VERE'S COMMENTARIES.   

Brave Vere! who hast by deeds of arms made good  
What thou hadst promised by birth and blood;  
Whose courage ne'er turned edge, being backed with wise  
And sober reason, sharpened with advice.  
Look (Reader) how from Neuport hills he throws  
Himself a thunderbolt amongst his foes;  
And what his Sword indicted, that his Pen  
With like success doth here fight o'er again:  
What Mars performed Mercury doth tell;  
None e'er but Cesar fought and wrote so well.  
Why may not then his Book this title carry,  
The second part of Cesar's Commentary?  VERI SCIPIADae duo fulmina belli.  


FRANCISCO VERO, Equiti Aurato, Galfredi F. joannis Cunitis Oxoniae Nepoti▪ Brieliae et Portsmuthae Praefecto, Anglicarum copiarum in Belgio Ductori Summo; ELIZABETHA uxor viro Charissimo, quocum Conjunctissime vixit, hoc Supremuni amoris et fidei Conjugalis monumentum maestissima et cum Lacrymis Geme. Posuit. Obijt XXVIII Di 〈…〉 Salutis MDCVIII et anno AEtatis Suae LIIII    


Sr Francis Vere    

THE COMMENTARIES OF Sr. FRANCIS VERE, Being Divers pieces of service, wherein he had command, written by himself in way of Commentary.  
Published by William Dillingham, D. D.  
ut VERUS in suis Commentariis prodidit.  Camd. Annal. 
Mihi sufficit haec summatim è VERI Commentario annotâsse.  Idem Ibid. 
CAMBRIDGE: Printed by john Field, Printer to the famous University. Anno Dom. MDCLVII.   

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL HORACE TOWNSHEND, BARONET.  
Right Worshipful,  
I Here present you with the Works, that is, with the actions and writings of your great Uncle, Sir Francis Vere; unto which as you have a right by blood, common to some others with you; so have you also right by purchase, proper and peculiar to yourself alone, having freely contributed to adorn the Impression, wherein you have consulted as the Readers delight and satisfaction, so the honour and reputation of your family. I have read of one, that used to wear his father's picture always about him, that by often looking thereon he might be reminded to imitate his virtues, and to admit of nothing unworthy the memory of such an Ancestor; Now Sir, I think you shall not need any other monitour than your own name, if but as often as you write it, or hear it spoken, you recall into your thoughts those your progenitors, who contributed to it; your Honoured father, Sir Roger Townshend, and your Grandfather the truly Honourable and valiant the Lord Vere of Tilbury, men famous in their generations for owning religion, not only by profession, but also by the practice and patronage of it; whose virtues while you shall make the pattern of your imitation, you will increase in favour with God and men, and answer the just expectations of your country. And that you may so do it is the earnest desire, and hearty prayer of  
Sir, Your respectful friend, and humble servant, William Dillingham.   

To the ingenuous Reader.  
ALthough this book can neither need nor admit of any letters recommendatory from so mean a hand, yet I thought it not incongruous to give thee some account of it, especially coming forth so many years after the Authors death.  
Know then, that some years since it was my good hap to meet with a copy of it in a library of a friend, which had been either transcribed from, or at least compared with another in the owning and possession of Major-General Skippon, which I had no sooner looked into, but I found myself led on with exceeding delight to the perusal of it. The gallantry of the Action, the modesty of the Author, & the becomingness of the stile did much affect me; and I soon resolved that such a treasure could not without ingratitude to the Author and his Noble Family, nor without a manifest injury to the repute of our English Nation, yea and unto truth itself, be any longer concealed in obscurity.  
Whereupon I engaged my best endeavours to bring it into the public view; but finding some imperfections and doubtful places in that copy, I gave myself to further inquiry after some other copies, supposing it very improbable that they should all stumble at the same stone. And so I was favoured with another copy out of the increasing Library of the Right Honourable the Earl of Westmoreland, which had been transcribed immediately from the Authors own; another the Honourable the Lord Fairfax was pleased to afford me the perusal of; but that which was instar omnium was the original itself, written by the Authors own hand, being the goods and treasure of the Right Honourable Earl of Clare; but at present (through his favour) in my possession. These (Reader) are the Personages, whose favour herein I am, even upon thy account, obliged here to remember and acknowledge.  
I have subjoined Sir John Ogles account of the last charge at Neuport-battel; whom I suppose our Author himself would have allowed, being his Lieutenant-Colonel, to bring up the rear. I have also inserted his account of the Parley at the siege of Ostend, both communicated to me by the same friendly hand, that first lent me the copy of Sir Francis Vere. And for thy further satisfaction, I have adventured to continue the story of that siege, from the time that our Author put up his pen, to the time that he put up his sword there, having first by his example taught others the way how to defend the town. Last of all, at the end of the book thou wilt meet with the History of Neuport-battel, written some time since in Latin by an elegant and learned pen; which, for the consanguinity of it, is here subjoined. But if any shall take upon them to censure him, as having translated Sir Francis Vere, without acknowledging of him for the Author; I have this to answer on his behalf, viz. that as he doth no where deny his translating of him, so that he did conceal it, we may very well impute it to the desire he had, both to afford Sir Francis Vere a more ample and advantageous character, than his own modesty would permit him to assume unto himself; and also to give in his testimony unto the truth, in a matter which others his countrymen had with too much partiality related. And this also let me further add, that whether he did translate it or not; yet this, I suppose, will not be questioned, that very few Authors, either ancient or modern, have in so narrow a compass so highly deserved of the learned and ingenious Reader, as he hath done.  
I will not here mention any thing concerning our Authors life or extraction; the one whereof is sufficiently known; and for the other I shall content myself with what Sir Robert Naunton hath briefly written of him, which I have printed here before the Book; which is all but a larger Commentary upon that which he hath there delivered. Only give me leave to be-moan a little our own loss, and the Authors unhappiness in this, That his Noble Brother having been in courage equal, and in hazards undivided, should leave him here to go alone. For, as he must be allowed a great share in these actions recorded by his Brother, so were his own services afterwards, when General of the English, so eminent and considerable, that they might easily have furnished another Commentary, had not his own exceeding modesty proved a stepmother to his deserved praises. He was a religious, wise, and valiant Commander, and (that which quartered him in the bosom of the Prince of Orange) he was always successful in his enterprises; sometimes to the admiration both of friends and enemies. Take an instance or two. When he took Scluys, there was one strong hold first to be taken, which he found some difficulty to overcome, and that was the opinion of his friends of the impossibility of the enterprise. And for his enemies, Spinola himself (were he now alive) would, I question not, do him the right, which he did him in his life-time, and bear witness of his gallant retreat with four thousand men from between his very fingers, when with three times that number he had grasped up the Prince and his men against the Seashore.  
And because the proficiency of the Scholars was ever accounted a good argument of their Master's ability; I shall make bold (with their leaves) here to give you a list of some of his. 

Henry Earl of Oxford.  
Thomas Lord Fairfax.  
S. Edward Vere, Lieut. Col.  
S. Sim. Harcourt, Ser. Maj.  
S. Thom. Dutton, Captain.  
S. Henry Paiton, Captain.  
S. John Burroughs, Capt.  
S. Thomas Gates, Captain.  
S. John Conyers, Captain.  
S. Thomas Gale, Captain.  
S. William Lovelace, Cap.  
S. Rob. Carey, Captain.  
S. Jacob Ashley, Captain.  
S. Tho. Conway, Capt.  
S. John Burlacy, Captain.  
S. Tho. Winne, Captain.  
S. Ger. Herbert, Captain.  
S. Edw. Harwood, Capt.  
S. Mich. Everid, Captain.   Besides divers others, whose effigies do at once both guard and adorn Kirby-hall in Essex; where the truly religious and Honourable the Lady Vere doth still survive, kept alive thus long by special providence, that the present age might more than read and remember what was true Godliness in eighty eight. And as for her Lord and Husband, who died long since, though he left no heir Male behind him to bear his name, yet hath he distributed his blood to run in the veins of many Honourable and Worshipful families in England: for his daughters were, The Right Honourable, Honourable and virtuous; The Countess of Clare; The Lady Townshend, now Countess of Westmoreland; The Lady Paulet; The Lady Fairfax; and Mistress Worstenholme. Whose pardon I crave for making so bold with their names, but my hope is they will be willing to become witnesses unto their Uncle's book (though a warlike birth) and to let their name's midwife it into the world. Thus (Reader) have I given thee a brief account of this piece, and so recommend me to Sir Francis Vere. 
In the map of the low-countries the graver hath set the Fort of Mardyck on the wrong side of Dunkirk. In the Epistle to the Reader an. 8. read in the.   W. D.  

Sir Robert Naunton in his Fragmenta Regalia, p. 41.  
VERE.  
Sir Francis Vere was of that ancient, and of the most noble extract of the Earls of Oxford, and it may be a question whether the Nobility of his House, or the Honour of his achievements might most commend him; but that we have an authentic rule: 
Nam genus, & proavos, & quae non fecimus ipst,  
Vix ea nostra voco, etc.  For though he was an Honourable slip of that ancient tree of Nobility, which was no disadvantage to his virtue, yet he brought more glory to the name of Vere, than he took blood from the family.  
He was amongst all the Queen's Swordmen inferior unto none, but superior to many; of whom it may be said, To speak much of him were the way to leave out somewhat that might add to his praise, and to forget more that would make to his honour.  
I find not that he came much to the Court, for he lived almost perpetually in the Camp; but when he did, none had more of the Queen's favour, and none less envied; for he seldom troubled it with the noise and alarms of supplications, his way was another sort of undermining.  
They report that the Queen, as she loved Martial men, would court this Gentleman as soon as he appeared in her presence, and surely he was a soldier of great worth and Command, thirty years in the service of the States, and twenty years over the English in chief, as the Queen's General. And he that had seen the battle at Neuport, might there best have taken him, and his Noble brother, the Lord of Tilbury, to the life.   

The Contents.  
BOmmeler-Waert 
Pag. 1.  The relief of Rhinbergh 
p. 3.  The second relieving of Rhinbergh 
p. 4.  The relieving the Castle of Litkenhooven 
p. 10.  The surprise of Zutphen-Sconse 
p. 17.  The siege of Deventer 
p. 18.  The defeat given the Duke of Parma at Knodsenburgh-Fort 
p. 20.  The Calis-Journey 
p. 24.  The Island-voyage 
p. 45.  The Government of the Briel 
p. 68  The Action at Turnhoult 
p. 72.  The battle at Neuport 
p. 81. 
Sir john Ogles account of the last charge there 
p. 106.  Clement edmond's Observation 
p. 112.    The siege of Ostend 
p. 118. 
The continuation of it 
p. 131.    Praelium Nuportanum, per Is. Dorislaum 
p. 179.   

The effigies of S. Fr. Vere, and then that of the Lord Vere before the Title-page.  
S. Fr. Vere's Monument, next after the Epistle to the Reader.  
The map of the Seacoasts, and then that of the low-countries, pag. 1.  
The map of Cadiz, and the Islands Azores, p. 24.  
The Action at Turnhoult, p. 72.  
The Battle at Neuport, p. 80.  
The effigies of S. john Ogle, p. 106.  
The map of Ostend, p. 118.    

ERRATA.  
Page 27. line 8. deal, in the. p. 32. lin. last, put the parenthesis after Caletta. pag. 132. lin. 22. for spilled, read split. p. 147. l. 16. r. among the rest came that.   


A MAP OF THE SEA COASTS.    


A MAP OF THE LOW COUNTRIES.    


Sr HOR 〈…〉 E since Baron of Tilbury.    

THE COMMENTARIES OF Sr. FRANCIS VERE.  

BOMMELER-WAERT.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred eighty and nine, the Count Charles Mansfeldt having passed with part of his army into the Bommeler-Waert, (the rest lying in Brabant over against the island of Voorn) prepared both troops to pass into the said island with great store of flat-bottomed boats, his artillery being placed to the best advantage to favour the enterprise.  
The Count Maurice had to impeach him not above eight hundred men, the whole force that he was then able to gather together not being above fifteen hundred men, whereof the most were dispersed alongst the river of Wael, fronting the Bommeler-Waert, to impeach the enemy's passage into the Betowe: Of these eight hundred men six hundred were English, of which myself had the command.  
These seemed small forces to resist the enemy, who was then reckoned about twelve thousand men; and therefore the Count Maurice and the Count Hollock, one day doing me the honour to come to my quarter, put it in deliberation, whether it were not best to abandon the place: whereunto when others inclined, my opinion was, That in regard of the importance of the place, and for the reputation of the Count Maurice (this being the first enterprise wherein he commanded in person as chief) it could not be abandoned (but with much reproach) without the knowledge and order of the State's General: and that therefore they were first to be informed in what state things stood; I undertaking in the mean time the defence of the place. Which counsel was followed, and I used such industry both in the entrenching of the island, and planting artillery, that the enemy in the end desisted from the enterprise.   

The relief of RHINBERGH.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred eighty nine, the town of Bergh upon the Rhine being besieged by the marquess of Warrenbon, and distressed for want of victuals, I was sent to the Count Meurs, governor of Gelderland, by the States, with nine companies of English.  
At my coming to Arnheim, where he lay in a storehouse of munitions, in giving order for things necessary for his expedition, the powder was set on fire, and he so sorely burnt, that he died within few days after.  
The States of that province called me before them, told me in what extremity the town was, the importance of the place, and facility in succouring it, desiring me to proceed in the enterprise; which I did willingly assent unto, and they appointed seven companies of their own nation to join with me, which were to be left in Bergh in lieu of so many other companies to be drawn out thence.  
To the Count Oversteyn (a young Gentleman, and then without any charge, as a kinsman & follower of the Count of Meurs) they gave the command of twelve companies of horse. With these troops we passed to the fort Caleti, made by Skink over against Rees, where finding the carriages appointed for that purpose ready laden with provisions, we marched towards Bergh, taking our way through a heathy and open country, and so with diligence surprising the enemy, who lay dispersed in their forts about the town, in full view of them put our provisions into the town, and so returned to the said fort by Rees, the same way we had gone.   

The second relieving of RHINBERGH.  
AFter some days refreshing, it was thought good by the States (new provision of victuals being made) who in the mean time had advice how things had passed, that we should with all speed put in more provisions, being advertized that the enemy gathered great forces in Brabant, under the conduct of the Count Mansfeldt, for the straight besieging of the Town; which made us hasten, and withal take the ordinary and ready way near the Rhine-side: but because it was shorter, and not so open as the other, and so more dangerous, if perchance the enemy with his full power should encounter us; and because there were upon it certain small redoubts held by the enemy, we took along with us two small field-pieces.  
When we came within two English miles of Bergh, at a castle called Loo, which stands on the side of a thick wood within musket-shot of the way, we were to take through the said wood, being very narrow and hemmed in on both sides with exceeding thick underwoods', such (as I guess) as those dangerous places of Ireland, the enemy from the castle first showed themselves, and then came out towards the place along the skirt of the wood, to gall our men and horses in their passage, with such bravery, as I might well perceive they were not of the ordinary garrison.  
I first sent out some few shot to beat them back, giving order to our vanguard in the mean time to enter the passage, and the Dutch footmen to follow them, and the horsemen, and carriages, with orders to pass with all diligence to the other side of the place, and then to make a stand until the rest of the troops were come up to them, keeping with myself (who stayed in the rearward) fifty horse and six trumpeters, and all the English foot. In the mean time, the enemy seconded their troops of shot with to the number of four or five hundred, in so much as I was forced to turn upon greater numbers, with resolution to beat them home to their castle, which was so throughly performed, that afterwards they gave us leave to pass more quietly.  
When the rest of the troops were passed, I made the English enter the straight, who were divided into two troops, of which I took an hundred men, with six drums, placing them in the rearward of all (my self with the fifty horse marching betwixt them and the rest of the English footmen). This straight is about a quarter of an English mile long, and hath about the middle of it another way, which cometh into it from Alpen a small town not far off.  
When we were past this cross way, we might hear a great shout of men's voices redoubled twice or thrice, as the Spanish manner is when they go to charge; but by reason of the narrowness and crookedness of the place, had no sight of them. I presently caused the troops to march faster, and withal gave order to the trumpeters and drums that were with me to stand and sound a charge; whereupon there grew a great stillness amongst the enemy, who (as I afterward understood by themselves) made a stand expecting to be charged.  
In the mean time we went as fast from them as we could, till we had gotten the plain; then having rid to the head of the troops, who were then in their long and single orders; and giving directions for the embatteling of them, and turning their faces towards the straight, and the mouths of the pieces also, and so riding along the troops of English towards the place, I might see from the plain (which was somewhat high raised over the woods, which were not tall) the enemy coming in great haste over a bridge some eight score within the straight with ensigns displayed, very thick thronged together, and in a trice they showed themselves in the mouth of the straight. My hindermost troops which were then near the straight were yet in their long order, and with the suddenness of the sight somewhat amazed, in so much that a captain well reputed, and that the very same day had behaved himself very valiantly, though he saw me directing as became me, often asked what he should do; till shortly and roughly as his importunity and the time required, I told him that I was never less to seek; that he therefore should go to his place, and do as I had commanded, till further order: and so doubting the enemy would get the plain, before my troops would be throughly ordered to go against them, I took some of the hinder ranks of the pikes, and some shot, with which I made out to the straits mouth a great pace, willing the rest to follow: whereupon the enemy made a stand, as it were doubtful to come on; and so I came presently to the push of pike with them.  
Where at the first encounter my horse being slain under me with the blow of a pike, and falling on me, so as I could not suddenly rise, I lay as betwixt both troops, till our men had made the enemy give back, receiving a hurt in my leg, and divers thrusts with pikes through my garments.  
It was very hard fought on both sides, till our shot spreading themselves along the skirt of the wood (as I had before directed) flanked and sore galled the enemy, so that they could no longer endure, but were forced to give back; which they did without any great disorder in troop, and as they were hard followed by our men, turned and made head manfully, which they did four several times before they broke, and at last they flung away their arms, and scattered asunder, thrusting themselves into the thickets; for backward they could not flee, the way being stopped by their own men.  
I commanded our men not to disband, but pursue them; and passing forward easily discomfited the five hundred horsemen, who presently left their horses, & fled into the bushes; amongst whom it was said the marquess of Warrenbon was in person: for the horse he was mounted on was then taken amongst the rest.  
The horsemen who fled into the thicks we followed not, but went on the straight way till we encountered with the twenty four companies of Neopolitans, who discouraged with our success, made no great resistance. We took eighteen of their ensigns, and made a great slaughter of their men, till we had recovered the bridge before mentioned of them. My troop being small of itself, made less by this fight, and lesser by the covetousness of the soldier, (whereof a good part could no longer be kept from rifling of the enemy, and taking horses,) I thought good not to pursue the enemy further than the said bridge; where having made a stand till our men had taken the full spoil of all behind us, the enemy not once so much as showing himself, and night growing on, I made my retreat, and two hours after sunset came with the troops into the town of Bergh.  
This fight was begun and ended with one of the two English troops, which could not exceed four hundred men: the other, which Sir Oliver Lambert led, only following, and showing itself in good order, and ready if occasion required: the Netherlanders remaining in the plain with the horsemen and the Count Overstein.  
The enemy lost about eight hundred men, and by an Italian Lieutenant of horsemen (who was the only man taken alive) I understood that the Count Mansfeldt was newly before this encounter arrived, and had joined this forces with those of the marquess of Warrenbon, in which were all the Spanish regiments, making two hundred and twenty ensigns, besides other forces; so as the whole strength was supposed thirteen or fourteen thousand foot, and twelve hundred horse, of their oldest and best soldiers. They had intelligence of our coming, but expected us the way we had taken before, and made all speed to impeach us by cutting off this passage, sending those harquebuizers we first met with by the castle, to entertain us in skirmish.  
Presently upon my coming to Bergh, though in great pain with my wound, we fell to deliberation what was to be done: we knew the enemy's strength, and the danger we were to abide in returning; and to stay in the town, were to hasten the loss of it, by eating the provisions we had brought: of the two we chose rather to return; and so giving order for the change of the garrison, and refreshing our men, and bestowing those who were hurt on the empty carriages, by the break of day the morning being very foggy and misty, we set forward in as secret manner as we could, taking the opener and broader way, without sight of any enemy, till about noon that some troops of horse discovered themselves a far off upon a very spacious heath, and gave us only the looking on, so that without any impeachment we arrived that night at the fort before Rees.   

The relieving of the Castle of LITKENHOOVEN.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and ninety, the castle of Litkenhooven in the fort of Recklinchusen, in which there was a garrison of the States soldiers, being besieged by the people of that country, aided with some good number of the Duke of Cleves, the Bishops of Colen, and Patebournes soldiers, which they call Hanniveers; The States gave me order with some companies of English foot, to the number of seven or eight hundred, and five hundred horse, to go to the relief of the said castle; which I accepted, and marching with all possible speed, in good hope to have surprised them at unawares, and arriving there one morning by break of day, I found that the chief troop was dislodged, and that they had wrought hard upon a fort before the entry of the castle, in which they had left good store of men.  
I did expect to have found them without any entrenchment, and therefore had brought no provision of artillery or scaling ladders, without the which it seemed very dangerous and difficult to carry it by assault, being reared of a good height with earth, and then with gabions set thereupon of six foot high, made almost unmountable: And to besiege them I had no provision of victuals, so that I was to return without making of any attempt, or to attempt in a manner against reason; which notwithstanding I resolved to adventure.  
And therefore dividing the English troop into eight parts, I conveyed them as secretly as I could, so as two of these troops might readily assault every corner of the said fort, being a square of four small bulwarks; but with a distance betwixt the two troops, to give on each corner with a signal of drums, at which the first four troops should go to the assault; and another signal to the other four troops to second, if need required.  
Whilst this was in doing, I sent a drum to summon them of the fort to yield, who sent me word, they would first see my artillery. I saw by their fashion there was no good to be done by entreaty; yet to amuse them, I sent them word the artillery was not yet arrived: if they made me stay the coming of it, I would give them no conditions: they answered, that I should do my worst.  
At the very instant of my drums return, I gave the signal, and the troops speedily gave upon the fort, as I had appointed them: though they did their utmost endeavours, they did find more resistance than they were able to overcome; nevertheless I gave them no second till I might perceive those within had spent their ready powder in their furnitures; at what time I gave the second signal, which was well and willingly obeyed, and gave such courage to the first troops, that the assault was more eager on all hands, in so much that one soldier helping another, some got to the top of the rampires; at which the enemy gave back, so as the way became more easy for others to climb to the top, and so finally the place was forced, and all the men put to the sword, being in number three hundred and fifty, all chosen men, with the loss and hurting of about fourscore of my men.  
The place thus succoured, and my men refreshed for some few days, I returned homewards, and found in my way that Burick a small town of Cleve, and a little fort on that side the Rhine, were in the mean time surprised.  
The enemy than held a royal fort not far from Wesel, which served to favour the passage of his forces over the Rhine. This place I understood by those of Wesel to be slenderly provided of victuals, so as they had but to serve them from hand to mouth out of the town, and that their store of powder was very small. I knew the service would be acceptable to the States, if I could take that piece from the enemy, and therefore resolved to do what lay in me: and first appointed a guard of horse and foot to hinder their recourse to the town for their provisions.  
Then passing into the town of Burick, with such stuff as I could get on a sudden, and such workmen, I began to make ladders; so as the night following I had forty ladders in readiness, upon which two men might go in front: for I being so weak, and the enemy having the alarm of my being abroad, I was to expect their coming; so as it was not for me to linger upon the starving those of the fort. With this provision I resolved to give a scalado to the fort, which as it was high or rampire, so had it neither water in the ditch, nor palisado to hinder us.  
The fort was spacious, capable of fifteen hundred men, and had four very royal bulwarks, upon one of which I purposed to give an attempt, and only false alarms on the other quarters of the fort; and to this end for avoiding confusion, both in the carriage, rearing, planting, and scaling, as also for the more speedy and round execution, I appointed eight men to every ladder to bear, plant, and mount the same, whereof four were shot and four pikes; one of either sort to mount a front. And being come near the fort in a place convenient to range the men, they were divided into two parts, and ranged a front, with commandment upon a signal given, the one half to give upon one face of the bulwark, the other upon the other, which they did accordingly, and gave a furious attempt, mounting the ladders and fighting at the top of them, the enemy being ready to receive us; but by reason many of the ladders which were made (as I have said) in haste, and of such stuff as could be gotten on a sudden, were not of sufficient strength, but broke with the weight and stirring of the men, seeing no likelihood to prevail, and the day now growing on, I caused our men to retire, and to bring away with them their ladders that were whole, with no great harm to our men, by reason the enemy being diverted by the false alarms did not flank us, neither if they had played from the flanks with small shot, could they have done any great hurt by reason of the distance; the most hurt we had was with blows on the head from the place we attempted, both with weapons and stones; for the journey being long, to ease the soldiers they brought forth no morrians.  
I therefore purposing not to give over this enterprise, provided headpieces for them in the town of weasel, and used such diligence that before the next morning I was again furnished with ladders, and in greater number: for I had persuaded the horsemen that were well armed for the purpose, with their pistols to take some ladders also, and be ready to give the scalado in the same manner, but somewhat later, for even then day began to break, which not giving us time to persevere in the attempt, was the only hindrance of our victory: for our shot having order when they came to the top of the ladders not to enter, but taking the top of the wall for a breast, and safeguard, to shoot at the enemy fighting at the work-side, and standing in the hollow of the bulwark, till the same were cleared of defendants for to enter more assuredly; which manner of assaulting, though it be not ordinary, yet well considered is of wonderful advantage: for having the outside of both the faces of the bulwark not flanked (as I said before) on their backs, (which in the darkness of the night, and for the alarms given on the other parts they could not see nor intend) and in this manner having galled & driven many of the enemy from the wall, and being in a manner ready to enter, day came upon us, and the enemy having discovered us from the other flanks, turned both small and great shot against us, so as we were forced to retire, carrying our ladders with us, with less loss than the day before in the fight, though more in the retreat by reason of the day light.  
The same day I provided more ladders, purposing the next morning to try fortune again, when in the evening the Governor of the fort by a drum wrote me a letter, complaining that against the ordinary proceedings of men of war, I assaulted before I summoned; and the drum in mine ear told me, that if I would but do them the honour to show them any piece of ordnance, I should quickly have the fort. By which drawing of theirs I perceived they were in fear, and in discretion thought it meeter to make my advantage thereof by drawing them to yield, then to despair them to my greater loss, by further attempting to carry them by force; and so taking a piece out of the town of Burick, I planted the same before morning, and by break of day sent a trumpet to summon them to yield, which they did assent unto, so they might pass away with their arms, which I granted, and so they came forth the same morning two companies of Almains, and two half companies of Italians, near as strong in number as those that attempted them: for besides the English I used none, but some few horsemen: most of their officers were hurt and slain, and of the soldiers more than of mine.  
This is true, and therefore let it be thought that howsoever this attempt may seem rash with the ordinary proceedings of other captains, yet notwithstanding I was confident upon a certain and infallible discourse of reason.  
In the place I found four double Cannons, with pretty store of ammunition and victuals. The same night I and the troops were countermanded by the States, but I left the place with some guard and better store of necessaries before my departure.   

