THE undeceiver. LONDON: Printed for Samuel Gellibrand, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the Brazen-Serpent in Paul's churchyard. 1643. The undeceiver. ALl Neuters are in a state of Enmity, and therefore in an accursed condition; He that is not with me, is against me, saith our Saviour, Luke 11. 23. And, Curse ye Meroz, said the Angel, curse them bitterly, because they came not to the help of the Lord against the mighty, judges 5. 23. Solon made a law, that in such unnatural divisions as we are too well acquainted with, all that would not apply themselves to one side or other, should be put to death, because they would not adventure their private persons for the public good; for men not to declare themselves at such a time, was not accounted Moderation, but Treachery; because it is clear and evident, that men of that strain did but wait for an opportunity to advance themselves, and betray the commonwealth, by going over to the stronger side, as some have lately done since the taking of Bristol: pity it is that Solon's law is not in force. But there are divers who are startled out of their Neutrality and indifferency, who are still at their wit's end, and know not which side to take; if they take part with the Parliament, they are afraid they shall resist the Ordinance of God; and if they go over to the King and Queen, they are afraid they shall join with those who labour to overthrow the Church and Kingdom, by bringing in of Popery and Slavery both at once. For the satisfaction of these ignorant and perplexed souls, it concerns them to peruse the Parliamentary-Covenant, and the Court-Covenant, for one of these Covenants must now be taken by every Man in the Kingdom. The Court-Covenant: First, for the Court-Covenant, there is nothing in it to assure us of the Princely Truth and goodness of Prince Rupert, or Prince Maurice, who have a greater command in the Army, than His Majesty himself: 2. We are not yet assured of the Queen's Truth and goodness, nor of the Truth and goodness of those Papists, English and Irish, who vow and swear, that they will maintain the true Protestant Religion: 3. We cannot be assured, much less rest assured, and fully assured of His Majestics Princely Truth, who hath broken so many solemn Protestations; nor of His goodness, who sets His hand and seal to such unmerciful and bloody Commissions, witness that Commission never to be forgotten, which was sent to Tompkins the Queen's Agent, to bear him and his fellows out in a Plot as black as that of the Gunpowder-Treason. Secondly, Moreover, every man that takes the Court-Covenant must say, I do believe that the raising and employing of Forces by His Majesty, for the purpose and cause before mentioned, to be most just and necessary. But all the question is, Whether the King did raise, and doth employ all His Forces and the Queens, for the purpose aforesaid, that is, the maintenance of the Protestant Religion; or rather it is out of question, that He doth not employ them to that purpose. Thirdly, it is to be wondered at, that the Cavaliers, negroes, Welsh & Irish, &c. should endeavour to procure the re-establishment of the Peace and quiet of this Kingdom; and that they should help His majesty's Subjects to recover, nay enjoy their Liberty and Property, according to the Law of the Land; for they imprison the persons of good Subjects; Is that the way to help them to their liberty? They take away their Estates; Is that the way to make them enjoy their Property? And is all this done according to the Law of the Land? Fourthly, they vow that they will not hinder or prejudice the designs of His Majesty, in the conduct or employment of His Army. Now, what designs His Majesty had upon Bristol last March, and what designs He had upon London but the other day, is well known; And shall any Man bind himself from hindering such black and bloody designs, nay bind himself by a Covenant made with God, from hindering designs so extremely displeasing to the God of Heaven? Let even Heathens judge in this particular; for it is against the very light of Nature, to promote this unnatural War, and such unchristian, nay inhuman and barbarous designs. Fiftly, it is very strange that any Englishman should believe, that the Subjects of England are not bound by any Order or Ordinance of Parliament; for an Order of the House of Commons doth oblige all the Commons of England; and an Ordinance of Lords and Commons doth oblige all the Subjects of England. Sixthly, it is beyond admiration, that the roisters or Cavaliers vow that they will not obey any Act or Declaration made by the King's Majesty solely, which is not according to some known Law, custom of the Realm, or Statute enacted by the King, Lords and Commons in Parliament: When as their taking up of Arms against the