwelled in that country above a thousand years beyond that time.  
17. Although this constancy of residence be commendable, yet doth it carry along with it this disadvantage, that the progeny of these firm abiders, is always of a small extent, for the most part, as may appear by seven or eight several surnames, in two parishes of my Land, whereof scarce one was ever heard of in any other place of the world.  
18. The reason hereof proceedeth from that, when at first (after the manner of the plantation of the Israelites in the Palestine each Tribe by itself) my predecessor had assigned to every family a part, it's own allotted parcel of ground, they very suddenly took such deep root therein, that to their successors they left an irremovable ascriptitiarinesse to the soil in which they had been ingraffed.  
19 Each Hamlet by that means, decenarie, or Wapentake (to use the Saxon word) having its peculiar Clan (as we call it) or name of a Kindred, none whereof will from that portion of Land, budge with his will to any other, upon never so great advantages offered unto him, the interflitting from one parish to another, though conterminal, being of such a mutual displeasingness, that all, and each of them esteem of it, as of an extrusive proscription to the Barbadoss, or depulsorie exile to Malagask.  
20. It is amongst such of both sexes, that are found some Philarchaean Zelots, whose pristin, and breborian customs, ●avouring of superstition, manifest great antiquity, many of them endeavour the prosecuting of good ends with an upright intention by exolet, and Palephasian means utterly exploded: which seccessive course of sanctimonial duty hath successively been followed by many with such inveterate proneness, that some of our Neoterick sacricolaries, have been much scandalised at the hereditariness thereof.  
21. We, for being Christians, aught to avow that those ways (although such as were trod upon with great observancy by the ancient Gentiles) should nevertheless, for deviating from the straight paths of the present profession of the Country, be nothing at all relied upon; because they were excogitated by the only wit of man: so for the same reason and faith we owe to him, who is the truth as well as the way, should all of us endeavour to be upright in our judgement, and not to determine rashly of a fault, but to consider thereof according to the nature of its delinquency, without aspersing it with the guilt of another crime.  
22. To punish a Fornicator for murder, or a Thief for Fornication, is an act of injustice; because the first begetteth rather than kills, and the other rather takes than gives; and to chastise one for an offence, which he hath not committed, is a mere oppressing of the innocent: for that whatever secret sin he have, that may deserve it from above, it is without any cause▪ known to him that inflicts the Correction  
23. So is it, that we may esteem that censure unreasonable, and injurious, which imputes to Sorcery what merely proceeds from the frivolous practice of poetical divinity; and and that scholar, a bad proficient, that is mistaken in the exercise of that whereof in the Schools he was taught the speculation.  
24. I have heard of a silly old Wife, who for doing some pretty feats (wherein she had been instructed by her mother) according to a prescript manner set down in some of the Verses of Homer, whom neither of them had the skill to peruse, but had learned the contents from their Progenitrices upwards, through many ages, was branded with the imputation of having the concomitancy of a Demon, and accused of witchcraft, by him, who, being a professor of the Greek, whipped a boy, for not getting these verses by heart, it being the Task, that was enjoined him for a days Lesson, as if the Devil had been more assistant to the operation, than the Theory, and that it had been lawful for them to study, what was felony for others to enact.  
25. Amongst this meaner sort of people, there are some, who tenaciously cleaving to their frets of old, do very often repair at set times to Fountains, Oak-trees, little round Hillocks, and great stone heaps, where, with preconceived words, and motions befitting the service, they do things truly not approvable, because unwarranted by the best religionaries of the time, yet that there is charm, fascination, enchantment, infernal assistance, or any thing else more, then mere custom in them, may safely be denied; for that in the choicest of the ancient of the both Greek, and Latin Poets, are couched, in set terms words, expressive of all the points of that Poetical Liturgy.  
26. Who doubteth hereof, let him read Homer, Virgil, Theocrit, Hesiod, Pindar, Aristophanes, Ovid, Claudian, Horace, Martial, and others, which if he do not, his laziness to peruse these books, should not be of such prevalency over our credulity, as to make us believe, that others do devilishly, because he knoweth not what it is they do; otherwise (as is said in the 30th Article of this first book) the Lesbian rule of the various degrees of ignorance, would be the sole directory, to the overthrow of knowledge.  
27. According to the unstreightness of which canon square, or pattern, in what country soever it shall happen, men of eminent condition for place, and fortune (whose example usually is the only Line and Level, whereby the multitude, and body of the people is ordered, both in their Lives and opinions) to be so regulated, as implicitly to follow such leaders, and, without any further examination, to ply as they bow, jog as they wag, redandruate as they ampirvat, and every way bestir themselves after their motions, more constantly in that their inconstancy then the rising of the billows of the Sea, at the boisterous and impetuous thuds of a raging Boreas: There is nothing more infallible than that a country, Kingdom, or Common-weal sick of the ablepsy of such an epidemical sectatorship, (of which disease, incivility, malice, usury, ignorance and hypocrisy are the ordinary symptoms) must needs by the frequency of its convulsions against reason, equity, and conscience (though under pretext of a Law) perish, and be ruined at last, either by the violence and fury of a foreign enemy, or by intestine broils, and commotions within itself, or by both together: so dangerous a thing it is, wilfully to hudwink the mind, & blind-man-bufed, in the propatularie view of a meridian sun, as if we were quoquoversedly muffled, in the sable mantle of Cimmerian darkness.  
28. It is a bad acquital we give the ancients of great Literature, for their pains taking to civilize our manners, and instruct our minds in all the choicest, and most researched mysteries of Learning, and true Philosophy, by the lovely, sweet, and curious allurements of poetical devises, to twit them with the name of Devils, fiends, and infernal spirits.  
29. Whether it be so or no, I appeal to all the judicious Mythologists of this age, whereof some being most eminent in their knowledge of Theology and of choice literature in other commendable faculties, have in their learned Writings made most evidently appear, what sacred rays of true divinity, lie hid in those excellent fables of old.  
30. Such as say, that fables are lies, and therefore, not unlike to have proceeded from the deceiver, and father of lies understand not well what belongs to truth, and deerogate much, from the most authentic writings of any, wherein allegories, parables, and apologues are almost every where obvious to the reader's perusal.  
31. Complexed truth is in affirmation, and negation, which in matter of signs enun●ed of one another, hath its plenary signification in the things by them signified, as when we say, man is reasonable, we mean not that the word man, is the word reasonable, but that the thing, for which the word man suppones, hath reason in it.  
32. Even so is it in a fable, where the epimythie, or morality thereof is supposed to be signified by the words, and not the literal sense, which by them is expressed, but in actu signato (as it were) and not exercito.  
33. As the Fables in Aesop of the Wolf, and the Lamb, the Lion and Mouse, the Frog, and the Ox, the Grasshopper, and the Pismire, the Bull, and the Goat, the Dove, and the Magpie, the Eagle, and the Raven, the Cuckoo, and the Hawk, the Bee, and the Bear, the Dog, and the Sheep, the Stork and the Fox, are verified in their Epimythetical sense: by some great men's oppressing of the innocent: by the thankful retribution of a received favour: by the ruin that Pride brings upon the arrogant man: by the advantage of careful industry, beyond wanton idleness: by kicking against those their betters, whom misfortune suppresseth: by the hazard that many good men run, to be deceived: by undertaking things foolishly beyond their power: by keeping themselves wisely within bounds: by the patience rather to endure somewhat, then in being revenged to suffer more: by the huge prejudice, which false witnessing bringeth upon many: and by the great delight we oftentimes conceive in clinching, and retorting jeers, jests, and pranks; all which to avow not to be as truly expressed, by that affabulatory manner of speech, as by a plain historical enarration of the purpose deciphered by it, is to ascribe less vigour to the rays of the Sun at noon, in an estival Solstice, then when in Capricorn he is merely horizontal.  
34. As in copious Languages, there are several words made use of, for setting forth one and the same thing to our understandings, whereof nevertheless each apart is a sufficient sign, for its representation, though not with such embellishment: so should we dissever truths from elocutions framed in this kind of way, we would open a door to the destruction of eloquence, by banishing from our discourse all figurative utterance, in the delicious variety of Tropes and Schemes.  
35. There are more ways to the wood, than one, (as the common saying is) and from the circumference to the centre, may be drawn infinite lines, whereof nevertheless, not any can fall perpendicularly on the Basis, save one: yet is the obliquity of any of those radial lines, the less, the nearer it approach the perpendicular, and so much the greater, the less that the angle be, which with the Basis it comprehendeth.  
36. Just so, there being one sole God omnipotent upon whom the conservation of the whole world dependeth, which is the ground work, and Basis, whence is erected that perpendicular of perfection, and true knowledge attained unto by the only saints in heaven, and celestial hierarchies, there proceedeth from the circumference of the duty of man, an innumerable diversity of religious Sects, and faiths, tending all, and each of them very cordially to the aforesaid Basis of incomprehensible goodness, whereof there is not one, that, by reason of humane frailty commixed with it, declineth not a little from that orthogonal straightness, which in the Theocathetoes is required.  
37. However, there is nothing more sure, then that as the more amply by Learning, and integrity of heart, the acute angle (to call it so) of a profession be dilated, it will prove the more orthodoxical, so the greater deflexion, that by wickedness, and ignorance it be brought to from the proposed uprightness, it will be the less warrantable.  
38. By which account, although all be directed to one end, yet because of the imperfections which anavulsibly adhere to the soul, whilst it remains invested with mortality, there being none of them without some blemish, the difference only is in more, and less; better, and worse.  
39 Nevertheless, albeit in every state almost there be a discrepance in the manner of regulating the consciences of the people, yet without any danger of heresy, may the mysteries of one and the same devotion be displayed unto us, after several fashions, as the variety of the signs taketh not away the unity of the thing, that is represented by them.  
40. The Trumpet encourageth Troops of horse, the same is done by Kettledrums: the foot is animated by the Tambour, and with our Highlanders, the Bagpipes effectuates every whit as much. The mahometans repair no faster to their Mosques, at the voice of La ilha, illa alha, which calleth them thereto, than we do to our Churches, at the knell of the Bell, though of an inarticulat sound.  
41. If the thing be the same, which is signified, as likewise the conception we have of that thing, although the signs be various, which to that our conception do represent it: Whereat is it (I pray you) that we startle? Is not the sacred Word interpreted as well anagogically, as literally; and allegorically, as well as after any of the other ways, yet are all the said expositions accounted authentic, and the same authority attributed to each.  
42. It is evident to such, as will look out with their own eyes, that the first instituters of Fables, which admit of a Physical, as well as Moral sense, did in their plurality of gods, aim at the knowledge and worship of one only divinity, in whose perfection they conceived all other deities to concentre, as substantial qualities flowing from his virtue, power, and goodness.  
43. Do not ourselves affirm, That all that truly can be said of God, is God himself; because of his simplicissime abstractednesse, pure act, and substance, void of all matter and composition: and yet what is more commonly said amongst our Theologs, then that many are the attributes of God, which kind of speech they maintain to be necessary, for our better understanding; hence the word, Anthropopathy, a descending to the capacity of man.  
44. God is just, he is loving powerful he is, and wise: yet all, and each of those qualities in the Abstract belonging to him, are God himself. Astraea, Cupid, Mars, and Apollo, by the pristin Poets have been made, by a Metonymical trope, to stand concretively for the divulsives of the justice, love, power, and wisdom of God: not much unlike to the second notions, to which we grant an objective existence in the mind.  
45. That the Heathen did believe in the unity of the Godhead, is also apparent by this, that all their deities of both sexes, were in consanguinity, and affinity with Jupiter; which is as much to say, as that all power, virtue, goodness, and efficacy, proceeds from God.  
46. Neptune was esteemed the power of God, in the Seas: Minerva, the power of God, in Learning: Pluto, the power of God, in subterranean concavities: Baecchus, in Wine: Ceres, in Corn: Nemesis, in revenge: and so through all, whatever may concern Gods efficacious working, in relation either to the quality, whence it floweth, the subject, that receives it, or place, wherein it operateth; by emanation, or any other kind of production.  
47. To make use therefore, either in our discourse or writings of the words Bellona, Hebe, Aeolus, Mercury, Aphrodite, Hercules, Pan, Saturn, Hymen, and so forth through the whole List of Poetical terms, for warfare, youth, wind, eloquence, lust, virtue, the universe, time, virginity; and almost all that is of any importance, either for subsisting by its self, or qualifying of us, doth so little derogate from the purity of our Religion, that (in my opinion) our manners are improved by it, our Language enriched, and, by virtue of Rethorical tropes suggesting to our minds two several things at once, the spirits of such as are studious of Learning, filled with a most wonderful delight.  
48. And why should not Greek and Latin words of so sublime expression, obtain acceptance in this our English tongue, when many ultramarine terms of very low consideration, and vernacularie in our neighbour Nations, receive admittance in it.  
49. Ruitmaster, Ruit, Plunder, and Proveant are Dutch; yet have we made them English; the French words of Parole, Cavalleer, Van, Rear, are now by us spoke usually: We have likewise made perfect English of the Spanish words, Junto, Begotero, Balcone, Montera: as also of those Italian ones, Piazza, Montebanco, Curvetti, Ciarlatano, with many moe both of these, and other Languages, which luxurious wits of foreign education, for the greater emphasis, have obtruded upon their maternal idiom.  
50. Nay I will go further, by those excellent fancies is so curiously embellished the doctrine of both the Law, and Gospel, that in a Book entitled Mystagogus Poeticus, written by Mr. Alexander Rosse, you may find how prettily, God is represented by Apollo, by Atlas, by Jupiter, by Neptune, by Prometheus; his Spirit by Boreas, and his Word by Ariadne: How Christ is the true Aesculapius, and how vively he is evidenced by Amphion, by Apollo, by Aristaeus, by Aurora, by Bacchus, by Bellerophon, by Cadmus, by Ganymed, by the Genii, by Hercules, by Mercury, by Minerva, by Neptune, by Orpheus, by Perseus, by Prometheus and by Theseus: How Christians are expressed by Hercules, by jason, by Sphinx, and by Ulysses; And how lastly, the Church is signified and set forth by Atlas, by Ceres, by Diana, and by Jason's Ship.  
51. And all this by the elucubrations of that worthy Gentleman Master Alexander Rosse, whose praise in that late Book set forth by me, in vindication of the honour of Scotland, I thought expedient not to omit.  
52. That the Catholic Romans have constantly, and as yet do, after the manner of the learned Paynims of old, most heartily relish variety of consecrations, plurality of invocations, and adoring one and the same thing, under a great diversity of titles, is apparent by the several names of Churches, huge Legend of Saints, and different dedications to one deity as of one edifice to Christ the redeemer, and of another to Christ the mediator, of one to our Lady of help, and of another to our Lady of mercy: even as the warlike Romans devoted their temples to Iupiter Feretrius; and Jupiter Stator: to Diana Lucina, and Diana Fluina.  
54. In this likewise they agree, that amongst the Heathenish Philosophers, there were many sects, such as Stoics, Academics, Peripatetics, Pythagoreans, and Cynics, and amongst those we call Papists, there are divers orders of Monks, Friars, Thomists, and Scotists: subdivivided again into Ecclesiastical incorporations, such as Cordeliers, Recollects, Succolants, Capuchins, Fucillans, jacobins, Dominicans, Augustins, jesuits, Teatins, Oratorians, Benedictins, Cartusians, Carmelists, and many other of that Nature, discrepant more in name, than opinion; in habit then profession.  
55. That there is great unformity in both doctrine, and discipline betwixt the Churches of the Ancient, and Modern Romans, will never be denied by any, that having applied his mind to the Philosophical Poesy of the one, and scholastic divinity of the other, is well versed in the rites of both.  
56. And truly, there is so great knowledge wrapped under the vail of that affabulatorie divinity of old, that not to believe in the truth of many points thereof, will argue as much senselessness, and stupiditrie in him, that is so incredulous, as it can of miscreance, and infidelity in the person of any, that would question the infallible events of the most authentic revelations of the other.  
57 It is said by them, that Saturn was the son of Coelus, and Thetis, that he devoured all his children, save Jupiter, Juno, Neptune, and Pluto, that he disgorged them again; and after he devirilised Coelum, was expelled his kingdom by Jupiter.  
58. And say not we the same, though in other words, whilst we avouch, that time is measured by the motion of the heavens, and ebbing and flowing of the Sea: that the Elementary, and mixed bodies are corruptible, whilst the Elements themselves in their purest Natures are not so: that the corruption of one thing is the generation of another: that there can be no more worlds but one: and that it lieth not in the power of time to limit the duration of the celestial influences, in all which it seems that the Ancients did philosophate pretty handsomely.  
59 Had they remained there, it had been well, but when they begun to adulterate that knowledge with superstition, & out of conscience, to immolate the bloody sacrifices of young Infants, upon the altars of Saturn; then was it that their profession became detestable to all the civil men in the world, and what was commendable therein, even abhorred; because of its intermixture with so much wickedness.  
60. Yet is it the part of wise men to sever the good from the bad, and without any relation to times, to adhere to what of itself is rightest, and to account that religion damnable (what ever it be) that destroyeth mutual duties, and authorizeth cruelty.  
61. The Poets say, that Vulcan was the son of Jupiter, and Juno; that he was lame, that he was thrust out of heaven, that he was fostered by Thetis, and the sea Nymphs, that he had Venus, and Aglaia to his wives, that the semence, wherewith he thought to have imbued Minerva, had its diffluence on the earth; and that he was the smith, who made the armour of the Gods.  
62. And do not we, though in other terms, affirm the same, whilst we say, that fiery meteors are begot in the air, by the motion, heat, and influence of heaven: that the flame of our fire ascends not in a straight line, but crookedly: that lightning, and thunderbolts fall out of the air upon the earth: that natural heat is entertained by radical moisture, and the ignean mixtures in the second region by Marine exhalations: that beauty, light, and splendour are concomitant with the heat of fire: that heaven, for being pure from the commistion of elementary qualities, remaineth still a Virgin, in spite of that natural heat, which diffused on terrestrial things, maketh them fruitful in generation: and that natural heat is the armour, and defence of our life, by which we are preserved from our destruction, our life, and motion ceasing, when it is gone, now what can be said against this, but that their way of expression is somewhat more figurative, and eloquent.  
63. The ancient Heathens did assever that Bacchus was the Son of Jupiter, and Semele: saved out of her ashes, when Jupiter in his coit had burnt her with thunder, that he was cherished in his Father's thigh, nourished by the Hyadeses; bred in Egypt; and afterwards conquered the Indians; that he had both a Virgin and a bull's face; was sometimes Male sometimes Female; now with a beard, anon without one: that he was worshipped on the same altar with Minerva, and accompanied by the Muses: that whilst he was a Child Mercury carried him to Macris, the daughter of Aristaeus, to have his lips anointed with honey: that he slew the serpent Amphisbena, that virgins were his priests, himself painted naked, and the Magpie consecrated to him: that he was turned into a Lion, was called Liber, and Dyonisius, and the first that made bargains: that he was three years with Proserpina, and that he was torn by the Titans, buried, and revived again.  
64. Though this relation seem a little fabulous, yet do we maintain the truth thereof, whilst we affirm, that the Vine tree by the influence of a warm air produceth grapes: that ashes are excellent dung for Vines: that the best wine is where the soil is hot, subject to thunder, and where the trees are parched with the rays of the Sun: that Egypt is a fit climate for that Liquor; that moisture maketh it prosper very much: and that the Indians were very temulencious Symposiasts: that there is a huge difference, and almost incredible betwixt the effects of wine moderately, and immoderately taken: that wine drunk with mediocrity conduceth much to wisdom, and Learning, and refineth our wits with eloquence, which bringeth us to a felicity of expressing ourselves most sweetly, in the best things that are: that wine killeth sorrow, utterly banisheth it from all jovial congrecations, in pulling from it the sting at both ends of melancholy, wherewith both the beginning, and closure of all commensall meetings are for the most part stung, without this Lyaean liquor: that sometimes wine makes men effeminate, prompts them to reveal secrets, and oftentimes occasioneth much prating: that many times it inrageth those that drink it: that it maketh men to talk freely, and stirreth up the mind to high attempts: that commonly it is in taverns that men are aptest to bargain-making, when they are well whittled with Septembral juice: that it will be three years before the Vine tree can come to its full perfection and that its twigs cut off, and set in the earth will afterwards bring forth good and sufficient grapes.  
65. Do not both these ways tend to the signifying of the self same conception of one and the same thing? truly they do: Yet is it with this discrepance, that our conceit thereof is naked and bare, and theirs apparelled with an expression of more pomp and stateliness.  
66. To run after this manner albeit in never so percursorie a way, through the remainder of what is extant of this kind of enveloped Philosophy, would require a Treatise of a greater bulk, than these few miscellany schedules are able to enclose.  
67. Yet is it a thousand pities, that the knowledge of all Arts, and Sciences, both Practical and Theoretic, having been very ingeniously shrouded, by the learned men of Old, under the most gorgeous cover of Poetical fancies, there should not of that precious Mantle now be seen, so much as the ten thousandth part; too severe innovators by an ubiquitary conflagration, having devoured the rest.  
68 Truly I lament it, and could wish from my heart, that the divers exquisite books written on that subject, by Orphee, Musaeus, Linus, Phurnutus, Palaephat the Stoic, Dorothee, Evanthes, Heraclit of Pontus, Silent of Chio, Anticlides, Evartes, Zenon, Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and several thousands compiled by other Authors, which have been lost these many hundred years ago; whereof I believe some were amongst those of curious arts, mentioned in the nineteenth of the Acts, were at this time obvious to our perusal.  
69. I say not this to undervalue other books, for the Spirit of God hath taught us, that the two Testaments of the Law, and Gospel do far excel them: but only to give you to understand, that Diamonds are not the worse, they be inchassed in Gold; nor a Patacoon to be rejected, because a Portugal ducat is better.  
70. Yet may the Oro de Tibar, and Plata de Peru, which are the best gold, and silver that are any where; that, being of 24 Carats (or Quilates, as they call them there) and this full twelve-pennie fine, abate much of their proper value, by being allayed with base metal; there being nothing admits of mixture, which is not capable of being adulterated.  
71. And likewise the unskilfulness of the receiver, may contribute much to the undervaluing of very good coin, as I have seen by some the Cross dolar of a Hanse Town (because of its circular shape) preferred to a Spanish Ryal of Eight, of a Polygonal Form; the insufficiency, by the touchstone of the eye, consisting in the figure.  
72. Even so have these melliffluently relishing devises, sustained great detriment in the estimation of many, partly by reason of the blind superstiion of some pusillanimous Zelots, addicted to that kind of devotion: and on the other part, because of the uncharitable mistakes therein of some supercilious coxcombs, who avoiding to be instructed aright, are every jot as peremptory in their doom, as they are certain in their unskilfulness.  
73. Both which, the one, for depraving a thing by the intermixture of some badness with it, and the other, for condemning that as ill, whereof he knows not the goodness, are like the Syrteses, and Symplegades: or Rocks, and Quicksands of error, to be shunned by those, that would sail into the haven of truth.  
74. As for myself, I never yet had such prejudicated averseness from old Tenets, nor implicit adherence to new positions, whither at home, or abroad, but that I always thought it most beseeming one of a liberal education, to keep the middle course that tends to truthwards, without regard to either pristin, or modern opinion; Ephestian, or Exotic.  
75. Which resolution of mine, to hold on in an even path to what is rightest, without straying to either side, begot such opposition in others, to whose conduct I was loath to deliver up my judgement, that because of fascination, incubation, succubation, peragration with fairies, and other such communication with foul spirits, I had openly purged many of both sexes, whom they esteemed guilty, I was forthwith reputed an obstinate assertor of erroneous doctrine, and that with the greater vehemency of bitterness, that I who was but raw, young, and lately come from my travels, would not without examination give trust to aged men of long experience, albeit in matters contrary to both common sense, and reason.  
76. Yet as a child (though but of ten years old) is not obliged to believe it is dark, when the Sun shines, although a man of threescore should swear it to him: so such weak arguments à testimonio having never been of great prevalency with me, I caused send for one of either sex, that were supposed Rivals in Diabolical venery, the male, with the succub; and the female with the incub And after I had spoken kindly to them in generals, I entreated them with all gentleness possible, to tell me freely, whether it was so, orno, as it was reported of them, (the Reader must understand, that these two knew not other, and that it was not at one time, nor in one place, that I thus examined them) their answer was (for they were not suspicious of any harm from me) that it was true enough, yet wished because of their so ingenuous confession, that I would be pleased never to bear testimony against them; I promised to do so, but withal considering how, in all other incident purposes, they were always every whit as pertinent, as any what ever man or woman else of their condition, I straight conceived there might be a crack in their imagination.  
77. The young man was two and twenty years old, very bashful, yet prone to lasciviousness, and a handsome youth: she was some five and twenty, nothing so pleasant as he, and had it not been for a little modesty that restrained her, a very sink of lust: All this I perceived at the first view, and therefore the better to try an experiment thereon, I commanded, at the time they were in my Father's house, an insomniatorie and exoniretick potion, for stirring up of a libidinous fancy, to be given unto each of them: I also directed one of my Footboys to attend the woman, with all possible respect, and outward show of affection; the like I required of one of my mother's Chambermaids, to be done in behalf of the young man: which injunctions of mine were by these two servants with such dexterity prosecuted, that the day after each their night's repose, of those two hypochondriacks, which happened to be within a month of one another, when I had called for them, and after I had fairly insinuated myself into their minds by a smooth discourse, asked whether, that night as formerly, they had in their bodies felt any carnal application of the fowl spirit, or if they did, in what likeness they received him: To this both of them made answer, That of all the nights which ever they had enjoyed, it was that night respectively, wherein unto them both the spirit was most entirely communicative in feats of dalliance, and that in the representation of the Boy, and Chambermaid, whom I had appointed to wait on them, as they went to bed.  
78. This ingenuous declaration of theirs confirmed me in my former opinion, which with more degrees of certainty increased, when I heard that within a short while after, the imagination of two, had turned to a fornication of four: for which, though I caused to punish them all, the Fantasiasts were thereby totally cured, who (becoming afterwards Yoke-mates in wedlock to the two servants of our house) were in all times coming sound enough in fancy, and never any more disquieted with such like apprehensions.  
79. In these the cure proved easy, but in many that kind of disease taketh such deep root, that no remedy can prevail. I saw at Madrid a bald-pated fellow, who believed he was Julius Caesar, and therefore went constantly on the streets with a Laurel Crown on his head: and another at Toledo▪ who would not adventure to go abroad, unless it were in a Coach, Chariot, or Sedane, for fear the heavens should fall down upon him.  
80. I likewise saw one in Saragosa, who imagining himself to be the lawful King of Arragon, went no where without a Sceptre in his hand; and another in the Kingdom of Granada, who believed he was the valiant Cid, that conquered the Moors.  
81. At Messina in Sicily, I also saw a man, that conceived himself to be the great Alexander of Macedon, and that in a ten years' space he should be master of all the territories, which he subdued: but the best is, that the better to resemble him, he always held his neck awry, which naturally was straight and upright enough; and another at Venice, who imagined he was Sovereign of the whole Adriatic Sea, and sole owner of all the ships, that came from the Levant.  
82. Of men that fancied themselves to be women, beasts, trees, stones, pitchers, glass, angels, and of women whose strained imaginations have fall'n upon the like extravagancies, even in the midst of fire, fortune, and the extremest pains, there is such variety of examples, amongst which I have seen some at Rome, Naples, Florence, Genua, Paris, and other eminent Cities, that to muitlply any more words therein, were to load your ears with old wives tales, and the trivial tattle of idly employed, and shallow brained humerists.  
83 Thus am I forced to deliver my opinion, in opposition to some of our Kirkists, who would burden my conscience with more tenets than are fit for it, and lighten my estate of more money than is due to them. for proof of the latter whereof, as I have already, in refutation of their covetous disjoining of what was legally united, and splitting one parish into two, deduced three pregnant reasons, why the two forementioned Churches should remain as one Church, belonging to one parish, I will in sequel of the sixth Article of the same book say,.  
84. Fourthly, that in the up-lifting of all Taxes, and impositions in former times, these two pretended Churches have been still rated as one parsonage, as the rolls of the stint can sufficiently bear record.  
85. Fifthly, there are in both these pretended parishes, not above three hundred communicants, so that the great charge of souls needeth not much obstruct the union, seeing there is to be found in a shire not far from thence, eight thousand parishioners resorting to one parish Kirk.  
86. Sixthly, that the whole parishioners of both nemine contradicente, did, and do as yet, most unanimously accord to the union.  
87. Seventhly, that to have the union ratified by the General assembly of the Land, as it was passed in the days of King James the sixth, I offered, if another place might be pitched upon more expedient, for the ease of these two half parishes, to cause build a church therein upon my own charges.  
88 Yet for answer to these aforesaid reasons (in my opinion relevant enough) a decreet by the Commission of the kirk, was pronounced against me, in favours of the 2 men serving at the cure of that Kirk and chapel, providing yearly to each of them 4 chalders victual, and 400 marks Scotch in money, besides their Glebe (as they call it) and vicarage: although before that time (by reason of the smallness of the tithes of the Parish) their expectation did never reach to above five chalders rend for both, without any money at all, and that they would have been exceedingly well pleased, to have accepted of less, had they been free of a brotherly suggestion to my prejudice, which for fear of deprivation, they were forced to lay hold on.  
89. With this ecclesiastical pressure, whereby my rents are diminished, another from the same fountain, though of a higher nature, was inflicted on me by a kirk-man, whose covetousness reaching the procurement of an unjust decree, through non defence in my absence, at an inferior court, against four of my especial tenants, for some farms pretended to be due to his mother, as the wife of an ecclesiastical dignary, he prosecuted the action with such indignation, violence, avarice, and extortion, so prevaricatly and contrarily to both divine and humane Laws, that I purposely conceal his name, lest the divulging thereof should prove scandalous to his fellow Labourers in the spiritual Vineyard, for tollerating a man of such oppressive courses, to domineer in the Pulpit, by virtue of a supposed call from God for the preaching of his word.  
90. Many things may be spoken of the unstreight carriage of this man, who, as I am Informed, is about as yet to vex my Tenants in Farnesse as formerly he hath done those of my Towns of Davistone and Pettistone, which if he do, let him assure himself, that I will lay open the wickedness of his disposition to the view of the whole Isle, as perspicuously as his face is weekly apparent to his Parish at Romarkney.  
91. But for the time I will forbear, in hope of his repentance, which no sooner can appear than I shall be apt to forgive, my humour leading me never to insist in twitting any that is not of an obdured spirit, nor had these three Ministers against whom I writ, in that book of mine entitled Exscibalauron sustained the lash of my pen, had they then been sensible of the wrong done me, or acknowledged their faults, as afterwards they did; for, although I had dissimulation, I can upon a cordial remorse for any injury committed, pardon my cruelest, and most inveterate enemy.  
92. Why men that should make profession of Learning, do go about to vex and disquiet me, is most wonderful; seeing it is not unknown to all, that are acquainted with me, that there is none breathing doth more respect and reverence it then I, and that by all appearance I am like (by God's assistance) to give greater proofs thereof to posterity, than any whosoever that hath been, is, or will be ready to display open banner against me.  
93. Bavius and Mavius were both envious of the worth of Virgil, and covetous of his means but although the ruin of Virgil, had acquired them an Empire, yet had not so vast a purchase been able to contrevalue the infamy, which by that one Hexameter, Qui Bavium non odit amet tua carmina Maevi did redound to them both.  
94, I will apply nothing, it being the reader's part some times to infer consequences, where the modesty of the writer will not permit it, but setting forward in the proposed Method, do make account to glance a little at the other branch of the dichotomy, mentioned in the forty second Article of the third book; as very obstructive to the defrayment of private debts, to wit public deuce.  