The surprise of ZUTPHEN sconce.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred ninety one, I lying then at Deesburgh with the English forces, the Count Maurice wrote unto me, that by a certain day he would be with his forces before Zutphen to besiege the same, willing me the night before with my troops of horse and foot of that country to beset the town on the same side of the river it standeth.  
On the same those of the town held a fort, which made my Lord of Leycester lose many men and much time before he could get it. This fort I thought necessary to take from the enemy before he had knowledge of our purpose to besiege him, and because I wanted force to work it by open means, I put this sleight following in practice.  
I chose a good number of lusty and hardy young Soldiers, the most of which I apparelled like the country women of those parts, the rest like the men, gave to some baskets, to other packs, and such burdens as the people usually carry to the market, with pistols, and short swords, and daggers, under their garments, willing them by two or three in a company, by break of day to be at the ferry of Zutphen, which is just against the fort, as if they stayed for the passage boat of the town; and bade them to sit and rest themselves in the mean time as near the gate of the fort as they could for avoiding suspicion, and to seize upon the same as soon as it was opened. Which took so good effect, that they possessed the entry of the fort, and held the same till an officer with two hundred soldiers (who was laid in a covert not far off,) came to their seconds, and so became fully Master of the place. By which means the siege of the town afterwards proved the shorter.   

The siege of DEVENTER.  
IN the siege of Deventer, by reason of the shortness of a bridge of boats laid over the ditch for our men to go to the assault, the troops could not so roundly pass as had been requisite, and so were forced to retire with no small loss.  
The Count Maurice was so discouraged that he purposed that night to have withdrawn his Ordnance. I desired that he would have patience till the next day, and resolve in the morning to begin the battery again for five or six volleys, and then to summon them, assuring him that I would guard the bridge that night, if the enemy should attempt to burn it, as they did, though in vain.  
The Count Maurice liked well of the advice, and it had good success; for upon the summons they yielded. Their town had no flank on that part; the wall, which was of brick without any Rampire, was in a manner rased to the foundation, the town so close behind it that they could not make any new defences; which as they might be just causes of discouragement to the besieged, so they made me confident that with this show of perseverance they would yield.  
The Count Herman of Bergh, who commanded the town was sore bruised with a Cannon. There marched of the enemy out with him seven or eight hundred able men, amongst which was an English Gentleman, whom for his using unreverent and slanderous speeches of her Majesty I had long held in prison, out of which he had during that siege made an escape; he was excepted in the composition, taken from them, and executed, as he well deserved, not for his first but second offence.   

The defeat given to the Duke of Parma at KNODSENBURGHFORT.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred ninety one whilst the Count Maurice was busied in Friezland, and with good success took many forts, as Delfziel, and others about Groninghen; The Duke of Parma passed with his army into the Betow, and besieged the fort on that side the river upon the ferry to Nimmeghen. Whereupon the States countermanded the Count Maurice with their forces; who being come to Arnheim encamped in the Betow right over against that Town.  
The Duke still continuing his siege, the States (who were then present at Arnheim) desirous to hinder his purpose, if it were possible, in their assembly (to which I was called with the Count Maurice) propounded the matter, and insisted to have something exploited, though we laid before them the advantage the enemy had of us in the number of his men, the strength of his encamping, as well by the site of the country, as intrenchments; so as much time was spent, and the council dissolved without resolution upon any special enterprise; albeit in general the Count Maurice and the men of war agreed to do their utmost endeavour for the annoying and hindering of the enemy.  
I had observed by the enemies daily coming with good troops of horse and forcing of our scouts, that they were likely to bite at any bait that were cunningly laid for them, and therefore having informed myself of the ways and passages to their army, and projected with myself a probable plot to do some good on them, I broke the same to the Count Maurice, who liked my device well, and recommended to me the execution thereof, giving me the troops I demanded, which were one thousand two hundred foot and five hundred horse.  
The distance betwixt the two armies was about four or five English miles, to the which there lay two ready ways, serving for the intercourse betwixt Arnheim and Nimmeghen; the one a dike or causeway, which was narrower and most used in winter by reason of the lowness and myrinesse of the country; the other larger: both hemmed with overgrown woods and deep ditches.  
Near half a mile from the quarter, this causeway was to be passed to come to the other way, which led to the main quarter of the enemy where most of his horse lay. About two thirds of the way from our camp there was a bridge, to this bridge I marched early in the morning sending forthwith towards the enemy's camp two hundred light and well mounted horse with order to beat the guards of the enemy's horse even to their very quarter and guards of foot, to take such spoil and prisoners as lay ready in their way, and so to make their retreat, if they were followed, more speedily; otherwise, an ordinary marching pace. In the mean time I divided my footmen into two parts, whereof one I laid near the hither side of the bridge, in a place very covert: the other a quarter of a mile behind, and in the rearward of them the rest of my horse. If the enemy came in the tail of our horse, whom for that purpose I had appointed (as before said) to come more leisurely, that the enemy might have time to get to horse; I knew they could bring no footmen, and therefore was resolved to receive betwixt my troops of foot all the horsemen they could send; But if they pursued not our men in the heat, I judged they would either come with good numbers of both kind of men ordered, or not at all: and if they came with good advice, that they would rather seek to cut off my passage near home by taking the causeway and higher way, then to follow me directly.  
For the better preventing whereof the Count Maurice himself with a choice part of the horse and foot of the army, was to attend at the cross way to favour my retreat. My horsemen about noon gave the enemy the alarm, and according to their directions made their retreat no enemy appearing, whereupon I also retired with the rest of the troop till I came to the cross way; where I found the Count Maurice with his troops. In the head of which towards the way of the causeway, with some distance betwixt his troops and mine, I made a stand in a little-field by the side of the way where they were at covert.  
We had not been here half an hour, but our scouts brought word the enemy was at hand; which the Count Maurice's horsemen hearing, without any order, as every one could get foremost, to the number of seven or eight hundred they made withal speed towards the enemy. I presumed and said they would return faster and in more disorder, as it fell out; for the enemy coming as fast towards them, but in better order, put them presently in rout, and the greater the number was, the more was the amazement and confusion. Thus they passed by us with the enemy at their heels laying on them.  
I knew not what other troops they had at hand, nor what discouragement this sight might put into the minds of our men, and therefore whereas I purposed to have let the enemy pass, if this unlooked for disorder had not happened amongst our horsemen, I showed my troops on their flanks and galled them both with shot and pikes; so that they not only left pursuing their chase, but turned their backs. Which our horsemen perceiving, followed, and thus revenged themselves to the full, for they never gave over until they had wholly defeated the troop, which was of eight hundred horse, of which they brought betwixt two and three hundred prisoners, whereof divers were Captains, as Don Alphonso d' Aualos, Fradill●, and others; with divers Cornets and about five hundred horses.  
This defeat so troubled the Duke of Parma, that being so forward on his siege, and having filled part of the ditch of the fort, he retired his army thence, and passed the river of Wael a little above Nimmeghen with more dishonour than in any action that he had undertaken in these wars.   

The Calis-journey.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred ninety six I was sent for into England at that time when the journey to the coast of Spain was resolved on, (which because of the taking of Calis was after commonly called the Calis-journey) and returned speedily into the Low Countries with letters of credence to the States from her Majesty, to acquaint them with her Majesty's purpose, and to hasten the preparation of the shipping they had already promised to attend her Majesty's fleet in those seas: withal to let them know her Majesty's desire to have two thousand of her own subjects, as well of those in their pay, as her own, to be employed in that action, and to be conducted by me to the Earl of Essex, and the Lord Admiral of England, Generals of that action by joint commission.  
The fleet set sail shortly after, and my Lord of Essex leaving his own ship embarked himself in the Rainbow with myself and some few of his ordinary attendant servants, of purpose (as I suppose) to confer with me at the full and at ease of his journey. After two days sailing his Lordship landed at Beachim near Rye, with divers other Noblemen, that he had attending him so far on his journey. He took me along with him to the Court, and thence dispatched me to Plymmouth, whither most of the Land-forces were to march, to see them lodged, provided of necessaries, and trained, and ordered, which I did accordingly, to the great contentment of the Generals, when at their coming they saw the readiness of the men, which were then exercised before them.  
During this stay of the army about Plymmouth (which by reason of the contrariety of wind was near a month) it pleased my Lord of Essex to give me much countenance and to have me always near him, which drew upon me no small envy, in so much as some open jars fell out betwixt Sir Walter Raleigh then rear-admiral of the navy, and Sir Conniers Clifford Sergeant-major-generall of the army, and myself; which the General qualified for the time, and ordered that in all meetings at Land I should have the precedence of Sir Walter Raleigh, and he of me at Sea. Sir Conniers Clifford, though there were grudging there could be no competition, yet being a man of a haughty stomach, and not of the greatest government or experience in Martial discipline, lest ignorance or will might misled him in the execution of his office, and to give a rule to the rest of the high officers (which were chosen rather for favour then for long continuance in service) to the better directing of them in their duties, as also for the more readiness in the General himself to judge and distinguish upon all occasions of controversy; I propounded to my Lord of Essex as a thing most necessary, the setting down in writing, what belonged properly to every office in the field; which motion his Lordship liked well, and at several times in the morning his Lordship and myself together, he with his own hand wrote what my industry and experience had made me able to deliver, which was afterwards copied, & delivered severally to the officers, and took so good effect that no question arose in that behalf during the journey.  
The wind serving and the troop shipped I embarked in the foresaid Rainbow as Vide-admiral of my Lord of Essex his squadron. The one and twentieth day after (being, as I take it, the first of July) the fleet arrived early in the in the morning before Calis-Malis, and shortly after came to an anchor, as near the Caletta as the depth would suffer us.  
In the mouth of the Bay, thwart of the rocks called Los puercos, there lay to our judgement forty or fifty tall ships, whereof were four of the king's greatest and warlikest Galleons, eighteen Merchant ships of the West-Indian fleet outward bounden, and richly laden, the rest private Merchants.  
Because it was thought these could not escape us in putting to sea, the first project of landing our men in the Caletta went on, and so the troops appointed for that purpose were embarked in our barges and long boats: But the wind blowing hard, the landing was thought too dangerous, the rather for that the enemy showed themselves on the shore with good troops of horse and foot. Notwithstanding in hope the weather would calm, the men were still kept in the boats at the ships sterns.  
This day the Generals met not together, but the Lord Admiral had most of the sea officers aboard with him, as the Lord of Essex had those for land service, and Sir Walter Raleigh was sent to and fro betwixt them with messages, so that in the end it was resolved and agreed upon to put, the next tide, into the Bay, and, after the defeating of the enemy's fleet, to land our men betwixt the town and Puntal, without setting down any more particular directions for the execution thereof. I than told my Lord of Essex that mine was a floaty ship and well appointed for that service; that therefore, if his Lordship pleased, I was desirous to put in before his Lordship and the other ships of greater burden, to which his Lordship answered suddenly that in any case I should not go in before him.  
With this I and the rest of the officers went to our ships to prepare ourselves; I took my company of soldiers out of the boats into my ship, for their more safety, and better strengthening of my ship. And because we anchored more to the North of the fleet, more a stern and to the Leeward of the fleet, as the wind then blue, than any other ship; I thought to recover these disadvantages by a speedier losing of my anchor then the rest. And therefore, not attending the General's signal and warning, so soon as the tide began to favour my purpose, I fell to weighing my anchor. But the wind was so great and the billow so high that the Capstain being too strong for my men, cast them against the ships side and spoiled many of them; so that after many attempts to wind up the anchor I was forced to cut Cable in the haulse. When I was under sail, I plied only to windward, lying off and on from the mouth of the Bay to the sea, which lieth near hand East and West, by that means gathering nearer to the fleet. The Lord Thomas Howard Vide-admiral of the fleet with some few other ships set sail also beating off and on before the mouth of the Bay; but the General and the most of the fleet kept their anchors still.  
The tide being far spent (loath to be driven again to the Leeward of the fleet, and to endanger another Cable, and perchance the ship itself upon that shore, which was flat and near, and the benefit of entering the Bay with the first, which was not the least consideration) I resolved to put into the mouth of the Bay, as near the enemy's fleet as I could, without engaging fight, and there to cast anchor by them; which I did accordingly; so as they made a shot or two at me; but since I made no answer, they left shooting. I was no sooner come to anchor, but the General's set sail, and the rest of the fleet, and bore directly toward me, where they also anchored.  
It was now late ere the flag of Council was shown in my Lord Admiral's ship, whither my Lord of Essex and the rest of the officers repaired, and there it was resolved, the next morning with the tide to enter the Bay, and board the Spanish ships, if they abode it, and ships of ours were appointed to begin this service, some to keep the channel and midst of the Bay, and others more floaty to bear nearer the town to intercept the shipping that should retire that way, and hinder the Galleys from beating of the flanks of our great ships.  
I was not allotted with my ship to any special service or attendance, my desire was great (having till that time been a stranger to actions at sea) to appear willing to embrace the occasions that offered themselves, and therefore wound my ship up to her anchor, to be the more ready to set sail in the morning with the beginning of the flood.  
The Spanish ships set sail and made to the bottom of the Bay rather driving then sailing, our ships following as fast as they could. As the Spanish ships loosed from their anchors and made from us, their Galleys seventeen in number under the favour of the town made towards us ranged in good order. My ship (as before said) was floaty, and stored with good Ordnance, and proper for that service, which made me hasten towards them, without staying for any company. And indeed my readiness was such, by reason of my riding with my anchor a pike, that no other ship could come near me by a great distance, so as I entered fight with them alone, making still toward them upon one board, and so galled them with my Ordnance, (which was Cannon and demi-Cannon) that they gave back, keeping still in order, and in fight with me, drawing as near the town as they could, and with purpose (as I thought) as our ships thrust further into the Bay, to have fallen upon our smaller ships in the tail of the whole fleet, and having made a hand with them, so to have put to the seaward of us the better to annoy us, and save themselves from being locked up. Wherein to prevent them I made toward the shore, still sounding with our leads, till the Ordnance of the town might reach me, and I the shore with mine; in so much as I put them from under the town, and took certain ships, which rode there at anchor forsaken of their men, and followed them continuing fight till they came under the fort of the Puntal; where thwart the bottom of the Bay (which was not broad) lay their four great ships with a pretty distance betwixt them, and by spreading the breadth of the Channel came to an anchor and were now in hot fight of Ordnance with our fleet.  
I was nearer Puntal and the shore of Calis by much than any ship of the fleet, and further advanced into the Bay, so that now growing within shot of the fort, which lay on my right hand, and in like distance to the Galleons on the left hand, and having the Galleys a head me, betwixt them both was plied with shot on all sides very roundly, yet I resolved to go on, knowing I had good seconds, and that many hands would make light work. But my company either wiser, or more afraid than myself on a sudden unlooked for of me let fall the anchor, and by no means would be commanded or entreated to weigh it again.  
In the mean time Sir Walter Raleigh came upon my left side with his ship; and very little a head me cast his anchor; as did also the Generals, and as many of the fleet as the Channel would bear, so as the shooting of Ordnance was great, and they held us good talk by reason their ships lay thwart with their broad sides towards us, and most of us right a head, that we could use but our chase pieces. I sent my boat aboard Sir Walter Raleigh to fasten an haulse to winde my ship, which was loosed soon after my boat was put off.  
About me the Galleons let slip Cable in the haulse, and with their top sails wended and drew towards the shore on the left hand of the Bay; and the Indian fleet with the rest of the shipping did the like, more within the Bay. It was no following of them with our great ships, and therefore I went aboard my Lord of Essex, whose ship lay towards that side of the Channel, to see what further order would be given.  
At my coming aboard, the Galleons were run on ground near the shore, and their men some swimming, others in their boats began to forsake their ships. I was then bold to say to my Lord of Essex that it was high time to send his small shipping to board them, for otherwise they would be fired by their own men; which his Lordship found reasonable, & presently sent his directions accordingly, and in the mean time sent Sir William Constable with some long boats full of soldiers (which his Lordship had towed at his stern since the first embarking) to have landed in the Caletta. But, notwithstanding he made all haste possible, before he could get to the Galleons, two of them were set on fire, and the other two by this means saved and taken utterly forsaken of their men, who retired through the fens to porto Saint Maria.  
The Spanish fleet thus set on ground, the prosecution of that victory was committed to, and willingly undertaken with the sea-forces, by a principal officer of the fleet.  
And because longer delay would increase the difficulty of landing our forces by the resort of more people to Calis, it was resolved forthwith to attempt the putting of our men on shore, and to that end, commandment was given that all the men appointed for that purpose should be embarked in the long boats, and that my Lord of Essex should first land with those men which could be disembarqued, and then my Lord Admiral to second, and repair to the General; who the better to be known would put out his flag in his boat. The troops that were first to land, were the regiments of the Generals, my own, that of Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Thomas Gerrard, and Sir Conniers Clifford.  
On the right hand in an even front, with a competent distance betwixt the boats were ranged the two regiments first named, the other three on the left, so that every regiment and company of men were sorted together with their Colonels and chief officers in nimble pinnaces, some in the head of the boats, some at stern to keep good order; the General himself with his boat, in which it pleased him to have me attend him, and some other boats full of Gentlemen-adventurers & choice men to attend his person, rowed a pretty distance before the rest; whom, at a signal given with a drum from his boat, the rest were to follow according to the measure and time of the sound of the said drum, which they were to observe in the deeping of their oars; and to that end there was a general silence, as well of warlike instruments as otherwise. Which order being duly followed, the troops came all together to the shore betwixt Puntall and Calis, and were landed, and several regiments imbattelled at an instant, without any encounter at all; the Spaniards, who all the day before had showed themselves with troops of horse and foot on that part, as resolved to impeach our landing, being clean retired toward the town. The number of the first disembarquing was not fully two thousand men; for divers companies of those regiments that had put themselves into their ships again, could not be suddenly ready, by reason the boats to land them belonged to other great ships.  
Calis on that side was walled as it were in a right line thwart the land, so as the sea on both sides did beat on the foot of the wall; which strength together with the populousness of the town (in which besides the great concourse of Gentlemen and others upon the discovery of our fleet and alarm of our Ordnance; there was an ordinary Garrison of soldiers) had taken from us all thought of forcing it without battery; and therefore being landed we advanced with the troops to find a convenient place to encamp till my Lord Admiral with the rest of the forces and the Ordnance were landed.  
Being advanced with the troops half the breadth of the neck of the land, which in that place is about half a mile over, we might perceive that all along the seashore on the other side of this neck of land men on horseback and foot repaired to the town; which intercourse it was thought necessary to cut off. And therefore because the greatest forces of the enemies were to come from the land, it was resolved on to lodge the better part of the army in the narrowest of the neck, which near Puntall is not broader than an ordinary harque-bush-shot.  
To which straight Sir Conniers Clifford was sent with three regiments, viz. his own, Sir Christopher blunt's, and Sir Thomas Gerrard's, there to make a stand, to impeach the Spaniards from coming to the town, till he received further order for the quartering and lodging of his men. Which done, the Lord General with the other two regiments, and his company of adventurers (which was of about two hundred and fifty worthy Gentlemen) in all not fully a thousand men, advanced nearer the town, the better to discover the whole ground before it. And as we approached a far off, we might perceive the enemy standing in battle under the favour of the town, with cornets and ensigns displayed, thrusting out some loose horse and foot toward us, as it were to procure a skirmish.  
ay, marking their fashion, conceived hope of a speedier gaining the town than we intended, and were then about; and said to his Lordship, at whose elbow I attended, that those men he saw standing in battle before the town would show, and make the way for us into the town that night, if they were well handled; and at the instant I propounded the means, which was to carry our troops as near and covertly as might be, towards the town, and to see by some attempt if we could draw them to fight further from the town, that we might send them back with confusion and disorder, and so have the cutting them in pieces in the town-ditch, or enter it by the same way they did.  
His Lordship liked the project, and left the handling thereof to me, I presently caused the troop to march towards the other side of the neck of land, because the ordinary and ready way to the town lay on that side low and inbayd to the foot of the hilly downs, so as troops might march very closely from the view of the town. Then I chose out two hundred men, which were committed to the conduct of Sir john Wingfield, a right valiant Knight, with order that he should march on roundly to the enemy where they stood in battle, and to charge and drive to their battles the skirmishers: but if the enemy in gross proffered a charge, he should make an hasty and fearful retreat (to their judgement) the way he had gone, till he met with his seconds that followed him, and then to turn short, and with the greatest speed and fury he could to charge the enemy.  
The seconds were of three hundred men, led (as I remember) by Sir Matthew Morgan, who were to follow the first troop a good distance, and so as both of them till the enemy were engaged might not at once appear to them, and to advance with all diligence, when the troop before them did retire, to meet them, charge the enemy, enter the town with them peslemesle. With the rest of the forces his Lordship and I followed.  
The place served well for our purpose, being covert and of no advantage for their horsemen, and the directions were so well observed, that the enemy was engaged in following our first troop before they discovered the rest; and so in hope and assurance of victory, being beyond expectation lively encountered, they fled in disorder towards the town, so nearly followed of our men, that most of the horsemen forsook their horses, and saved themselves; some by the gates, others clambering over the walls, as did also their footmen, our men following them at the heels to the very gate, which they found shut against them, and men standing over it and upon the walls to resist us.  
The ditch was very hollow but dry, out of which was raised a massy rampire, with two round half bulwarks; the one towards the one sea, the other towards the other, for height and thickness in their perfection, but not steeped and scarped: so as it was very mountable, lying close to the old wall of the town, which somewhat overtopped it no higher than in many places a man might reach with his hand.  
To the top of this rampire our men climbed, who, being for the most part old and experienced soldiers, of the Bands I brought out of the Low-countries, boldly attempted to climb the wall, from which they beat with their shot the defendants, wanting no encouragements that good example of the chiefs could give them, the General himself being as forward as any.  
Whilst it was hard striven and fought on that side, I sent a Captain and Countryman of mine called Upsher with some few men alongst the ditch, to see what guard was held along the wall toward the Bayward, and whether any easier entrance might be made that way or no, willing him to bring or send me word, which he did accordingly, though the messenger came not to me. He found so slender a guard that he entered the town with those few men he had, which the enemy perceiving fled from the walls, and our men entered as fast on the other side.  
My Lord of Essex was one of the first that got over the walls, followed by the soldiers, as the place would give them leave; and such was their fury being once entered, that as they got in scatteringly so they hasted towards the town without gathering any strong and orderly body of men, as in such case is requisite, or once endeavouring to open the gate for more convenient entry for the rest of the troops. I therefore, foreseeing what might ensue of this confusion, held the third body of the men together, and with much ado broke open the gate, by which I entered the town; and so keeping the way that leads from the gate towards the town, joined to my foot those men I met withal scattered here and there.  
Not far from the Marketplace I found my Lord of Essex at a stand with forty or fifty men, whence I might see some few of the enemy in the Marketplace, which made me advance towards them without attending any commandment; who upon my approaching, retired themselves into the Townhouse, whither I pursued them, broke open the gates, and after good resistance made by the Spaniards in the upper rooms of the house, became Master of it; in which I left a guard and went down into the Marketplace, and found my Lord of Essex at the Town-house-door. I humbly entreated his Lordship to make that place good, and give me leave to scour, and assure the rest of the town, which I did accordingly. And though I was but slackly and slenderly followed, by reason of our men's greediness of spoil, yet such Spaniards as I found making head and coming towards the Marketplace, I drove back into the Fort Saint Philip, and the Abbey of Saint Francis. Those of the Abbey yielded, to the number of two hundred Gentlemen and others; and being disarmed were put into a Chapel, and there left guarded. Those of Saint Philip (it being now in the evening) cried to us that in the morning they would render the place. Before which also having put a guard, and understanding by some prisoners that there was no other place of any strength but the old town near the Marketplace, I repaired to my Lord of Essex, whom I found in the Marketplace, and my Lord Admiral with him. And after I had made report on what terms things stood, where I had been; I went to the said old town to visit the guards which were commanded by Sir Edward Conway with part of the forces landed with my Lord Admiral, and from thence to that part of the town where we entered. And thus all things in good assurance, returned to the marketplace, where the rest of the forces were, being held together to be readily employed upon all occasions. Their Lordships went up to the Townhouse, and there gave God thanks for the victory; and afterwards all wounded and bloody as he was, yet undressed, gave the honour of Knighthood to Sir Samuel Bagnall, for his especial merit and valour in that day's service.  
The loss was not very great on either side; for as the Spanish troops that stood ordered without the walls got into the town confusedly and disorderly before we could mingle with them; so every one as he was counselled by fear or courage provided for his own safety; the most flying to the old town and Castle. Those that made head after the first entrance, being scattered here and there, our men as they followed with more courage than order, so encountered them in the like scattering manner falling straight to hand-strokes, so as it seemed rather an inward tumult and town-fray than a fight of so mighty nations.  
The next day the old town and the Fort of Saint Philip were delivered unto us, and the people that were in them, except some principal prisoners, were suffered to depart, with great courtesy showed, especially to the women of better sort. There went out of the town Gentlemen and others likely men to bear arms, betwixt four and five thousand, the brunt of this exploit was born with less than a thousand men. We could have no help of Sir Conniers Clifford, who mistaking his directions went with his troops to the bridge called Punto Zuarro about three leagues distance. And my Lord Admiral, notwithstanding his Lordsh. used all possible diligence in the landing his men, arrived not till we were in a manner full Masters of the town. It was long disputed whether the town should be held or no. I offered with four thousand men to defend it till her Majesty's pleasure might be known. My Lord of Essex seemed to affect to remain there in person, which the rest of the Council would not assent unto, but rather to abandon and set it on fire; which we did about fourteen days after the taking of it. I got there three prisoners worth ten thousand ducats, one of which was a Churchman and precedent of the contractation of the Indies. The other two were ancient Knights, called Don Pedro de Herera, and Don Gieronymo de Auallos.  
In the mean time, whether of design and set purpose, or negligence, the Indian fleet being left unseized on by those who had undertaken it, some of the prisoners of the town dealt with the Generals to have those ships & their lading set at ransom; whereupon they had with the General's conference divers times, till the said ships were set on fire by the Spaniards themselves, in which was lost by their own confession to the worth of twelve millions of merchandise.  
The troops being embarked, the Generals met and consulted upon their next exploit, it was long insisted on to put to sea, and lie to intercept the West-Indian fleet, which commonly at that time of the year arriveth upon the coast of Spain. But the scarceness of our victuals overthrew that purpose, and resolution was taken to sail towards England, and on our way to visit the ports of that Coast, and so spoil and destroy the shipping. And so first we made towards Faroll a good town and Bishops-see of Portugal, to which by water there was no safe entrance for our shipping, the town lying better than a league from the sea, served with a narrow creek through a low and marish bottom.  
For the destroying of such shipping as might be in this creek, as also for the wasting the Country adjoining, and the town itself (which though it were great and populous, was unfensed with walls) it was thought meet to land the forces in a Bay, some three leagues distant from the town, and so to march thither; which was done, the town forsaken by the inhabitants, taken by us, our men sent into the Country brought good store of provisions for the refreshing of the army; the artillery we found, conveyed into our ships, we after five or six days stay returned to our ships the way we came. The regiments embattelled and marching at large in a triple front in right good order, which was so much the more strange and commendable, the men for the most part being new, and once ranged, having little further help of directions from the high officers, which were all unmounted, and for the great heat not able to perform on foot the ordinary service in such cases belonging to their charges.  
The troops embarked we made towards the Groin and looked into the Bay; but the wind blowing from the sea, it was thought dangerous to put in, and therefore (victuals daily growing more scant, so that in some ships there was already extreme want) it was resolved to hasten to our Coast, and so about the midst of August we arrived in the Downs near Sandwich, my Lord of Essex, having taken land in the West parts to be with more speed at the Court, left order with me for the dissolving the land-forces and shipping, and sending back of the English forces into the low-countries.  
At this parting there arose much strife betwixt the mariners and the soldiers about the dividing of the spoil, for the mariners envying and repining at the soldiers, who as it fell out had gotten most, purloined and detained their chests and packs of baggage perforce; in so much as to satisfy the soldiers I went aboard my Lord Admiral to desire his Lordship of redress, who promised to take order therein, but some other principal officers of the fleet showing themselves more partial, asked me whether the poor mariners should have nothing, to which I answered there was no reason they should pill the poor soldiers who had fought and ventured for that little they had, and that the mariners hope, having so rich a booty as the Indian fleet at their mercy, was more to be desired then the trash the landmen had gotten; so as they had none to blame for their poverty but their officers, and their bad fortune: this answer was taken to the heart, and is not forgotten to this hour: of which I feel the smart. The troops, dissolved I went to Court and there attended the most part of that winter.   