Parliament, and such as are quiet in the Land, is directly contrary to the Laws of the Land, and to all enacted customs, as shall be shown anon; nay sure they are not able to prove, that it hath been a custom to take up Arms against the Parliament, we need not put them to prove that it hath been a legal custom. Finally, though the Covenant did declare but now, that a Declaration made by the King's Majesty solely, doth not oblige, yet here in the close there is a shrewd intimation, that His Maj●st●es Warrant is sufficient to justify a man's bearing of Arms; their practice doth declare their intention; for if they have but the King's Warrant, they presently take up Arms, and are not so vain to stay till the Lords and Commons give them leave to take up Arms against the Parliament. But as wise as they are in framing a Covenant, a Parliament-Captain may assent to the last words of the Covenant; for he that takes up Arms by the Authority of Parliament, doth take up Arms by Authority justly derived from His majesty's immediate Warrant; for they are His majesty's highest Court and council, called by His majesty's Writ, and what they do as the Supreme Court, they do by the Kings own Authority. So much for the Court-Covenant, taken by the roisters, Cavaliers, Papists, Delinquents, &c. in the King's Army, and by too many simple and cowardly men, who are under the power of the Army of the King or Queen. The Parliamentary-Covenant: In the next place, I shall give clear satisfaction to such Objections as are urged against the Parliamentary-Covenant; some stumble at the penitential, others at the civil part of the Covenant. First, they say they are not prepared to enter into so strict a Covenant. To this it is answered; 1. That they have above twice as much time given them to prepare, as is usually given to prepare for the Sacrament. 2. Our Covenant of Reformation, is a Covenant of Grace; and therefore we do not enter into this Covenant, presuming upon our own, but trusting upon the free and effectual Grace of God. Others there are, who tell us that a believer need not, nay ought not to repent: Sure these men know not what Faith or Repentance means, for it is impossible for any man but a believer to repent. From whence do penitent purposes arise, or penitent tears flow, but from the love of God, and hatred of Sin; now no man but a believer can love God, or hate Sin; and therefore no man but a believer can repent. It is clear and evident that no man will repent, till he doth believe that it is to some purpose to repent. He repents of his sin, who repents from his sin, Heb. 6. 1. Now no man but a believer can repent from his sin. And the selfsame men are not ashamed to say; that the sins of believers are not charged upon their own persons, much less upon the Kingdom or Nation, and therefore they should lie and be forsworn, if they should say and swear that the Nation fares the worse for their sins. To which I answer, that it is one thing to say that God doth inflict satisfactory punishments; and another to say, he doth inflict exemplary chastisements upon believers, nay upon the Kingdom for their sake; for God may pardon the sin of a people, and yet take vengeance of their inventions, Psal. 99 8. The anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, 2 Sam. 24. 1. and God smote the people with pestilence, and yet David a penitent believer, cries out, lo I have sinned, and I have done wickedly, but these sheep, what have they done, in the 17. Verse of that chapter. If it may go ill with a believer for a rash word, because he speaks unadvisedly when his spirit is provoked, Psal. 106. 32, 33. If God may visit their iniquity with stripes, from whom he doth not take his loving kindness, Psal. 89. 32, 33. then certainly God may so far impute iniquity to believers, as to afflict them with temporal chastisements. I read that the heart of Asa was perfect all his days, and therefore he was a believer, 2 Chron. 15. 17. but I read likewise, that the Kingdom was troubled with wars, because Asa dealt foolishly, 2 Chron. 16. 9 and therefore the whole Kingdom may fare the worse for a believers sake. If you ask why the sword did not depart from David's house, the reason is given, because he despised God, and took the Wife of Uriah, 2 Sam. 12. 10. Hath not God written bitter things enough against his people of late, to recall them from this error? God hath put it past dispute, that the Kingdom fares the worse for the carnal confidence, security, unthankfulness, and unfruitfulness even of believers. And if any do yet make it a question, Whether or no they should be humbled in these days of Humiliation, God will soon put it out of question. Oh let us tremble under the hand of God, and say with David, Psal. 119. 