Epig. Primum.  
Ardochae duri fodiebant arva Coloni,  
Lassabatque graves terrae profunda boves.  
Finrasus invasit: tunc longae rastra quieti  
Tradidit, & non est quo fodiatur ager.  
Scire libet quaenam sit trist is causa rapinae,  
Quid poterant terrae, quid meruisse solum;  
Iphigenia domi nimirum nubilis illi.  
Dotanda est, proprio non tamen illa solo.  
Debita fallaci socero nam Burgius heros  
Detulit, injusta qui rapit arva manu.  
Sponsam ambit juvenis: pater agros ambit, & illi  
Ind Ligone carent: illa Ligone suo.  
Protinus armatas trahit in sua vota cohortes,  
Authores culpae, substituitque suae.  
Arva novo tibi sunt Cromarti danda colono;  
Sic fodietur amans: sic fodietur ager.   

Epig. Secundum.  
Etheiam quondam Patrio Cromartius heros  
Jure habuit, raptam nunc tamen alter habet:  
Ruraque fallaces aluerunt devia vulpes  
Semper & hos laqueo ducere moris erat;  
Sed post quam has sedes cepisti Finrase, paejer  
Incipis his cunctis vulpibus esse lupus.   

Epig. Tertium.  
Ut succum toto morbus de corpore ducit  
Evacuata trahens ossa liquore suo  
Torrida dum tot is concrescant viscera fibris,  
Et subito in rugas cedat adusta cutis  
Divitias populi totas sic Creditor haurit  
Séque unum nummis Hydrope pejor alit  
Argenti venas rimatur & undique quaerit  
Abdita siqua auri gut ta vel una fluit,  
Vos estis medici Patres si dicere fas est  
Vos soli huic morbo ferre potestis opem.   

Epig. Quartum.  
Socratici fertur patientia longa mariti,  
Xantippe lingua clara fuisse tua,  
Ille tuo pulsus clamore obduruit etsi,  
Lingua lacessito est aere sonora magis.  
Huc ades, o venerande senex, tentamina linque,  
Talia virtuti non satis aequa tuae  
Voce sua turbet solum te creditor unus,  
(Sufficiuntque tamen non duo tresue mihi)  
Xantippen querulam vere laudabis et ipse  
Judice te post hac (crede) beatus eris.   

Epig Quintum.  
The Scripture says, that three things always crave,  
The raging sea, the barren womb, and grave;  
I dare not add to Scripture, but I say,  
That Creditors do crave far worse than they.  
When I have rendered, by mortality,  
To th' grave her due, she craves no more of me;  
No strong desire can make me satisfied,  
Nor yawning womb command my appetite:  
Besides ther'es pleasure here, in debt there's none,  
And when once laid in grave, all grief is gone.  
No sea constrains you, to entrust your frail  
Plank to the waves, or forceth to hoist sail;  
Or yet suppose it could, against your will,  
There's hopes of Calm, or of a Harbour still:  
There's storm on storm, when Creditors do crave,  
And every Interest a rolling wave;  
O let me debtor be to th' other three,  
Free me from Farcher, Fraser, Fendrasie.   

Epig. Sextum.  
That he might in oppression be free,  
Fendrasy took the Kirk upon his side,  
Who were of avarice as full as he,  
And for the goods of all men gaped as wide,  
Those that beheld him Saintlike veiled did wonder,  
And marvelled that he was changed so much,  
When Satan's claws were suddenly seen under,  
And all were startled at his hellish clutch:  
'Twas like his Father, who's the root of evil,  
Who taking Angel shapes, is still a Devil.   

Epig. Septimum.  
Since yourselves are unto the Devil as due,  
You Usurers, as Debtors cash to you,  
To trust you so the Devil does us wrong,  
For you'll not trust your debtor half so long;  
But it's confessed indeed their may be lets,  
And creditors by chance may lose their debts;  
But though the Devil gets no use at all.  
Yet is he sure t' obtain the Principal.   

Epig. Octavum.  
Like as the Tyrant plundered mighty Jove  
Out of his golden vesture, and him told,  
A woollen one might now far fitter prove;  
Because the season waxed somewhat cold:  
And from the God of Physic, Phoebus' Son,  
The golden beard in bitter scorn he took,  
And said it was not fit he should have on,  
Since his own Sire a beard could never brook.  
Even so my Creditors with charity,  
And fellow-feeling piety possessed,  
In our Estates would make a parity;  
For conscience, say they, not Lands is best.    