The Island voyage.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred ninety seven, being the next year after the journey of Calis, another journey was made by the Earl of Essex to the coast of Spain, and the Islands with a royal navy, as well of her Majesties own shipping, as of her best Merchants, to which also was joined a good number of the States ships, in all about one hundred and forty, with an army of seven or eight thousand Land-men, as well voluntary as pressed; commonly called the Island voyage.  
To which I was called by her Majesty's commandment to attend his Lordship; as also to deal with the States, that besides the shipping which they were to send with her Majesty's fleet by virtue of the contract, they would suffer a thousand of her subjects in their pay, to be transported by me to her said General, and fleet for that service. Which having obtained I hastened into England, and found my Lord of Essex at Sandwich, and his fleet in readiness anchored in the Downs. It was early in the morning, and his Lordship in bed when I was brought to him, he welcomed me with much demonstration of favour, and with many circumstances of words.  
First he told me my Lord Mountjoy was to go his Lieutenant General, not of his own choice but thrust upon him by the Queen, before me in place, yet that I should retain my former office of Lord Martial; which as it had been ever in English armies next the General in authority; so he would lay wholly the execution of that office upon me; and as for the Lieutenant General, as he had a title without an office, so the honour must fall in effect upon them that did the service. With much more speech to this purpose, all tending to persuade me that it was not by his working, and to take away the discouragement I might conceive of it.  
I answered that I had partly understood before my coming out of the low-countries, my Lord Mountjoys going Lieutenant General, so that I had forethought and resolved what to do. For though I was sensible as became me, who saw no cause in myself, of this recuilment and disgrace, yet my affections having been always subject to the rules of obedience, since it was my Prince's action, and that it could not be but that my Lord Mountjoy was placed with her Majesty's consent, my sincerity would not give me leave to absent myself, and colour my stay from this action with any feigned excuse; but counselled me to come over, both to obey my Lord Mountjoy, and respect him as his place (which I had always much honoured) required, much more his Lordship, which was General to us both; though I was not so ignorant of his Lordship's power, as to doubt that my Lord Mountjoy, or any subject of England could be thrust upon him without his desire and procurement. That therefore, as I had good cause to judge that his Lordship had withdrawn much of his favour from me, so I humbly desired his Lordship that as by a retrenchment of the condition I was to hold in this journey, I held it rather a resignment to his Lordship again of the honour he had given me the last year, so far as concerned my particular respect to his Lordship unsought for of me, than a service to him; so hereafter he would be pleased not to use me at all in any action, wherein he was to go chief: he would seem to take these speeches of mine as proceeding rather of a passionate discontentment, then of a resolution framed in cold blood, and that it would in time be digested, and so without any sharpness on his part, the matter rested.  
The purpose and design of this journey was to destroy the fleet that lay in Faroll by the Groin and upon the rest of the Spanish coasts; & to that end to land our forces if we saw cause; as also to intercept the Indian fleet. Part of our land-forces were shipped at the Downs, we did put into Weymouth to receive those which were to meet us there. In that place the General called myself and Sir Walter Raleigh before him, and for that he thought there remained some grudge of the last years falling out, would needs have us shake hands, which we did both, the willinglier because there had nothing passed betwixt us that might blemish reputation.  
From thence we went to Plymmouth, and so towards Spain. Where in the height of six or seven and forty degrees we were encountered with a storm, against which the whole navy strove obstinately, till the greater part of the ships were distressed; amongst which the Generals, mine, and Sir Walter Raleighs, and Sir George Caries; my main mast being in the partners rent to the very spindle, which was eleven inches deep; in so much as to avoid the endangering of the ship, the Captain and Master were earnest with me to have cast it overboard, which I would not assent unto, but setting men to work brought it standing to Plymmouth, and there strengthened it, so that it served the rest of the voyage. The Lord Thomas Howard Vice-admiral with some few ships got within sight of the North-Cape, where having plied off and on three or four days doubting that the rest of the fleet was put back, because it appeared not, he returned also to our Coast.  
Our stay at Plymmouth was about a month, more through want of wind then unwillingness or unreadiness of our ships; which with all diligence were repaired. In the mean time our victuals consuming, it was debated in Council, whether the journey could be performed or no without a further supply of victuals. It was judged extreme dangerous, and on the other side as difficult to supply the army with victuals, which being to come from London and the East-parts of the Realm, and be brought up at adventure, (there being no sufficient store in readiness) would hardly be ministered unto us so fast as we should consume them. And therefore it was first resolved to discharge all the land-forces saving those thousand I brought out of the low-countries with the shipping they were embarked in. Then it was further debated in Council, how to employ the fleet, the purpose of landing the army at the Groin being dissolved.  
A West-Indian voyage was propounded, whereupon every one in particular being to give his advice, it was assented to by them all, only myself was of opinion it could not stand with the honour, profit, and safety of her Majesty and the State; the fleet being so slenderly provided of forces and provisions, that nothing could be exploited there, answerable to the expectation would be generally conceived; and yet in the mean time through the want of her Majesty's Royal navy, and other principal shipping of the Realm, with the choice Commanders both for sea and land, the State might be endangered by an attempt made by the Spaniards upon our own coast; whom we certainly knew to have then in readiness a great power of sea and land-forces in the North-parts of Spain.  
Things thus handled, the Lord General posted to the Court. After his return no more speech was had of the Indian voyage, but a resolution taken to attempt the firing of the fleet at Faroll, and on the rest of the coast of Spain, and to intercept the Indian fleet, as in our discretions we should think fittest, either when we came upon the coast of Spain, or by going to the Islands. With this resolution we set forwards directing our course to the North-Cape with reasonable wind and weather, yet the fleet scattered, for in a manner all the squadron of Sir Walter Raleigh, and some ships of the other squadrons followed him, who for a misfortune in his main-yard kept more to seaward.  
The Lord General, whilst he and the rest of the fleet lay off and on before the Cape attending Sir Walter Raleighs coming (who with some special ships had undertaken this exploit of firing the fleet) suddenly laid his ship by the lee; which because it was his order when he would speak with other ships, I made to him to know his Lordship's pleasure. He spoke to me from the poop, saying I should attend and have an eye to his ship, in which at that instant there was an extreme and dangerous leak, though he would not have me nor any other of the fleet know it. Which leak being stopped he directed his course along the coast Southward, and about ten leagues from the Groin called a Council, in which it was resolved to give over the enterprise of Faroll; which as it was difficult to have been executed on a sudden, so now that we had been seen by the country it was held impossible; and not to linger upon the coast of Spain but to go directly to the Islands, the time of the year now growing on that the Indian fleet usually returned.  
And to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh divers pinnaces were sent out, that till such a day, the wind and weather serving, the General would stay for him in such a certain height, and thence would make directly for the Azores. At this Council his Lordship made a dispatch for England. I do not well remember where Sir Walter Raleigh and the rest of the fleet met us, but as I take it about Flores and Corvo the westerliest Islands of the Azores, where we arrived in seven or eight days after we had put from the coast of Spain.  
We stayed there some few days and took in some refreshing of water and victuals such as they could yield, which being not so well able to supply us as the other Islands, it was resolved in Council to put back to them, and the squadrons for the more commodity of the fleet appointed unto several Islands. The General with his squadron was to go to Fayall; the Lord Thomas with his squadron, and I with my ship were to go to Graciosa; and Sir Walter Raleigh with his either to Pico or Saint George: but Sir Walter Raleigh (whether of set purpose, or by mistake I leave others to judge) making with his squadron more haste than the rest of the fleet, came to Fayall afore us, landed his men, and received some loss by the Spaniards that kept the top of the hill, which commanded both the haven and the town. The General with the rest of the fleet came to an anchor before the Island, and hearing of Sir Walter Raleighs landing and loss, was highly displeased, as he had cause; it being directly and expressly forbidden upon pain of death to land forces, without order from the General, and there wanted not about my Lord that the more to incense him aggravated the matter: seeing the Spanish ensign upon the hill, his Lordship prepared to land with all haste, and so about an hour before sunset came into the town.  
A competent number of men were given to Sir Oliver Lambert to guard the passages, and then it was consulted how to go on with the enterprise of forcing them. They were entrenched on the top of the hill to the number of two hundred, which was so steep, that it seemed artillery could not be drawn towards the said trench.  
The night growing on I desired his Lordship to give me leave to go up to discover the place, which his Lordship assented unto; and so taking two hundred soldiers I set forward, the young Earl of Rutland, Sir Thomas German, and divers other Gentlemen-adventurers accompanying me. At our coming to the top of the hill finding no watch in their trenches, we entered them, and possessed the hill; where we found some of our men slain by the Spaniard. The hill was abandoned, as we supposed, in the beginning of the night, unseen or undiscovered of us, or those that were placed at the foot of the hill; we were all very sorry they so escaped; as was also the Lord General, for there was no following or pursuing them in that mountainous Island.  
The Captain and Officers that landed with Sir Walter Raleigh were presently committed, and before our departure thence Sir Walter Raleigh was called to answer for himself in a full assembly of the chief Officers both by sea and land, in the General's presence. Where, every one being to deliver his opinion of the crime, it was grievously aggravated by the most: for my part, no man showed less spleen against him then myself. The General's goodness would not suffer him to take any extreme course, but with a wise and noble admonition forgave the offence; and set also at liberty the Captains that had been committed.  
After the fleet had taken the refreshing that Island could afford, which was in some good measure, we put from thence, and for three days were plying off and on betwixt Graciosa and the Island of Tercera, the ordinary way of the Indian fleet; and in the mean time certain were sent a shore by the General at Graciosa, to draw from the Inhabitants some portion of money and provisions to redeem them from spoiling. They brought word to the General in the afternoon that from the Island a great ship was discovered on the roadway from the Indies, but they being sent again with some other to make a full discovery, at their return, which was sudden, it was found to be but a pinnace. I must confess, in this point I may be ignorant of some particulars, because things were not done, as they were wont, by Council, or, if they were, it was but of some few, to which I was not called. But in all likelihood there was wilful mistaking in some to hinder us of that rich prey, which God had sent as it were into our mouths.  
Howsoever it was, that same night, when it was dark, the General with the fleet altered their course, and bore directly with the Island of Saint Michael, as it was given out, to water. A pinnace coming to me in the Lord General's name told me it was his pleasure my ship and Dread-nought (in which Sir Nicholas Parker was) should beat off and on betwixt the Islands of Saint George and Graciosa, for that the Indian fleet was expected. The Rainbow, in which was Sir William Monson, and the Garland my Lord of Southamptons' ship, were to lie by the like order on the North-part of Graciosa: willing us if we discovered any fleet to follow them, and to shoot off now and then a piece of Ordnance, which should serve for a signal to the rest of the fleet.  
This order, as I take it, was delivered us about ten of the clock at night. About midnight, or one of the clock, those of our ship might hear shooting, according to this direction, rather in a manner of a signal then a fight, toward that part of the Island, where the other two ships were to guard; which, as we after understood, was from the Rainbow, which fell in the midst of the Indian fleet; whom in their long boat they hailed, and by the Spaniards own mouths knew whence they were; who held them in scorn, and in a great bravery told them what they were laden withal. The wind was very small, so as it scarce stirred our ship, but we directed our course as directly to the sound of the Ordnance as we could, and so continued all night; the morning was very foggy and misty, so as we could not discover far, but still we might hear shooting of Ordnance, when we listened for it.  
About eight or nine of the clock before noon it began to clear, and then we might see (as we judged) some five or six leagues off a fleet of twenty sails which was much about half way betwixt us and Tercera. The wind began a little to strengthen, and we to wet our sails to improve the force of it, and somewhat we got nearer the Spanish fleet, more through their stay to gather themselves together, than our own good footmanship▪ All this while the Rainbow and the Garland followed the fleet so near, that they might to our judgements at pleasure have engaged them to fight. But their fleet being of eight good Galleons of the Kings, the rest merchants of good force, though the booty were of great enticement, it might justly seem hard to them to come by it; and so they only waited on them, attending greater strength, or to gather up such as straggled from the rest.  
The Garland overtook a little friggot of the Kings laden only with Cochinell, which she spoiled, and I found abandoned and ready to sink: yet those of my ship took out of her certain small brazen pieces.  
The Indian fleet keeping together in good order sailed still before us about two leagues, and so was got into the haven of Tercera, into the which they towed their ships with the help of those of the Island, before we could come up to them. It was evening when we came thither, and the wind from the land so, as with our ships there was no entering. It pleased my Lord of Southampton and the rest of the Captains to come aboard me, where it was resolved to get as near the mouth of the haven as we could with our ships, and to man our boats well, with direction in as secret manner as they could to enter the haven, and to attempt the cutting of the Cables of the next ships; by which means the wind, as is aforesaid, blowing from the land, might drive them upon us. This though it were a dangerous and desperate enterprise, was undertaken, but being discovered the boats returned without giving any further attempt.  
The same night we dispatched a small pinnace of an adventurer to Saint Michael, to give the Lord General advise where he should find the Indian fleet, and us to guard them from coming out. For we had determined to attend his Lordships coming before the said haven, which I accordingly performed with my ship; though forsaken of the rest the very same night, I know not whether for want of fresh water, or what other occasion. Three or four days after, his Lordship came with the fleet, who sending into the haven two nimble pinnaces to view how the fleet lay, upon report that they were drawn so far into the haven, and so well defended from the land with artillery that no attempt could be made on them without extreme hazard, and the wind blowing still from the land that no device of fire could work any good effect, and all provisions growing scant in the fleet, especially fresh water, his Lordship gave over that enterprise, and put with the whole fleet from thence to Saint Michael.  
The General had resolved to land in this Island, and therefore called a Council to advise on the manner; in which it was concluded that the greatest part of the fleet should remain before Saint Michael, to amuse the enemy, and that the soldiers in the beginning of the evening should be embarked in the least vessels, taking with us the Barges and long boats, and so in the night make towards villa Franca, which was some four or five leagues off. His Lordship and the rest of the chief officers of the land-forces embarking with him in a small ship, left the sea officers before Saint Michael. The next day about evening we were come near villa Franca; I moved his Lordship to give me leave in a boat to discover the shore, and best landing-place, whilst his Lordship gave order for the embarking the men into the other boats, which his Lordship granted, and I performed accordingly. So as in due time his Lordship was advertised of it to his contentment, and proceeded to the landing of his forces upon the sandy shore before the town; where I could discover none to give impeachment, but a few straggling fellows, which now and then gave a shot. His Lordship (as his fashion was) would be of the first to land, and I that had learned me of his disposition, took upon me the care of sending the boats after him. The siege was such that few of the men landed with their furniture dry. His Lordship himself took great pains to put his men in order, and (for that I perceived he took delight to do all) in good manners and respect I gave the looking on.  
In the mean time some that were sent towards the town to discover, gave the alarm that the enemy were at hand: and I told his Lordship it were good to send presently some good troop to possess the town of villa Franca before the enemy got thither. His Lordship willed me to take with me two hundred men and to do with them what I thought good myself. I took so many of those men that were readiest, and bade them follow me, amongst which were some Gentlemen of good account; as Sir john Scot, Sir William Evers, which accompanied me. I went directly to the town, which I found abandoned, and leaving some guard in the Church, which stood upon the Marketplace, I passed somewhat further towards Saint Michael: but neither seeing nor hearing news of any enemy thereabouts I returned to the town, to which his Lordship was come with the rest of the army, making in all about two thousand, soldiers, adventurers, officers, and their trains; all which were orderly quartered in the town, where we found good store of wheat.  
His Lordship having thus gotten landing advised with his Council, whether it were better to march to Saint Michael and spoil that town and water the fleet there, or to send for the rest of the fleet. The difficulties in going to Saint Michael were the roughness and unevenness of the way, being for the most part over stony hills, in which a few men well placed might resist and impeach the passage to many; that the people and goods of the town would be withdrawn into the Castle, which was held by a Garrison of Spaniards, not to be forced without battery and much loss of men and time; that till it were gotten, there were no watering in that part, and our general necessity could endure no delay; it was therefore resolved to send for the fleet to villa Franca. In the mean time news came from the fleet that a West-Indian Carack, and a ship were come into Saint Michael, and rode near the Castle. His Lordship presently determined to go thither himself for the better ordering of things, took my Lord of Mountjoy with him, and by an especial Commission under his hand committed to my command the land and sea-forces at villa Franca. Before his Lordship could arrive at Saint Michael the Carack had run herself on ground under the Castle, and the other ship, which was not great, laden with sugar and Brasil commodities, taken by Sir Walter Raleigh. The third day his Lordship returned with the fleet to villa Franca, and gave order presently to fall a watering. There was plenty of water, but the shipping it into boats was tedious and troublesome, for by reason of the greatness of the siege we were fain by wading and swimming to thrust the barrels into the sea where the boats floated. This made the work the longer. In the mean time our victuals consumed, and grew low, though we got some little refreshing from the land, which made us content ourselves with the less water.  
After some four or five days watering his Lordship gave order to embark the army; which he began early in the morning, and continued all the day, for the siege going high, the boats took in their men at a place where but one boat could lie on at once; which together with the distance to the shipping made the less riddance, and dispatch. His Lordship for the better expedition was most of the time at the water's side, sending still to me for men from the town, as he was ready to embark them.  
About five of the clock in the afternoon the sentinels that stood on the top of the steeple discerned troops of men on the way towards Saint Michael.  
I sent up to the steeple Sir William Constable and some other Gentlemen then about me, to see what they could discern, who all agreed that they saw troops, and as they guessed some Ensigns. I willed Sir William Constable to hasten to his Lordship and tell him what he had seen. I had yet remaining with me about five hundred soldiers, of these I sent out sixty, whereof thirty shot were to go as covertly as they could to a Chapel, a great musket-shot from the town on the way the enemy was discovered, with order upon the enemies approach to give their volley, and suddenly and in haste to retire to the other thirty that were placed half way betwixt them and the town; and then all together in as much haste and show of fear as they could to come to the town, where I stood ready with the rest of the men in three troops to receive them, and repulse, and chase those that should follow them.  
This order given, my Lord of Essex with the Earl of Southampton and some other Lords and Gentlemen came to the Marketplace, where he found me with the troops. His Lordship inquired of me what I had seen, I said I had seen no enemy, but what others had seen his Lordship had heard by their own report, and might, if it pleased his Lordship, send to see if the sentinel continued to affirm the same. His Lordship made no answer, but called for Tobacco, seeming to give but small credit to this alarm, and so on horseback with those Noblemen and Gentlemen on foot beside him took Tobacco, whilst I was telling his Lordship of the men I had sent forth, and order I had given them. Within some quarter of an hour we might hear a good round volley of shot betwixt the thirty men I had sent to the Chapel and the enemy, which made his Lordship cast his pipe from him, and listen to the shooting which continued.  
I told his Lordship it were good to advance with the troops to that side of the town where the skirmish was, to receive our men, which his Lordship liked well, and so went a good round pace expecting to encounter our men; who unadvisedly in lieu of retiring in disorder, maintained the place, which the enemy perceiving and supposing some greater troop to be at hand to second, held aloof with his main force (for the highway to the town lay by the Chapel, and no other passage for a troop, by reason of the strong fence and enclosure of the fields) but sent out light men to skirmish. Thus perceiving that our men held their ground we stayed our troops in covert in the end of two lanes leading directly to the highway. Those of the Island (as we were certainly informed) could make three thousand fighting men well armed and appointed, besides the ordinary Garrison of the Spaniards.  
Of that number we supposed them, because they had sufficient time to gather their strength together, and for that they came to seek us; and therefore as on the one side we were loath to discover our small number to them, unless they provoked us by some notable disorder or necessity, in the defence of ourselves; so we thought it not good to lessen our men by embarking of men, till the night was come, that silence and darkness might cover our retreat. And for these reasons I opposed their heat that propounded to charge the enemy, and their haste that would needs have the men shipped without delay.  
In the beginning of the evening, which ended the skirmish, keeping our sentinels in the view of the enemy, his Lordship began to embark some troops, and so continued till about midnight that the last troop was put into the boat, his Lordship seeing all embarked before he went aboard, but those forelorn men which made the last retreat, which were committed to Sir Charles Percy; with whom I embarked without any impeachment of the enemy, or show to have discovered our departure.  
His Lordship made the young Noblemen and some other principal Gentlemen Knights, as Sir William Evers, Sir Henry Dockwray, Sir William Brown, and a Dutch Gentleman that accompanied me that voyage in my ship.  
We were no sooner aboard, but that the wind blew a stiff gale, so as some were fain to forsake their anchors, and with this wind we put for England, which continuing vehement drove us to the leeward of our course towards the coast of Ireland. I got in my ship an extreme leak, which kept both my pumps going without intermission many days and nights before I got to harbour; wherewith my company were much wearied and discouraged even to despair; which made me keep aloof from the other ships, lest the hope of their own safety might make them neglect that of the ship.  
The fleet kept no order at all, but every ship made the best haste home they could, which as it might have proved dangerous, if the Spanish fleet which was then bound for our coast, had not been scattered by the same weather; so it was in some sort profitable to us; for some of our smaller shipping which were driven most leeward toward the coast of Ireland met with two or three of the Spanish ships, full of soldiers, which they took, by which we not only understood at our coming to Plymmouth their purpose to have landed at Falmouth with ten thousand men, but saw the instructions and orders of the sea-fights, if they had met with us, which was so full of perfection, that I have ever since redoubted their sufficiency in sea Cases.  
The fleet arriving thus weather-beaten at Plymmouth, his Lordship posted to the Court, leaving my Lord Thomas now Earl of Suffolk, my Lord Mountjoy and the rest of the Officers there; and shortly came provision of money with Commission to the said Lords, Sir Walter Raleigh, and myself to see the same issued, and distributed by common advice, for the repairing, victualling, and sending about the fleet to Chattham, and entertaining of the thousand men I had brought out of the low-countries, which were then disposed along the coast of Cornwall, and after sent into Ireland.  
Which business dispatched I passed by post to London, and near Mary-bone-parke I met with Sir William Russell in his coach, who being my honourable friend then newly returned from Ireland, where he had been Deputy, I lighted to salute him with much duty and affection, who stepping out of his coach received me with the like favour; with whom whilst I stood bareheaded being in a sweat I got cold, which held me so extremely that for three weeks after I could not stir out of my lodging.  
I understood my Lord of Essex was at his house at Wanstead in great discontentment, to whose Lordship I gave presently knowledge of my arrival; as also that I would forbear to attend his Lordship till I had been at Court; which than I hoped would have been sooner than it fell out my sickness would permit. For I supposed at my coming to Court, her Majesty, after her most gracious manner, would talk and question with me concerning the late journey, and though it pleased her always to give credit to the reports I made (which I never blemished with falsehood for any respect whatsoever) yet I thought this forbearance to see my Lord would make my speech work more effectually.  
So soon then as I was able to go abroad, I went to the Court, which was then at Whitehall; and because I would use no bodies help to give me access to her Majesty, as also that I desired to be heard more publicly, I resolved to show myself to her Majesty when she came into the garden; where so soon as she set her gracious eye upon me, she called me to her and questioned with me concerning the journey, seeming greatly incensed against my Lord of Essex, laying the whole blame of the evil success of the journey on his Lordship, both for the not burning and spoiling of the fleet at Faroll, and missing the Indian fleet. Wherein with the truth I boldly justified his Lordship with such earnestness, that my voice growing shrill the standers by, which were many, might hear, (for her Majesty then walked) laying the blame freely upon them that deserved it. And some there present being called to confront me, were forced to confess the contrary of that they had delivered to her Majesty, insomuch that I answered all objections against the Earl, wherewith her Majesty well quieted and satisfied sat her down in the end of the walk, and calling me to her fell into more particular discourse of his Lordship's humours and ambition; all which she pleased then to construe so graciously that before she left me she fell into much commendation of him, who very shortly after came to the Court.  
This office I performed to his Lordship to the grieving and bitter incensing of the contrary party against me, when notwithstanding I had discovered (as is aforesaid) in my recuilment his Lordship's coldness of affection to me, and had plainly told my Lord himself mine own resolution, in which I still persisted, not to follow his Lordship any more in the wars, yet to make as full return as I could for the good favour the world supposed his Lordship bore me, fearing more to incur the opinion of ingratitude than the malice of any enemies, how great soever, which the delivery of truth could procure me.   