120. My flesh trembleth for fear of thee, and I am afraid of thy judgements. Another Objection is, That the King hath vowed to be revenged on the Parliament, and therefore we must not Covenant to defend the Parliament; because by this means our Oath would be contrary to the Kings. Sol. It is answered in a word, When Saul swore that Jonathan should die, the people swore he should not die, 1 Sam. 14. 44, 45. And yet Doctor Fern grants that these were good Subjects, because they used only a loving violence; and yet here was not only a Resistance, but a Rescue and resistance with an oath, and an oath contrary to the King's oath. We may then swear, that if we can prevent it, none of our Jonathan's, no good Parliament-man, or commonwealths-man shall be put to death, unless he be legally condemned, but that if it lie in our power, we will rescue them, as the people rescued Jonathan. It is farther Objected, That this Covenant is not only against the King's Oath, but against our own Oath, the Oath of Allegiance. For answer, be pleased to observe, That the Law doth direct as well as oblige, and we are obliged to follow the direction of the Law; our duty then according to our Allegiance, is nothing else but our duty according to Law; if that the King command any thing against Law, obedience to such a passionate command is not Allegiance, but Dislegiance or disobedience; for he that disobeys the Law, disobeys the King. Now it is clearly against the known Laws of the Land, to join with those Forces which labour might and main to overthrow the Laws of the Kingdom, and the Religion established by Law, under a pretence of defending the King. 2. The Oath of Allegiance concerns our resistance of foreign force; and therefore the valiant governor of Gloucester denied to give up the city to Prince Rupert or Prince Maurice, because it was against his Oath of Allegiance, to subject himself and the City to any foreign Prince. 3. The Parliament-Forces were raised for the defence of King and Parliament. 4. The King is our Liege-Lord, as well as we are his Liege-people; and therefore He is to command according to Law, and we to obey His legal commands. That the illegal Summons of a King is not to be regarded, is evident, 2 Kings 1. from the ninth verse to the sixteenth, here is a royal command sent by Military Officers, the Summons was peremptory, Thou man of God, the King hath said, Come down: And yet the Prophets refusing to obey this command, is justified by two miracles from heaven. 5. In the Oath of Allegiance we promise to defend the Authority of the King; now we are ready to obey the King's Authority, but we are not bound to obey the King's pleasure. If the King command a thing which He hath no Authority to command, and enforce His command upon His goods Subjects by an Army, they that resist, do not in this case resist the ordinance of God, but the violation of his ordinance; and though it be a resisting of the Supreme Person, yet it is not a resisting of the Supreme Power; because the King hath no Power or Authority to give, much less to enforce that command. 6. In the Oath of Allegiance we promise to defend the Government of the Kingdom; now the King himself in His answer to the Nineteen Propositions tells us, That the Kingdom is not governed by himself alone, but by the Lords and Commons also; for though in one place he saith, The Commons were never intended for any share in Government; yet he saith, The House of Commons is an excellent Conserver of Liberty, and solely entrusted with the first Propositions concerning the levys of Money, the sinews of War; and with the Impeaching of those, who for their own ends have got a command from the King to break the Law: Nay farther, that there is a Power legally placed in both Houses, which is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of tyranny. This Power of the two Houses, this sufficient, this more then sufficient power of restraining tyranny, must be defended by us, according to our Oath of Allegiance; for the Kingdom is governed by the Courts of justice, and if the highest Court the Parliament be overthrown, what justice is there to be hoped for in lower Courts; The Government of the Kingdom will be overthrown. His Majesty adds in the place forecited, page 20. That if one Estate be suffered to encroach upon the rest (and the King is now most likely, nay doth most dangerously encroach upon the other two Estates) there will be a total subversion of, or overthrow of the fundamental Laws, and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom, which hath made this Nation so many years both famous and happy. Finally we are bound by our Oath of Allegiance, to defend the Subjects as well as the King, and therefore we are perjured, if we do not now defend our fellow-Subjects from that violence which is daily offered them, by those who pretend some Commission from the King. We are therefore much encouraged by the Oath of Allegiance, to defend the Parliament and our Country from all illegal oppressions, and by the grace of God we will keep our Oath. Their next Objection is, That there is nothing in this Covenant concerning the Defence of the King's person. To which it is answered, That we have already engaged ourselves to defend the King's person in a former Covenant, when we took the Protestation, and therefore there was no necessity of repeating it in this Covenant. 