Pox take your groping conscience, let me Enjoy my Estate, and keep your Charity.  
O creditorum dira, & immitis cohors  
Furiisque cunctis saevior.  
Quorum sonorus clamor exanimat meum.  
Uritque pectus taedio.  
Hoc sei●c nunquam numinis vestros sine:  
Impune fraudes pergere,  
Cum vos hiatu caepiet immenso niger,  
Si●uque claudet Tartarus.  
Tum scire (si fas ista mortali) libet  
Quas Aeacus paenas paret?  
Megaera properat, properat Alecto ferox,  
Incincta tortis anguibus.  
Caliginosam saeva Tisiphone facem,  
Intrantibus vobis quatit.  
Nec non catenas certat extensas triceps  
Averni custos rumpere.  
Et linquit ales Titij exosum jecur,  
Ad vos opimos advolans.  
Saxumque dirum Sisyphi vobis datur,  
Sitisque vobis Tantali.  
Istisque cunctis pejus interca manet,  
Majusque tormentis erit.  
Absum et haeres omnia, et exosos lares  
Divendet insignis nepos.  
Ibitque tremula, et paene procumbens fame  
Proles parentis perfidi.  
Virique conjux tenera in abjecti sinu  
Alga jucebit vilior.  
Et cuncta vobis ista Mercurius feret,  
Ibitque certus nuncius.    

The intent of the fifth Book, entitled, NELEODICASTES.  
WHat is to be last in the execution, being commonly first in the intention, the Author, conform to that order, begun this Isagogical Treatise, as is apparent by the first Book thereof, entitled, The Wonders of the new Language: but in the continuation of the matter, thorough all the Books following, he quits that Analytical method, and betakes him to the Compositive, wherein priority in cause, hath its citeriority in description. Thus therefore, as in the third Book were deduced Reasons, why the impediment mentioned in the second, should be removed; so to the fifth, hath the Author reserved the expression of his regret, for want of remedy against such injuries, as under which in the fourth, he had discovered a pressure. In a word, the third block which doth lie in the way of the Author's excellent undertake, is the lack of redress, after Petition put in, for the wrongs he had sustained. Yet doth he not insist so long thereupon, as on the former; because the Court before which he did address himself, was somewhat more homogeneal; and that to decline the Kirks authority in civilibus, he conceived it to be no Heteroclitism. Both judicatories were constituted the Epitomes and Abridgements of greater ones; the Parliament, and Assembly: that, passing under the name of a Committee; and this, of a Commission. But truly, such was the influence the Ecclesiastical party in this, had over the Secular in that, in imitation of the larger Bodies, which they represented, who had the same ascendent, and subordinacy, in rule, and dependency, that he was thereby plunged into the more lamentable sufferings, the higher the exclamations against the Consistorian Clergy on all sides soared to this Picrologie, that no good aspect was to be expected from a conjunction of so malevolent Luminaries. After the enumeration of many grievous losses from Soldiers, and others, which the Author, contrary to the Laws of the Nation, and Equity itself, was enforced to undergo without reparation, he falls in the next place to discuss the Flagitator, whose poison, by reason of its universality of diffluence on all his best endeavours, requireth a careful administration of Antidotes to be set down in each of all the six Books of this Introduction. To this purpose, in several particulars, he instanceth their implacability, their unnaturality, and unconscionableness; he discloseth three plausible overtures most untowardly rejected by them; and in amplification of their cunning and rigour, hath a learned disceptation concerning Prodigality and Covetousness: he bringeth against them arguments both from Conscience and Law, in its supremest Legislation; and with sentences of a vigorous and strong impression, most accurately illustrates them. The tender care should be had of ancient Houses, he again inculcates: and lastly, to persuade the Public to exoner him of the forementioned burdens, he ratiocinates a minori ad majus, of Monopolies, in ampler benefits granted to men of no desert, wherein he needeth not doubt to have furnished matter abundant, for the satisfaction of the impartial Reader.   

The Fifth Book Of the INTRODUCTION, entitled, Neleodicastes, Or, The pitiless Judge.  Wherein the austerity of the Law of Scotland, together with the partiality of those that professed it a while ago, is made appear to be a great hindrance to the present promulgation of the Universal Speech, and future evulgement of other excellent Inventions. 
1 THe public Pressures, which in Scotland I was enforced to undergo, (in matter of Tax and Loan, monthly maintenance, additional Sess-money, transient Quarters, constant and assistant quartering Horse, Foot, and Dragoon-Levies, besides near 3000 l. sterling worth of goods, as it stands upon Record, under the hands of those Gentlemen authorized for Commissioners, to take upon Oath and Probation, the just account of their losses, most basely and unworthily (whilst I was absent from the Country) rob and plundered from my Tenants: against whom, no pretext of quarrel could be had, but the love of their means, they being never sufferers, but for their innocence, and too conscionable neighbourhood) did extend to so vast a proportion, that my Lands thereby were more sadly dealt with then those of any Subject within the Dominion; and myself, from time to time, brought under the sufferance of such exorbitant Impositions, as would have been almost insupportable to any of the Country, though of a free estate.  
2. But that which made my condition the more bewailable, was, that in spite of that distributive justice according to which the then Estates of the Nation enjoined each one ratably to lend his shoulder to the common burden, I was, by overprizing of my Lands, emitting too great a proportion of Horse and Foot, and extraordinary quartering, at all occasions, singled out a part to sustain the calamity alone, without that wretched comfort (called Solatium misoris) of any other to share with me therein.  
3. Which had it been inflicted on me, as a punishment for an offence, albeit pretended, were somewhat tolerable: but all the doers could say, was, that what they did then, they had warrant for; under the mask and vizard whereof, the sordid and corrupt Commissaries, with the ravenous Neoptoleman Presidiaries, did grind the faces of my poor men, and suck the very blood out of my estate.  
4. This disorder of Order-monging multitudes (without prejudice be it spoke of a well-disciplined Soldiery) together with the specious pretences that some have grasped at, to do iniquity by a Law, hath truly run in such an overflowing speat and inundation of violence against me, that what by the cruelty and high hand of neighbouring Flagitators and others, 
Nihil est profecto molestius quam Vicinus avarus, says Joh. Decollo.  and continual current of unavoidable Taxes, my poor tenants were so incompassionately plucked mangled, torn in pieces, and shuffled, that they and I both, for all our endeavours, (the public burden alone, besides other pressures, having in some years (over and above the whole rent of the Land) put me to a hundred pounds English money on the score) have not been able to give, in matter of the Principal, a full repast to the rest of those craving a hungered Creditors, who, by reason of the foresaid obstacles, barring, my determination remain as yet unsatisfied.  
5. Of whom nevertheless not any almost (notwithstanding all these difficulties, 
Stolidus est qui propter spem majoris rem praesintem & certam licet parvam non amplectitier.  which yet procreate this one and the greatest stop of all, that no Merchant is to be had for Land, without huge loss to the disponer; men of flourishing estates having sold their Lands of late at easy rates, to shun the pressures of so frequent impositions, and Assessments) will abate a mite of the due, the Law in its rigour doth allow, nor out of a fellow-feeling of my sufferings, relent never so little of the extremity.  
6. For whether Land hath been undone, 

Turpia lucra foenotis, & velox usura inopes trucidat.  
Sed male parta male delibuntur.   and impoverished by unseasonable years; or beggared, and exhausted by the rapine of unruly Soldiers, they will always have their money to yield a super-abundant and fruitful Crop, and the Rent thereof (in despite of the fortune of the Nation) to hold our most plenteously to the full.  
7. However, though to any judicious and well-poysed brain it would seem strange, 
Hac prima est scelerunt mater quae semper habendo plus sitiens patulis rimatur faucibus aurum.  that by such men what is naturally barren, shall be still made fruitful, even when by the hardness of the times, what is naturally fruitful, is still made barren.  
8. I could nevertheless, in so far as concerns my own particular, be well pleased not to decline the fertilizing of that sterility, (if the State think such kind of men worthy of being so nearly taken notice of) provided the judicatory, of the Land debar me not from the benefit of that justice which (without too palpable a partiality) cannot be denied to a very stranger, though but passing by, never to return again.  
9 For the most of all that I demand, 
Sir James Fraser of Dark-house, of whom no good can be truly spoken but that he is dead.  springeth from these two branches: first, that to have restitution of all that wrongously hath been taken from me and my Tenants, I be permitted to take my course against the means of the Robber; who by having disabled them, through so great a spoil, from paying their Farms ever since, and these seven years to come, so well, as formerly they did, will prejudge me in thrice as great a sum, as all they were pillaged of did amount to; and next, 
Avarum nisi cum moritur nihil recte facit (says Publius Mimus) avaro quid mali optes nisi ut diu vivat. Non sibi non aliis prodest dum vivit avarus & prodest aliis & sibi dum moritur  that King James his Act, concerning the most important clause in decreets of apprising may be conceived as it ought to be, in favours of them that offer moveables of more worth than the debt that is required.  
10. Now lest I should seem to protract time; and involve the Reader into a Labyrinth of discourse upon this so exuberant a purpose the amplification whereof (should I give way thereto) would with little difficulty draw from my Pen more Volumes (time not failing me) then ever Origen wrote, as is manifest by those aporrectical interthetes I have already couched; (whereof nevertheless I have not the twentieth part, nor any considerable portion of other more worthy Manuscripts of mine, which I having left behind me at Cromartie, were in the time of my imprisonment at London by the Sequestrator Dundasse's rifling of my Library, most wretchedly embezzled, and unluckily scattered amongst those that preferred clean paper to any writing that is) I will (after having mentioned somewhat of the matter, climacotially proposed in the seventieth Article of the second book, make bold to conduct the Reader to the reposingroom of a closure, there to remain, if it please him, till it be high time to require his progress towards the ten excogitable Cities mentioned in the 73 Article of the first book.  
11. Seeing the matter already spoke of concerneth me and my Father's Creditors, both of us aiming at one and the same thing to wit, the enjoyment of the Estate of my Progenitors, I shall desire the Reader, by what I am to say, to take notice, which of us hath best right thereto, first in conscience, then according to Law.  