The Government of the BRIELL.  
I Stayed the winter following in England, in which time my Lord Sheffeild making resignation of his Government of the Briell into her Majesty's hands, I was advised and encouraged by my good friends to make means to her Majesty for that charge; which it was long before I could harken unto, having no friends to rely on. For, as I had good cause to doubt my Lord of Essex would not further me in that suit, so I was as loath to have any thing by his means in the terms I then stood in with his Lordship; much less by any other persons that were known his opposers.  
Being still urged to undertake the suit, I began at length to take some better liking of it, and to guess there was some further meaning in it, and therefore I answered, that if I were assured that Master Secretary would not cross me, I would undertake the matter, whereof having some hope given me, I took occasion one day in the chamber of presence to tell his Lordship as much, who answered me, that as he would be no mover or recommender of suits for me or any other, so he would not cross me. I desired his Lordship of no further favour than might be looked for from a man in his place for public respects. And hereupon I resolved to have her Majesty moved, which Sir Fulk Grevill performed effectually: her Majesty, as her manner was, fell to objecting, That I served the States, and that those two charges could not well stand together.  
My Lord of Essex was before this gone from Court discontented because of the difficulty he found in obtaining the Earl-Marshalship of England; I went therefore to Wanstead to his Lordship in good manners to acquaint him with what I had done, who rather discouraged me then otherwise in the pursuit. Notwithstanding I waited and followed my business hard, and one evening in the garden moved her Majesty myself, who alleging, as before she had done to Sir Fulk Grevill, That it could not stand with her service, that both those places should go together; I told her Majesty that I was willing (if there were no remedy) rather to forsake the State's service then miss the place I was a suitor to her Majesty for, in hers; and so for that time her Majesty left me without any discouragement. The Earl of Sussex was my only competitour, and for him my Lord North professed to stand earnestly, who (as soon as I was risen from my knees) told me that such places as I was now a suitor for were wonted to be granted only to Noblemen. I answered there were none ennobled but by the favour of the Prince, and the same way I took.  
About this time her Majesty being in hand with the States to make a transaction from the old treaty to the new (in which the States were to take upon them the payment to her Majesty yearly so much money as would pay the ordinary Garrison of the cautionary towns) it fell in deliberation what numbers were competent for the guard of the said towns, wherein before my Lords would resolve, they were pleased to call before them my Lord Sidney and myself, to hear our opinions, addressing their speech concerning the Briell to me, whereunto I made such answer as I thought fit; not partially, as one that pretended to have interest in that Government, but as I thought meet for her Majesty's service.  
And hereupon Master Secretary took occasion merrily to say to my Lords, that they might see what difference there was betwixt the care of Sir Francis Vere, a neutral man, and that of my Lord Sidney, that spoke for his own Government: but saith his Lordship, he will repent it when he is Governor, and then told their Lordships I was suitor for the place, and that I should have for it his best furtherance. My Lords gave a very favourable applause to Master Secretaries resolution, and severally blamed me, that I had not acquainted them with my suit, and taken the furtherance they willingly would have given me. It is true, I never made any body acquainted with my suit but Sir Fulk Grevill and Master Secretary. From thence forward I addressed myself more freely to Master Secretary, and conceived by his fashion an assurance of good issue, though I had not a final dispatch in two months after.  
In the mean time my Lord Sidney and my Lord Grace were labouring to succeed me in the State's service; my Lord of Essex had promised his assistance to my Lord Sidney, insomuch as when I told him at his coming to the Court in what forwardness I was for the Briell, and danger to lose my other charge, and who were Competitors to succeed me, he plainly said that he had given my Lord Sidney his promise to procure him a Regiment in the State's service. I answered, that the command of the Nation belonged to me by Commission; that there was as little reason for my Lord to be under my authority as for me to yield my authority to him; that in respect of his Government he was as uncapable of that charge as myself. By this again I found his Lordship's care to hold me back, notwithstanding my Lord Sidney had soon made an end of his suit. But my Lord Grace stuck longer to it, and was earnester, insomuch as there passed speeches in heat betwixt him and me, and yet in the end such was the favour of the Prince, that I enjoyed both the one and the other charge.  
In the same year one thousand five hundred ninety seven, about the latter end of September, I passed into the low-countries, took and gave the oaths that are usual betwixt those of Holland the Governor and Townsmen of the Briell, and so was established in that Government.   

The action at TURNHOULT.  
THat winter (one thousand five hundred ninety and seven) the enemy lying at Turnhoult, an open village, with four thousand foot, and six hundred horse; one day amongst other speeches I said to Mounsieur Barnevelt, that they did but tempt us to beat them; which it seemeth he marked, for shortly after the States resolved to make an attempt on them, and gave order to the Count Maurice to that end to gather his forces together, which at one instant shipped from their several garrisons, arrived with great secrecy at Gertrudenberg, in all to the number of six thousand foot and one thousand horse, whereof some two hundred came from Flushing with Sr Robert Sidney; which troop because he desired should march with the rest of the English, in the love and respect I professed and truly bare to him, I made offer to him to command one of the two troops the English forces were then divided into, which he refused not.  
THE ACTION NEAR TURNHOULT.  
The night was very cold, insomuch as the Count Maurice himself going up and down the quarter, with straw and such other blazing stuff made fires in some places with his own hands by the corps-du-guard. Sir Robert Sidney and I got us into a barn thronged with soldiers to rest, because there was no sleeping by the Count Maurice, who was disposed to watch, whence I was also called to attend him. In the morning we set forward, and by break of day came within a faulcon-shot of Turnhoult, where the troops were put in battle; whence sending some light horse towards the town to discover, word was brought that the enemy had caused his baggage to march all night, and that now the rearward of their troops were going out of the town; whereupon the Count Maurice caused our vanguard to advance to the town, with which he marched.  
By that time we were come to the town, the enemy was clear gone out of it, and some musket-shot off, on the way to herentals beyond a narrow bridge, over which one man could only go in front, they made a stand with some of their men, and galled our scouts, which followed on the tract. The Count Maurice made a halt half way betwixt the bridge and the town, where I offered to beat the enemy from this passage, if he would give me some men, alleging that this was only a show of the enemy to amuse us, whilst he withdrew the body of his forces; and therefore this required a speedy execution.  
Hereupon he appointed me two hundred musketeers of his own guard, and the other Dutch companies, with Officers to receive my commandments, saying, that he would second me according as occasion should serve: with which I went directly towards this bridge, near which I found the Count Hollock, who that journey commanded the horse. He told me of an easier passage over that water, and offered me guides; but the distance agreed not with the necessity of the haste, and therefore I excused myself of altering my way, which he took in very ill part, insomuch as not long after he wrote unto me a letter of expostulation, as if I had failed in the acknowledgement of his authority, which he pretended by an ancient Commission to be lieutenant-general of Holland; and consequently of all the forces; which I answered in good and fitting terms to his contentment. And so placing my men in the best places of advantage to command the bridge, I made them play at the enemy, who soon forsook the bridge being so narrow as aforesaid, and of a good length. I durst not adventure at the first to pass my men over it, the rather for that the country on the other side was very thick of wood: but after a little pause, I thrust over some few foot, and by a foard adjoining, (though very deep and difficult) I sent some few horse to discover what the enemy did, and causing mine own horse to be led through the said foard, went myself over the bridge, from which some half a harquebush-shot I found a small fort of pretty defence abandoned; into which I put my footmen which were first passed, and sent for the rest to come with all diligence.  
In the mean time taking my horse, I rode with some few, officers and others after the enemy, whom we soon espied some while marching, otherwhile standing as if they had met with some impediment before them: which we thought was caused by the number of their carriages.  
The way they marched was through a lane of good breadth, hemmed in with thick underwoods' on both sides, fit as I thought to cover the smallness of the number of my men. Whereupon, as also on the opinion the enemy might justly conceive that the rest of our troops followed at hand, I took the boldness and assurance to follow them with those two hundred musketeers, which I put into the skirts of the wood. So as betwixt them and the highway in which the enemy marched, there was a well-grown hedge. Myself, with about some fifteen or sixteen horsemen of mine own followers and servants, kept the highway, advancing towards the enemy: giving in the mean time the Count Maurice advise what I saw, what I did, and what an assured victory he had in his hands, if he would advance the troops.  
I was not gone two musket-shot from this fort, but some choice men of the enemy, whom they had appointed to make the retreat, discharged on us, and our men again answered them, and pressing upon them put them nearer to their hindermost body of pikes, under the favour of which they and such as from time to time were sent to refresh them, maintained skirmish with us. When they marched, I followed; when they stood, I stayed, and standing or marching I kept within reach, for the most part, of their body of pikes; so as I slew and galled many of them, and in this manner held them play at the least four hours, till I came to an open heath, which was from the bridge about some five or six English miles, sending in the mean time messenger upon messenger to the Count Maurice and the Count Hollock for more troops. And it pleased Sir Robert Sidney himself, who also came up to me, and looked on the enemy, when he saw the fair occasion, to ride back to procure more forces. But all this while none came, not so much as any principal officer of the army, to see what I did.  
On the left hand of this heath (which is little less than three miles over) were woods and enclosed fields, coasting the way the enemy was to take, in distance some musket-shot and a half. Along these I caused my musketeers to advance, and, as they could, from the skirts of the heath to play upon the enemy, which was more to show them and our men that were behind by hearing the shot, that we had not forsaken the enemy, then for any great hurt we could do them. Myself, with some thirty or forty horse, that were come up to me to see the sport, following them aloof off.  
The enemy seeing no gross troop to follow them, began to take heart, put themselves into order in four battalions; their horsemen on their wings advancing their way easily. When we had in this manner passed half the heath, our horsemen in sixteen troops (for they were so many) began to appear behind us at the entry of the heath, not the way we had passed, but more to the right hand, coasting the skirts of the heath a good round pace. This sight made the enemy mend his pace, and gave us more courage to follow them, so as now we omitted no endeavour which might hinder their way, falling again into skirmish with them. For they fearing more those that they saw afar off, then us that followed them at their heels, (being a contemptible number to them that might see us and tell us) mended still their pace: I therefore sent messengers to those horsemen (for of our footmen there was no help to be expected) to tell them, that if they came not with all speed possible, the enemy would get into the straight and fast country, in which there could be no good done on them.  
They were not above two musket-shot from the mouth of the straight, when the Count Maurice with six companies of horse came near unto us that followed the enemy in the tail. The other horsemen, because they fetched a greater compass, and came more upon the front and right flank of the enemy, were further off. I sent to the Count to desire him to give me those horsemen. And in the mean time to give the enemy some stay, I made a round proffer to charge the rearward, under the countenance of that second, with those horse and foot I had: which took good effect; for they knowing no other but that all the troops were also ready to charge, made a stand, and seeing our horsemen on the right wing to grow somewhat near, put themselves into a stronger order. My messenger returning from the Count Maurice, told me he would speak with me; to whom I made haste, and as the time required, in few words having delivered my mind, he gave me three companies of horse to use as I should see cause; with which I went on the spur; for the enemy was now marching again, and was come even into the entry of the straight.  
The other horsemen with the Count Hollock, seeing me go to charge, did the like also; so that much about one instant he charged on the right corner of their front, and on their right flank, and I with my troops on the rearward and left flank, so roundly, that their shot after the first volley shifted for themselves, (for their pikes being ranged in four battles, stood one in the tail of another, not well ordered, as in that case they should have been, to succour their shot, and abide the charge of the horsemen) and so charged their pikes, not breaking through them at the first push (as it was anciently used by the men of arms with their barded horses) but as the long pistols delivered at hand, had made the ranks thin; so thereupon the rest of the horse got within them, so as indeed it was a victory obtained without fight. For till they were utterly broken and scattered (which was after a short time) few or none died by handy-strokes. The footmen defeated, our horsemen disordered (as they had been in the charge and execution) followed the chase of their horsemen and baggage, which took the way of herentals.  
I foresaw that the enemy's horse, that had with-drawn themselves in good order, and untouched of us at the beginning of the fight, would soon put to rout those disordered men, and therefore made all the haste that I could to the mouth of the straight there to stay them. Where finding the Count Hollock, I told him he should do well to suffer no more to pass; so riding forward on the other end of the straight where it opened on a champain, I overtook Sir Nicholas Parker, who commanded the three companies of English horse under me, who had some thirty soldiers with the three Cornets; with these I stayed on a green plot just in the mouth of the straight, having on either hand a road washy way, with purpose to gather unto me those that came after me, and relieve our men, if the enemy chased them.  
I had no sooner placed the troop, but I might see our men come back as fast and as disordered as they went out, passing the straight on either hand of me, not to be stayed for any entreaty. The most of our men passed, and the enemy approaching, Sir Nicholas Parker asked me what I meant to do; I told him, attend the enemy with our troop there. Then (saith he) you must be gone with the rest; and so almost with the latest, the enemy being upon us, I followed his counsel, and so all of us great and small were chased through the straight again; where our troops gathering head, and our foot appearing we held good; and the enemy without any further attempt made his retreat. There were taken between forty and fifty ensigns, and slain and taken of the enemy near three thousand; and their General Signieur de Ballancy, and Count de Warras died on the place.  
THE BATTLE AT NEUPORT. A.D. 1600.   