2. The King's person is most endangered by those very forces who call themselves the King's Guard; for they put the King upon most dangerous attempts, they urge him to go into the field, which if they loved him, they would never do. David was beloved of his Subjects, and therefore his Subjects would not suffer him to go down into the battle. The King said unto the people, I will surely go forth with you myself also. But the people answered, Thou shalt not go forth, for thou art worth ten thousand of us, 2 Sam. 18. 2, 3. It is true, the King's person is in danger, but who's in the fault? Not the Parliament, for they have like his great counsel advised him, like Christians prayed for him, like Subjects petitioned him, like States treated with him, but all in vain. The Delinquents than are in fault, who cried out, that the King was in danger, and now indeed they have made it good, for the King was in no danger till he came into their hands, only they themselves were in danger of a legal trial, and therefore under pretence of protecting the King, the truth is, they endanger the King, to protect themselves from a Court of justice. If they did not love themselves better than the King, they would adventure themselves, and keep the King out of danger. It is farther objected, that it seems unlawful to enter into Covenant against those Forces which are raised by the King. There are three things very considerable for the satisfying of this doubt; 1. Whether the Forces which are raised by the King, have been legally raised. 2. What kind of Forces they are which are raised. 3. Against whom they employ their strength now they are raised. For the first, It is the known Law of the Land, that the King ought not to raise any Forces, whilst a Parliament is sitting, without consent of Parliament. 2. The Ports, Forts, navy, Ammunition of England, belong to the Kingdom in point of Interest and Propriety, and to the King only in point of Trust, for the use, service, and defence of the Kingdom. 3. It is against the intent and scope of the late Law of press or levy, made this very Parliament; The King himself then hath delivered His deliberate judgement concerning this point, and declared the raising of Forces without consent of Parliament, to be illegal. What scruple then can remain? It being most lawful to defend ourselves from unlawful force. The second point considerable is, what kind of Forces they are which are raised: First, there are two foreign Princes called in, who do plunder, rob, murder, domineer at pleasure: and all wise men will confess, that the nearer they are to the Crown, and the better they are esteemed and beloved in the Army, the more danger there is to the King and His royal Issue. Some Statesmen, not long since, were so jealous of that Family, that they would not have had it mentioned in our Prayers; but we are now grown so secure, that they may be trusted with an Army. But we have not only foreign Princes, and barbarous Welsh-men, but wild Irish, professed Rebels, and more black Regiments then one. 2. There are Delinquents up in Arms, some that broke prison, others that fled beyond the Seas to avoid the stroke of justice; now these are protected contrary to Law, they cannot be pardoned before trial, nor should they be kept from trial, nay it is a question whether the King alone can pardon them after trial, for they who have offended against the three Estates, must be pardoned by all three, if Equity and Reason may prevail. 3. Papists are armed, contrary to Law. Now whether the commonwealth of England, legally assembled in Parliament, may not protect the Kingdom against an Army of Malignants, Fugitives, Delinquents, evil-Counsellors, Papists, rebels, foreigners, we appeal to the conscience of mankind, let the world judge. We are engaged by that solemn Protestation which was taken all England over, by the King's consent, to use our utmost power and diligence to bring such persons as these to their deserved punishment; and the wisest of Kings assures us, that this is the only means to establish the King's Throne, and consequently to quiet the Kingdom, Prov. 25. 