Vid. Art. 28.  12. Conscionably therefore to talk thereof, in some of the most civil parts of the world, it is thought unjust, that the infection of debt, like a hereditary disease, should be derived to Posterity, but only transmitted to those, that from the indebted receive a benefit equivalent to the debt; conscience requiring that each one be a faithful Administrator to his Posterity of the means, which from his Predecessors he hath received: nothing being made liable to his own debt, but his own conquest; his Personal deservings, and nothing else being that, which ought to expiate his personal faults.  
13. Hence it followeth by the same equity as aforesaid, seeing neither any of my forefathers, nor yet myself, were obliged in so much as one farthing to any of those Creditors; that consequently neither their estate, nor mine, should be affected with the burden, which concerned us not, but only the means of him that was the Party-contractor; whereby the whole shire of Cromartie, and Baronry of fishery in Scotland; ought clearly to be mine, for having belonged to my Progenitors five hundred and twenty years before the Incarnation; it being enough, that I lose two hundred pounds sterling a year of old rent, which my father put away, together with all his own conquest, and moveables belonging either to him or any other of my Ancestors.  
14. But the Lucripetary Poscinummios, 
Hydropico similis nunquam saliatur avarus infaelix, requie nocte dioque caret.  lending a deaf adders ear to these kind of motions, because the rigour of the Scotish Law against the heirs of ancient families, alloweth not the admittance of such a desire, to soften the hardness of their hearts, it was told them,  
15. First, that seeing I had nothing answerable to the annual Rents of those Creditors, but the yearly Rent of the Land, 
Non solum liberalitatis est, sed etiam commoditatis plorumque aliquid de suo sute relaxare.  and that estates in Land should be as well weighed in the balance of Justice, as stocks in money, it could not be but reasonable, that as much were defalked from Creditors interests, as by public deuce have been exhausted out of my Land-rents.  
16. Secondly, that for the payment of what sums of debt the Creditor could with reason claim right to, he might be pleased to take pennyworths, 
Vtilia non omnia quae pro fulura videntur. Effugere cupiditatem regnum est vincere.  not according to his own cutting and carving, but as judicious men employed therein, should discern of their value; there being nothing more common amongst burghers (whom the Law certainly cannot with reason favour more then landed men) then that if a Merchant fall into any decadence in his means (although by his own procurement) his Creditors must take of his moveables, as, by the prime Magistrates of the town, they shall be appreciated, and at no underrate.  
17. Thirdly, for further trial of their discretion, it was propounded, (seeing it was their resolution to have my Lands to go to the payment of another's debt) that they would therefore vouchsafe to give some voluntary courtesy, 
In lucrando modus sectandus.  for lightning of the burden; which favour, considering the smallness of the sums at the first borrowing, and yet the smaller use they were put to, 
Sed illis crescentem sequitur cura pecuniae.  (there being none living; but the Creditors themselves, that had any benefit thereby, and yet how vastly and exsuperantly they have accresced since) may very well be granted.  
18. These most reasonable Overtures prevailing as little as the former, with those cunning Creditors, who, when my father needed no money, 
Avari rectas cogitationes non admittunt, & lucri gratia corpus & animum diabolo prostituunt.  knowing his disposition to borrow, and ability to pay, did for their own ends lend unto him whatever he pleased; that thus by laying out a worm (as it were) to catch a Salmon, taking occasion of his profuseness, they might make their own covetousness the main groundwork of their enrichment.  
19 For which prodigality, I have already dispensed with all that ever he acquired, and a hundred thousand pounds Scotish more, besides seven or eight year's rents of my Lands, which I gave them totally, save so much thereof, as for Public deuce I could not get avoided to abalienate from their acceptance.  
20. Yet as if this their covetousness were such an illustrious and heroic virtue, 
In illis neque pecuniae modusest, neque cispiditatum, quas nulla praeda, unquam improbe parta minuit, sed auget potius, atque inslammat.  as could not be recompensed, all that ever they got from my father, or yet from myself, taking no more bulk in the immense gulf thereof, then would a grain of Millet-seed in the throat of an ass.  
20. They refused to take Land in part of payment of the superplus of the debt, not but that in their own thoughts they esteem the Land much more worth than the money to be discharged for it, themselves having given greater sums of money for worse Land, 
Vltroneae vilescunt merces & pretia facilitate decrescunt. Retia ubique tendunt ad nummos.  and less of it: but that by this their seeming refusal, to be free of their cruelty otherways, I might be necessitated, out of desperation, to cast it into their laps, half for nought.  
21. Which that I might the sooner be enforced to do, they demanded, besides their principal sums (which oftentimes were but failies of bargains) their interests, reer-interests, expenses in seeking after them, and the interest of those expenses, without having any regard to the difficulties of the times, which eat up the rents in public disbursements; 
Lucrum in arca, damnum in conscientia.  and had laid such politic courses for ensnaring me in the trap of an unthrifty bargain, that by their forestall the bank, there was no money to be had in borrowing for my behoof, but only from themselves.  
22. Had this been the worst, it should never by me have been mentioned; but to conceal it, I were to blame. After that I was ascertained of what inward joy was conceived amongst them, when they had fond assured themselves of the truth of my being killed at Worcester-battel, and for the gladness of the tidings had madified their nolls to some purpose with the liquor of the grape.  
23. And how when afterwards they understood the contrary to be verified by Letters under my own hand; and that by being (no thanks to them) in as good health as any of themselves, they were like to be disappointed of their abominable and unchristian hopes, they then threw in the way of my credit all the impediments that they could, to debar me from money, that the withholding of necessary helps might (if possible) snatch away what the sword had spared.  
24. As also, what underhand-dealing there was for arresting of my person at London, by men with whom neither my father nor I had ever any dealing (notwithstanding of my being a prisoner upon Parole to the Council of State) and likewise what plotting was in Scotland by that fry of men against me, 
Voluntas fingendi & mentiendi est corum qui lucrum desiderant.  after I was allowed by the State the favour of five months' time to go thither and return again, is well known by those that were employed by them in those unconscionable negotiations.  
25. What congeeing cringing, doffing of hats, making of legs, and petitioning there was of the Judges of Scotland, the Commissioners for the Sequestrations at Leith, and others, by many of those men, that they (good souls) who have always been found true and trusty (to their own profit) should not, for my lawless and unwarrantable joining with Charles (for so some called him) in the invasion of England, be debarred from their legal rights to the enjoyment of my father's lands apprised by them for their (most precious and inestimable) money, is not unknown to any that for business did frequent the Courts of Justice in that Country.  
26. Furthermore, to show the craftiness & subdolous pranks of some of those Creditors, of whose discharges I was content some two years ago to accept, for sums of money I had given them towards the defrayment of certain debts due upon Bonds, which they (perceiving my forwardness to relieve them, and having a further project in their own minds) pretended they were so mislaid, that they could not come at them, so soon as the urgency and pressing haste of my then-incident occasions might require, did, very subtly (or rather, knavishly) at my last going down to Edinburgh from London, demand payment from me by virtue of those Bonds, which then they had to show readily enough, thinking the Discharges they had given me had been utterly lost at Worcester: and although some of them, by means of the clauses of Registration which they contained, might have been put upon Record, 
Divitias per falsitates ac●●●rere, opprobrium est.  that nevertheless that should help me nothing, because the Scotish Registers were removed to the Tower of London, and therefore (in their conceit) never to be exposed hereafter to the inspection of any of the Scotish Nation. So cunning this generation of Usurers is of late become in Scotland.  
27. But when they saw that those their Acquittances (which by the discretion of one Captain Goodwin, in Colonel Pride's Regiment, had been recovered out of the spoil at Worcester) were produced before them, they then looking as if their noses had been a bleeding, could not any longer for shame retard my cancelling of the aforesaid Bonds.  
28. Who doth not account such a trick a deep piece of iniquity, doth not positively know what belongs to sin: but who thinketh any more of it, and of all the formerly-mentioned abominations, then of a Fleabite to the stinging of a Scorpion, in regard of Robert Lesly of Finrasie's far more wicked contrivances against me, hath no skill in Comparatives.  
29. For albeit of all the friends he ever had, the most deserving was my father, by whose intercession alone he obtained, for the space of one and twenty years together, fourscore pounds sterl. a year: 
Maxima cupiditas rationem pervertit, ac mentem a suo slatu removit.  yet for exchange (as it seemed then) of so great a favour, he having lent him eight hundred pounds English money, when my father neither needed nor required it; and having by mischance on the one side, and subtlety on the other, got his Bond thereupon, he was the first that led apprisings against his Lands; and not content with that, to the end he might obtain the marrow of his estate to himself, procured the most of all his other Creditors, to take the same violent course against him.  
30. And though when in the time of my Lord Montross' overrunning of the North of Scotland, he knew not what course to take for the securing of his Gold, Silver, Evidences, and other things of value, from the hands of the Irish, it pleased my mother, out of courtesy, 
Cupicbam tuam ingratitudinem silentio dissimulare, scel meam modestiam tua vicit improbitas.  to take into her own custody the Trunks wherein those things were, and place them within my house of Cromartie: of all which although she made such a good account unto him, that now he hath them at his own disposure, yet (like that Snake mentioned in the Fable, which, instead of thanks for the warmth of a good fire bestowed on his almost-starv'd-for-cold joints, without which he had assuredly died, did leap up in the face of his Host, to destroy him, with his whole family) he hath ever since applied the utmost of his wit to the undoing both of her and me, and the utter subversion of all the remnant of our House.  
31. That such bad acquitals should have by him been rendered to my father and mother for those so considerable favours of theirs conferred on him who was born a Gentleman (for he is the third in descent from Norman Leslie, that for killing his Master Card. 
Tu omnium in gratissime pro summis officiis, quantum poles malesicorum reponis.  Retoun, was justly forfeited of his estate) is truly very strange.  
32. Strange likewise it is, that by the continuance of his miscarriages towards me, I should be necessitated in my own defence against him (who, 
Tu pro officiis ea reponis ingratissimum monstrum, quae host is non faceret hosti.  as if there were a Cannibal-like Leprosy over his heart, impeditive of the susceptibility of thanks, hath never any way been sensible, in the least measure, of the several good offices done unto him) to afford yet another evidence of the height of his ingratitude; which is this.  
33. When some four years ago, with all the Horse and Foot he was able to command, he came in a hostile manner to take possession of a Farm of mine, called Ardoch; unto which (as Sir Robert Farquhair can testify) he had no more just title, 
Improbi cum maxime beneficia acceperint, tunc maxime ad malesicia animantur.  then to the town of jericho mentioned in the Scriptures; and that at the offer of such an indignity to our House, some of the hot-spirited Gentlemen of our name would even then have taken him, with his three sons, bound them hand and foot and thrown them within the Flood-mark, into a place called The yares of Vdol, there to expect the coming of the Sea in a full Tide, to carry him along to be seized in a soil of a greater depth, and abler to restrain the insatiableness of his immense desires, than any of my Lands within the Shire of Cromartie.  
34. Then, when in hopes he would behave himself more legally in times coming, prove a better neighbour, and more conscionable man, I had restrained their fury, kerbed their sudden attempt, and allowing him, together with those were with him, a Pass and Safeconduct to their own houses, I did not permit so much as a hair of any of their heads to be touched; his retribution of thanks to me for my then so publikely-manifested affection to him in the preservation of his life (under God) appeared in nothing else, (he like another Mithridates, feeding his gall on no other nutriment but on the poison of that rancour he had most maliciously conceived against me and my family) but in the present setting of himself to work for laying the platform of a most mischievous plot, to my total and unavoidable destruction.  
35. In pursuance whereof, having adjoined to himself Colonel Archibald Strachan (then designed Lieutenant-Colonel) good John Forbas of Innernass, Lieutenant Huchison, and others who may be named hereafter, that under pretext of saving my tenants from being quartered upon (with which punishment they were threatened, even out of the Pulpit of Cromartie, by an intimation made to that effect from the Ministers own mouth, who nevertheless (as I believe) knew nothing of the Plot) unless I should go to Innernass myself, to conduce with the Officers for some ease of an extraordinary Sess was then to be imposed on me; 
Avarus etiam diis molitur fallactas.  hoping by such means, when I should be in that Town, that by virtue of a Caption stolen out against me by James Sutherland Tutor of Duffas', I should be deprived of my liberty, and kept in durance there, 
Eo productus est furor, uti sit res periculofissima magna beneficia in aliquem confer: nam quia turpe putat non reddere, non vult esse cui reddat.  till Finrasie should be fully satisfied in all his demands.  
36. This wicked device proved so universally odious to all the ingenuous spirits that heard of it, that his own wife having it in a perfect abomination, because of the bad sequels she was certain could not choose but ensue upon such pernicious machinations, did not enjoy herself long after, but died very discontented at the wilfulness of her husband: for truly she was a very discreet and judicious woman, and so was his mother, who, though she loved him as well as any mother could do her son, was still, in all differences betwixt him and me, more for me then him, because she studied always to have reason on her side.  
37. The above-written Robert finding that this his subtle contrivance had failed of its aimed-at effect, and that there appeared as much baseness in the one, as rashness in the other attempt, did forecast another way how to bring about his covetous designs; which that he might the better do, after that he had most glibly insinuated himself into the favour of the afore-named Archibald Strachan, 
Ingratitudo est ventus urens, siccans fontes pietatis, & fluenta gratiae.  and that he had a pretty while before that, moved a young Gentleman in Morray (who afterwards married one of his daughters, and who (had he been free from the infection of his father-in-law's untoward suggestions) would have assuredly dealt very courteously with me, he being the heir of one of my father's Creditors) to make over his rights to him, to be consolidated with his other pretended claims, for the which he was to give him a good round sum of money, and his daughter to the boot.  
38. Now to the end he might bestow his daughter with the least charge he could to himself, 
Ingratum dixeris, & omnia dixeris.  he procured an Order for Colonel Strachan to quarter a whole Troop of Horse upon my Tenandry, till I should transact for a sum to be paid to his son-in-law; which verily was the greatest part of his portion; he choosing rather my Land should lie waste, then that his daughter were not well laboured. 
O tempora! O mores!   
39 The injustice of this action, against which Strachan, even at first, had some inward reluctancy, stamped within a little thereafter into the Colonel's mind those deep impressions of regret for the perpetration thereof, from whence sprung forth so many various prickles of soul-disturbing thoughts for it, and some other of his more notorious actings upon the advice of a so oppressive counsellor, as that his conscience being exceedingly stung with remorse, he was not able (a while before he died) to refrain from these abrupt exclamations, Woe to thee Finrasie, accursed be thy consultations, shame fall on them, and so forth: after this manner fretting and vexing himself several times in private, at the very single memory of that one man, as some of those that heard him in his Soliloquies a little before his decease, can bear record.  
40. And truly thus much I can testify myself, that to my own hearing he did acknowledge his hearty sorrow for the indefatigable pains he took for near upon twelve months together, at the request of the said Finrasie, in procuring a Garrison to be settled within my house at Cromartie, whereof the Governor (being a Leslie) was (though otherways a passing civil young Gentleman) imbued in a very short space with such corrupt documents from his cousin Roberts, that before the disbanding of that Garrison (for which courtesy I owe the thanks to Lieutenant-General David Leslie, who I persuade myself did never approve of Finrasie's proceedings against me) begun to keep such a high hand in my absence over all that had in me any interest, that in the most unreasonable of his demands (as his written Order as yet can bear witness) his loftiness was such, that he kept a strain like that of Solyman the magnificent, to the petty Princes of Christendom.  
41. Not without a design (as is supposed) to endear himself the more intrinsically in the favours of the young Gentlewomen Finrasie's daughters whose father (like another Charles of Burgundy) keeps them (by all appearance) the longer unhusbanded, that they may serve him for so many stalking-horses, whereby to entangle some neighbouring Woodcocks (through an expectation of wiving them) in a confederacy with him, and opposition to my Family, against which he hath so injustly denounced War.  
42. The Garrison being removed from Cromartie, and honest Robert thereby disappointed of any further assistance from Governor Leslie in the driving on of his projects, he betakes himself to another course; and laying hold on the occasion of a meeting amongst the Gentlemen of the name of Mackenzie, put in this humble suit unto them, that they would be pleased to move the Earl of Seaforth (their chief and his superior) to allow him the favour of protection, and to further him to the possession of those my Lands he had apprized for money's due by my Father to him; which discourse as he amplified after the best manner he could for his own advantage, so had he an especial care to make no mention of his ungrateful miscarriage within a year before that, unto my Lords own self; whose lawful commands (though both his Father and he had formerly unto that Honourable Family sworn unfeigned obedience) he not only slighted, in not undergoing those duties which (as a Vassal) it became him to discharge, and which the primest Gentlemen thereabouts (out of the mere tye of Neighbourhood) did unanimously perform; but contrary to the homage he did owe unto my Lord, and personal good Offices he had received from him, adjoined himself with might and main, in both counsel and action, to those, that had vowed the ruin of both him and his name, had plundered his and their Lands, dipped their hands in the blood of his servants, and burned some of the best houses of his kinsmen.  
42. All which things being very well known to the worthy Juncto of the aforesaid Gentlemen, his Petition was justly rejected; not so much for that in both Consanguinity and Alliance I had unto his Lordship a very near relation, or that the Predecessors of us both, had for these many hundreds of years kept a most entire and amicable correspondence, as that his demands were totally of themselves unreasonable, and that (although they had been better grounded) my Lord was not conceived to be in honour bound to protect him, who had infringed his faith, and forfeited his loyalty to him, whose Vassal he was.  
44. Whereas these rubs in the way of a plain-meaning man would have quickly made him to desist from such violent undertake, 
Lucri spes omnia dissicilia facit jucunda.  he on the contrary was by such repulses the more eagar on his game: what would have proved discouragements to others, did animate him; and the greatest spur to his action, was the iniquity of the cause: he left no Wind unsailed by, nor Oar unplyed he could make use of: he importuned the Kirk, solicited the State, courted the soldiery, feasted the Lawyers, cajoled, smoothed, and flattered Gentlemen, Merchants, and men of all degrees, to gain friends both in Heaven and Hell for my destruction, and that with such vigilance and circumspection, cunning and reservedness, without sparing either cost or travel, that had the time I was forced to bestow in my own defence on avoiding his grins, 
Vid. lib. 2. Art. 19  shunning his traps, and with no small charge and trouble preserving myself from his various and manifold snares, been spent after the manner I intended, I would (by God's assistance) in that space of leisure have emitted those things, which (to the Isle of Britain) would have been of greater emolument, than all the estate he is worth in the world, twenty times told.  
45. But he misregarding these things, which did no more relish with him, than a French Galliard in the ears of a Spanish Mule, and setting at nought my enjoyment of any spare hours upon what occasion soever, did even at my last being in Cromartie (where I was not to stay above two months, by reason of my being engaged to the State upon Parole to return to London at a prefixed day) plod and forecast how without offending Authority (I being a Prisoner of War) he might so secure my person in Scotland, as not to be released till he were contented in all his demands.  
46. In the prosecuting of this Plot by his two elder sons and brother George many of the English Officers both of Horse and Foot, together with the Deputy-Governour of that English Garrison in my house, being most earnestly spoke to, he found them of such another temper then the Presbyterian Commanders he had formerly employed against me, that neither the beauty of his daughters nor glistering of his gold, being able to tempt them to a condescendment to his unjust desires, in spite of his waylay of me, and conducing with English Messengers at Elguin in Morray to apprehend me, I securely travelled thorough all the best Towns of Scotland, and thereby making a safe retreat to London, wished him for the future to employ his Motto of Gripe-fast, with the Griffin pounces of his Arms, upon some other prey then me, who knows him already so well, that he being of Normans extraction, there can no Proverb be more fitly applied to him, then that of Qualis Corvus, tale ovum.  
47. Several Gentlemen of good account, and others of his familiar acquaintance having many times very seriously expostulated with him, why he did so implacably demean himself towards me, and with such irreconciliability of rancour, that nothing could seem to please him that was consistent with my weal; his answers most readily were these: I have (see ye?) many Daughters (see ye?) to provide Portions for (see ye?) and that (see ye now?) cannot be done (see ye?) without money; the Interest (see ye?) of what I lent (see ye?) had it been termely paid (see ye?) would have afforded me (see ye now?) several stocks for new Interests: I have (see ye?) apprized Lands (see ye?) for these sums (see ye?) borrowed from me (see ye now?) and (see ye?) the Legal being expired (see ye now?) is it not just (see ye?) and equitable (see ye?) that I have possession (see ye?) of those my Lands (see ye?) according to my undoubted Right (see ye now?)  
48. With these over-words of see ye, and see ye now, as if they had been no less material than the Psalmists Selah and Higgaion Selah, did he usually nauseate the ears of his Hearers, when his tongue was in the career of uttering anything concerning me, who always thought that he had very good reason to make use of suchlike expressions, do you see? and do you see now? because there being but little candour in his meaning, whatever he did or spoke was under some colour.  
49. For under colour of Religion, he did sow the seeds of division betwixt me and the Kirk, and devised such abominable lies of me, as the like were never hatched in Hell: under colour of being against Tyranny, he sent his sons along with Col. Strachan to the overthrow of Montross, whom he called James Graham the, etc. as now he doth his Master by the name of Charles Stuart: under colour of being for Monarchy, he hied away his Eldest Son to Dunbar, where being taken Prisoner, he was kept fast for a twelve month at Newcastle; and under what colour soever he can show himself with the least detriment in public, doth he always with the greatest security drive on his private benefit.  
50. So that such as talk and discourse with him, who goes always Masked and Vizarded with colours and pretences to what he intends not, ought not only to see, to see well, and better see; to see well now, and see well then, but with all the perspicacy of sight, and prying inspection that may be, to look upon his concealed Objects, poor into them, and cast an eye on what from open view he purposely withholdeth, to the end that in discovering by such optics the fallacies of the sight of our mind, we be not deluded, by finding under the Cloak of Righteousness, nothing else but the Babylonish Garment and accursed thing.  
51. Let the Reader (I beseech him) excuse my having so long detained him upon the wretched subject of this man, who like a Fox in his Den, living in my Progenitors Lands of Ethie, hides or shows his Paws as he sees the Prey in a conveniency to let go or lay hold upon: and in compensation (seeing contrariorum eadem est ratio) I will set before him another of my Father's Creditors, who in the commendative deserveth as much to be insisted upon, as the other in the vituperatory part.  

Quaestus magnus conscientiae puritas. Bona est substantia, cui non est peccatum in conscientiae.  52. As of the ten Lepers whom Christ healed, one believed in him; and of the two crucified Thiefs, one was saved: so were it a pity, if amongst so many Creditors there could not be found one honest man: but far more pity it were, that (he being a man of such approved integrity) I should be silent in his praises▪ and not extol his worth.  

Nemo injustum habet lucrum sine justo damno, tamen non sic sapit lucrum quam dolet damnum.  53. Virtue was the foundation of his wealth, and he never loved to gain any thing by the loss of another: of the many Debtors that have been beholden to him, he never offered to put the Bonds of any in the Register: yet hath God in his goodness towards him blessed him with prosperity, whilst others that had blamed him for his lenity, and had themselves extended the rigour of the Scotish Law to the extremest cruelty imaginary, till they had obtained to the outmost farthing all that out of the depth of their covetousness they could have required from my Father, and afterward had in their jollity vaunted of the immense profit that thereby accrued unto them, are now (although it be not long since the time of their oftentive rigour) in a despicable condition, and fit objects of Divine wrath, to be punished with that poverty, which most unmercifully for their own inrichment they would have inflicted upon their betters.  
54. But may William Robertson of Kindeasse, 
Honestum est lucrum, quo nemo laeditur; just acquiritur, & nulli praejudicatur.  or rather kindness, (for so they call this worthy man) for his going contrary to that stream of wickedness which carrieth headlong his fellow-Creditors to the black sea of unchristianlike dealing, enjoy a long life in this world, attended with health, wealth, a hopeful Posterity, and all the happiness conducible to eternal salvation: and may his children after him, as Heirs both of his virtues and means, derive his Lands and riches to their sons, to continue successively in that Line from generation to generation, so long as there is a hill in Scotland or that the sea doth ebb and flow.  
45. This hearty wish of mine, as chief of my kindred, I bequeath to all that do and are to carry the name of Vrquhart, and adjure them, by the respect they owe to the Stock whence they are descended, for my Father's love and mine to this man, to do all manner of good offices to each one that bears the name of Robertson, both for the Personal deservings of the Gentleman I have now mentioned, as for that (as it is a common saying that the Skeens ought to be robertson's) there is nothing more certain than that the robertson's should be Vrquharts; for besides that their own Coat-Armour doth in some measure manifest it, the first of that name was a son of Robert, the second brother of Endymion Vrquhart; which Robert, a little after the decease of Charlemagne, in emulation of his Uncle Carolo, was so renowned for his Chivalry and valiant achievements in Italy and other foreign Countries, that his Offspring hath ever after been designed by his name, as the Forbasses were by that of 〈◊〉, the second brother of Vocompos.  
56. O that I might continue longer upon this subject! But the scope of this Treatise not permitting it, I must of necessity have a fling at the Creditors of another temper.  
57 For whose preying like wolves upon the innocent flock, 
Avaritia (inquit Chrysost.) est canis rabidus, & insatiabilis ebrietas.  whom by Captions, Arrestments, Inhibitions, Apprisings, and other base weapons of the rigour of the Scotish Law, they endeavour to devour, without Reason or Conscience, I may safely avouch (conform to that ancient saying, Arma tenenti, omnia dat qui justa negat) that, expedit, ut, jus tenenti, qui justa negat, aliquid saltem de suo amittat.  
58. Thus is it clear, in regard of their stubbornness, and refractory carriage, 
Tantum est malum non se continere intra proprios penates majoribus inhiando, ut propria saepe percant.  against all conscience, equity, and reason, as said is, that they get neither wrong nor injustice done them, although they be made to forgo their principal, as well as their annual; it being more conducible to the public good, that the innocent enjoy the means of their forefathers, then that the monuments of virtue become the inheritance of the vicious.  

Pejor existimatur civis soeneratur, quam sur, says Cato de re rustica.  59 I know now they will exclaim, that they are scandalised, in being called vicious for doing what the Law allows them: but truly I must answer them that Fornication is accounted to be a sin, even by those from whom a permission floweth to commit it, as at Rome and Avignon; and that likewise for the hardness of the people's hearts, 
Vsurarius super omnes mercatores, est maledictus, says Chrysost. in his 38 Hom. upon Matthew.  Moses did tolerate Adultery; and what else can be said of Foenory▪ more than Venery, but that, as too much illicite kindness occasioneth the one, the mere lack of charity admits the other to be connived at, for the less prejudice of the poor, in behalf of whom, the Law suffereth rather that they should pay a little Usury, then to be altogether undone for want of trust?  