The Battle at NEWPORT.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred, the enemy's forces being weak and in mutinies, and his affairs in disorder, the States resolved to make an offensive war in Flanders, as the fittest place to annoy the enemy most, and to secure their own State, if they could recover the Coast-towns, which was the scope of their enterprise. As this action was of great importance, so were the meetings and consultations about it many. To which (though unworthy) myself was called; where amongst other things the facility of the execution coming in question, it was by most affirmed that the enemy was not able nor dared adventure to meet us in the field, which I not only opposed in opinion, but more particularly made it appear that within fourteen days after our landing in Flanders they might and would be with us to offer us fight, as afterwards it fell precisely out.  
The army embarked with purpose to have landed at Ostend; but finding the wind contrary, when we came into Zealand, upon a new consultation it was resolved to disembarque upon the coast of Flanders lying on the river of Skelde: and accordingly by a small fort called the Philippines, we ran our vessels (which were flat bottomed after the manner of that country) aground at a high-water, which, the ebb coming, lay on dry ground, and so with much ease and readiness we landed both horse and foot. Our army consisted of about twelve thousand footmen and three thousand horse; and was divided into three parts, committed to several Commanders, viz. the Count Ernest of Nassaw, the Count Solmes, and myself; my troop consisting of one thousand six hundred English men, and two thousand five hundred Frisons, and ten Cornets of horse: with which troop I took my turn of vanguard, battle, and rearward, as it fell out. We marched through the country to Eckelo, and Bruges, and so to Oldenburgh a fort of the enemies not far from Ostend, which the enemy had abandoned, as also some other of less strength; by which means the passage to Ostend was open and free.  
The army encamped and rested there two or three days to refresh us with victuals, especially drink, whereof the army had suffered great want; the water of the country we had passed being for the most part very troubled and moorish. It was again consulted where the army should be first employed, either in taking the forts the enemy held in the low and broken grounds about Ostend, or in the siege of Newport: the latter being resolved on, the States, who had all this while marched and abode with the army, departed to Ostend as the fittest place to reside in. And the Count Solmes with his part of the army was sent the direct way to Ostend, to take in the fort Albertus; and open the passage betwixt that town and Newport. The Count Maurice with the rest of the army leaving the fort of Oldenburgh and the others, which the enemy had forsaken, well guarded, (as was behooveful, because without forcing them the enemy could not come to us but by fetching a great compass) marched by Hemskerk towards a fort called the Dam upon the river that goeth to Newport; but finding the country weak and moorish, and not able to bear the weight of our carriages and artillery, returned to a small village not far from Hemskerk and lodged there.  
Thence we crossed through the meadows towards the seaside, filling many ditches, and laying bridges to pass the waters, whereof, that country is full. And so with much ado we got to the Downs by the seaside, and encamped about some Canonshot from the fort Albertus, which was before rendered to the Count Solmes. In the morning early we marched upon the sea-sands towards Newport, and at the ebb waded the river on that side that maketh the haven of that town; and so encamped, and spent two or three days in quartering and entrenching ourselves in places of best advantage for our own safety, and the besieging of the town; laying a stone-bridge over the narrowest of the haven for our carriages and troops to pass to and fro at all times, if occasion required.  
In the mean time the Count was advertised from those of Ostend and those of Oldenburgh, that the enemy with good troops of horse and foot were come and lodged near the fort; whereupon consulting, the opinions were divers, the most agreeing that it was only a bravado made of Rivas, who before, we had heard, had gathered between three and four thousand men together near the Sluys, to divert us from our enterprise; and that upon our remove towards him he would make his retreat to the Sluys again.  
But this falling out jump with the calculation I had before made, I insisted that it was the gross of their army, and that it was needful for us without delay to march thither with our army also, lest that fort and the rest fell into the enemy's hands, who might then come and lodge at our backs, and cut off the passage to Ostend, to the extreme annoyance of the army: that in using diligence to prevent the enemy's taking these forts we might at once block up and besiege those the enemy held on the low and drowned lands, which enterprise had been in question, and debated as of equal importance with that of Newport. Notwithstanding that my reasons seemed well grounded, the Count Maurice was, as he is naturally, slow in resolving, so as for that time no other thing was done.  
The same night came messenger upon messenger, first that the enemy had Cannon, then that they of the fort were summoned in the Archdukes name; after, that it was yielded upon conditions. And thrice that night was I called from my rest upon these several alarms, which confirmed me in my former opinion, upon which I still insisted, with this change, that, whereas my first purpose was to stop the enemy's passage under the savour of those forts, now, that occasion lost, we were to march to the hither mouth of the passage ourselves had made through the low grounds, and to occupy the same; which was the shortest and readiest way the enemy had to the Downs and seaside.  
The Count Maurice liked it well and resolved to send forthwith the Count Ernest with two thousand five hundred footmen and five hundred horsemen, with some artillery also and provision to entrench upon the same passage, saying he would follow and second them with the rest of the army in due season; which course I could not approve nor allow of, showing my reasons how this dividing of forces might endanger the whole; for I knew the enemy would in all likelihood use all possible diligence to get through this passage, and might well do it with his vanguard, and part of his forces before the arrival of these men; which being so few in number would not be able to make resistance; whereas our whole army marching, if the enemy had been fully passed the low grounds, we had our forces united to give them battle, according to the resolution taken, if he sought us or came in our way: if part of his army were only passed, which was the likeliest, (the shortness of time, the hindrance of the night, and the narrowness of the way considered) than we had undoubted victory: if we were there before him, the passage was ours.  
About midnight the Count had his dispatch and order to take of those troops that were with the Count Solmes as readiest for that service. The rest of the army was commanded to march down to the haven's side, by the break of day to pass with the first ebb. It was my turn then to have the vanguard, which made me careful not to be wanting in my duty, so as in due time my troop was at the place appointed. And because the water was not yet passable; I went myself to the Count Maurice to know his further pleasure, whom I found by the bridge with most of the chief officers of the army: whither not long after news was brought unto him, that the enemy was passed the Downs and marching towards us, which struck him into a dump. I told him that all possible speed must be used to pass the forces before the enemy was possessed of the other side of the haven: that therefore I would go to my troop to take the first opportunity of the tide, desiring him to give me his further order what I was to do, when I had passed the haven: he willed me to do in all things as I saw cause myself, calling to him the Count Lodowick of Nassaw, who then commanded the horse as General, he bade him go along with me, and follow my directions. So I left the Count Maurice and went to my troop, and so soon as the tide served, I passed my men as they stood in their battalions. The soldiers would have stripped themselves to have kept their clothes dry, as I had willed them when I crossed the haven first; but then I thought it not expedient the enemy being so near at hand. And therefore willed them to keep on their clothes and not to care for the wetting of them, for they should either need none, or have better and drier clothes to sleep in that night.  
When the troop of the vanguard was passed, I left the footmen standing ranged in their order betwixt the Downs or sand-hills and the sea, and with the horse advanced towards the enemy, (whom we might discover afar off coming towards us by the seaside) not to engage a skirmish or fight, but to choose a fit place to attend them in, which was now the only advantage we could by industry get of the enemy; for by the situation of the country that skill and dexterity we presumed to excel our enemies in, which was the apt and agile motions of our battalions, was utterly taken from us. For the space betwixt the sea and the sand-hills or Downs, was commanded by the said hills, which are of many heads reared, and commanding one another, containing so much breadth in most places that our troops could not occupy the whole, and every where so confusedly packed together, so brokenly and steeply, that the troops could neither well discern what was done a stones-cast before them, nor advance forward in any order to second, if need were. And on the other side of the Downs towards the firm land, if the whole breadth were not possessed, the enemy might pass to the haven of Newport, where our bridge and most of our shipping yet lay on the dry ground, and spoil and burn them in our view. All which inconveniences I was to prevent.  
Finding therefore a place where the hills and Downs stood in a manner divided with a hollow bottom, the bottom narrower and the hills higher to the seaside and North then towards the inland and South, which ran clean thwart from the sea-sand to the inland, the Downs also there being of no great breadth so that we might conveniently occupy them with our front; and command as well the seashore as the way that lay betwixt the low inland and the foot of the Downs. In that place on the hither side of that bottom, I resolved to attend the enemy, and therefore having caused my troop to advance, I drew from the whole vanguard about one thousand men, viz. two hundred and fifty Englishmen, the Count Maurice his guard, and of such other companies as usually marched with it two hundred & fifty, and of the Frisons five hundred, which were all musketeers, the other two troops consisting of shot and pikes. The English and fifty of the Counts guard I placed on the top of a hill that lay more advanced than the rest, which being steep and sandy was not easily to be mounted, and in the top so hollow that the men lay covered from the hills on the other side, and might fight from it as from a parapett.  
Just behind this hill, about one hundred paces was another far more high, on the top of which also I placed the other two hundred men of the troop of the guard, on which also, with a little labour of the soldier, they lay at good covert.  
These two hills were joined together with a ridge somewhat lower than the foremost hill, which end-wise lay East and West, and broad-wise looked towards the South, or inland, and commanded all the ground passable; on the outside very steep, loose, sandy, and ill to be mounted, within hollow, in which I placed the five hundred Frison-muskettiers, giving charge to the Officers to bestow their shot only to the Southward, when time should serve; which was directly on our right side and flank, as we then stood turned towards the enemy.  
Betwixt those two hills, on the left hand or flank looking towards the sea, I placed in covert (in places for the purpose so near the sea-sand, that they might with ease and good order in an instant break into it) two of the four troops of the English, making about seven hundred men ranged with their faces to the Northward, looking directly from our left flank. If the enemy adventured to pass by us to the other troops, I meant to leave them in his eye. Upon the sands more Easterly than the inmost of the two hills, I ranged in a front with a space betwixt them, the other two troops of the English, and a pretty distance behind them more to the seaward, the Frisons in four battalions, two in front, with a space to receive betwixt them one of the other two battalions that stood behind them, the files and spaces betwixt the troops as close as might be conveniently, to leave the more space for the ranging the other troops, with a competent distance betwixt each troop, so as one troop shadowed not another, but all might be in the enemy's eye at one instant. And thus the vanguard occupied about one third part of the downs, leaving the rest to be manned as occasion should serve by the other troops: and on the left hand uttermost to the sea, and more advanced, I placed the horsemen.  
I had scarce done this work, when the Count Maurice with the chief Commanders of the army came to the head of my troops, where on horseback and in the hearing of all standers by, which were many, he put in deliberation whether he should advance with his army towards the enemy, or abide their coming. Those that spoke (as in such cases most men will not seem fearful) counselled to march forward, for that they thought it would daunt the enemy, and make the victory the more easy, whereas in attending him he would gather courage out of the opinion of our fear, or take the opportunity of our stay to fortify upon the passage to Ostend, to cut off our victuals and retreat.  
I alleged that their army that had been gathered in haste, brought into a country where they intended no such war, could neither have provision of victuals with them for any time, nor any magazines in those parts to furnish them, nor other store in that wasted country, and in that latter end of the year to be expected; so as fear there was none that they should seat themselves there to starve us, that had store of victuals in our shipping, and the sea open to supply us with all sailing winds. And as for the vain courage they should get by our supposed fear, (after so long a march with climbing up and down those steep sandy hills in the extremity of heat, wearied and spent before they could come to us, and then finding us fresh and lusty, and ready to receive them in our strength of advantage) it would turn to their greater confusion and terror.  
They persisted, and, as it were, with one voice opposed, so as in the end I was moved to say, that all the world could not make me change my counsel. The Count Maurice was pleased to like of it, resolving not to pass any further towards the enemy, and for the ordering of things, reposed so much trust in me, as that he believed they were well, without viewing the places or examining the reasons of my doings; but returned to give order to the rest of the army, which as the water ebbed he enlarged to the seaward, next the which the horsemen were placed, and six piece of Ordnance advanced into the head of the vanguard.  
In this order we stayed, and the enemy, though still in the eye, moved not forward for the space of two hours; and then, rather turning from us then advancing, they crossed the downs, & rested other two hours at the foot of them towards the land; which confirmed their opinions that held he would lodge. But we found reasons out of all their proceedings to keep us from wavering. For it was probable to us, that the enemy overwearied & tired with that night and days travel, and seeing us passed the haven of Newport, (wherein to have hindered and prevented us was the greatest cause of his haste) whilst he saw us stirring and ordering ourselves, might hope that we that were fresh, now passed and engaged to fight, would advance, the rather to have the help of our troops with the Count Ernest, if perchance he were retired to Ostend, which, the nearer the fight were to that place, might be of most use to us; or else if we had heard of their defeat, we would be drawn on with revenge: But when they saw that we held our place not moving forward, being out of that hope, and not provided to make any long stay, for the reasons before mentioned, they might resolve to refresh themselves, and then to advance towards us; for which that side was more convenient than the bare sea-sands. Withal we considered, that their chief trust resting in their footmen, (which were old trained soldiers, and to that day unfoiled in the field) they would the rather attend the growing of the tide, (which was then at the lowest) that the scope of the sands might be less spacious and serviceable for horsemen.  
About half-floud they crossed again the downs to the sea-sands, and marched forward, sending some light-horsemen far before the troop, one of which (as we supposed) suffered himself to be taken, who being brought to the Count Maurice, told him aloud that Count Ernest was defeated, and that he should presently have battle, augmenting the number, bravery and resolution of their men. The loss of our men we understood before, and therefore were careful to have few present at the hearing of the prisoner; whose mouth being stopped by the Count Maurice his order, the rest that heard it bewrayed it either in word or countenance to the soldier.  
The enemy growing nearer and nearer, and their horsemen coming in the head of their troops, in a competent distance to have been drawn to a fight, I would very willingly have advanced the horsemen of the vanguard near to them, and with some choice and welmounted men have beaten in their carabins & skirmishers to their gross; with purpose if they had been charged again, to have retired in haste with the said vanguard of horse betwixt the sea and the vanguard of foot, and having drawn them from their foot under the mercy of our Ordnance, and engaged to the rest of our horse, to have charged and followed them resolutely. This advice could not savour to that young Nobleman, that was not well pleased with the power the Count Maurice had given me over his charge; and therefore was not by him put into execution; who chose rather as the enemy advanced leisurely, so he in like sort to recuil towards the foot.  
This counsel of mine taking no better effect, and their horsemen now come within reach of our Cannon, I made the motion to have them discharged, which was well liked, and so well plied, that we made them scatter their troops, and in disorder fly for safety into the downs; which had doubtless given us the victory without more ado, if our horsemen had been ready and willing to have taken the benefit of that occasion. Their footmen out of our reach kept on their way alongst the sands; and the sooner to requite us, advanced their Ordnance a good distance before them, and shot roundly at us, and did some hurt.  
The water now grew very high, so as both we and they were forced to straighten our front; and the enemy, whether of purpose (as aforesaid) to fight with more advantage (as he took it) with his foot in the downs, or to avoid the shot of our Ordnance (for he could not be so careless as to be surprised with the tide, and so driven to this sudden change) put all his forces, as well horse as foot, into the downs; which his horse crossed to the green way betwixt the lowlands and the downs.  
All our horsemen stood with our rearward, hereupon our vanguard altering order, our battle and rearward passed into the downs, and in the same distances backward, & sidewise as they had been on the sands, on my left hand before, ranged themselves: so as the front of the three bodies of foot filled the breadth of the downs, all the horsemen being placed on the green way betwixt the low-land and the foot of the downs, not in any large front, but one in the tail of another, as the narrowness of the passage enforced. I found a fit place on the top of a hill, from whence the green way on the inside of the downs might be commanded with Ordnance, on which by the Count Maurice his order two demi-Cannons were presently mounted.  
The enemy growing very near, I told the Count it was time for me to go to my charge, asking him whether he would command me any more service, he said, no, but to do as I saw cause, willing us the Chiefs that stood about him, to advise him in what part of the army he should be personally; whereunto we all answered, that for many reasons he was to keep in the rearward of all: which he yielded unto. So I went to the vanguard, and after I had viewed the readiness and order of the several troops, the enemy now appearing at hand, I (the better to discover their proceedings, and for the readier direction upon all occasions, as also with my presence to encourage our men in the abiding of the first brunt) took my place in the top of the foremost hill before mentioned; where I resolved to abide the issue of that day's service, as well because the advantages of the ground we had chosen were to stand upon the defence, as also for that in that uneven ground, to stir from place to place, as is usual and necessary in the execution and performance of the office of a Captain, where the country is open and plain, I should not only have lost the view of the enemy, upon whose motions in such cases our counsels of execution depend, but of my troops, and they of me, which must needs have caused many unreasonable and confused commandments.  
The enemies forelorn-hope of harquebuziers, having gotten the tops of the hills, and places of most advantage on the other side of this bottom before mentioned, began from thence to shoot at us, whilst their vanguard approached; which now growing near at hand, five hundred Spanish, pikes and shot mingled without ensigns or precise order, gave upon the place where myself was, and very obstinately for the space of a great half-hour laboured to enter and force it, favoured with more store of shot from the tops of their hills, the gross of their vanguard standing in some covert from the shot with me, on the other side of the bottom.  
In the mean time the vanguard of their horse advanced along the green way so often mentioned, betwixt the low-inland and the Downs towards our horse, that stood more backward against the flank of our battle. Our two pieces of Ordnance were discharged from the top of the hill to good effect, and well plied; and when they came nearer and thwart our right flank, the five hundred Frison-muskettiers, who (as I have before said) were only destined to bestow their shot that way, did their part, and so galled them that upon the first proffer of a charge, which our horsemen made, they were put to a disordered retreat, even to their troops of foot, our horsemen following them in the tail, who were fain there to give them over.  
At the same instant I gave order that a hundred men should be sent from the foremost troop of foot I had laid (as aforesaid) in the Downs, to have given upon the left flank of the enemy, if he attempted to pass by us upon the sands, and as covertly as they could to approach and give upon the right flank of those that were in fight with me. When they were come up and at hands with the enemy, I sent from the hill where I was, by a hollow descent some sixty men to charge them in front, which amazed the enemy, and put them to run, our men chasing and killing them till they had passed the bottom and came to the gross of their vanguard; from which were disbanded anew the like number as before, who followed our men, and seized on some heights that were in the bottom somewhat near us, covering their pikes under the shadow of the hills, and playing with the shot from the tops upon our disbanded and skirmishing men.  
I sent to drive them from thence (being loath they should gain ground upon us) one of the same troops from whence I had drawn the hundred men before mentioned, with order only to make that place good. This was a bloody morsel that we strave for, for whilst our men and theirs were not covered with the hanging of the hills, as they advanced or were chased, they lay open to the shot, not only of those that were possessed of those little hills, but of the other higher, which poured in greater tempests upon them, so as the soldiers that I sent, hasted as for their safety to get the (—) sided of the hill, and the enemy for like respect abode their coming with resolution; so as in an instant, as the hill was round and mountable, the men came to handy-blows upon the whole semicircle of it, with much slaughter on both sides, till in the end the enemy was forced to retire.  
In the mean time the battle of the enemy's foot were come up to the gross of the vanguard, which as it had taken the right hand of the Downs, so the battle with some distance betwixt them, though even in front, having been well welcomed with our shot from the tops of the hills, stayed in as good covert as the place would afford, sending fresh men to beat ours from those grounds of advantage in the bottom; so as ours beginning to give back I sent a new supply to make good the place in this bottom, sometimes getting and sometimes losing ground.  
The fight was still maintained with new supplies on both sides, wherein I persevered, though with loss of men, because the advantage the ground gave me to beat as well upon their gross as their loose fighting men, made the loss far greater on their side, my design being to engage their whole force upon my handful of men, which I employed sparingly and by piece-meal, & so to spend and waste the enemy that they should not be able to abide the sight of our other troops when they advanced.  
The horsemen of their battle and ours encountered, but somewhat more advanced toward the enemy, our men having gotten courage with the first success: so as our fore-mentioned Frison-muskettiers could not so well favour them, but our horsemen being put to retreat, the enemy in the pursuit being saluted by them were stopped and drew back.  
Their rearward now come up even with the other two bodies (for so I term them because their ensigns remained together, though most of the men were drawn from them and in fight, and the ensigns barely attended) advanced on the left hand of the battle, and spreading the breadth of the Downs they were to my troop rather on the corner of the right flank then a front; and our battle and rearward (upon which they directly fronted) a musket-shot behind my troop, toward which it seemed they intended to advance.  
First we gave as much to them as we could spare from our hills, but when they began to open upon my Frison-muskettiers, which (as before is said) could only bestow their shot on our rigthtflank, and till that time had done no service but against their horse, they were exceedingly galled, so as they stayed suddenly, and amazed, or ashamed to go back seeing none to chase them, in a bottom of some small covert, bestowed themselves; sending out some skirmishers along the Southermost part of the Downs, against which some loose men were sent from our bodies: but our musketeers that shot standing, and without fear from their rests, galled them most. The horsemen of the rearward showed themselves on both sides, and some little bickering there was, and so they retired out of the footman's reach.  
This was a strange and unusual fight, for whereas most commonly in battles the success of the foot dependeth upon that of the horse, here it was clean contrary; for so long as the foot held good, the horse could not be beaten out of the field, though, as it fell out, they might be chased to them.  
All this while the fight continued without intermission hotter and hotter betwixt the other two troops of the enemies and me, both of us sending fresh supplies, as occasion required, to sustain the fight. Insomuch as the whole troops of the English were engaged to a hand-fight in the foresaid bottom, saving those few that were placed on the hills; and on the enemy's part also few were idle.  
And now I saw was the time to give the enemy a deadly blow, his grosses being disbanded as well in occupying places of height and advantage to annoy us, as by those that were sent to dispute the places in question. For their only strength now consisted in their loose men, which any few horse charging on a sudden in that bottom would have put to flight, and being followed pell-mell with our foot would never have had means to have rallied & gathered themselves together again. On the other side, I knew that without further succours their numbers would weary and eat us up in the end. I therefore at once sent to the Frison-footmen of the vanguard to advance, and to the Count Maurice to tell him how things stood, and to desire him to send me part of the horse of the battle; and because I saw the enemy press & gain upon our men more and more, I sent again messenger upon messenger.  
In the mean time, to give our men the more courage, I went into the bottom amongst them, where riding up and down I was in their eyes both doing the office of a Captain and soldier, and with much ado we entertained the fight, though the enemy encroached and got upon us.  
At my first coming I got one shot through my leg, and a quarter of an hour after another through the same thigh, which I then neither complained nor bragged of, nor so much as thought of any Chirurgeon; for I knew if I left the place my men would instantly quail. I therefore chose (not having been used to have my troops foiled) to try the uttermost rather than to show them the way to flee, hoping still for the coming of the Frisons and the horse I sent for. But their haste was so small that my men overlaid with number forsook the place, notwithstanding my best endeavour to stay them hasting along the sands towards our Cannon, the enemy following them hard.  
I was forced seeing them all going, to go for company, with the last, uneasily and unwillingly (God knows) and in the way my horse fell dead under me, and upon me that I could not stir: I had neither Officer, Gentleman, nor servant about me to give me help. Sir Robert Drury by chance came, and a Gentleman, being a servant of his called Higham, drew me from under the horse and set me up behind his Master; which help came very seasonably, for the enemy being near at hand, when I fell, by this means I was saved out of their clutches.  
Thus I rode to the Ordnance, where I found my brother Horace and the most of the officers that were living with some three hundred foot. I made them stand from before the Ordnance, and willed the Cannoneers to discharge upon the enemy that now swarmed upon the sands, and at the same instant, my own company of horse and Captain Balls coming thither, I willed them to go to the charge, and my brother with the foot to advance and second them home. This small number of horse and foot made an exceeding great change on a sudden, for the enemy in hope of victory followed hard, and being upon the sands, where horse might serve upon them, were soon routed, most cut in pieces, they rest saving themselves by flight, as they could, in the downs, our men both horse and foot followed them.  
Their battles, where their ensigns remained, began to stir and rouse themselves, rather for defence then to revenge their follows, for they advanced not.  
Our men from the top of the hills, who had kept their places from the beginning, having by this means a fair mark plied them with shot: our English soldiers on all hands with new courage resorted to the fight, and finding these battles very small & thin by reason of the men they had sent to supply the fight, especially of shot, which in these uneven places were of most service, pelted them with our shot and pressing upon them made them recuile. The Count Maurice seeing things on these terms, caused the battle to advance, and his horsemen to make a proffer upon the enemies; upon which sight without attending any strokes the enemy routed and was chased out of the field.  
In this last charge I followed not, for seeing the success upon the sands, and knowing that my directions in the prosecution of the victory would be executed, I could easily judge that the work of that day was at an end. And therefore began to care and provide for myself, who all this while having been undressed, the blood leaking from me at four holes, together with a dangerous disease that had long held me, had made me extreme weak and faint.  
The enemy lost above one hundred and twenty ensigns, most of his foot slain, not many of his horse lost. On our side in a manner the whole loss fell upon English, of which near eight hundred were hurt and slain, eight Captains slain, the rest all but two hurt, and most of my inferior Officers hurt and slain. In the rest of the army there was no loss at all to speak of, especially amongst the foot.  
I dare not take the whole honour of the victory to the poor English troop of one thousand six hundred men, but leave it to be judged by those that may give their censure with less suspicion of partiality. I will only affirm that they left nothing for the rest of the army to do, but to follow the chase, and that it hath not been heard of that by so small a number, in a ground so indifferent (whereof the only advantage was the choice and use of the same) without help of spade or other instrument or engine of fortifying, so great and so victorious an army, as the Archdukes, had been so long wrestled withal, and so far spent. Yet this victory had been as assured with less loss and touch of reproach (if to give ground to a stronger may be subject to a disgraceful imputation) had the succours of horse or the foot I called for come sooner to us, wherein I will charge and accuse none, but the messengers of their slackness.   