5. Take away the wicked from before the King, and His Throne shall be established in righteousness. The direction is especially given to Magistrates and Courts of justice, and therefore to the highest Court the Parliament; for the King being blinded and seduced by them, is not likely to put them away, but rather to protect, prefer them. Now the Parliament hath used all fair ways to take away these Malignants from before the King, they have presented an humble Petition, they have presented a legal Summons, they are now forced to send a legal Army, that these protected Delinquents may be brought to a legal trial; for their legal Summons was derided, the Messenger committed and abused, witness the Summons sent to the Fourteen Yorkshire Gentlemen for disturbing the Peace; the Gentlemen being cited to appear before the Parliament, refused, and alleged His majesty's Warrant for their stay. We need say nothing of the protection and rescue of Beckwith that jesuited Papist, the Story is sufficiently known. The third thing considerable is, against whom these Forces; raised by the King and Queen, employ their strength; The King hath now declared, That he will not Treat any more with the Lords and Commons under the notion of a Parliament, and His soldiers presently shoot or apprehend any man that declares himself for King and Parliament, and some of them drink Healths upon their knees to the confusion of the Parliament. Now to fight against the Parliament, is to fight against the King and the Kingdom both at once; against the King, because the Parliament is the King's Court, His highest Court, from whence there is no appeal, and therefore they who oppose that Court, are guilty of the highest Rebellion, because they oppose the Kings highest Power and Authority: The Parliament then fighting for the maintenance of the King's Authority in that Court, and the Cavaliers fighting against it, is clear and evident, that the Parliament fight for the King, and the Cavaliers against Him, because they that oppose the King's Authority in His Courts, do manifestly oppose the King. And if the King in person be so far seduced, as to oppose the Authority of that Court, we ought not to assist the King, in opposing of His own Authority; for by that means we should disobey His Authority, that we might obey His pleasure, which every wise man and good Subject will count most absurd. Malignants and Cavaliers might learn by the Lord of Straffords case, That the Kings personal or verbal command will not bear them out against the King's legal Power and Authority in His highest Court. Moreover, to fight against the Parliament, is to fight against the Kingdom, for the Parliament is the Representative Body of the Kingdom, and if that Court be overthrown, then farewell Religion, Liberty, Law and all. Finally, the King's Army employ their strength against all strict and pure Protestants, they do either plunder, imprison, or murder them in all places where e'er they come; whereby it is evident, that they fight against the Religion established by Law, and endeavour by force and violence to root all cordial and sincere Protestants out of the Kingdom: In a word, they would by an absolute Conquest make all the Subjects of England slaves, to that so much affected absolute and Arbitrary Power, and make all the wealth, &c. of the Kingdom a present booty to their Pride, Lust, Malice, covetousness, and what not? But the great question is, Whether the Parliament hath Power to raise an Army without the consent of the King? First, the King hath consented that this Parliament should not be dissolved, without the consent of Lords and Commons, but should have the full Power and privileges of a Parliament. Now the Parliament by its ordinary Power, as a Court of judicature, can declare, and enforce Law, and therefore may in case of resistance, compel stubborn Delinquents by force of Arms to abide a legal trial; for this may be done by an inferior Court, and therefore much more by the highest Court. Now this Power being settled in the Parliament by Law, it is settled there by the King's consent; And therefore no man can say, that the Parliament doth raise Forces without the King's consent. But on the other side, the King cannot raise Forces by His own personal command, without consent of the Parliament, because the King in His own person is not a legal Court of justice. 2. In case that the whole frame of the State be endangered, & the Commonwealth like to be ruined, The Parliament hath a privilege to do what in their wisdom seems meet for the preservation of the kingdom, For the safety of the people is the highest Law, an higher Law than Statute-Law, for all Statutes must give place to it, and therefore the Parliament need not urge Statute for those things which they do by privilege, as the highest counsel, and the highest Court; nay when they seem to break Statutes according to their Letter, they fulfil them according to their scope and intent, for the scope and intent of all Laws, is to preserve the kingdom, by preserving the Properties, Liberties, Lives of the people, and preventing or restraining Acts of Oppression and tyranny; That the Parliament hath such a Power, a legal and sufficient Power, to prevent and restrain tyranny, is acknowledged by the King himself, as hath been already shown. 