Avaritia omnis improbitatis, est metropolis. Nullum est vitium tetrius avaritia: nam inopiae pauca desunt avaritiae multa.  60. Yet not to call it a sin, were to belly both Divine and Humane Law; under pretext of either whereof, that they should go about to undermine ancient and worthy Families, doth make their sin to be so much the more prodigious.  
61. Those that are any thing versed in the Morals, will acknowledge Prodigality not to be a vice half so dangerous as Covetousness, because it swerveth less from Justice, which is the common measure of all Virtues: for as it is nobilius dare quam accipere; 
Avarilia animam & corpus esseminat nec ullus iam firmum praefidium habet, quod avaritiae infringere, & debilitare non poterit.  so may it be truly said, that he doth rather tribuere cuique suum that giveth too much of his own, than who exceeds in taking from his neighbour.  
62. Now the properest effects of Justice, being to reward and punish, according to the receivers demerit, there is no doubt but that both Prodigality and Covetousness should fall under the compass of the penal Statutes; and this more than that, because, as the Apostle says, it is the root of all evil.  
63. It is a tenet, that faults being personal, the punishment of them ought not to be transferred to after-ages, as is said in the twelfth Article of this Book unless they did militate treasonably against a Prince or Commonweal; in which case, for the public good, ut amor filiorum terrorem parentibus incutiat incurrendi crimen laesae Majestatis, necesse est, ideoque justum, aliquantillum deflectere ab ea justitia, quae privatis accommodari solet negotiis; even as we find, contrary to the ordinary course of nature, for the weal of the Universe ad evitandum vacuum, air to descend, and water to amount.  
64. Of this nature of punishment, I have been participant with all my predecessors of the Paternal Line, since the Reign of Eugenius Octavus, in the days of my forefather Zeron, who had the greatest part of his estate taken from him, for no other trespass then his too great hospitality to a Prince of his own kindred, as in the 〈◊〉, or Genealogy of our House lately published, is more fully deduced.  
65. But this other kind of transgression, 
In nullum avarus bonus inse pessimus.  being in a matter only 'twixt subject and subject, it follows that the successor of neither the prodigal, nor covetous man, should eo nomine be punished; much less should any, 
Omnia des cupido, sua non perit inde cupido.  for his predecessors covetousness be rewarded; nothing more shocking against common sense itself, then to make the recompense for virtue be the reward of vice, whereby the very pillars of equity would be quite subverted and overthrown.  
66. How can it then be called Justice, that the successor of the Prodigal, for no other reason but his predecessors prodigality, 
Aestimat esse parum sibi quicquid habet cor avarum, ac quoque semper hiat major pars, ut sibi fiat.  shall have his whole inheritance discerned to be the inheritance of the son of a covetous man, and that merely for his covetousness? the only recommendable quality for which he obtains it being a constant purpose and resolution to hook his neighbour's means unto him, by eights and ten in the hundred, and other such baits, whereby improvident and inconsiderate men of great Revenues are oftentimes entangled.  
67. Were it not less prejudicial to the Public, and more equitable in itself, that a covetous man should forgo both of his principal and interest, 
Avaro tam deest quod habet quam quod non habet, quia aut non habita conconcupiscit ut habeat, aut habita metuit ne amittal; & dumb in adversis sperat prospera, in prosperis formi dat adversa.  then that he who is neither prodigal, nor covetous, should be denuded of the estate of his forefathers, which never was acquired by him that contracted the debt?  
68 Although the Lords of the Session, or any other inferior Judicature, were never invested with power to judge otherways then according to the Customs of the Country positively written, and Municipal Laws of the Land of Scotland; yet the high Court of the Parliament of the Commonwealth, by virtue of their Legislative authority, may, for the weal of the Public, transcend the bounds of any written Law much more that unto which they were never tied, and of a stranger-Country now under their command.  
69. And as it is a common saying, Interest Reipublicae nequis re sua male utatur; so doth it very much concern the reputation of a Commonwealth, that ancient considerable families be preserved from ruin, if possible.  
70. If Creditors say, they get injustice done to them by it, I answer with Tacitus, 
Nulla est res quae ad maleficium magis impellat quam avaritia, nec justitiae sit infestior.  (Dato, sed non concesso) quod habet iniqui contra singulos ulilitate publica rependitur: or with Plutarch, A justitia in parvis negotiis deflectendum est, si ea uti volemus in magnis.  
71. For if it be lawful to cut off an arm, for the preservation of the body, how much more lawful is it to defalk somewhat from the exorbitant sums of merciless Creditors, for the preservation of an ancient family, in favour of him, that never was the debtor? seeing the Commonweal, for his appearance of good service thereto, may be highly concerned in his fortune.  
72. These few points I have premitted, to make those Creditors pliable to Reason, in undergoing any such course as it shall please the State to command or persuade them to; who, as I make account, will take them from off my hand, and settle me with freedom in the inheritance of my predecessors, and that for the reasons formerly mentioned.  
73. Although the State pay them not to the full, or perhaps pay them (for so much as concerns me) with a pardon; yet ought they to be thankful to the State for what is left them, and not grumble at the Public severity, that others no less faulty than they, have sustained a milder lash; seeing (as in the Edecimation of Criminal Soldiers, the nine associates have no reason to complain of partiality, because the tenth escapes unpunished) it becometh these aforesaid Creditors to remain contented with that mercy to others, which proceeds from those who are just to them, although they suffer by it: nam plurimis damnum infligitur, quibus nulla fit injuria. And such of them as are most clamorous in seeking, considering what benefit by usurious bargains they had from my father, though they neither from the State nor me get any thing at all, can be no losers.  
74. However it go, I should not be deprived of my fore-fafathers Lands, because of many reasons which I have already deduced. Nor is this unwillingness in me to part from my Land a vice, as is their tenaciousness in keeping of money: for, si parva licet componere magnis, as the King of Spain spent in the defence of Flanders more Rials of eight than would cover the face of the whole Country (as is commonly reported) so to preserve my inheritance (whatever it cost) it defends the honour and reputation of the House which I represent.  
75. And ingenuously, as when I collationed in the fiftieth Article of this same Book, Prodigality with Covetousness (viz. that Prodigality, whereby one lavishly expendeth his rents, and unnecessarily involveth himself into a Labyrinth of debt; and not that other, 
Suum cuique pulchrum.  which by alienating his Predecessors ancient inheritance, destroyeth the whole stock in so far as lies in him) I did prefer Prodigality to Covetousness as the lesser vice: so should I now compare with the covetousness of an Usurer, the profuseness of him that maketh no conscience to dispone unto strangers the Land of his Ancestors, I would find his fault a great deal more unpardonable than that of the Usurer.  
76. For who turns his Land into money, devirilizeth and emasculates what is naturally procreative and by consequence, 
Est amor & rerum cunctis tutela suarum.  bending his course to what is more imperfect, deserveth greater blame than who to the Eunuch and Spadonian money, allows a constant pregnancy, 
Avarus est insatiabilis cui nec tolus mundus obolus est.  by imagining every penny to be both Father and Mother, still begetting, and still bearing, and the child still growing per juxta Positionem; whom if the Debtor find not beside the Parent at the semestral period, 
Avaritia latentium indegatriae lucrorum, manifestae praedae avidissima vorago, neque habendo fructa faelix, quamvis cupiditate querendi miserrima  he must educe another of the pre-supposed Bulk, or lie by it, as one that hath not faith enough; because although both be unnatural, yet for that the latter aimeth at what is of choicer worth, it merits less imputation; the intention of making what is barren fruitful, (albeit impossible to do) being more commendable then of exchanging what is by nature fertile, for that which produceth and bringeth forth nothing but rust and dross.  
77. However, although by what is already said my declining to pay those men, needed not be imputed to me, for want of equity towards them in my proceedings, they having received much from me, 
Omnis avarus ex potu situm multiplicat, quia cum ea quae appetit adeptus fuerit, ad appetenda alia amplius anhclat.  and often, and I from them never any thing at all; my obligations to them being so prescinded from all specialties and particular restrictions, that they never could show neither what, nor when, nor time, nor place, nor any other circumstance whatsoever, denotating the existence of any thing on earth, wherewith to upbraid my acceptance: yet I shall wish, (if so it please the Public) that they be satisfied and reimbursed of what they can with any kind of reason demand.  
78. For as Julius Caesar, after he had repudiated his wife, being desired to call her home, because the Judges had absolved her from that adultery whereof with Clodius she was accused, did very gallantly reply, that the wife of Caesar must be free of Suspicion, as well as Gild: so, though I may vindicate myself, and the land of my progenitors from the stain of that debt, wherewith some peevish and malicious men would adulterate the hitherto-immaculate purity of our Family; yet would I rather choose some little coin should be bestowed on them, therewith to stop their bawling mouths, then have any the meanest distrust or jealousy remaining though without a cause.  
79. I expect, that the Public will be pleased to undergo (after what manner to them shall seem most fit) the performance thereof: which that they do, even in the most expensive way, is no new thing and in matters of far less concernment.  
80. Many have had their estates made up by Monopolies, and other such public exactions, who afterwards employed the utmost of their power for subverting the State, to which they had been so much beholding, although before that time they had never made apparent their deservings for so great a favour.  
81. How many have there been about the Courts of Kings, who having no higher qualification, then to sweep the Privy rooms, or at most, to make the King's bed, were short while after so bedaubed with Honours, that (although their endowments continued still in the same degree of baseness) they disdained the touching of a Missive directed to them, whereof the Superscription spoke not, To the most noble, high, and potent Earl, with other Signorial Titles, attended by an & caetera in the rear?  
82. Cheating at Cards, Dice, Bowling, Tennis, or any other Game, where confederacy or betraying of trust hath at any time proved advantageous, and all those other sneaking means that are commonly at corrupt Courts practised, for cramming their bags full of money, upon any terms, have been in many places, this long time, the usual Scale of Promotion, and very often the most infallible way for attaining to most sublime and splendid Dignities: which sort of Nobility, without Valour, Wit, or Learning, may be fitly termed a kind of Metaphysical wonder, or relation sine fundamento & fundandi ratione.  
83. I have seen beyond sea a Marquis of twenty thousand Crowns a year, who albeit he obtained both his Title and Rents, for having served his Prince in the quality of a Pander, would nevertheless have sworn with as much Grandeur, and pretended conscience upon his Honour, as if he had been a Conqueror of several mighty Nations. I have likewise known of those that have been Lorded above their fellow-Courtiers, for their greater dexterity in the winding of a Hunting-horn; in which faculty nevertheless, the education of a Shepherd or Postilion was sufficient to make one in a very short space by far to excel them.  
84. This evidenceth many to have been enriched by the Public, whose service thereto, or merit otherways, deserveth scarcely the retribution of private thanks. As for myself, because I have promised to do for the Public that which shall be better than ten times my estate, I cannot think it will be imputed for boldness to me, to require it be made free for my proposed service; and for doing thereof, such debt as shall be thought fit to defray, be forthwith made a Public burden; with the public expense to be discharged, if so to them it seem expedient, and no other ways.  
86. But seeing it hath been said by some, who not long since did sit at the Helm of the Scotish State, when by one of the most eminent persons in the Army, an exemption but from some few months' maintenance (now called the Sess) of my own lands was demanded, in compensation of thrice as much which I had disbursed upon Warrants from the Public, for which, by an Act of Parliament, there was allowed retention in future deuce of that nature, with assurance that my endeavours to the honour of my Country, should quickly appear for deserving, worth a greater courtesy, That when such endeavours should be made effectual, it would be then time enough to appoint a recompense: the illess noble Lord not considering, that the refusal was unjust, though I had not been endowed with faculties for any such design, the like not having been denied to any well-affected Gentleman but myself; nor taking notice, that by those and suchlike enormous pressures, I have been these twelve years passed disabled from prosecuting so powerfully my intended purpose, as otherwise I would have done, had I been clear of those impediments.  
87. I will therefore halt a little in the divulgement of this my great undertaking, left I should participate in such kind of men's precipitancy, by showing no less rashness in my exposing of precious things to their acceptance, than they have done of incogitancy, by their sudden rejecting the grant of my most equitable requests.   

The project of the sixth Book, entitled, PHILOPONAUXESIS.  
THe Author in the first five Books having very posedly digested the causes promptive to the removal of all obstacles impediting the exposal of his brain-endeavours, doth in this sixth and last of his Introduction, prove that the concession of these his just demands, will prove conducible to all industrious negotiations and employments whatsoever. And whereas by the Usurer the contrary was upbraided, he retorts back the dart of that obloquy on whence it came, and sheweth what innumerable prejudices have redounded to Merchandizing, Scholarship, Husbandry, Mechanism, Nobility, Gentry, Disport, Exercise, and, in sum, to all the persons, professions, and diversions of honest men, of what degree or quality soever, by the Gangrene wherewith Usury and Avarice hath seized upon the Land, since the domination of Hypocrisy over its inhabitants. He declareth likewise much of these calamities in behalf of all those forenamed Vocations, Arts, Disciplines, Recreations, and those that plied all or either of them, to have occurred by reason of his own particular pressures under the Foenoratory yoke. And therefore, to extricate him out of those impesterments, and disentangle his estate from the intricacies wherein the Flagitator keepeth it involved, he sues the Supreme Authority, and begs the favour of a Judge whose qualifications he delinectes. He solveth all the Scruples that oppose his suit, and evidently demonstrateth the grant thereof to endanger the preparative of no incidence for the like in any time to come. Finally, he knowing that any man in a chamber, desirous to enjoy the light of the sun, would be offended at him, who, by holding the windows shut, should detain him in darkness; as also be displeased with such a one as would keep fast the door against that person did intend to present him with a rich Diamant; Seeing the expansion of a door and window-leaf is able to admit the brightness of the one, and wealth of the other: He expects that the State, considering how easily he may be disburdened of the aforesaid lets, and how upon their removal dependeth an illumination and enrichment of the Mind in the knowledge of divers exquisite things, will not wittingly lose a matter of so great concernment, for the not-performance of so mean a task: for when Utility may be obtained with ease, and the steps to Profit trod upon with facility, it needeth not to be imagined, where Wisdom superiorizeth most, that such conveniences will be set at nought, and omitted. In hopes therefore of a gracious retribution, and with a strenuous assurance of a plenary discharge of his promise, The Author very daintily closing this sixth Book, puts a Catastrophe to the whole Introduction; the publishing of the Book it relates to, depending totally upon the removal of the often-aforementioned impediments, than which the Author asks no more for helps: for, Qui impedimenta tollit, praestat adminicula.   

The Sixth BOOK Of the INTRODUCTION, entitled, Philoponauxesis, Or, Furtherance of Industry. Wherein is evidenced, that the grant of the Author's demands will prove (besides that of the Universal Language, and other kinds of Literature) conducible to all manner of other virtuous undertake whatsoever.  
1. IF there happen to be any, who for the better repelling of my demands, would allege (all other reasons failing them) that the grant thereof might prove very damageable to traders in Merchandise, whose fortune wholly consists in the frugal managing of their money; it may very fitly be answered (if they be Scotish Merchants who move the doubt) that by casting in such a scruple, they most unjustly impute that fault to others, whereof themselves are very heinously guilty; seeing under the title of Merchant, and mask of the honesty thereof, they do that, which (of any thing) is to Merchandizing most destructive. 
Quis metus aut pudor est, unquam properantis avari.   
2. They lend money upon Usury to none, but such as have estates in land, without any regard to traffic: for whether the intention of the Lender be considered, or use that the Borrower commonly puts it to, all Mercantil negotiation is exceedingly eclipsed by it.  
3. There being nothing surer, then that for the most part suchlike borrowers, in Hawks, Hounds, Wenching, Gaming, Tippling, Swaggering, Fiddling, Rioting, Revelling, and other suchlike profligate courses of a most effusive and vast expense, squander away the money so lent, without casting an eye to any thing tending to the furtherance of the exchange of Ware, towards the necessary use of man.  
4. 
Hi incubant & excubant, ut auro insidientur. Diu tamen vivant avarin, nam se diutius torquebunt.  And that likewise, the Lender's of money unto such men, minding chiefly their own ingreatning, when they think a competent time hath expired, for engendering upon the emitted Coin a progeny numerous enough for their enrichment, require from their respective debtors the sum at first so lent, with its usurious attendants; which, if obtained, they, possibly at the hands of some other no less deboshed than the former debtors, make purchase of some Land: if not, then are they sure, by Decrees of Apprising according to the harsh Law of Scotland, to take possession of the land of the debtor.  
5. So that however the matter go, being certainly assured of Land, which was the thing they aimed at, assoon as they find themselves invested therewith, they cast off the Vizard of Merchant, wherewith they cheated the world, and turning once landed men, they altogether scorn to traffic any longer.  
6. But the best is, that the sons of those, because of their father's having acquired Land, 
Quanta dementia est, sui baeredis res procurare, & sibi negare omnia! O egregiam phrenesin, egenus vivere, ut dives moriare!  (though the said fathers, by virtue of their long-accustomed parsimony, snudge out their own time, without any danger of thraldom by debt) strive usually to be renowned (the better to appear Gentlemanlike) for such extravagant actions, as carrying along with them profuseness of charge, occasioned the sale of those lands which by their fathers were purchased.  
6. And as from the same causes, with all their concomitances, proceed always the same effects; 
Prodigus est natus, de parco patre creatus.  so doth such a course of life as was kept by those that did dilapidate the foresaid lands at first, produce an inevitable necessity of redisponing them, and that oftentimes to the first abalienators sons, who, bitten with penury, 
Pecunia avaro supplictum est.  for the lavishness of their fathers, become miserable scrape-goods for their children's subsistence.  
8. After which manner, 
Non sibi, sed alits aries sua vellera portat; sic aliis cumulat dives avarus opes.  the generation of one livelihood being the corruption of another, the son of the Covetous spending what the father of the Prodigal had gained; and the son of the Prodigal reacquiring what the father of the Covetous had put away: Prodigality and Covetousness, in this alternative vicissitude, 
Est suror haud duhius, qum est manifesta Phrenesis ut locuples moriaris egeno vivere fato.  were the two master-wheels that hurried Scotland into Confusion and Hypocrisy; the jehu, that drove the Chariot with such velocity, that since the National subscribing of the first Covenant, one and the same estate in lands hath been observed, according to the manner of the forementioned circulation of covetous men, and prodigals, succeeding in the veece of one another, 
Quod parcus quaeres essundet, prodigus haeres.  to have interchangeably been possessed by four several owners, hinc jude, the seller being still (as it were) the buyers predecessor, in a diametral line, as in a direct one, the Prodigal was to the Covetous; or inversedly, the Covetous to the Prodigal: and this not only in one, or two, 
Dives es ut Croesus, sed vivis pauper ut Irus.  but in above five hundred several parts of the Country; wherein what the covetous father of one family had bought from the prodigal-father of another, the covetous son of that other did recover from the prodigal-son of the first, and that with so little virtue in either, 
Cui plus licet quam par est plus vult quam licet.  that oftentimes the purchase flowed from the greater vice.  
9 By such a vicious flux and reflux (within these ninety years) upon the channel of Land-rents, 
Ea cupiditas habendi istos invasit homines ut possideri, magis quam possidere videantur.  so great prejudice hath redounded, and daily redoundeth to the worthy profession of Merchandizing, the disponer not being accustomed with traffic, and the purchaser disdaining any longer to exercise it; that all Manual Trades in that Nation are now almost totally failed, and have fallen of late into such a palpable decadence, that hardly shall a man be found, where these men have being that can make a pair of Boots aright, or Tailor skilful enough to apparel one in the Fashion, although he see the pattern before him.  
10. Other Trades of weaving Silver Lace, knitting Silk Stockings, sowing of Cutwork, with five hundred more depending on the hammer, needle, or pencil (in other Countries as commonly practised, as Cookery with us) may in Scotland now, wherever the Usurer lives, be as well put amongst the antiqua deperdita, as the malleability of glass, liquability of stone, or incombustibility of linen.  
11. And the reason is, Though they had the dexterity to make the ware, there is no Merchant to buy it; all such being turned by Usury to Mongrel-Gentlemen, and all Gentlemen thought unthrifty, that turn not Usurers; whose both inclinations being to convert all into money, (save so much victual and clothes as barely may preserve their bodies from starving, which a corner of their own Countryfarm will sufficiently afford) all gallantry of Invention is ruined, exquisite Artificers discouraged, and Civility itself trod under foot, for want of Commerce.  