An Account of the last charge at NEWPORT-battel, by Sir John Ogle.  
Sr. JOHN OGLE Lieutenant Colonel to Sr. Francis Vere.  
In this retreat of ours there wanted no persuasions, as well by Sir Francis Vere himself, as some others▪ to move our men to stand and turn; for we saw a kind of faintness and irresolution even in those that pursued us nearest. And it is certain (if we may call any thing certain whose effects we have not yet seen) that if then we had turned and stood, we had prevented that storm of fortune, wherein we were after threatened, at least we had saved many of our men's lives. But such apprehensions of fear and amazement had laid hold of their spirits, as no persuasion of reason could (for that time) get any place with them. Sir Francis Vere with his troop formerly mentioned, took his way towards the Cannons along the sands, where he by his Chirurgeon, they by their fellows might hope for succour: I being faint and weary through heat and much stirring, took some few with me, and crossed into the downs, there awhile to rest me, till I should see how the succeeding events would teach me to dispose of myself, either by direction or adventure.  
I was no sooner come thither, but I met with Captain Fairfax and young Mr. Gilbert, who soon after was slain near unto us: there we consulted what we should do, but the time and place affording no long deliberation, taught us to resolve, that the best expedient for our safety was, to endeavour the speedy increase of our little number which we had with us, (I think they were thirty men:) having brought which to a reasonable competency, our further purpose was to give a charge, when we should find it most expedient, that so (with our honours) we might put an end to those uncertainties the fortune of that day had (to our judgements) then thrown upon us.  
It was not very long ere that our little body was multiplied to better than an hundred men; for the loose and scattered begun of themselves without labour to rally unto us; so much prevails union even in a little body: for whilst to it the broken and disbanded ones do willingly offer themselves for safety and protection, they themselves by adding of strength to that body, not only increase the number thereof; but do give and take the greater security to themselves and others.  
We were all this while within less than musket-shot of a gross of the enemy, which stood in a hollow or bottom within the downs, the hills about it giving good shelter against the drops of our shot, (for the showers of them, as also of the enemies, were spent and fallen before) but neither were they so high, nor so steep, that they could forbid entry and commodions passage of charging either to our horse or foot.  
This gross had not many wanting of two thousand men in it, and spying (as it should seem) our little handful (which at the first they might peradventure neglect or contemn, in regard it was so small a number) now begin to gather some bulk and strength, thought it not unfit to prevent a further growth; and to this end sent out an hundred and fifty men with colours (closely and as covertly as they could) along the skirt of the downs next the inland and southward, with purpose to charge on the flank or back of us; which they might very conveniently do as we then stood.  
These men were advanced very nigh us ere we descried them, when (lo) just upon the time of their discovery, and our men ready to fall upon them, comes Sir Horace Vere on horseback from the strand (it should seem from the pursuit of the enemy, whom the horse had scattered, mentioned by his brother Sir Francis Vere) and with a troop of some two hundred men, marched along the downs towards us. In this troop there were with him Captain Sutton, his own lieutenant-colonel Lowel that commanded Sir Francis Vere's foot-company, and some Lieutenants; Morgan also came to us about the time that Fairfax and I joined unto him, and these were the officers that were afoot in the last charge. The disbanded troops of the enemy seeing us strengthened with such supplies, thought it their fittest course to hasten them the same way they came forth towards us. Captain Fairfax and I would have charged, but Sir Horace Vere willed us to join our troops with his, and said we should go together and give one a good charge for all upon that great troop, which we saw stood firm before us. We had now with us (our troops being joined) about some five ensigns, amongst which was mine own, which after was lost in the charge, but recovered again by my officer.  
The vigilant & judicious eye of Prince Maurice his Excellency was (it should seem) upon our actions and motions all this while, for (as I have been informed) he seeing us make head, said to those that stood about him, Voyez Voyez Les Anglois, qui tournent a la charge, and thereupon gave present order to Dubois (then Commissary-generall for the Cavallierie) to advance some of the horse to be ready to attend and fortify the events that might happen upon this growing charge. This I have not of knowledge, but from such hands, as it were ill beseeming me, or any man to question the credit of one of that rank, quality, and reputation. Our troop now, & the disbanded troop of the enemies marched both towards this gross, almost with equal pace, saving that their haste was a little greater, according to the proportion of their danger, if they had fallen into our clutches (being then much too strong for them) ere they recovered the shelter of their own gross; yet such haste they could not make, but that we were with them before they had wholly cast themselves into their friends arms, who opening to receive them facilitated not a little of our charge the passage, who then fell in pell-mell together amongst them.  
Much about this time came in the horse, namely, the troops of Vere, Cecil and Ball, who rushing in with violence amongst them so confounded and amazed t●em, that they were presently broken and disjointed, which being done, the slaughter was great to them on their side, as the execution easy to us on ours. This rupture also of theirs was not a little furthered by the Archdukes own troop of Harquebusiers, which having advanced somewhat before this gross, on the skirt which lay betwixt the inland and the higher downs, was so encountered by Cecil and his troop, (who had as than received order by Dubois from his Excellency to charge) that they were forced with confusion to seek succour amongst their foot; Cecil following them in close at their backs, Vere and Ball (as I take it) charged at the front by us, having crossed into the downs from the sands and North-side towards the sea. It should seem that having broken and scattered the enemy, who (as Sir Francis Vere himself relateth) were by them driven into the Downs, and seeing Sir Horace Vere also to have taken his way thither, they thought it perhaps convenient to hover thereabouts, and to hold an eye upon ours and the enemy's actions, the rather because they might discern Sir Horace Vere now making a new head, and so seeing us charge, charged also with us, which was not disagreeable to their first directions given and mentioned by Sir Francis Vere.  
And this (by all probable conjecture) must also be the cause why Sir Francis Vere in his discourse maketh no mention of Sir Edward Cecil; for he not having his direction from him to charge, but from his Excellency (as himself hath told me) Sir Francis Vere being ignorant thereof, and himself likewise not at the charge in person, whereby he might take notice of any man's presence, would not (as appears) expose himself to interpretations, by making any further relation touching particulars, then what might receive credit, either from his own eyes, or commandments. This charge (through the hand and favour of God) gave us the day; what followed is before already set down by that great and worthy Captain Sir Francis Vere.  CLement edmond's, that learned and judicious Remembrancer of the City of London, in an observation of his on the sixth book of Caesar's Commentary, making it his design to draw the exact effigies of a good General, though he could not be far to seek for an exemplar, while he had Cesar so nigh him; yet found reason to borrow the best lineaments of his piece out of the actions of Sir Francis Vere. And to say truth, the whole picture there drawn is so like him, that it does most lively represent him with at least a three-quarter-face; which is more than the painter (it seems) could do. And lest you should any longer doubt whether it be his picture, you shall find his very Motto expressed in it: But because it casts so strong a reflection upon this battle of Newport (without reference to which Sir Robert Naunton thought neither he nor his Noble Brother could be taken to the life) I have thought good here to give the Reader a copy of it. 
I Have already handled this practice of a pretended fear, which the History doth so often recommend to our consideration, and have showed the inconvenience of overlight credulity, leading such easy weeners to a disappointment of their hopes, and consequently to the hazard of their fortune. I will now proceed to that which is further implied in this relation, and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief Commander: and that is, what specially is required of a General in the carriage and direction of a battle. Concerning which point, as there is nothing more material to the effecting of any business than opportunity of time, conveniency of place, and an orderly disposition of the MEANS according to TIME & Place: so in question of encounter or waging battle, the duty of a Leader may be included in these three circumstances. Concerning the quality of the place, as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judicious director, the whole scope of the Roman discipline, from the time of their first Kings even to the last of their Emperors, did always aim at the advantage of place, as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory: which I have already noted in the Helvetian action. Yet forasmuch as the wisdom and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance, give me leave once again to enforce the use thereof by these examples. Habetis milites (saith Labienus in this place) quam petiistis facultatem, hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis, praestate eandem nobis ducibus virtutem, quam saepenumero Imperatori praestitistis: Ye have, fellow-soldiers, that opportunity which ye desired, etc. Whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction, as having performed the uttermost duty of a Commander, and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory, leaving the rest to the execution of the soldiers. Cesar at the loss he received at Dirrachium cleared himself to his soldiers in this sort: Quod esset acceptum detrimenti, cuivis potius quàm suae culpae debere tribui, locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse, etc. The damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather than him, he had chosen them a safe place of fighting, etc. And as it followeth in the seventh Commentary, being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the Galls, which stood likewise in a readiness to entertain the Roman valour, he would not suffer his men to hazard themselves in the passage of a bog of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies, but rather persuaded his soldiers, disdaining the confrontment of the enemy, to endure their contumely, rather than to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men, and patiently to attend some further opportunity. Which passage of Cesar, even in the said terms as it is there related, was urged to good purpose by Sir Francis Vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battle of Newport. For the army of the Netherlanders being possessed of the Downs, which are small swelling hills rising unevenly along the seashore upon the coast of Flanders, and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hills, and so cutting off the passage to Ostend, it was disputed by the Commanders, whether they should leave the Downs, and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands, or attend him in the fastness of the Downs whereof they were possessed. The whole Council of war were earnestly bent to forsake the Downs, and to hazard the fight on equal terms, as impatient that their passage and retreat to Ostend should be cut off. But Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the business of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage, persuaded Count Maurice by many reasons, and specially by this of Cesar, which I last alleged, not to forgo the help of the Downs, but to expect the enemy in that place, and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter, rather than to adventure the success of the battle in worse terms, in hope of clearing the passage: and showing also many probable conjectures, that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze. Wherein as his opinion then prevailed, so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture, and the soundness of his judgement. For the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troops of the States, was received with such a counterbuff from the hills, and were violently beaten back in such rude manner, as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more, which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day. Touching the opportunity of time, which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits, & oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place, a General ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion, which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus. For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep & uneasy banks, and thereby of a hard and difficult passage▪ he would not show his resolution until he had drawn them all over the river: for he was well assured that the Roman legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles, that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river. And therefore to make the victory more absolute and complete, he suffered them all to come over the water, that all might be endangered in their passage back again. And this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth, which is the rather to be attended with all carefulness, forasmuch as Non saepe, ac diu, eadem occasio est, a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity.  
Concerning the last circumstance, of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to Time and Place, which is necessarily required in the duty of a General; it is referred to this end only, that they may be ranged in such manner, that as one man is assistant to another in their several files and ranks, so one troop may be in subsidiis, assistant to another, to the end that no part may stand naked, or fall in the singleness of its own strength, but that one may second another from the first to the last. C. Sempronius a Roman Consul having fought unadvisedly, and received an overthrow, Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horseman that was present at the battle to be called, and as Livy reporteth it, Coram eyes, Sexte Tempani, inquit, arbitrerísne C. Sempronium Consulem, aut in tempore pugnam iniisse, aut firmâsse subsidiis aciem? he said thus before them, Sextus Tempanius, do you believe that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight, or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army? for Livy saith, he fought incautè inconsultéque, non subsidiis firmatâ acie, non equity aptè jocato, heedlessely and without good advice, neither strengthening his army with supplies, nor well placing his cavalry. And of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a General, touching the direction of a battle; wherein whosoever faileth, doth hazard the prerogative of his command over that army which he leadeth, according to that of Cesar in the first of his Commentaries, Se scire, quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut malè re gestâ fortunam defuisse, aut aliquo facinore comperto, avaritiae esse convictum, that he knew well, whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander, it was either because upon some ill success they saw he was unfortunate, or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice. Which Cesar himself needed not to fear, if we may believe Plutarch, who writeth, that he was endowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptness to take opportunity in any business.  
And in the next Observation he adds;  
— I will content myself with a practice of our time at the battle of Newport, where after divers retreats pursuits, either side chasing the other, as it were by turn and mutual appointment, and as it often falleth out in such confrontments: At last commandment was given to the English to make head again; and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout: which being accordingly performed, a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroke; and being charged home, were so routed, that they made not head again that day.—   

The siege of OSTEND.  
IN the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and one. The States resolving to send their army into Flanders, or a good part thereof, to take those forts the enemy held about Ostend, and by that means to open the passage into that Country for the greater annoyance thereof, made choice of myself, (though far unfit and unworthy of so great a charge) to command the said forces as General. Of which intent I had first but only an inkling given me, and was by some principal persons of the State encouraged to accept the same, and to take upon me a journey into England to inform her Majesty of that purpose, and, with all the necessary circumstances, to frame her liking to the enterprise, and to induce her to the yielding of the succours of three thousand bodies of her subjects to be levied, transported and paid at their own charge, and to be in the low-countries by the tenth of May, with these special instructions for the manner of the enterprise.  
With this errand I passed into England, delivered the whole plot to her Majesty, who liked and allowed thereof, and with some difficulty (as her manner was) granted the men to be levied and transported in ten days' warning, for so the States desired, lest the over-timely stirring of them before their other troops were landed in Flanders, might give the enemy an alarm, to the difficulting of the enterprise; willing me (the grant obtained) to hasten over.  
Before my coming into the low-countries, the Count Maurice was marched towards Bergh, & the enemy, that had long threatened to besiege Ostend, with a good part of his forces was set down before that town; so that it was now question rather of defending then of gaining more footing in that quarter. The States therefore dealt with me to take upon me the charge of the place, for which they gave me Commission, not as Governor, but as General of the army employed in and about Ostend, with very ample power, as aforesaid, whereof I accepted. And they forthwith gave order to the Count Maurice, to send into Holland the twenty English companies he then had in the army; with which troop I was to go into Ostend.  
At the first he made some difficulty to send any, having engaged himself in the siege of Bergh, his works for the defence of the quarter not finished, and the enemy gathering head in Brabant to succour and relieve that town; in the end with importunity he sent eight companies, with which my brother came. With these, being by the States put in good hope, the rest should follow, and that I should be liberally supplied with forces, ammunition, and all necessaries for such a service▪ I went into the town, and landed (as I take it) the eleventh of July one thousand six hundred and one, on the sands against the middle of the old town. The enemy commanded the haven, so as there was no entering by it, and then the use of the Geule was not known; and this place I landed at was to be subject to their Ordnance; and the siege of the sea such, that no shipping could lie there unbroken.  
At my landing Monsieur Vandernood Governor gave me the keys. In the town I found about thirty companies of Netherlanders, which made sixteen or seventeen hundred newly divided into two Regiments, whereof Monsieur Vandernood had the one, and Monsieur de Utenburgh had the other, and my eight companies might make eight hundred men.  
The enemy had thirty pieces of Cannon placed on the Westside, the most within a harquebuse-shot of the town; and six on the East-side, with which they shot much into the town, and did great harm to the buildings and men. Their army judged at twelve thousand men. The three parts on the Westside quartered near Albertus, a great Canonshot from the town, commanded by the Archduke himself. The other part upon the top of the Downs on the East-side next the Geule.  
Those of the town before my entrance had made a sally on the West-approaches, from which they were repulsed with the loss of three hundred men slain and hurt. The town to the land was well flanked and high rampired, but with a sandy and mouldered earth. The old town (supposed free from battery) was rather strong against sudden attempts by Palisadoes and such helps, then by rampire and flanks, to abide the fury of the Ordnance, and force of approach; which notwithstanding was held the strongest part of the town, as well for the reasons abovesaid, as for that it was hemmed in on the one side with the Geule not passable, and on the other with the haven, which was passable only some four hours in a tide. The rest of the town besides the ditch (which was broad and deep) of water, was environed with a royal counterscarp, with ravelines of good capacity and defence against the Cannon, covering all the bulwarks of all the town, but that, which they called the Peckell or East-bulwark, which needed not that help, as lying directly upon the Geule and not to be assailed by any approach.  
Upon the South, Southeast and South-west of the town there is a plot of ground in the manner of an Island, environed on the East-side with the Geule, to the Southward with a channel that runneth into the Geule from the said Geule directly Westward into the river, that in former times passed through the old haven, and now had his course in the furthest place from the town, not in distance above a harquebuse-shot, to the Westward by the old channel of the said river, by which it passed into the haven, which was now separated from the ditch of the counterscarp by a low dam near the Poulder-bulwark.  
This plot of ground (covering the town from the said bulwark to the Spanish-bulwark which lieth upon the Geule) had upon the South-west angle (which is where the channel from the Geule mingleth with that of the river to the haven) a little redoubt open behind, and of no force to resist the Cannon. To the Southward of this Poulder-bulwark the country is broken with many creeks, not passable nor habitable for an army but by forced means, in springtides for the most part overflown; on the Westside the ground for a harquebuse-shot from the river that runneth due West from the said Powder lay low, and subject to the like overflowing at the springtides; but all the waters more passable having fewer and shallower creeks. From this bottom the ground towards the Downs goeth higher. Betwixt these West-Downs, which near the town are more low and level then the East, and the Porc-espic (which is a raveline in the counterscarp that closeth the new town on that side by which the old haven passeth into the town) there lieth a Down on which the haven beateth on the one side, and the water of the ditch of the counterscarp on the other, being the only place about that town by which an approach might be made on firm ground to the wall of the town, and therefore was held the most weak and dangerous place. But the cutting of the foresaid Dam and letting the sea-water into the ditch of the counterscarp was held a sure and sufficient means to prevent the enemy on that side, so as indeed nothing was so much to be doubted as the enemies passing into this piece of ground before mentioned, called the Powder: by which means he might, notwithstanding our best endeavour, in short time drain the ditches of the counterscarp, and the town-ditch, and so make his way to the rampire.  
My first care therefore was to fortify and secure the said Powder against the enemy, and to make a safe place for our shipping to unlade such provisions and commodities as from time to time should be brought unto us: which I readily and easily performed by opening a passage in the counterscarp near the West- Powder of the Spanish-raveline, by which means the water from the Geule flowed into the town-ditch, in which, with their masts stricken down, I have often seen above one hundred vessels lie safe from the annoyance of the enemies great shot: which haven through the entry grew more dangerous by the enemy's approaches, which in process of time they with much cost, labour, and art advanced; for it lay within the high water-mark, (on which they raised new batteries) and was used during the siege as the better inlet. Albeit after to avoid the great harm the enemy did to our shipping at their going out, I made another cut betwixt the East-raveline and the mount called the Moses-table, looking Northward and directly into the sea, which served the turn and saved many ships.  
When my twelve companies, which I expected from Bergh, were arrived, I began one night to entrench a piece of ground higher and firmer than the rest about it, lying nearer to the low Dam before mentioned, which separated the river that by the old channel had passed into the haven from the ditch of the counterscarp: which piece of ground (stretched out in the form of a Geometrical oblique or oblong) towards the West had a watered ditch, such as in those parts they use for enclosures, and the whole plot of continent sufficient to receive eight or nine hundred men.  
This field I entrenched taking the water-ditch to advantage, without giving it any other form usual in fortifications (so, as for the form and seat it was called the West-square) because the Westermost face of it was well flanked from the West-bulwark, and the West-raveline; and the face South-west from the angle of the Powder, where the channel of the Geule and the channel of the old haven meet, but chiefly to hold as much room as I could. For I expecting large numbers of men, doubted more I should want means in that town hemmed in with so many waters and ditches, to sally and use them abroad as occasion should require (for which purpose this place served fitly) than bodies to guard that which I entrenched. The morning after I had begun this work, the enemy turned divers pieces from the top of the Downs upon it; which, notwithstanding my best industry, did much hurt amongst my men, till the work was raised and thickened.  
This plot put in reasonable defence and part of the supplies of the men granted by her Majesty now arrived, I began to cast up a redoubt upon the like piece of ground for firmness, but not fully half so big as the former, lying about half a harquebuse-shot South-west from the angle of the Powder close to the river that passeth from the said angle Westward, which served well to covert the Powder on that side, and to flank the West-face and South-flank of the West-square.  
The Powder thus assured from sudden attempts, I began to raise in the said Powder a rampire to resist the Cannon on the inside of the old channel from the ditch of the Poulder-ravelin of the counterscarp to the angle aforesaid of the Powder, which broad-wayes lay due West, and end-ways North and South, and the redoubt upon the said angle I raised of a good height, & Cannon-proof, in the form of a Cavalier to command over the said rampire of the Powder. All this while the enemy lying still without making any approaches or intrenchments, or attempting to hinder my works otherwise then by his Canonshot, of which he was no niggard.  
Having, as I supposed, in this manner well provided for the safe defence of that quarter, I was desirous to draw some of the enemies from the sand-hils to dwell by us in that low watery ground to the South-west and South of the river that runneth from the West to the Powder, which I knew would cause great expense, great labour, and much loss and consumption of men, on which, besides the plots of ground I had taken, no trench, nor approach, nor lodging could be had, but such as was forced; only about a harquebuse-shot Westward from my redoubt on that side, and upon the same river was a pretty round height of ground on which sometimes they of the town of Ostend had held a redoubt to the South-west & South, environed with a plashie moor, into which by the creeks the water flowed, so as the greatest part of the tide it was not passable. From this plot of ground I could discover the back of their approaches on the Downs, and from it with Cannon could annoy them as well there, as in their shipping and boats, by which their army was supplied from Bruges and other ports of the country.  
If they suffered me to take this height and fortify it, I had gotten two special advantages, the annoying of them, and the securing of my works on that side, which after I might have maintained with fewer men; if I were impeached by their sudden planting of Ordnance and batteries, I knew they would possess the ground and piece-meal engage themselves more and more in those drowned lands, which was the other of my drifts.  
This piece of ground to move and provoke them the more, upon St. jacques day (being the Saint the Spaniards as their Patron do most superstitiously reverence) in the forenoon I first sent as it were to view and discover, and anon after I sent for men and set them on work and drew down in a readiness under the favour of my outermost redoubt, two hundred soldiers to make head, if the enemy came down to the other side of the river to hinder my workmen with his shot.  
The enemy no sooner perceived my men to work, but he turned certain pieces of Ordnance upon them from the Downs, and shot at us, as did also those of the fort of Grootendorst. But being far of, the plot small and the men observing the shot, bowing their bodies in the hollowness of the old trench, did little harm.  
Their footmen in a great rage, as it seemed to me, of themselves kindled with zeal without direction or order from their Chiefs, came down towards the river side amain; not armed men in battle and troops, but shot scatteringly as every one could first and readiliest take his furniture, others with faggots in their hands, (whereof they had store in their approaches) began here and there in confused manner to raise a trench from the Downs to the river; (for other trench and covert they had none) so as they were a fair mark for our artillery from the town, and our musketeers from the West-square, and the South-west redoubt, which spared no powder: Besides, the two hundred musketeers I had placed with me under the favour of small banks on the edge of the river, held them back when they came nearer hand; so as after much shooting and hurt done (the most of the day being spent) they gave over molesting us. And that night I put the place into so good defence against the attempts of handy-strokes, that I left a guard in it, and workmen to add more strength to it.  
In the morning betimes the enemy began to batter it with two Cannons, which the same night they had planted on a little height of ground on the other side of the plash directly West, and about the fourth part of the way to their fort called Grootendorst, from whence they also shot with a couple of demiculvering, and thus they continued the whole day, insomuch as our new work to them-ward was laid flat, and our men forced for safeguard to make hollow trenches in the said redoubt. About an hour before sunset troops were seen to march from Albertus towards Grootendorst, which I gathered was to make an attempt upon the said redoubt in the beginning of the evening before the breach could be repaired, for which purpose the water being ebbed the time served very fitly.  
I saw by their earnest proceeding that there was no striving to keep and maintain that plot, and therefore resolved to give way, but so as I would seem to be forced from the place. And therefore as I did set men on work in the beginning of the evening to repair the breach to have confirmed the enemy (if he had forborn his attempt that night) in the opinion that I would maintain the place: so I gave order to the Officer I left in it with some eighty men to hold good watch on the side of the plash, if the enemy attempted to pass, to show himself on the brink of the said-plash with his shot, and discharge upon them, leaving his pikes by the fort, with order if they advanced to make his retreat to the South-west redoubt, and there to hold good. Which directions were not well observed, for the Officer forthwith when he had sight of the enemy's approach, (which was about two hours within night) leaving his pikes in the redoubt, he with the shot made for the plash-side and discharged at the enemy, who being strong in number and resolved, continued their way, the Officer still retiring hard to the redoubt and skirmishing with him, as if his purpose had been rather to have drawn the enemy into some danger, then to save himself and his troop by a timely retreat. Which is an error that many in like cases fall into, to their utter destruction; when fear to have their valour called in question, maketh them against all reason fight against a stronger enemy, and engage themselves, where they have neither purpose nor hope to obtain the victory.  
Those of the redoubt stayed the return of their men, whom the enemy pursued so hard, after he had gotten footing in the firm ground, that they both at an instant came to the redoubt, and by the way of the breach (which yet lay open) entered and overthrew soon our men, who so taken at unawares, thought it safer to fight then to run away: others they overtook before they could get over the Palisadoes on the other side of the redoubt, so as most of our pike-men were lost, but few or none of the shot, who holpen with the darkness of the night and their good diligence escaped.  
Upon the alarm having given order for some troops to follow, I hasted to the South-west redoubt, near which I met with these scattered men, which I stayed and took with me into the said redoubt; to which the enemy even now approached following their fortune, and hoping of like success, and on the other side of the river toward the Northward from under the favour of the bank, to which of purpose they had also drawn musketeers to flank and beat in the back our men, as they should show themselves to resist the attempt of their men on the other side of the water, so as of the supplies that came from the town, I reinforced the guard of the said redoubt, by which means as also the difficulty they found in passing their gross over the creeks, with some loss to us, yet much more to them, they retired to the redoubt they had gotten.   