3. This privilege of the Parliament tends not only to the preservation of the kingdom, but to the preservation of the King himself; For as it is in the natural body, if there be a mortal wound in the body, the head dies as well as the body; so is it in the Body politic, if there be a mortal wound given to the State and commonwealth, the king and the kingdom will both perish together, for it is impossible He should be a king without a kingdom. 4. The two Estates of Lords and Commons have more power to preserve the kingdom, than the king hath to destroy it; for the two Estates, by the very fundamentals of Government, are bound to prevent the dissolution of the established frame, and the primary intention of the frame in such States as ours, justifies the exercise of any Power conducing to the safety of the community and Government established, as is proved at large in a modest Treatise of Monarchy, lately published by an earnest desirer of his country's Peace, in the Second and Fourth Chapters of the First Part, and in the Third and Fift Chapters of the Second part. For it is clear and evident, that the two Estates were purposely Ordained to prevent or restrain the excesses of the third, and therefore their Power is not wholly dependent upon, and derived from the third, because than their Power would be insufficient to compass that very end for which they were Ordained; For to go about to restrain and limit a governor, by a Power wholly subject to, and depending on himself, is all one, as to leave him at large without any limitation at all. Besides, it is manifest that the two Estates have a share in the highest act of the highest Power, to wit, the making of Laws, and therefore they have a share in the highest Power itself, and by virtue of that Power may supply the defects, and curb the wilfulness of a Passionate King, who affects an Absolute or Arbitrary Government. 5. The Parliament hath a Power to recall all the illegal Commissions which the King hath granted to foreign Princes, Papists, Delinquents, Cavaliers, or any other, and to disannul or damn them, by pronouncing them to be void in Law, and therefore of none effect. And, nothing is more usual, then for a Parliament to damn illegal Commissions, Patents, Writs, &c. and therefore no Commission of Array can justify the proceedings of those hot spirits who are risen in Rebellion against the Parliament, the State and commonwealth of this Realm. But you'll say, that in this Vow you do likewise promise to defend and maintain others in whatsoever they shall do in purfuance of this Vow and Covenant, and you do not know what excesses your Confederates may run into. The answer is easy, You are bound to assist them according to your power or vocation; if then they demand some assistance that is beyond your power, you are not bound to an impossibility, this yoke is easy, and burden light. Again, if they call upon you to do any thing that is sinful, that is not a Vocation, but a Temptation, you may refuse. Besides, you are to assist him in the pursuance of this Vow; now every man that takes this Covenant, doth in the beginning of it, Covenant to amend his ways; and therefore you may remember your friend or neighbour, that he must set upon a work worthy of a Reformed Protestant, because he hath entered into a Covenant of amendment or Reformation, and then you will, according to your power and vocation, assist him in the pursuance of his Vow of Reformation, though it cost you your life; for that Text must in these times work powerfully upon all tender consciences: We ought to lay down our lives for the brethren, 1 Ioh. 3. 16. not only for our Brethren in a spiritual sense, but for our brethren in civil respects; If I would have my brethren of the same Town or City, my brother-Subject, my brother-English-man, to lay down his life for me, I am bound by the Law of Nature, To do as I would be done by; namely, to lay down my life for him: Let us therefore in obedience to the Law of God, the Laws of the Land, and the Authority of the highest Court of the Kingdom, according to our power and vocation, take away the wicked from before the King; if we love the King let us do it, for by that means the King's Throne will be established: Let us lay down our lives for God and our brethren, that Religion, Kingdom, Throne, Law, Liberty, Peace and all may be established; Amen, Amen. Imprimatur Ja: Cranford. FINIS.