Locum virtutis deseruit & obruitur, qui semper in augenda festinat re.  12. Thus it being clear, that promiscuous Usury (the Gentleman being no more ashamed of it, than the Burger) hath been the overthrow of Merchandise in Scotland, which is so commendable a profession, and so agreeable to Learning and true Wisdom, that as by Literature we are justly called Microcosmes; for being able to comprehend all manner of things under specieses in the predicament of quality: so may we be as well termed the same, for our ability by Merchandising (were we so inclined) to bring within the compass of our possession whatever is in the category of habere.  
13. There is no doubt but to have antipathy against such opposers of honest Negotiation, 
Nec a mortuo sermonem, nec ab avaro gratiam expectes.  is to sympathise with good men; and not to abhor them with a perfect hatred, (in so far as Christian charity will allow us) is to be enemies to both Civility and Discretion.  
14. What great harm they have done to the whole Isle of Britain by their violence against me, 
Avaritia ad injuriam usque grassatur.  (not mentioning their obstructing my intellectual faculties, which, to the opprobry of Mankind itself, they oftentimes have most inhumanely laboured to suppress) I will instruct how, in my person, these men have hindered Navigation, 
In omne nefas praecipites hoc adigunt nummi.  Commerce, by the export, import, and transport of Commodities Manufactares, Fodinary employments for Coal and Minerals Agriculture for Tillage, Pasturage, and Planting, and many other such feasible projects of industry, tending altogether to the promoval of both wealth and civility in a Land.  
15. I have (or at least had, before I was sequestered) a certain Harbour or Bay, in goodness equal to the best in the world, adjacent to a place, which is the head-Town of the Shire; whereby I am entitled both Sheriff, and Proprietaty; the Shire and Town being of one and the same name with the Harbour, or Bay; whose promontories on each side, vulgarly called Souters, from the Greek word 〈◊〉, that is to say, Salvatores, or Saviours, from the safety that ships have, when once they are entered within them, had that name imposed on them by Nicobulus the Druyd, who came along with my predecessor Alypos, in the days of Eborak, that founded York, some 698 years before Ferguse the first; at which time, that whole Country, never before discovered by the Greeks, was named Olbion by the said Alypos, whose description in the 〈◊〉 doth specify it more at large.  
16. This Harbour, in all the Latin Maps of Scotland, is called portus salutis; by reason that ten thousand Ships together, may within it ride, in the greatest tempest that is, as in a calm; by virtue of which conveniency, some exceeding rich men, of five or six several Nations, Masters of Ships, and Merchant-Adventurers, promised to bring their best Vessels, and stocks for tradeing along with them, and dwell in that my little Town with me, who should have been a sharer with them in their hazard, and (by subordinating factors to accompany them in their negotiation) admitted likewise for a partner in their profit, and advantages.  
17. By which means, the foresaid Town of Cromarty (for so it is called) in a very short space would have easily become the richest of any within threescore miles thereof: in the prosecuting of which design, I needed not to question the hearty concurrence of Aberdeen; which for honesty, good fashions, and learning, surpasseth as far all other Cities and Towns in Scotland, as London doth for greatness, wealth, and magnificence, the smallest Hamlet or Village in England.  
18. Nor was I suspicious of any considerable opposition in that my project from any Town save, Innernasse alone, whose Magistrates (to the great dishonour of our whole Nation) did most foully evidence their own baseness, in going about to rob my Town of its liberties and privileges.  
19 Yet was that plague of Flagitators, wherewith my house was infected, so pernicious to that purpose of mine, that some of them lying in wait (as a thief in the night) both for my person and means Cannibal-like, 
Avari (says Chrysostom) sunt fures & latrones, ubique inutiles, & pejores ipsit moretricibus: maxima pars horum in morbo jactatur codem.  to swallow me up at a breakfast; they did, by impediting the safety of my travelling abroad, arresting whatever they imagined I had right unto, and inhibiting others from bargaining most barbarously and maliciously cut off all the directory preparatives I had orderly digested, for the advantage of a business of such main concernment, and so conducible to the weal of the whole Island, to the great discouragement of those gallant Forreners, of which that ever-renowned Gentleman for Wit and excellency in many good parts, Sir Philbert Vernati by name was one; who being of Italian parents, by birth a Dutchman, and by education expert in all the good Languages of the Christian world, besides the Arabic and Sclavonian Tongues, wherein he surpassed, had a great ascendent in counsel over all the Adventurous Merchants of what Nation soever: whereof (without the foresaid lets of those barbarous obstructers) some by all appearance had so concurred with me, that by their assistance I would ere now have banished all idleness from the commons, maintained several thousands of persons of both sexes, from the infant to the decrepit age, found employments proportionable to their abilities, bastant to afford them both entertainment, and apparel in a competent measure; by various multitudes of squameary flocks of several sizes, colours, and natures, educed out of the bowels of the Ocean both far and near, and current of freshwater streams, more abundance of wealth than that whole Country had obtained by such a commodity these many years past; erected Ergastularies for keeping at work many hundreds of persons, in divers kinds of Manufactures; brought from beyond sea the skilfullest Artificers could be hired for money, to instruct the natives in all manner of honest wades; persuaded the most ingenious hammer-men to stay with me, assuring them of ready Coin for whatever they should be able to put forth to sale; addicted the abjectest of the people to to the servitritiary duty of digging for Coals and Metals, of both which in my ground there is great appearance, and of the hitting on which I doubt as little, as of the Lime and Freestone Quarries hard at my house of late found out, which have not been these two hundred years remarked; induced masters of Husbandry to reside amongst my tenants, for teaching them the most profitable ways, both for the manner and season, of tilling, digging, ditching, hedging, dunging, sowing, harrowing, grubbing, reaping, threshing, kill, milling, baking, brewing, batling of pasture-ground, mowing, feeding of herds, flocks, horse, and cattle; making good use of the excrescence of all these; improving their Herbages, dairies, Mellificiaries, Fruitages; setting up the most expedient Agricolary instruments of Wains, Carts, Slades, with their several devices of Wheels and Axletrees, Plows and Harrows of divers sorts, Feezes, Winders, Pulleys, and all other manner of Engines, fit for easing the toil, and furthering the work; whereby one weak man, with skill, may effectuate more, than forty strong ones without it; and leaving nothing undone, that by either sex, of all ages, might tend to the benefit of the labourer, or rather in applying most industriously the outmost of their virtue, to all the emoluments of a countryfarm, or manual trade,  
20. I would have encouraged likewise men of Literature, and exquisite spirits for invention, to converse with us, for the better civilising of the Country, and accommodating it with variety of goods, whether honest, pleasant, or profitable; by virtue whereof, the professors of all sciences, liberal disciplines, arts active and factive, mechanic trades, and whatever concerns either virtue or learning, practical or theoretic, had been cherished, for fixing their abode in it.  
21. I had also procured the residence of men of prime faculties for bodily exercises, such as riding, fencing, dancing, military feats of mustering imbattleing, handling the pike and musket, the art of Gunnery, fortification, or any thing that in the Wars belongeth either to defence or assault; volting, swimming, running, leaping, throwing the bar, playing at tennis, singing, and fingering of all manner of musical instruments, hawking, hunting, fowling, angling, shooting, and what else might any way conduce to the accomplishment of either body or mind, enriching of men in their fortunes, or promoving them to deserved honours.  
22. All these things, and many more, for export of the commodities of this Island to the remotest regions of the earth, import from thence of other goods, or transport from one foreign Nation to another, and all for the conveniency of our British inhabitants, whether for their integrity and uprightness of conversation, gain and utility in their means, or delight and recreation in their disports, I would undoubtedly have ere now provided to the full, in being (as by a friend of mine was written of me in an Epistle of his premised to a book entitled The Genealogy of the family of the Vrquharts) a Maecenas to the Scholar, a pattern to the Soldier, a favourer of the Merchant, a protector of the Tradesman, and upholder of the Yeoman, had not the impetuosity of the usurer overthrown my resolutions▪ and blasted my aims in the bud.  

Ad quid Prodest multa quidem possidere, & nihil agere?  23. Now if you would know what it is that the Usurer bestoweth on the Country, in compensation of so large a benefit whereof he hath deprived it; I will tell you, it is laziness, greed, obstinacy, pride, beggarliness, hatred, envy, treachery, contempt of betters, oppression, hypocrisy, cruelty, contention, cowardliness, continual heartburning, 
Nulli potest secura contingere vita, qui de reproducenda nimium cogitat.  disquietness, and miscontentment of mind, misregard of true honour, vilifying of virtue, and disdain of learning, with other many such like perturbations of a most odiously wicked, and grievously troubled spirit.  
24. Amongst such, he is accounted a thrifty Gentleman, who bestirreth himself the space of two days in the whole year, 
Modum non habet avaritia, nec capiendo expletur, sed incitatur; hoc egentior, quo plura quaesivit. Avaritia desideratis rebus non extinguitur, sed augetur; num more ignis, cum ligna quae consumit asceperit excrescit, & unde videtur ad momentum flamma comprimi, paulo post ceruitur dilatari.  about the ingetting of his interests, although all the rest of the time, he be more lither than a dormouse; and when he hath got this money, covetousness will not permit him, howbeit, to the debtor it prove destructive, to make any other use thereof, then by joining it to the parent, which did procreate it, to beget thereon an incestuous brat of the same kind, enixible at another term.  
25. They will not be persuaded to forgo this fashion of living, because it is easy, although it be often told, 
Spes mali lucri initium est jacturae.  that goods so acquired can never prosper; for that their gain is grounded on the visible loss of another.  
26. The Tradesman gets no employment; 
Avaros Diogenes Hydropicis comparat; quia illi argento pleni: high aqua referti amplius desiderant, idque utrique in sui perniciem.  for though he make some curious work fit for sale, the Merchant will not buy it, because his money beforehand is designed to beget interest a nor yet the Gentleman; because the monster of the Merchant's interest hath devoured his land-rents: thus the Merchant is idle, the Gentleman beggared, and the Artificer starved for want, and all by the gallant virtue of Usury, so much cried up in Scotland.  
27. Fear of Piracy and Shipwreck, will not permit those men to adventure the launching forth in the depth: and uncertainty how the prizes may rule, deters them from the hazard of bargains by land; thus the Seas are not sailed, nor the ground half tilled, nor doth that parcel thereof which is laboured, for lack of apt materials wherewith to manure it, 
Fidelis terra, infidele mare, insatiabile lucrum.  yield half the increase, which otherwise it would; and yet they would be rich: whereby it is manifest, that their ignorance is great, their laziness far greater, but their covetousness and avarice is far the greatest of all.  
28. Their chief felicity consists in wealth, 
Haec vera est causa ne cives quidquam honestum, honumve curent: cum insatiabili auri & argenti cupiditate, honesta pariter & inhonesta officia complectantur; & quicquid agunt, sive fas sive nefas, id habeatur, ut pecunias cumulent, quibus subministrantibus, veluti pecora, ventri & veneri serviunt. Plat. 8. de Legibus.  that wealth is money; which money, when they have obtained, they know not how to use it: yet rather than not have it, they will do whatever is not good, although what is good they will not do, for the purchasing thereof: they will not labour for riches, by prosecuting of industrious exercises; yet would prove treacherous for it; they will take no frugal course to attain to means, yet will they rob, pillage, filch, pilfer, and purloyn, ere they want money.  
29. They will not with us Metallurgize it, or dig one fathom deep unto the ground, to search for a Mine, or Mineral, although the surface give apparent signs thereof (being like the Prostapheresicians of late times, who could not see the invention of Logarithms, which they had lying before their eyes) and yet their thoughts are so immersed in the earth, that the sublimest of them do seldom reach a fathom above it; 
Aurum omnes victa jam pictate colunt.  nor would they for the most part reach that height, but to derogate from their superiors, whom in duty they are bound to bear respect to, and to denude them in all they can of their rights, whereby the better to grasp at somewhat, for the fattening of themselves.  
30. Another way they have no less detestable than this, whereupon they very ordinarily walk, to get themselves approved men of high spirit, and that is biviated into two paths, one whereof they tread in for oppressing of the poor, and men of meaner chevisance than themselves, and in the other for contemning the worth, valour, learning, or whatever else is most commendable in him, whose means they aim at.  

Cum illorum affluentia crescit simul inopia: insanus medio flumine quaerit aquas.  31. Nay, they go so far on in this their sordid and abominable humour, that slighting all manner of learning, and inrichment of the mind, they account sciences and liberal arts but conceits, and toys, compared to money, which by these clusterfifts is held in so great estimation, that though they will choose to be hanged, before they trouble themselves with taking any kind of virtuous course, 
Divitem esse non est honestum, sect ex honestis divitem esse.  for the obtaining of it, they do nevertheless repute honesty itself to consist therein, and will commonly say, that such a one is honester than another, by so many hundred pounds a year.  
32. Notwithstanding all these unworthy, and base endeavours of theirs, 
Avarorum doctrina est tanti teipsum putato, quantum habueris.  I have constantly observed them to remain still poor and needy; the reason whereof is, that their laziness and pusillanimity not permitting them to search for wealth, in the azure bosom of Thetis, or secessive regions of the earth, where the title primi occupantis would prove right sufficient enough for the possessor; 
Damnum potius quam turpe lucrum cligendum  they aim only at what belongeth to their neighbour, one or other.  
33. Who possibly being of the same disposition of avarice towards them, if the tenaciousness of the one, interchangeably encounter with the covetous humour of the other, 
Semper avarus eget, congesto pauper in auro, inter opes mendicus opum.  with an equal number of degrees of intensive greed, darted and received to and from each on either side: both parties, because of the parity of reaction, will remain in the same condition, as before, without bettering or impairing their fortune.  
34. But if there be any difference in the aforesaid qualities, 
Avarus dum colligit, colligitur: & dum vult esse praedo, fit praeda.  betwixt the two contesters for each others means, he, in whom the degrees thereof are most remiss, will, (as by a Cannibal) be devoured by the other; which other perhaps, being so served by a third, and he again by another, 
Gula primo parenti abstulit paradisum, avaritia diviti aperuit infernum.  there will follow a perpetual consecutive course of intergulping one another, till the devil, by snatching up the last in him, have quite swallowed them all, and so rid the world of those ignominious rakehell's, by whom it had been so long impestred.  
35. Such men (as is said already in the 27 Article of this same book) will not apply themselves to navigation, because it is hazardous; nor to trading by land because it is painful; nor yet to the ripping up of the bowels of the earth for wealth, 
Illi morbo qui permanet invenis, & inhaeret in visceribus, nec inveteratus evelli potest, nomen est avaritia.  because it is uncertain; and yet they would be rich, and have store of money; which to attain unto, they take this course for the most part, Such as have Land, make use of some ascriptitiary varlets, for the manuring of it, who in their agricolary work, follow not the prescript rules of husbandry as they are most approvable by reason, but as they were most in use in the days of their forefather's; for whensoever the Landlords are desired, for improving of the Land, to do other ways, their answer is, that they will not alter the fashion of their Grandfathers, who were honest men, and the times than were good.  
36. Nevertheless, when the Wife or Children gape for new provisions, than it is that the peevish shifts are set abroach, of encroaching upon their neighbour's pasture-ground or corn-land, by removing of the march-stones, or as aforesaid: or if they have a little money, they pack it up in a clout, then upon good security concredit it to some one or other, who after the expiring of a prefixed time mutually condescended on, shall be bound to restore the said clout-birth, with an additional increase; which when obtained by its coalescency with the former heap, is produced a new parent, with parturiencie for more store.  

Pecunia non satiat avaritiam, sed irritat. Cui nihil est quod habet, nihil illum constat habere.  37. This is called virtue, and hath been of all other the commonest way of thrift, since usury in Scotland hath been in any request; yet by the means thereof, the whole country is impoverished, and no man rich: for those that, in the estimation of the vulgar, are accounted most wealthy, have nothing else but money, which not being wealth, but the measure of appreciating it, they can no more (to speak the truth of them) be reputed rich, than strafford's (my Lord Lieutenant of Ireland's) ape, which had a thousand pound sterling hid in a hole.  