A Continuation of the siege of OSTEND.  
HEre endeth, or rather, here breaks off Sir Francis Vere his Commentary; for he continued in his government of Ostend for many months after; but whether it was because he thought it needless to give the world any further account of it, who were all by this time become, as it were, spectators & eie-witnesses of what he did; or whether he thought that it being so well known to many, some other would carry on the relation, if the world should think it needful; or what ever else the reason was, I do not find that his pen ever went any further: yet because there were many things afterwards performed by him worthy of observation, and because the Reader may perhaps have a Curiosity to see the end of the story, I shall here presume to subjoin a brief account of the chief passages in the sequel of that action, according to what I have met with recorded by others to my hand; that so we may bring off Sir Francis Vere with honour from so great an engagement, and deliver him safe from the exceeding hazard of that employment; and this the rather, because I think this was the last action of consequence wherein he was embarked.  
General Vere had no sooner taken a sure footing to himself, & fitted the scene whereon the bloody tragedy was afterwards to be acted, but he gave a pledge of his resolution to abide by it, refusing to quit his lodgings, notwithstanding that the enemy's Cannon had pierced them through with many a shot, and quite battered down a little tower belonging to them. But though his enemy's Cannon could not enforce him to abandon so much as his own lodging, yet did his own by shrewd mishap constrain him to withdraw himself for a time out of the town; for on the fourteenth of August being wounded in the head with the blow of a Cannon that spilled in the discharging, he removed into Zealand to be cured of his hurt. The enemy having gotten intelligence hereof made no small expressions of joy and triumph, discharging many a peal of Cannon, whereby if they hoped to fill the hearts of the besieged with terror and consternation and to beat them from their former resolution, they were very much mistaken; for the brave English soldiers observing what storms of great shot came daily rolling into the town (the besiegers having already discharged little less than thirty five thousand Canonshot against it) and perceiving by the story, that all the houses were like ere long to be beaten about their ears, and so were likelier to endanger them by their fall, than any way to secure and protect them from the fury of the enemy's artillery; they advised themselves to take this course. There was a green plot of ground in the town commonly used for the marketplace, which was something higher than the rest of the streets; here did they earth themselves digging it hollow, and fitting themselves with cabins and lodgings within the ground. The like did they by another void piece of ground upon the South-West; whereby as they thought themselves secure from the enemy's battery (being confident they would not shoot mattocks and pickaxes) so did they sufficiently testify their own resolution rather to inter themselves in the graves which they had digged, then to quit their possession of the place unto the enemy.  
Hereupon the besiegers shifted sails and suiting their counsels to the disposition of the English soldiers, who are sooner won by fair means then by foul, shot arrows with letters into the English quarters, promising ten stivers a day to such as would serve the Archduke against the town, but these offers were slighted by the English, who hated falseness as much as they contemned dangers; & this device was looked upon by those of the town as the product of languishing counsels, which having already spent all their powder came a begging for the conclusion.  
And, if the Archduke had then given over the siege, I question not but the world would generally have excused him: for what should he do? he had made his approaches as near unto Sandhill, as was possible for the haven; which was the most probable place of doing any good upon the town, and therefore he had ever since the beginning of the siege bent the most of his great shot upon it, if it were possible to have made a breach, but all had hitherto produced no other effect then the fortifying of the Sandhill bulwark in stead of beating it down; for by this time it was so thick stuck with bullets, that the Ordnance could scarcely shoot without a tautology and hitting its former bullets, which like an iron wall made the later fly in pieces up into the air: Yea, the bullets in it were so many, that they left not room to drive in Palisadoes, though pointed with iron, and some there were that would have undertaken to make the bulwark new, if they might have had the bullets for their pains. Besides when ever they meant to assault it, they must resolve to force seven Palisadoes made of great piles within the haven, before they could come to the foot of the bulwark, and if they were not intercepted by the springing of a mine or two, yet was the bulwark itself unmountable by armed men; and they might easily have been conceived to have gotten intelligence that there were thirteen Cannon in the counterscarp and other convenient places charged with chained shot and rusty iron to scour Sandhill, if need should require. Besides all this, all was to be done at a running-pull, for when the coming in of the tide should sound a retreat, off they must or be utterly lost; and they easily saw that the musketeers in the halfmoon of the counterscarp were like to give them such a welcome, as would make many of them forget to return again unto the camp.  
Notwithstanding all these great difficulties, no advice of the old Captains could prevail against the obstinacy of the States of Flanders, who to keep life in the siege, spared not to undertake the payment of a million of crowns to the Archduke, rather than he should draw off from the town. So that he took up a resolution not to stir; and (as his fugitives reported) once he swore, that he would not rise from the table at which he sat, before they of the town were made to serve him; but then they on the other side laid a wager they would give it him so hot, that it should burn his fingers.  
Not long after the Lord of Chastillon met with an unhappy mischance; for, being upon the high bulwark of Sandhill with Colonel Utenbruch and other Gentlemen, and men of Command, he had his head struck off with a Canonshot above the teeth, and his brains dashed upon the Colonel's left cheek. Which possibly might receive its direction from the selfsame hand that did more than once during this siege shoot a bullet into the mouth of a charged Cannon, which because it would not be too long indebted for such a courtesy, taking fire with the blow, returned the bullet instantly back again attended with another of its own. As good a marksman was he (if he did it of design) who, when a soldier of the town having bought a loaf of bread was holding it up in a boasting way, with a shot took away the uppermost half, leaving the other in the soldier's hand, who finding that he had received no hurt, said it was a fair-conditioned bullet, for it had left him the better half behind; however, I believe he would rather have been contented with the lesser half, then run the hazard of dividing again.  
On the nineteenth of September General Vere being cured of his hurt returned from Zealand into the town, where he found two thousand English, and twenty ensigns of French, Walloons, Scotch and Frisons, that had arrived in his absence. Soon after his arrival he took care for the thickening and strengthening of divers of the works, and uniting of those outworks on the South and West, the better thereby to secure their relief and preserve them from the injury of the waters in the winter season. Which, the enemy perceiving, and that the town grew daily stronger and stronger, resolved to attempt it by treachery, taking the old verse for their warrant, - dolus an virtus quis in host requirat? To that purpose an English man named N. Conisby (as the French diary relates) who had served them long in the quality of a Captain of foot in their army; returned through France into England, where he prevailed so much by means of his friends, that he obtained letters of recommendation to Sir Francis Vere, unto whom presenting himself he desired to be admitted one of his Company, which the general could not refuse, he being a Gentleman and so effectually recommended.  
This traitor having thus screwed himself into Ostend, quickly began his practice, for he received letters and other things weekly from the enemy, giving them intelligence of all that passed within the town, & of the best means to annoy it; managing his practices and projects according to the instructions which he received from them. For the better conveyance of his letters to the enemy, he carried them into a broken boat (which in the beginning of the siege had been sunk by the enemy, and lay upon the dry ground betwixt the town and the camp) under the colour of gratifying nature; and there disposed them in a place appointed, whence the enemy fetched them by night with the help of a little boat, and upon certain days brought him answers, and sometimes money for his reward, which he failed not to fetch at the place appointed. When he was discovered, he had drawn four men into his conspiracy; among others a Sergeant who was the means of revealing it. This Sergeant coming out of prison (where his Captain had caused him to be laid some days in irons) being all malcontent chanced to meet with Conisby, who told him he was glad to see him out of prison, withal asking him the reason of his so great and grievous punishment, to whom the Sergeant (railing upon his Captain) swore earnestly that he would be revenged for the wrong he had received, though it cost him his life. Conisby, supposing he had found a man fit for his purpose, told him he might easily find the means to be revenged, without losing his life, and with his own profit and advancement, and that if he would follow his counsel he should want no money. The Sergeant began to listen to his words, and seemed inclinable enough to so advantageous a design, and ready to follow his advice. Whereupon Conisby (having first made him swear secrecy) discovered himself to him; and presently asked him if he had the resolution to set fire on one of the Magazines, for which purpose himself had prepared a certain invention of powder, lead, & match; this the Sergeant undertook to perform, which he said could not be difficult for him to do, being often sent to fetch powder for the soldiers. Conisby assured him that he had practised more associates, and that when he should have made the number up twenty, he would then put the design in execution, which was, that one of the Magazines being set on fire, he would so work it as to have the guard of a sluice in a bulwark near the enemy, who should then give on and be admitted into the town. The Sergeant seemed to hug the device, demanding only of Conisby some assurance under his hand that he should have his recompense, when the work should be performed; which having once obtained, away he goes to the General, and discovers the practice to him, whereupon Conisby being apprehended, and put to the rack confessed all, and that he came to Ostend with that purpose and intent, as also what instructions and promises he had received, and what complices he had made; who were likewise apprehended and put in prison. This plot failing, the enemies only hope of taking the town was by stopping up the haven, and so hindering the coming in of supplies; to this purpose, the old haven on the West of the town having been made dangerous and useless, and the defendants constrained to make a new one out of the Geule on the East-side, the enemy had now so streightened this also by their float of great planks bearing Ordnance on the Geule, that they of the town were fain to make a second new haven against the midst of the old town; by which means the enemy's designs were eluded, and the ships of supplies admitted into the town at pleasure.  
This dangerous thrust being so handsomely put by, the enemy had no other play left him but to storm, which he resolved upon, and prepared himself accordingly. But in the mean while it will not be amiss to take notice of a passage which happened in the town. A French Gentleman disobeying his Sergeant, and thereupon causing a great tumult, was committed to prison, and eight days after, condemned by a Council of War to be shot to death; but because he was descended of a good House, all the French Captains interposed their earnest entreaties to General Vere, and begged his life; which was granted, upon condition that he should ask the Sergeant forgiveness; this when he could not by any means, or persuasion be brought unto, he had eight days' respite granted him to resolve himself; which being passed, and he continuing still as obstinate as ever, he was brought forth unto the place of execution, and tied to a stake; but when once he saw the Harquebusiers ready to discharge, he began to be apprehensive of the horror of death, entreating that he might be unbound, and promising to perform the sentence, & ask the Sergeant forgiveness▪ which he forthwith did, and thereupon was released. So much easier is it for pride and rashness to commit a fault, then heartily to acknowledge it. A truer courage was that of another in the town during the siege. An English Gentleman of about three & twenty years of age, in a sally forth had one of his arms shot off with a Cannon, which taking up he brought back with him into the town unto the Chirurgeon, and coming into his lodging showed it, saying, Behold the arm which but at dinner did help its fellow. This he did and endured without the least fainting, or so much as reposing upon his bed.  
Not long after on the fourth of December early in the morning, the besiegers gave a fierce and sharp assault upon the English trenches; which take in the words of one present at it.  
SIr FRANCIS VERE having been abroad the most part of that night, was laid down to take his rest; but hearing the alarm that the English trenches were assaulted, and knowing of how great import that work was for the defence of the town, pulling on his stockings, with his sword in his hand, he ran in all haste unbraced with some soldiers and Captain Couldwell, and myself into the work; where he found his own company at push of pike upon a turn-pike with the enemy, (who crying in French, Entrez, entrez, advancez, advancez, strove to enter that way, and sought to over-turn the turn-pike with their pikes) and some of his Gentlemen, among the rest Lieutenant-Colonel Proud (who was afterwards slain at Maestricht) slashing off the heads of their pikes, which he took notice of, and shortly after made him a Lieutenant. The enemy being repulsed and beaten off, Sir Francis Vere (to the end our men might give fire the better upon them from the town▪ and bulwarks which flanked this work, both with our Ordnance and sin all shot) commanded the soldiers to take some straw from the huts within the work, and making wisps of it, to set it on fire upon the parapet of the work, and upon the heads of their pikes, by which light the enemies were discovered, so that our men gave fire bravely upon them from the town and the work, and shot into their battalions, which had fallen on, and their men that were carrying off their dead; so that upon this attempt the enemy lost a matter of five hundred men, which lay under our work, and between their trenches. The enemy being retreated into his works, Sir Francis Vere called me to him, and said, Boy, come now pull up my stockings, and tie my points; and so, returned home again to his rest.  
The next remarkable in the series of this famous siege was that memorable Treaty, which General Vere entertained with the Archduke; which I know none better able to give an account of, than Sir john Ogle, who had much at stake in the business, and was well acquainted with the several passages thereof: of which he hath left behind him this following account.   