Avarus est tanquam balneateris asinus, qui cum ligna sarmentaque deportel, tamen semper sumo ac favillis oppletus est: nec unquam fit particeps, neque balnei, neque teporis, nec munditici. Toto mundo eget, cujus non capit mundus cupiditatem.  38. I'll not deny, but that a virtuous man, with less money, would quickly become rich; because with it he would purchase those commodities, which are the true riches that fortune bestoweth on us: but that money maketh these men such, I utterly disavow it; for in their clothes they are poor, in their attendance mean, their fare course, and in their houses so bare and naked, that unless it be the wife, or the daughter (and that peradventure not much worth neither) you shall not perceive a movable that merits the looking on: and why? there is no Tradesman in the Country to make it, nor Merchant to bring it home; and though both these were (whom, as in the 26 Article of this same Book I said already, they banished from the Land) they have not the heart to buy it.  
39 Whereby it is evident, that either the Usurer storeth up nought but money, or if he exchange it for ware, the chaffer that he buyeth with it, is that which in many civil Countries, to appreciate at the rate of any Coin, hath been accounted Sacrilege, to wit, the inheritance of Land, the proportion whereof with money is more irrational, 
Nun morbus insaniae similis, ac miserandus videtur? siquis ob id non utatur veste, quod algeat, neque pane quod esuriat, neque divitiis quod divitiarum sit avidus.  then that of the Diagonal to the side, or Diameter to the circumference.  
40. The poor from the rich, of this kind of men, differ but little in their meat, drink, clothes, and lodging; and all these a Fox hath in and about his terrier: so that truly who purveyeth but what is merely necessary for the life of man, may be said to have but the providence of a beast: Doth not the Pismire, and the Be every whit as much and almost every fowl of the air?  
41. To what end our Knowledge, if it make not all things vendible conduce to our behalf, and wealth suppeditative of whatever exceedeth not that extent: I would have cloth from the Draper, silks from the Mercer, lace from the Milliner, hangings from the Upholster, trinkets from the Trigler, jewels from the Lapidary, books from the Stationer, marmalads from the Confectioner, course dulciaries from the Grocer, essences from the Perfumer, and any thing else either of Merchant or Artificer, belonging to that Macrocosm, whereof I am the little world.  
42. Do those men I have been speaking of so, 
Peccarum avavitiae mentem, quod affecerit, ita gravem reddit, ut ad appetenda sublimia tolli non possit.  I doubt if they understand the names of the trades I have related: nor are such professions to subsist by them, whose thoughts being fixed on money, as the Loadstone on the Polestar, consider not of what is convenient either for their mind or body.  
43. I have heard of one with us of the cattle aforesaid, worth a thousand pound sterling a year, who had no other book in his house, but the Bible, 
Pauperiorem se judicat omnie abundans, quod sibi deesse arbitratur quicquid ab aliis possidetur.  and that only to have a chapter in readiness after meat, when the Minister should come to see him: all the paper he had was full of of sneesing-powder, nor had he other pen, but that wherewith he took it; so careful he was of materials for the exercise of the mind.  
44. As for the preservation of the health of the body, prevention of diseases, or remedies against them, they are so well versed in the terms of art concerning them, that the word Apothecary may signify somewhat to eat for any thing they know; Surgeons and Physicians coming along like the Burghers of some Towns to their Land-meers but once in the five years.  
45. Thus hath the Usurer in less than fourscore and ten years' space that he hath domineered in the Land, 
Quae est aviditas concupiscentiae, cum & ipsae belluae habeant modum: inn enim rapiwt, quando usuriunt; vero praedae, cum senserint satietatem; sed insatiabilis ost avaritia divitum.  made some of us no less savage, and barbarous, than the wildest beast that is; and if he roam at such random, but for twenty years more, the satire, and the Centaur, will in their lower parts have more humanity than many of us shall in our brains.  
46. For he resteth not in the destruction of the Merchant and Artificer, but likewise layeth his heavy hand upon the Scholar, who, by reason of not allowing him competency of maintenance at the Schools; doth not (one amongst forty bred amidst them, even when they have passed their whole course of learning) know how to spell the English tongue aright.  
47. By means of which gross imperfection, I now and then have sustained myself no small prejudice, in the expense of time; for although I compose no Treatises (whether in prose or verse) without some considerable deliberation, yet for the most part, for couching them in a hand not very legible (for truly I am no good Scribe) and not being able to find (neither in my own family, nor within a great many miles about me, one skilful enough in vernacular Orthography) I have oftentimes been at a great deal of more pains, in enditing of them to the writers, and amending their erratas, then at first I was in the framing and writing of them both.  
48. Nor is there any hope in haste of amending this fault; for the most of the parents of that Country, ever since the days of our Grandfathers, have by the triumphancy of Usury, had the inclinations of their minds so mechanically protruded upon the contempt of Letters, that their children have with their very Mother's milk, imbued an averseness form learning, and all the Vtenda's conducible thereto, fearing they should hinder the advancement of their private fortunes, according to the trivial saying, Vbi multum de intellectu, ibi parum de fortuna; whereof (to speak nothing of the manifold great discouragements which in the progress of Literature I have from my infancy had through the whole tract of my time, till this very present minute) the late course taken for sequestrating whatever belonged to me, gave no small experiment.  
49. For I have found at home, even in those that loved the better than they did any body else, and in the eyes of the world most entirely, a very heavy and deplorable omission, in taking a course (like Martha, who was only busied about external things) for the preservation of corn, cattle, plate, with other goods and and utensils, whilst they were altogether neglective of securing what they themselves knew I preferred to all these moveables; as appeared even when they so slighted my Library, that not a book thereof escaped the touch of Dundasse's singers; although there were not three therein, which were not of mine own purchase, and all of them together (in the order wherein I had ranked them) compiled (like to a complete nosegay) of flowers, which in my travels I had gathered out of the gardens of above sixteen several Kingdoms) by having their thoughts plunged, and totally immersed, in an extraordinary care for these things, which with little expense, and less labour, were obtainable about our own doors: all which books (had not that worthy and most conscientious Gentleman Col. Tho. Fitch (to whom I was then unknown) contremanded the sequestrators purpose of sending them to Leith in a Ship, then ready to launch forth from Cromarty) had assuredly been thrown into the bottom of the sea (for the Vessel whithin two days thereafter, was taken by the Hollander) or tossed amongst the Flemish Sationers in their Shops at Amsterdam, never any more to be thumbed in this Isle.  
50. But Providence (which doth not always go along in its dispensation of events according to the expectation of the forecasters) permitted not what they would have most concealed, to slip out of the reach of Dundasses' hands; unwilling (as it were) for their preposterous election, that any thing should be saved, though the loss of both was mine; with this difference nevertheless, that upon giving of Bonds and good security, they were repossessed with the other movables; but as for my Books, although I obtained an Order from the Commissioners for the Sequestration at Leith to Captain Dundass, requiring him to let me have the refusal of them, yet he not pleasing to come to Cromartie, where they were fast looked into Trunks, whereof himself had the keys, I was not able, for all the favour I could make till this hour, to obtain either the getting or buying of any of them, save a few of those which under pretext of the Sequestrators having meddled with them, being stolen, and afterwards dispersed thorough the Country, were through good intelligence by me happily recovered.  
51. The little care had of my Papers and Books, by those to whom they were entrusted, being a branch springing from the epidemical tree of Ignorance, which, together with Hypocrisy, Usury, Oppression, and Iniquity, took root in these parts, when Uprightness, Plaindealing, and Charity, with Astraea, took their flight with Queen Mary of Scotland into England, where, not without the incitement of those her subjects who from her own Dominions had expelled her, she lost her life: since which time, what devastation hath by Usury been made amongst the most ancient families of that Country, 
Avari omnem ordinem turban, estque avaritia arx omnium malorum.  he that runs may read it upon all the prime Castles of the Land.  
52. The Usurer thus (as is obvious to the eyes of any) being the chiefest occasion of the ignorance of Scotland, and of a huge deal of wickedness besides, as in my own particular may be instanced: for as of any knowledge that (by the favour of God) is in me, he would rob the whole world; so goeth he about to despoil me of all my means and inheritance against all reason; therefore could I say no less: but who would have more, I remit him to my Aporrectical intervals, in the Menippaean Satyrs, whereof he may see five hundred times as much, when the Order obtained for recovering those my Manuscripts which Dundass the Sequestrator meddled with at Cromartie, shall prove more effectual.  
53. What I have spoke of this sort of untoward men, is in some measure to incite the State, to whom in all humility I make my address, to consider of the many wrongs I have most unjustly sustained by them; for reparation whereof, I heartily desire my inheritance may be made free unto me, and the privileges of my ancient House kept entire, after the above-written proposed way; which engaging me to the exposing of some moveables in exchange, of a sufficient stamp, and currant pass, I must acknowledge myself obliged (in the strictest manner can be conceived) towards the discharge of that duty.  
54. However, instead of too hasty publishing my intent therein, which for some reasons mentioned in the four and fiftieth of the second Book, and other Articles to that sense, is most expedient for the time to forbear; I humbly propose to take this course, for the satisfaction of the Public, That in case I perform not, at a competent time to be prefixed for the purpose, whatever I have promised, I shall be willing to forfeit both life and lands; the later whereof will, even in the estimation of those craving men, double the worth of all the money that they can, with any kind of pretext of reason, demand from me. This is adhibere cautionem Mutianam, and to prescribe the readiest way how to avoid deluding.  
55. Only thus far, I would have the judges of my offer to be learned and judicious men, 
Vide Book 2: Art. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52.  and not such as will prefer a fishes eye to a Diamant, a Babble to a Sceptre, and Tilling, Harrowing, Sowing, Reaping, Mowing, Planting, and feeding of the flocks and cattle, to all the seven Liberal Arts; their Encyclopedia being Agriculture: for men of that nature, being merely led by the Sense, will never discern of things aright.  
56. It was by such amongst the Turks, that Famagusta in the Isle of Cyprus (none of them at that time carrying any respect to the inward worth of a Christian) that the Earl of Paphos (though the compleatest Courtier, and gallantest man of that Age) was made to carry on his shoulders a packet full of mortar, for the repairing of a breach.  
57 A horse fit for the wars, is oftentimes, by the indiscretion of his master, appointed to go round in a Mill, and perhaps esteemed less worth than a blind Jade, that in the discharge of that circumambulatory office shall be found to surpass him.  
58. A Country-hoydon, in carrying loads, will excel a Gentleman of fashion: and I have known a young handsome woman prefer a man for building of a Peat-stack in a comely proportion, to be her husband, before a Gentleman, who, for his valour, very shortly after, became a Colonel of both Horse and Foot.  
59 Silly minds have abject thoughts; and though Eagles catch not Flies, Cameleons do. With such therefore whose spirits soar not a Grasshoppers leap above the ground, we are not to meddle, lest, as Midas 'twixt Pan and Apollo, and the Ass between the Cuckoo and the Nightingale, they pronounce an erroneous sentence, to the disgrace of themselves, and opprobry of Learning.  
60. It is only the generous spirit endued with knowledge, to whose judicious arbitrement I do heartily submit myself, and all my endeavours; because such a one will not deny, but that a private Gentleman may enter in paction with the potentest State that is, for matters touching the furtherance of the good fame thereof: That though (as Protestants avouch) in our service towards Almighty God we merit nothing, yet if in the performance of good offices to the Public, we transcend the bounds of the ordinary duty of a subject, we may justly be said to supererogate at the hands of any Sovereign Authority in the world: And that Learning, even in time of war, is to be held in estimation; for that he who is the God of glory and peace, is likewise the Lord of hosts.  
61. Nor is there any doubt, but that he will acknowledge the profound Literature of a Native, to bring great reputation to his Country, That such a reputation is there far more worth than riches, and consequently riches to be amply disposed on for the promoval of that Learning, whether it be by donatives and largesses, positively to give encouragements to him that is so qualified; or by a negative assistance, to remove (whatever it cost) the obstructions of those, whether Creditors or others, that meschantly stand in the gap, to hinder the progress of the effects thereof.  
62. He will also avouch, that in all well-policed Commonweals there are remedies appointed for helping of the debtor (much more the Aquopet) who is in case to do his Country service, 
The Aquopet is he from whom debts are sought, although he owe them not.  as well as (if not rather then) the creditor, that doth nought but for his own ends, without regard of the Public: and likewise, that such Creditors as are but Flagitators, craving money from those to whom they never lent any, should (will they, nill they) be enforced to confer courtesies (in abating of their sums) upon them that never were their debtors, 
Qui sint aliena, volunt adsicere.  but only enthralled to them for the debts of others.  
63. Nor will such a gallant man fail to assever, but that it is more honourable for Britain, 
Hi saepius victi sua spe frustramur.  that my Family, which hath stood therein for the space of ninety and four generations, be established for my doing unto that my foresaid Country service, then permitted, through the rigour of a dangerous Law, by the covetousness of those, whose money neither I nor any of my progenitors ever saw, to be ruined and overthrown, 
De male partis non gaubebit tertius haeres.  for setting up of I know not what, which shall not, nor ever yet hath been seen, in the like occasion, to stand till the third heir, or a full age: and that the fall of an ancient House, which mutilates the Country, 
Neque enim divitiae injustae nunquam constantes sunt.  is more deplorable, than the defalking of some interests, which doth but, as it were, shave off the hair of some greedy wretch.  
64. I am also confident, that in the opinion of such a man, antiquity of Race (cateris paribus) is to be preferred; and that to rescind private covetousness for a public good, is to do no wrong at all.  
65. The verity of all these things being asserted, (as in reason it ought) I offer to the Public to make good my Parole, provided they liberate my estate from the bondage of the Flagitutor.  
66. By dis-inthralling me thus from the slavery of the importunate Riposcones, I accomplishing my part, 
Voraciores punpura & dolia inexplebilia.  the Public will gain the reputation of re-establishing into its pristine integrity a family of great antiquity, of furthering the course of Learning and good Letters, of relieving the innocent from unjust oppressions; and to do this, will obtain the unanimous consent and approbation of all the Soldiers, Gentlemen, Commons, and People of either sex, within the whole Land, the Flagitators only excepted.  
67. For which cause, seeing I am drawing to a closure, if any happen to imagine, this my suit to be the more unobtainable; that the preparative thereof, may endanger the disquieting of the State with showers of Petitions, to have public charges allocated for the payment of private debts;  
68 My answer is, that my case in this particular, being quite different from that of any other within the dominion of Scotland, whether regard be had to me, to my Father's creditors, or the land in debate betwixt us there is none who by virtue of any favour by me demanded from the supreme power of the Land, can for his interest in the like suit, pretend a right to the same courtesy to be performed on his behalf.  
69. For if we consider the Land which I claim title to, as the undoubted inheritance of my predecessors, it is a land which never was bought nor sold, nor otherways derived to my progenitors from any Sovereign power, then by bare confirmations of their former rights; (the like whereof cannot with truth be avouched of any Land in the Isle of Britain) and therefore the more heedfully to be preserved from being a prey to the unclean Harpies of Usury.  
70. If again I be looked upon as one who for any personal courtesy done to myself, was never obliged to any one of them who call themselves Creditors: how I have obliged every one of them by having given to each a hundred times more than ever I had received from them all together: how withal I am willing to renounce my right to any thing that ever was acquired by my father: and how lastly I am content not only to pass by the laying of any title to those many several lands of my progenitors within the Shires of Cromartie and Aberdeen, which in his own time he heritably disponed away and abalienated; but also to discharge them of the vast sums of money many of them unmercifully peeled out of my rents ever since my father's decease; I am certainly persuaded no compatriot of mine by such reasons will pretend to the like; or if it happen he should, (which I believe he cannot) that offer which I make to the Public, beyond the reach of common imitation, will quell the ambition of that suit, the obtaining whereof totally dependeth upon examples he is not able I suppose to follow.  
71. To these I furthermore adjoin this other circumstance, That in all the Isle of Britain there shall not be found a crew of such rigorous and merciless Creditors, (William Robertson only excepted) who without respect to any thing else then their own mere enrichment, care not what misery their debtor and his posterity be brought into by their procurement; which procedure (considering how of eight or nine times I was surety for Countrymen of mine, I was always forced to pay the debt; how likewise, of a hundred times at least, that money by others of them had been borrowed from me, I would ever have been well pleased to forgo all interests for the bare sum which I lent; and how nevertheless I do not plead immunity or exemption from any debt due by myself, my condition (I thank God for it) being such, with all manner of people I have had to deal with, of what Country soever, that upon three hours' warning I shall pay all I owe in the world, and to the utmost farthing give satsfaction to all those that properly can be called my creditors) may very well be thought to furnish ground sufficient for what I have deduced, by way of grievance against the aforesaid flagitators.  
72. Wherefore I likewise answer, if ever there fall forth a contingency of the like occasion, in all its specialties and circumstances, the lack of any one whereof will undoubtedly alter the case; that is to say, if (besides what I have already said) a good deal of contiguous rent (privileged with the title of a Shire within itself, and worthily possessed for the space of two thousand thirty and nine years, by four and twelve several generations of heritable Sheriffs, and sole owners of the whole Shire, descended (for the most part) of one another in a direct consecutive, and uninterrupted line from father to son, accordingly served and retoured heirs to their immediately-foregoing predecessors in the same family) happen to undergo the lamentable disaster of being legally threatened to be taken away by creditors, for vast sums of money, from the righteous heir, who never was bound, nor any of his ancestors (save his father alone) to them, or any of theirs in so much as the value of one bare groat, and himself nevertheless able, out of the nimble reach and perspicacity of his wit, to afford stuff equivalent to both land and money joined in one.  
73. If ever, I say it chance, that all these prenotated restrictions, and limited designations, occur in any Countryman of mine (which I trust will first cost the revolution of the great Platonic year) the State should have my advice, 
Vide art. 42, 44, 53, 54, 59, etc. of the second book and others, for vindicating the Author from Philosisme.  were there twenty of them, to install them (other means failing) upon the public charge, in the place of their forefather's, with all emoluments and profits thereupon depending; that like so many radiant stars in one constellation, they might dart an influence propitious to the furtherance of the glory of this Island.  
74. And in truth (for my own part) before that in the person of such a one, should be seen the overthrow of the house of his progenitors, I would allow him the adminiculary succour of half my means, when at best, for his aid of support, and think in so doing to gain by the bargain; being certain (besides that it is a deed of virtue, whose recompense, for being held by all moralists to be in the action itself, makes the very doing thereof to pass for a sufficient reward) that for a gratuity of that importance, so seasonably administered, from a spark of such a nature, would never be wanting a most thankful acquital to the utmost of his power.  
75. After which manner, without striving for examples, the public may be throughly and fully assured of me, and of the infallibility of my grateful return, which shall be always ready; for that my inclination leadeth me, not to receive any thing in that kind, unless it be as willingly crogated, as it shall be accepted of.  
76. Therefore to conclude, seeing there is not any Scotish man breathing, who is not as much, if not rather more beholding to me, than I am to him; and that my humour serves me rather to apply myself to the good of many in general, then to be wedded to any particular interest: I humbly desire, for that neither myself, nor any of my predecessors, have at any time been subject to any other than the supreme Authority, that by the sacred influence thereof, I may be freed from the bondage of the supposed creditor, whose discretion being as the broken rod of Egypt to repose upon, let me adjure the public, by all their sacred, and most endeared ties to patriotisme, antiquity, honour, virtue, learning, and what else may be reputed most laudable in the behalf of one totally addicted to their command, seriously to consider of the premises, to homologate what I demand vouchsafe the pratrociny of my offer, and Mecenatize the request of him, who in rearing up monuments of his engagement to them for so splendid a favour, and for memory thereof, erecting trophies of thankfulness to their fame, shall withal research all other occasions, wherein he may most deservingly approve himself their eternally-devoted servant,  
Thomas Vrquhart.   

The Epilogue.  
THat I (whilst a prisoner) was able to digest and write this Treatise, is an effect merely proceeding from the courtesy of my Lord General Cromwell, by whose recommendation to the Council of State, my Parole being taken for my true imprisonment, I was by their favour enlarged to the extent of the Lines of London's Communication: for, had I continued as before, cooped up within Walls, or yet been attended still by a Guard, as for a while I was, should the house of my confinement have never been so pleasant, or my Keepers a very Paragon of discretion, and that the conversation of the best Wits in the world, with affluence of all manner of Books, should have been allowed me for the diversion of my mind; yet such an antipathy I have to any kind of restraint, wherein myself is not entrusted, that notwithstanding all these advantages, which to some spirits would make a Jay I seem more delicious than Freedom without them, it could not in that eclipse of Liberty lie in my power to frame myself to the couching of one syllable, or contriving of a Fancy worthy the labour of putting Pen to Paper, no more than a Nightingale can warble it in a Cage, or Linnet in a Dungeon.  
Here must I not forget the obligation I owe to that most generous Gentleman Captain Gladmon, for speaking in my favour to my Lord General; which gallantry in him (upon so small acquaintance) shall assuredly be remembered by me, with a steadfast resolution to embrace all the opportunities wherewith Fortune shall present me, for performance of the best offices I can, in testimony of my thankfulness.  
The kindly usage of the Marshal-General Captain Alsop, whilst I was in his custody, I am bound in duty so to acknowledge, that I may without dissimulation avouch, for courtesies conferred on such as were within the Verge of his authority, and fidelity to those by whom he was entrusted with their tuition in that restraint, That never any could by his faithfulness to the one, and loving carriage to the other, bespeak himself more a Gentleman, nor, in the discharge of that Military place, acquit himself with a more universally-deserved applause and commendation.  
The enumeration of these aforesaid courtesies, will not permit me to forget my thankfulness to that Reverend Preacher Mr. Roger Williams of Providence in New-England, for the manifold favours wherein I stood obliged to him above a whole mont, before either of us had so much as seen other, and that by his frequent and earnest solicitation in my behalf, of the most especial Members both of the Parliament and Council of State; in doing whereof, he appeared so truly generous, that when it was told him how I, having got notice of his so undeserved respect towards me, was desirous to embrace some sudden opportunity whereby to testify the affection I did owe him, he purposely delayed the occasion of meeting with me, till he had (as he said) performed some acceptable office worthy of my acquaintance: in all which (both before and after we had conversed with one another) and by those many worthy Books set forth by him, to the advancement of piety and good order (with some whereof, he was pleased to present me) he did approve himself a man of such discretion and inimitably-sanctified parts, that an Archangel from heaven could not have shown more goodness with less ostentation.   

To the Reader.  
Sweet and judicious Reader,  
ALthough you have been detained all along this little Tractate, upon the particulars of a private family, and that the Author, as the first sight, doth thereby seem to mind rather his own profit, than your instruction: yet so much confidence is reposed in your ingenuity, that it is credibly thought, you will not expect great apologies from him, whose best endeavours, you know already, have been much devoted to your service; especially for that your interest in the future establishment of his fortune (all things being well considered) appeareth every whit as great as his own: for albeit in the eyes of the vulgar, most of the benefit of an estate seemeth to accrue to him that enjoyeth it; yet if the fruition thereof in his person, be but a mean to a further end, communicable by many thousands, unto each of whom is of it exposed as plenary a possession as to himself, his share must needs, by that account, in regard of theirs of so great a number, be but very little: herein therefore is it evident, that the Reader in the Author's settlement is as much concerned as himself; for who desireth any thing, is also desirous of the means whereby it is to be attained unto. Thus there being no possibility of the Author's publication of excellent Treatises, unless he be reseated in the estate of his predecessors, the Reader, of whatever condition, with whom literature is in any estimation, should concur with, assist, and help him forwards to the prosecuting of those his just demands, if not for any love to the Author, yet his own sake at least, and that for the knowledge which thereby may redound to himself, which (to value things aright) must needs be of more importance, than any interest the Author can have in the means of his progenitors; for what can the Author and his posterity suffer of damage by the want of his estate, comparable to the prejudice sustainable by the many Readers and their successors, through lack of his writings? unless one would think that the goods of Fortune are more highly to be prized then those of the Mind; the contrary whereof hath been very clearly evidenced, in many several passages of the foregoing Tractate.  
Vade Liber, totumque refer mea damna per orbem,  
Hostibus affigens stigmata nigra meis:  
Contingatque mihi Siculi fortuna Poetae,  
Cui fatale metrum non minus ense fuit;  
Nec posthac demptum dices mihi creditor ensem,  
Si calamo possem te jugulare meo.   

SEeing the end of this foregoing Tractate is to persuade the State, out of their wisdom, to condescend to the just demands of the Author; there can no number like that of Two and thirty, which by the Rabbis of old was ascribed to wisdom, and by Pythagoras to justice, be pitched upon, so apposite for terminating the sum of these subsequent Proquiritations, according to the tenor of this Algebraical Hexastick.  
Of Postulata's a sursolid, whose  
Content doth twice that Square of Squares enclose,  
Which is the double of the Cube of two,  
Is here displayed, for th' Author's sake, to show  
How that Square dealing will him best become,  
Whereby he gets his own in solidum.  

1.  
THat he, whose good name is like to be eternised in the grave, should not in his life-time be neglected by the State of an immortal fame, is the hope of  A. S.  

2.  
That to the overthrow of Equity in the person of the Author, the State suffer not any Law of theirs to become the executioner of the spleen and covetousness of his implacable adversaries, is the humble desire of  B. H.  

3.  
That they who look merely to the present time, without any regard of the future, be not permitted by the State to deprive him of his means, who, for the weal of after-ages, spends his time most virtuously, is the desire of  D. I.  

4.  
That outlandish Nations, with whom the Author hath much acquaintance, may, for the State's favour to him, when they shall restore him to his own, after the above-written manner, offer up a most cordial sacrifice to their Authority, is the humble desire of  Ai. Bs.  

5.  
That seeing the most of Scotland is subdued, those that had long before that enslaved themselves to the most abominable vice of oppressing others, be not permitted by the Conqueror to meddle with the estate of him that never injured any, is the earnest suit of  E. G.  

6.  
Seeing the Author's Treatises are conducible to posterity, for the weal whereof the now-established Authority hath undergone so many difficulties, that for its respect to them, and hopes of their retribution of praises, he may be better rewarded, then if he were a present-time-server, without consideration of the future, is the desire of  Ei. Z.  

7.  
Seeing from the creation of the world, it hath pleased the Author to deduce his extraction, without baulking since the days of Adam, so much as one of his progenitors on the paternal side, That the State vouchsafe to put him in a consistence of protracting his posterity through as many hereditary successors in a lineal descent, according to the contents of the preceding Tractate, is the desire of  K. F.  

8.  
Seeing the most innocent of the Scotish Nation is no more blameless, than he, that his sequestration should be taken off and a considerable acknowledgement allowed him, for the great loss he sustained by the rigour of the subsequestrator, is the desire of  V. Fs.  

9  
Seeing the Author hath been still faithful to his trust, never culpable of Parole-breaking, but always true in every word and action, That the generosity of the State will not suffer him to be exposed to the inhuman dealing of those Countrymen of his, who for their own ends, make no bones of being guilty of greater breaches, is the desire of  Wh. Y.  

10.  
Seeing he is born to the profit of a few, who thinketh only on the people of his age, and to that of fewer, whose thoughts exceed not the reach of his own proper interest, That the illustrious State shall consider of the difference betwixt the Author's competitors of dark and narrow projects, and his own splendid and ample endeavours, comprehensive by appearance of the whole latitude of time, is the humble desire of  X. Ya.  

11.  
The Author's family being of the greatest antiquity in Scotland, and by an especial providence till this time preserved from that utter subversion intended by the iniquity of his covetous and dissembled enemies, should in my opinion obtain a larger measure of protection from the State, than any other race in that land, and himself favoured with the grant of all that in this foregoing Treatise is demanded by him, (which that it be so) is the humble desire of  Gh. Eu.  

12.  
That the shire of Cromarty, which ever from the beginning hath been the receptacle of the most harmless inhabitants, be not bestowed on any other than the Author, whose predecessors, for uprightness and integrity of carriage, had not their equals in that Nation, is the desire of  Yo. Bu.  

13.  
That the noblest State in the world, will not now permit that to be exposed to sale, which never hitherto was made vendible in any preceding age, and that the Lands and shire of Cromarty, (which by none that ever breathed were either bought or sold) should by a grant from the State, be in the heritable possession of the Author, as nearest in line to the aboriginary owner, is the earnest desire of  T. Wi.  

14.  
That the Author being but as a clear spark, from whence gleameth the most of the pure light that is to be seen of any learned invention in that Country of Scotland, it be not quenched and quite extinguished, by the foul and black water of an usurious puddle drunk up there, by the natives almost of all sorts, is the humble request of  Bu Ts.  

15.  
The Author's education having been more abroad then at home, whereof England may duly claim no small share; that by the State of that Nation, he should be singled out to suffer more than the disaffecters of both their rule and countrymen, is not the expectation of  Wo. Kn.  

16.  
That the Author's unwillingness to acknowledge an Ecclesiastical sovereignty above the supreme established Civil authority, be not a motive to deal more rigorously with him, then with any of those other his compatriots, that turn tail to every government, without affection to any, is the desire of  V. Ye.  

17.  
There being scarce any other Gentleman in Scotland, who to the press so freely adventureth his name as himself, that the Author's thus favouring this Isle with elucubrations beyond the reach of most of his compatriots, may not for his service to the public by the attolerance of the State suffer any detriment by his own countrymen in his private fortune, is the desire of  Q. O.  

18.  
That the reasons deduced by the Author in the above-written Treatise, why he should not be made liable to any other debt then that of his own contracting may be so relished by the supreme authority of the Land, as that thereby he may be exonered of any other burden, is the humble desire of  C. W.  

19  
Their being none in Scotland less covetous than he, nor more averse from the excessive love of money, that it may please the State so to protect him, as that he be not made a prey to the most avaricious men of any, and such as respect Silver and Gold beyond whatever else is most precious in the world, is the humble desire of  L. Ch.  

20.  
Seeing the Author's unwillingness to pin his faith implicitly to the sleeve of the Ministry, would at Sterling have debarred him (although otherways he had been willing) from being admitted to any charge in the Scotish army against the English; and that therefore his going to Worcester would by all appearance seem rather to have proceeded from his desire to shun old adversaries at home, then to acquire new ones abroad, that he should be looked upon with a more amicable eye from the State, is the humble opinion of  M. Gs.  

21.  
That the exemplary civility of the Author, for being apt to have influence on the minds of the rudest of his kindred and neighbours, even unto the remotest hills of Scotland, may persuade the State, whose endeavour it is to bring them into as near a conformity as may be, in Manners and Language with the natives of England, to settle him, without encumbrance, in the inheritance of his predecessors, is the desire of  Du. Th.  

22.  
Seeing the State's adversaries had kept some three years ago a Garrison in the Author's house for twelve months together, and that for these many years past, by several exactions, tolerated plunderings, and other suchlike unmerciful dealings, without any just occasion given, his rents have been made almost totally unserviceable, that he may now, for his greater peace in the future, be exonered of the English Garrison that is in his house; and after its removal, have himself fully settled in his own, with all manner of ease and tranquillity, is the humble desire of  N. Wa.  

23.  
Seeing the grant of what is demanded in this Treatise, can no ways introduce a preparative of any dangerous consequence, as hath been evidently shown in the above-written Introduction, That the State may be pleased, without any suspicion of being troubled upon the like grounds by any other of his Compatriots, condescend to his desires therein, is the hearty wish of  P. Hey.  

24.  
That sublime. Natural and Moral Philosophy, Mathematics, Poesy, and many other kinds of good Literature, should not be any longer suppressed by the injustice of devouring and insatiable seekers ignorant of every thing that is not lucrative for the bag, is the desire of  Au. Ps.  

25.  
Seeing many in Scotland live at ease who enjoy more of their neighbour's unlawfully-acquired goods then formerly was their own. That the Author who never yet could for the importunity of waspish seekers, and terror of a rigorous Law, most often in the mouths of partial men, get applied, in the most fertile year that was, for his own use the tenth part of his rent, should now by the magnificence of the State, reap the fruits of his own, without the hazard of such terrible soakers, is the earnest desire of  Gu. Dn.  

26.  
As the overthrow of Vice should be the establishment of Virtue, That the conquest of his opposers reseat the Author in his own inheritance, and that the State of England do it, which professeth the subdument of irregular spirits, is both the expectation and desire of  Tm. Ou.  

27.  
Seeing the Author's design hath been these many years the same, in matter of furthering Manufacture, Commerce, with all manner of Trading and Negotiation with the most industrious of the English now inhabiting Scotland That the State will not, in favour of those that have obstructed the performance of so worthy enterprises, denude him of his just inheritance, is the desire of  Yi. Pn.  

28.  
As love to the English Nation more than to their money, deserveth from that Government the larger influence of grace; so, that the Author's affection to the equitable Customs, & innate Civility of that Nation, being of a more generous temper then that of others, who laboured their introduction for pecunial interests, may be regarded with an eye of greater favour, is the humble desire of  Gn. We.  

29.  
Seeing there are many heritors in Scotland, who though for being actually in charge against the English, as pretended opposers of Presbytery, they did either enrich themselves, or by their levies and quarterings received great profits to the no small damage of the Country, do nevertheless enjoy their means at this time (whose good fortune notwithstanding thereby, I wish no man to envy) with as much tranquillity as before; That the Author, who never yet had any benefit to the prejudice of another, be placed rather in a better then worse condition than any of those, is the desire of  Tu. I.  

30.  
That the vexation uncessantly for these ten years passed sustained by the Author, from men of unsatisfiable appetites, in matter of worldly means, may not, as formerly, to the great hindrance of divulging learned Treatises, be any longer an impediment unto him, is the earnest desire of  R. Thou.  

31.  
That a plenary grant of the Author's demands, after the manner above specified in the Tractate of his Introduction, will prove a great encouragement to good spirits, in the prosecuting of virtuous endeavours, is the opinion of  Wu. Fn.  

32.  
That this is the unanimous desire of all the good persons of either sex, with whom, of any Nation, in whatever Country, whether at home or abroad, the Author hath been formerly acquainted, is testified by  Tu. Vs.  


Parva peto: debens minus: & plus spondeo: at istis  
Plura dabit genio spero Camaena meo.   

Englished thus.  
Little I ask: I owe less on the score:  
I promise much; yet hope to perform more.    
FINIS.   

THough in this almost extemporary Treatise, composed amidst most of the disturbances that are incident to one totally destitute of encouragements from without, for undertaking enterprises of the like nature; and, by the Author himself, in scribbled sheets and half sheets, before the Ink oftentimes was well dry, given out to two several Printers, one alone not being fully able to hold his quill a going: there should have occurred manyer escapes of the Press then there are pages in the Book (considering how the animadversion of the Revises, was altogether recommended to the Compositors at the Case, who were, through the odness of the Hand wherein the copy was written, very frequently apt to mistake the sense of both single words, and full members of periods) it needeth not to be thought strange. May the Reader therefore be pleased to excuse all, and with his pen to correct these ensuing Errata, as it is hereafter shown how they should be amended.  
Lib. Art. Lin. Errata. Emendata. 1 Tit. pag. 15 Credere Cedere. 1 18 3 quintessinced were quintessinced. 1 21 1 Italians Italian. 1 112 3 five & twenty six & twenty 2 13 5 sell set. 2 17 marg. sollicie sollicitae. 2 18 marg. magnomalo magnummalum. 2 35 5 very similitudinary verisimilitudinary. 2 39 marg. vocata vocare tua. 2 44 1 for shunning that for shunning. 2 49 8 signs sins. 2 56 4 precedents precedents. 2 59 3 specified specifieth. 2 67 10 quod quid. 2 70 13 nimirum est unum. nimirum unum est. 3 35 5 Oxymal Oxymel. 3 37 8 in him in him whom I had entrusted with my affairs 3 44. marg. ditare doliturus ditari. doleturus. 4 20 6 seccessive secessive. 4 40 2 bagpipes bagpipe. 4 54 8 Carmelists Carmelites. 4 82 4 fire, fortune, and the extremest pains fire, and the extremest pains fortune could inflict upon them. 4 83 3 more manyer. 4 91 5 Exscibalauron Exskybalauron or Exskybalochrysos 4 91 8 had hate. 4 p. 80. 7 hoc scite namque ira 5 5 1 the that. 5 6 marg. delibuntur dilabuntur. 5 9 marg. Avarum Avarus. 5 12 marg. Vid. Art. 28. Vid. Art. 63 5 13 7 Baronry of Fisheries Baronries of Bray and Fisheries. 5 17 marg. pecuniae pecunia 5 29 marg. removit removet. 5 36 marg. uti ut. 5 40 13 order orders. 6 8 7 confusion and hypocrisy; confusion; and hypocrisy. 6 24 marg. num nam 6 27 3 prizes. prices.