Sir Francis Vere his parley at Ostend, written by Sir john Ogle there present.  
AFter the battle of Newport, the Archduke Albert desirous to clear Flanders, in the year following sat down with his army before Ostend, unto which the Lords the States sent Sir Francis Vere, their General to defend it. He having good numbers of men, thought it most serviceable for the States to employ them so, as he might keep the enemy at arms-end, and a fair distance from the town. To this purpose he possessed himself of several advantageous pieces of ground, fortifying upon them so well as the time would give him leave; but they were morsels as well for the enemy's tooth as his, and therefore cost both bickering and blood on both sides, till at the last, (what with numbers, artillery, and better commodity of access) he was forced to quit the most of them, and that ere he brought them to any perfection of strength, whereby to make any resistance.  
Such as were nearest the town, and under the succour of his own power, (as the three Quarriers (or squares) with some few others) he kept and maintained as long as he stayed there; yet when by protract of time, and casualties of war, he found his numbers wasted, and himself (the enemy creeping upon him) so straightened as he was thrust merely upon the defence, he saw he was not in his proper element, nor indeed was he: for the truth is, his virtues (being great, strong, and active) required more elbow-room, having their best lustre, where they had the largest foil to set them off. The works of Battle, Invasion, and the like, were the proper objects of his spirit. The limits of Ostend were much too narrow for him, yet did he there many things worth the observation and reputation of so great a Captain as he was. Amongst the rest, that of his Parley was of most eminent note; and as most noted, so most and worst censured, and that as well by sword as gownsmen; yea, his judgement (which even by his enemies hath often been confessed to be one of the most able that ever our Nation delivered to the world in matters of his profession) was in this action taxed (and that in print too) for his manner of carriage in this business.  
Now because I was in some sort the only instrument he used in the managing thereof, and best acquainted with all passages, I have (for the love I owe to truth, and his memory) thought good to set down in writing, what I have heretofore delivered (by their commandments) to the Lords the states-general in their Council-chamber, as also sometime after that to the Prince Maurice of Nassau and the Earl William his x, concerning this matter.  
Yet ere I come to the relation, it shall not be amiss to wipe away two main aspersions which I have often met withal by way of objection, and are as well in every man's mouth as in Emmanuel of Metteren his book.  
The first (and that is the word) it lucked well, judging the fact by the event, but reservedly condemning the purpose, for had not the shipping come (say they) as it did, what would have become of the town, he would have given it up. Colonel Utenhoven a man of note, and yet living, one of their own Nation, a Governor of a Town, knows better, and the following Treatise shall also make it appear otherwise, and that he had not the least thought of rendering the town, though succour had not come to him at all; this point therefore shall here need no further enlargement.  
The second is, That he might have carried the matter otherwise, and have drawn less jealousy upon himself, by acquainting the Captains with it sooner, considering it was done without the privity of the Lords the States, nor was it fitting to bring an enemy through such secret passages.  
This at the first view seems to say somewhat, as borrowing strength from the common proceedings in other ordinary Governors; who, upon the point as well of Parley as Article, ere they enter into either with an enemy, consult first (as it is fit) with the Captains of the Garrisons, and this (it seems) was likewise expected here; But upon what reasons? was he such a Governor? he was a General, he had Governors under him. Did he intend (as commonly others do) to deliver the Town? he meant nothing less, as is partly before, and shall be hereafter largely proved. What account did the States ever require of him? what disgrace was there given him more than a free acknowledgement of his singular carriage and judgement in the managing of a business of so great importance?  
True it is, there was at first a kind of staggering amongst the best, which the mist of some partial information from some male volent person in Ostend had brought them to; but this was soon cleared, first by his own letters in brief, and after by me more at large, if not to the most of them, yet I dare say to the most discreet and judicious amongst them.  
But let us now see whether it had been either necessary or convenient that the secret of this stratagem should have been revealed sooner, either to the Lords the States, or Captains of the Garrison. To me it seems, that it had been to the States preposterous, to the Captains dangerous, nay more, repugnant to sense and common reason, and that for these reasons following.  
The project itself was but an Embryo, and had been a mere abortive, had he delivered himself of it before the attempt of the enemy: for from thence it must receive both form and being, now that was uncertain and unknown unto him, especially the time; he could therefore have no certain, befitting subject to write to the Lords the States of this matter, till the deed were done, and the project put in practice; which so soon as it was, be presently dispatched a messenger, giving them a due account of the cause of his proceedings, and that to their contentment.  
It was a stratagem whose power and virtue consisted wholly in secrecy, it was also a thread, whereon hung no less than the State's Town, his own honour, and the lives of all them that were with him, & therefore in reason did not admit the least communication: for the best pledge you can have of a man's secrecy, is not to open your thoughts unto him.  
Lastly, if he would have forgot himself so much as to have committed a secret to the trust of many, could he yet promise himself that he should not meet with opposition? would they instantly have been all of his mind? would no man suspect the handling? Why did they then after? and that when it was consummated and finished. I have heard Colonel Utenhoven say, That if the General should have made the proposition, he had broken the enterprise; and he knew best the Captain's inclinations, for he was the mouth betwixt the General and them, to clear those jealousies he saw them apprehend in him. It was therefore the safest and best way that could be taken, to set this business abroach rather without their knowledge, then flatly against it, and to hazard the interpretation of the action, rather than the action itself.  
Besides, who ever yet knew the General Vere so simple or so weak, as to avoid military forms, where they were necessary or expedient? Wanted he judgement? his enemies will not say it. Had he not will? he had too many of them too great to lay open himself to their malice; he was a better mannager of his reputation, then to give them so palpable, so gross an advantage to build their scandal on. It was the public service and his own judgement that led him into this course, wherein if there were any danger for his part, it lay on my head, which he ventured for the safety of all.  
It seems then that as it was not necessary, so had it been exceedingly inconvenient, that the book of this secret should have been sooner unclasped, before it was set on foot, or to the Lords the States, before it was accomplished.  
I come now to the relation, leaving the branch in the objection, touching the bringing in of the enemy, as not worthy to receive an answer. About the twelfth of November it began to freeze exceedingly, the wind being North-west, where it remained till Christmas or after, blowing for the most a stiff gale, often high and stormy: in this time no shipping came unto us, or succours out of Holland or Zealand, nor could they for the wind; nor had we any for some few weeks after. Our men, munition, and materials wasted daily, the sea and our enemy grew both upon us.  
At the springtide we looked still when that would decide the question touching the town betwixt us and our adversaries, so exceeding high it was, and swelling through the continuance of the Northwest wind, which beat flat upon us, and brought extraordinary store of waters from the Ocean into those narrow parts. Hands we could set very few to work, our places of guard were so many, our numbers so small, and those over-watched. Two thousand and an hundred men was our strength, the convenient competency for the town was at least four thousand: for workmen our need was more than ever; for the whole town with the new forts therein lately begun by the General (who foresaw the storm) lay more than half-open, insomuch that in divers places with little labour both horse and foot might enter. The Northwest raveline (our Champion against the sea) was almost worn away. The Porcupine (or Porc-espic) not well defensible. At all these places could the enemy come to push of pike with us, when they list, at low water.  
This was our condition, neither was the enemy ignorant thereof, nor unmindful to lay hold on his advantage, preparing all things from all parts fitting for the advancement of his purpose; that was to assault the town. Our General saw their provision and power, and his own weakness; but could prevent none of them otherwise then by practice, his industry slept not, his vigilancy appeared by his daily and nightly rounds he made about the town and works, his courage was the highest, when his forces lowest; for even then he manifestly made it known so much, that of his store he furnished plenty to others.  
One day going about the walls, he began to discourse of our being pressed, and said, He cared not what the enemy could attempt upon him; he was in one of the strongest quarters of the town when he spoke this, and not unwilling that such as of themselves saw it not, should be kept ignorant of the danger that hung over their heads. The Captains and the Officers he commended for their care and industry in their watch and guard, more to stir them up unto it, then really to congratulate that virtue in them he said, A Captain could receive no greater blow in his reputation; then to be surprised; divers other speeches he used tending to encouragement, dissuading from security, and often amongst them interlaced the strength of the town.  
ay, at the first perceiving not his mask, began to put him in mind of some of the former particulars, the whole towns weakness, and the Archdukes opportunity; but he told me quickly by his eye, he would not have their strength touched in such an audience; so slighting my speeches, he continued his pace, and a la volée his discourse till he came to his lodging, there he called to me alone, and broke to me in these terms.  
I perceive you are not ignorant of our estate, and therefore I will be more open and free with you; What think you? are we not in a fine taking here, ha? I will tell you, Captain Ogle, there was never man of my fortunes and reputation (both which have been cleared hitherto) plunged in greater extremity than I am now: here we discoursed of our condition before mentioned, whereupon he inferred, That he was like a man that had both courage and judgement to defend himself, and yet must sit with his hands bound, whilst boys and devils come and box him about the ears. Yet this I will tell you too (said he) rather than you shall ever see the name of Francis Vere subscribed in the delivery of a town committed to his custody, or his hand to the least article of treaty (though with the Archdukes own person) had I a thousand lives I would first bury them all in the rampire; yet in the mean while judge you of the quality of this our being. I told him, that I thought if he were in his former liberty, he would bethink himself ere he suffered himself to be penned up in such a cage again: he made no reply, but addressed himself to his business, and I to mine. What his thoughts now were, I will not enter into, unless I had more strength to reach them. Sure I am they wanted no stuff to work on: for the bone he had to gnaw upon, required as good teeth as any were in Hannibal's head to break it, and had not his been such, all the hands we had there could not have plucked it out of our own throats.  
Not long after this the General calls a Council of the Colonels and chief Officers; there he propounded these two points; First, whether with the numbers formerly mentioned we could in time of assault sufficiently furnish all parts. Secondly, or if not, whether in such an extremity we ought not to borrow the troops employed for the guard of the Quarriers to the preservation of the town.  
This was more to sound our judgements, then of any necessity, for him to seek allowance of his actions from them: for Generals use not to ask leave of their Captains to dispose of their guards, what they are to quit, and what they are to keep.  
Our numbers they confessed were too few, yet must the Quarriers at no hand be abandoned; but how to hold them sufficiently, and to provide for those places, on which the fury of the storm was like to pour itself forth, no man gave expedient. The voices were severally collected, and when it came to me, I said, That seeing our case standeth as it doth, our breaches many and great, our numbers few to defend them, my opinion was, that when we should see the cloud coming, we quit the Quarriers: for I know they were ordained for the custody, not to endanger the loss of the town; that of inconveniences the least must ever be chosen; that it were ill-husbandry to hazard the principal to save the interest, and as little discretion to let the fire run on to burn the palace, whilst we are busy preserving the lodge.  
The two Colonels (Roone and Sir Horace Vere) who spoke after me (for the chief speak last) were of the same mind, differing only in some circumstances, not in substance of opinion. That the other were so scrupulous in this point, is to be thought proceeded rather from ignorance of our estate and danger, or else an apprehension grounded upon common opinions, which was, lose the Quarriers, lose the town; or (it may be) the fear of the interpretation that the Lords the States would make of such an advice; and that fear was likely to be the greater, because perhaps they were not furnished with strength of reason to maintain their opinion, or else they might find it fittest to lay the burden on his shoulders that was best able to bear it (the General himself). After this council there passed some few days till it was near Christmas. The Archduke was himself in person in the camp, the assault resolved on, and the time, the preparations brought down to the approaches, and the army, they only stayed for low water to give on.  
Here began the General's project to receive being, till now it had none; neither was it now time to call the Captains to a new council, either to require their advice, or to tell them his own. He had his head and his hands full; ours had not ached now, had not his waked then more for our safeties, than ours could do for our own. He bestirred him on all sides, his powers were quick and strong within him, and those without he disposed of thus. His troops he placed most on Sandhill, Porcupine (or Porc-espic), the North-east Raveline, the forts and curtain of the old town: these were the breaches, the other guards were all furnished as was then fitting according to our numbers.  
The Quarriers held their men till a Parley was commenced, and by it they secured. The Falsebray was abandoned by order, as not tenable in time of assault, the Cannon in it dismounted, lest it should be spoiled by our own in Helmont which flanked it, and the whole face of Sandhil. This Falsebray was that dangerous passage mentioned in the objection going before, which I thought to have passed over, but am since otherwise advised. It lay at the foot of Sandhil, in the eye of the enemy, and was therefore as well known to them as to ourselves and so was the way to it, for they saw daily our entry to the guard to be through a covert-gallery, forced through the bottom of the said hill: it was so narrow that two men armed were the most could pass in front; when you were come out of it, you were presently at the haven's side, and the new town, without discovering any guard, passage, or place of importance, such as might any ways give the least advantage to an enemy's observation; and was (in truth) in nothing else secret, but that it was covered overhead from the eye of the heavens, otherwise there was no passage about the whole town less prejudicial than that. There is a bolt of the same quiver likewise fallen into Emmanuel de Metterens book. There the General's judgement is (forsooth) controlled▪ and by the providence of Captain Sinklyer, and some others (as they think) much bettered. The General all there is said to have neglected the Falsebray, and that in a time when it was needful to have defended it; but Captain Sinklyer with other Captains provided for it. But how provided for it? Sinklyer with six musketeers undertook it; the Captains promised him two Companies to second him, the place could contain one good one. But why musketeers alone, and not pikes? since they would make it good, why but six, and that against the fury of an army? what knowledge would they teach our Cannons to spare the Scots, and kill the Spaniards being joined pell-mell? It is ridiculous. Captain Sinklyer, if he lived, would be angry to have his judgement thus wronged, and printed so small, as to undertake the defence of the Falsebray, when the Bulwark itself was assaultable. But I leave these poor detractions that bewray only the detractours weakness; and so return to the matter.  
On the two Bulwarks formerly mentioned (Helmont and Sand hill) with the mount Flaming-burgh, he placed store of Artillery and Mortar, the Mortars most of all at Helmont, and much Ordnance; for that (as I said before) scoured the avenue of the enemies coming upon the Sandhil, and the old town.  
When he had thus ordered his affairs for defence, he began to betake him to his stratagem (which indeed was our best shelter against that storm). He sent Captain Lewis Courtier (who spoke good Spanish) into the Porcupine (or Porc-espic) the nearest place of guard to the enemy, with order to desire speech with some of them, he called twice or thrice, or more, but none answered him, so he effected nothing. The General displeased thereat, sent me to the place on the same errand. I called, but no man answered; beat a drum, but they would not hear; upon that I returned to the General, and told him they expected form; if he would speak with any of them, I must go without the limits of our works▪ he desired it, but fearing they would shoot at me; I put it to an adventure.  
Coming to the havens-side, I caused the drummer to beat, and at the second call one answered me. After a little stay, the Governor of Sluys (Mattheo Cerano) came to me▪ each made his quality known to the other, I my errand to him, that the General Vere desired to have some qualified person of theirs sent into the town to speak with him; he this to the Archduke: I attended his return, which was speedy, and with acceptance; he told me of his affection to our Nation, bred and nourished through the good correspondency and neighbourhood betwixt the Lord Governor of Flushing, Sir Robert Sidney, and him. He would take it as a courtesy that the General Vere would nominate and desire him of the Archduke to be employed in this business. This was performed, and at our next meeting agreed, that I should be a pledge for him, that each should bring a companion with him, that he with his should have General Veres; I and mine Don Augustinoes' word for our safety; that during the Treaty no hostility should be used on land; that against low-water we should find ourselves there again at the same place. This done, we parted each to his home.  
I told the General what had passed, he persuaded (and that earnestly) with the Netherlandish, French, and Captains of other Nations, to have some one of them accompany me in this action; the rather to avoid that interpretation which he foresaw would follow being managed by him and his English only; but they all refused, notwithstanding he assured several of them, his purpose was no other than to gain time, where myself can testify, that coming to him almost at low-water to know his further pleasure, I found him very earnest in persuading with an old Captain called Nicolas de Leur, to whom I heard him say, Je vous asseure n'est que pour gaigner temps. I was not then so good a Frenchman as that I durst say I well understood him, neither the purpose he had with him; since I have learned both better. This man refused as well as the rest, whereupon the General in a choler, willed to take with me whom I would myself, for he would appoint none. I took my old companion, and then familiar friend, Captain Fairfax. Cerano and Ottanes were then at the waterside, when we came; Simon Anthonio and Gamboletti, both Colonels or Maistros del campo brought them over on horseback to us; on the other side, Don Juan de Pantochi Ajudante received us, and Don Augustino de Mexia at the battery; behind which was the army ranged ready for the assault.  
These two brought us to the Archduke, who was then come to the approaches, and accompanied as became so great a Prince; we performed those respects were fitting, he vouchsafed us the honour to move his hat, and being informed by one Hugh Owen (an Englishman, but a fugitive) of our names and families, as also that I could speak Spanish; he conjured me as I was a Gentleman, to tell him if there were any deceit in this handling or no; I told him, if there were it was more than I knew: for with my knowledge I would not be used as an instrument in a work of that nature: he asked me then what instructions I had; I told him, none; for we were come hither only as pledges to assure the return of them, to whom he had given his instructions; he asked me again, whether I thought the General meant sincerely, or not; I told him, that I was altogether unacquainted with his purpose, but for any thing I knew, he did. Upon this we were dismissed, and by Don Augustino (whom Don Juan de Pantochi ever attended) brought to his lodging, and there honourably and kindly entertained, and visited by most of the Chiefs in the army, and also by some Ecclesiastical persons.  
There came an advertisement from the approaches of working in the town, this was occasioned by noise of knocking in (as they thought) Palisades. To give order to the contrary, we were after carried on horseback thither; we having received answer, that it was only a cabin of planks set up to keep beer in, the noise of that work, and their suspicion ceased together, yet we stayed some few hours at Gamboletti the Italian Colonels guard, who at that time had the point, and Conde Theodoro Trivulci, and some other of the Cavalry accompanied us some hours; after which we returned to the camp, and to Don Augustino, and our rest. In the morning we found our lodging environed with a strong guard, and understood of the discontentments of Cerano and Ottanes being returned, and how they had not any speech with the General. This startled me and Fairfax, who dreamed of no such matter, nor of any such manner of proceedings: Fairfax thought I had some secret instructions in particular, and desired me to tell what the Fox meant to do; I told him (and it was truth) I knew as little as he; but calling then to mind the discourse he had in his lodging, and mentioned formerly in this, and comparing it with the action, I said to Fairfax, that I verily believed that he meant to put a trick upon them; but (quoth he) the trick is put upon us, me thinks, for we are prisoners, and in their power▪ they at liberty, and our judges.  
Don Augustino coming to us gave an end to this discourse; and beginning another with me apart in his own chamber, where, with a grave and settled countenance, he told me of the Commissioners return, their entertainments and discontentments, as also the Archdukes towards me, for abusing him, and especially he urged these two points, That I told Cerano that the General desired speech with some from his Highness, which seemed not to be so, for he flatly refused it: That I had said to his Highness himself, that I was not an instrument of deceit, which also appeared otherwise, and would not (I must account) be so slightly passed over: hereunto I answered, That the Commissioners are returned without speech with the General is as strange to me, as unexpected of them; and I am the more sensible of this discourtesy towards them through the kind usage I receive here of you; but as I am not of counsel in this manner of proceedings, so I know as little how to help it, as I can reach the drift. Touching the other point of his Highness' displeasure towards me, I hope so noble a Prince will admit no other impression of my person or actions, than the integrity of both shall fairly deliver him: for if I have deceived him, it is more than probable I am deceived myself; nor do I believe that his Highness nor any of you judge me so flat, or so stupid, as upon knowledge of such a purpose, in irritating his Highness, I would deliver myself and friend as sacrifices to make another man's atonement. It is certain then, if the General hath fraud in this action, he borrows our persons, not our consents to work it by; which though you have now in your power, yet will I not fear the least ill measure, so long as I have the word of Don Augustino for my safety. The noble Gentleman moved with my confidence, took me in his arms, assured me it again, as also any courtesy else during my stay there, and was indeed as good as his word.  
This thus passed, he told me he would relate faithfully to the Archduke what I had said; but yet ere he went, desired to know of me what I thought was to be further done; I told him, it could not be but there must be a mistaking on the one side or the other, that therefore to clear all doubts, I held it expedient for me to write to the General to let him know our present condition, his Highness' discontentment upon this manner of proceeding, the danger he exposed us unto, and to understand his further purpose for our enlargement. This answer he carried presently to his Highness, and was interpreted by Owen, then sent by a messenger into the town; and thus was this rub removed, the Commissioners required and sent in, and the Parley brought upon the former foot again.  
The General was not a little glad of their return, for it redeemed the fear he had of ours, who (as Captain Charles Rassart told me after) was not a little perplexed for me; he would often say, What shall I do for my Lieutenant-Colonel, and wished he had me back again, though he paid my ransom five times over: he would sometimes comfort himself with hope of their civility and my demeanour: fearing the worst, he said, I could not suffer better then for the public cause.  
The reason he hazarded us, and handled them, was to gain so much more time, for that was precious to him for the advancement of his works in the old town, to which through the benefit of this occasion of cessation of hostility, he had now drawn most of the hands could labour, giving them shades to work, and order to have their weapons by them ready upon occasion to fight: he handled the matter so, that ere the Commissioners returned again, the old town and works were stronger by a thousand men. He could not have done this (at least so conveniently) had he begun conference with them at their first entry, nor avoided that first conference, had he stayed them in the town, at least (every man hath his own ways) he understood it so, and it was a sure and safe course for him and his designs: for causing Edward Goldwell, (a Gentleman that then waited on him in his chamber) to make an alarm at their entry, he pretended thereupon treachery on their part, and made it the cause, why he would neither let them stay in the town, nor return the way they came. This bred disputes, & messengers passed to and fro betwixt them and the General. In the mean time the flood came in, and the water waxed so high that there was no passage that way without a boat; whereof there was none on that side of the town, nor any brought, for that had been to cross his own purpose. The Commissioners desired earnestly to be suffered to stay, though it were upon the worst guard of the town; but it was denied: for he must rid himself of them, he could not do his business so well, if their eyes and ears were so near him; he sent them therefore to their friends on the East-side, forecasting wisely, that ere they could come there, and thence by the South to the Westside again, there to have admittance to his Highness, and there to have the matter debated in Council, he should not only gain the whole winter-night, but most part of the next day for his advantage, which fell out according to that calculation, and beyond his expectation that it continued longer.  
At the Commissioners return, his later entertainment to them was better than the first; he feasted with them, drank and discoursed with them, but came to no direct overture of article, though they much pressed him; that part of the day and the whole night was so spent, and in sleep. The like had we in the camp, except drinking, whereof there was no excess, but of good cheer and courtesy abundance. In the morning were discovered five ships out of Zealand riding in the road, they brought four hundred men, and some materials for the sea-works; the men were landed on the strand with long boats and shallops; the enemy shot at them with their artillery; but did no hurt.  
The pretext of succour from the States the General took to break off the Treaty, which he had not yet really entered into. The Commissioners were on both sides discharged in this order. Cerano came first into the army, it was my right to have gone for him, but I sent Captain Fairfax at the earnest entreaty of Don Juan de Pantochi and some others, who said, they desired my stay, only to have my company so much the longer, making me believe it was agreeable to them, the rather for that I spoke their Language; I was the more willing to yield, because I would not leave any other impression then that I saw they had received of my integrity in this negotiation: Fairfax being in the town, Ottanes made not long stay, nor I after him.  
The General was not pleased that I stayed out of my turn; but when I gave him my reasons for it, he seemed to be well contented.  
General Vere having now received part of the long-expected supplies, together with the assurance of more at hand, straightway broke off the Treaty; which, though ending somewhat abruptly, had (it seems) finished the part which was by him allotted it; whereupon he sent the Archduke this following acquittance.  
WE have heretofore held it necessary for certain reasons to treat with the Deputies which had authority from your Highness; but whilst we were about to conclude upon the Conditions and Articles, there are arrived certain of our ships of War, by whom we have received part of that which we had need of; so that we cannot with our Honour and Oath continue the Treaty, nor proceed in it; which we hope that your Highness will not take in ill part; and that nevertheless, when your power shall reduce us to the like estate, you will not refuse as a most generous Prince to vouchsafe us again a gentle audience.  
From our Town of Ostend, the 25 of December, 1601. Signed, FRANCIS VERE.  
NOw whosoever shall but consider how many and how great difficulties the Archduke had struggled with to maintain the siege; how highly concerned he was in point of honour, and how eagerly engaged in his affections; and what assured hopes he had of taking the town; will easily conceive that he must needs find himself much discomposed at so unexpected a disappointment. He had already taken it with his eyes; &, as if he had bound the Leviathan for his maidens to sport withal, under the assurance of the truce he walked the Infanta before the town with twenty Ladies and Gentlewomen in her train; as it were valiantly to struck this wild beast, which he had now laid fast in the toils; and to look upon the outside of the town before they entered into it. Now to have his hopes thus blown up; and to be thrown from the top of so much confidence! wonder not if we find him much enraged at it, and what can we now expect, but that he should let fly his rage in a sudden and furious assault upon the town? especially considering that before the treaty began, all things were in readiness for such a purpose. But whether it were that the treaty had unbended the soldier's resolution, or the unexpected breaking off stouned the Archdukes counsels, or whether his men were discouraged at their enemies increased strength, or whatsoever the cause was, certain it is, that there was no considerable assault made upon the town for many days after.  
And we have cause to believe that General Vere, was never a whit sorry for it, who had by this means opportunity (though no leisure) to repair his works; wherein he employed above twelve hundred men for at least eight days together; during which time he stood in guard in person at the time of low-water in the night, (being the time of the greatest danger) which conduced much to the encouragement of his men; and having received intelligence by his scouts of the enemy's preparations and resolutions within few days to give them a general assault, he was careful to man the chief places Helmont, Sandhill, and the rest; and to furnish them with Cannon and stones, and what else might be useful for their defences.  
Mean while the besiegers spared no powder, but let fly at the ships, which notwithstanding daily and nightly went into the town; and many a bullet was interchanged between the town and the camp; who lay all this while pelting at one another, some small hurts on both sides being given and received.  
But the seventh of January was the day designed by the besiegers, wherein to attempt something extraordinary.  
All day long without intermission did the Archduke batter the bulwark of Sandhill, Helmont, Porc-espic, and other places near adjoining, with eighteen Cannon from two of his batteries, the one at the foot of the downs upon the Catteys, and the other on the Southside thereof; from whence were discharged (which the Cannoneers counted) above two thousand shot on that side the town, all the bullets weighing forty, and forty six pounds a piece.  
After I was thus far engaged I happily met with an account of this bloody assault, by Henry Hexham, who was present at it; to him therefore I shall willingly resign the story.  
HIs Highness, the Archduke, then seeing himself thus deluded by General Vere his Parley, was much vexed thereat, and very angry with the chief of his Council of War, who had diverted him from giving the assault upon that day when the Parley was called for; insomuch that some of them, for two or three days after (as it was credibly reported) durst not look him in the face; others, to please him, persuaded him to give an assault upon the town. Hereupon his Highness took a resolution to revenge himself of those within the town; saying, He would put them all to the sword; his Commanders and soldiers taking likewise an oath, that if they entered, they would not spare man, woman, nor child in it. Till that the enemy had shot upon and into the town, above an hundred sixty three thousand two hundred Canonshot, to beat it about our ears, scarce leaving a whole house standing; but now to pour out his wrath and fury more upon us, on the seventh of january abovesaid, very early in the morning he began with eighteen pieces of Cannon and half Cannon carrying bullets of forty and forty eight pounds a piece, from their pile-battery, and that which stood under their Cattey upon the foot of the Downs, to batter Sandhil, the Porc-espic, and Helmont, and that day till evening he shot upon Sandhil, and the curtain of the old town above two and twenty hundred Canonshot; insomuch that it might rather have been called Yron-hil then Sandhil: for it stuck so full of bullets, that many of them tumbled down into the Falsebray, and others, striking on their own bullets, breaking in pieces flew up into the air as high as a steeple.  
During this furious battery, the enemy all the day long made great preparations to assault us against night; and to that end brought down scaling ladders, great store of ammunition, hand-granadoes, and divers other instruments and materials of war fitting thereunto; and withal toward evening drew down his army, and ordered his men in this manner.  
Count Farneze an Italian should first give on with two thousand Italians & Spaniards upon Sandhil, the breach, and the curtain of the old town; the Governor of Dixmunde with two thousand Spaniards and other Nations upon the Porc-espic and Helmont. Another Captain with five hundred men to fall on upon the West-raveline, and another Captain with five hundred men more upon the South-quarriers, and the Spanish Serjeant-major-generall, which was an hostage in Ostend, upon the West-quarriers, making in all eight thousand men to assault the Westside; & the Count of Bucquoy was to have assaulted the East-side, the East-raveline, and the new-haven, as a second for them which fell on upon Sandhil, and the old town on the Westside: and thus their men, time, and place was ordered.  
General Vere knowing the enemy's intent, that he would assault us at a low-water, slept not, but was exceeding careful and vigilant all the day, to prepare things necessary to defend the town, and withstand the enemy. And because there were no Sparrs, Beams, and Palisades in the magazine, he caused divers houses that were shot, to be pulled down, and taking the Beams and Sparrs from off them, he made the carpenters make Palisades and Stoccadoes of them: and at a high-water shut the West-sluces, and engrossed as much water as possibly he could into the old and new town. And toward evening drew all the men in the town, that were able to fight, into arms, and disposed of them, as followeth.  
To maintain Sandhil, and defend the breach, he placed his brother Sir Horace Vere, and Sir Charles Fairfax with twelve weak companies, whereof some were not above ten or twelve men strong, giving them double arms, a pike and a musket, and good store of ammunition.  
Upon the curtain of the old town, between Sandhil and a redoubt called Schottenburch, a most dangerous place, which he feared most, being torn and beaten down with the sea and the enemy's Cannon, Sir Francis Vere stood himself with Captain Zeglin, with six weak companies to help to defend it.  
Within the redoubt of Schottenburch itself, he appointed Captain Utenhoven, and Captain Haughton with their two companies.  
From Schottenburch along the curtain to the old Church, which the enemy had shot down, he placed Colonel Lone with three hundred Zelanders, that came into the town the day the Parley broke off.  
From the old Church along the curtain and the flanks to the North-part, Captain Zithan commanded over six weak companies.  
Upon the Redoubt called Moses-table was Captain Montesquir de Roques (a worthy French Captain, whom Sir Francis Vere loved entirely for the worth and valour that was in him) with two French companies.  
For the guarding of the North-raveline, he appointed Captain Charles Rassart with four weak companies: the rest of the curtain (by reason of the flanks upon the cut of the new-haven, being reasonable well defended) were left unmanned.  
Upon the curtain of the new town under Flaming-burgh, were placed five weak companies to second Moses-table, if need did require.  
Upon Flaming-burgh, two whole cannon and two field-pieces were planted to scour the old town.  
Upon the West-raveline two companies were likewise placed, and a whole cannon, and two half-cannons planted upon it.  
For the defending of the Porc-espic, a place of great importance, lying under Helmont, Sir Francis Vere placed four of the strongest companies that could be found in the town.  
Upon the bulwark called Helmont, which flanked directly the breach and Sandhil, and scoured along the strand between the enemy's pile-battery, the old-haven over which they were to pass to come to Sandhil, and the curtain of the old-town, which also did help to defend the Porc-espic, he placed ten weak companies, whereof the General's company was one; and had upon it nine brass and iron pieces, laden with chained-bullets, boxes with musket-bullets, and cartridge-shot. These ten companies were kept as a reserve, to be employed as a second where most occasion required, and were commanded by Captain Metkirck and Serjeant-major- Carpenter.  
The rest of the bulwarks, rampiers, and the counterscarp about the town, were but slightly manned with a few men, in regard the enemy could come to attempt none of them, till he became master of the former. Here you see a great many companies thus disposed of; but all, or the most of them, were exceeding weak, and some of them not above seven or eight men strong, which in all could not make above twelve hundred able fighting-men, to resist an army of ten thousand men▪ that stood ready to assault them.  
The Ordnance and other instruments and materials of war the General disposed of in this sort; upon the casement of the West-bulwark he planted two whole and two half-Cannons, which flanked Helmont and the Porc-espic, and scoured along the old-haven, down as far as the Ton-beacon, beyond their pile-battery, next to that place where they were to pass over the haven at a low-water. These Ordnance were likewise charged with musket-bullets, chained-bullets, and yron-bullets.  
Upon all these batteries, especially those which flanked the breach, and played directly upon the strand, Sir Francis Vere disposed of the best Cannoneers in the town; among the rest an Englishman called Francis the Gurmer, an excellent Cannonier, which had been the death of many a Spaniard. And because they should be sure to take their mark right upon their cog, before it grew dark he commanded them to let fly two or three Cannon-bullets upon the strand, and towards the new-haven, to see for a trial where their bullets fell, that they might find their ground the better in the night, when the enemy was to fall on.  
Moreover, upon the top of the breach, and along the curtain of the old town were set firkins of ashes to be tumbled down the wall upon the enemy to blind them; also little firkins with frize-ruyters, or quadrant tenter-nails, three sticking in the ground, and one upright; which were likewise to be cast down the rampire to prick them, when they sought to enter. Then many great heaps of stones, and brickbats, which the soldiers brought from the old Church they had shot down, to throw amongst them: then we had ropes of pitch, hoops bound about with squibs and fireworks to throw among them; great store of hand-granadoes, and clubs, which we called Hercules-clubs, with heavy heads of wood, and nails driven into the squares of them. These and some others (because the enemy had sworn all our deaths) the General provided to entertain and welcome them.  
When it began to grow darkish, a little before low-water, in the interim while the enemy was a cooling of his Ordnance, which had played all the day long upon the breach and the old town, the General taking advantage of this precious time, commanded Captain Dexter and Captain Clark with some fifty stout workmen, who had a rose-noble apiece for a quarter of an hour's work, to get up to the top of the breach, which the enemy's cannon had made very mountable, and then with all expedition to cast up a small breast-work, and drive in as many Palisades as possibly they could, that his brother Sir Horace Vere, and the rest of the Captains and soldiers which he commanded, might have some little shelter, the better to defend the breach, and repulse the enemy when he strived to enter: which (blessed be God) with the loss of a few men they performed.  
This being done, Sir Francis Vere went through the sally-port down into the Falsebray, and it being twilight, called for an old soldier, a Gentleman of his company, to go out Sentinel-perdu, and to creep out to the strand between two gabions, giving him express command, that if he saw an enemy, he should come in unto him silently, without giving any alarm at all. He crept upon his belly as far as he could, and at last discovered Count Farneze, above mentioned, wading and putting over the old-haven above their pile-battery, with his two thousand Italians, which were to fall on first; and as they waded over, he drew them up into battalions and divisions; which this Gentleman having discovered, came in silently to Sir Francis Vere (as he had commanded him), who asked him, What news? My Lord (said he) I smell good store of gold chains, buff-jerkins, Spanish-cassocks, and Spanish-blades. Ha, (says Sir Francis Vere) sayest thou me so? I hope thou shalt have some of them anon; and giving him a piece of gold, he went up again through the sally-port to the top of Sandhil, where he gave express order to Serjeant-major Carpenter to go to Helmont, and every man to his charge, and not to take any alarm, or shoot off either cannon or musket-shot till he himself gave the signal; and then to give fire both with the Ordnance and small shot, as fast as ever they could charge and discharge.  
When the enemy had put over his two thousand Italians, he had also a signal to give notice thereof to the Count of Bucquoy, that they were ready to fall on, whose signal was the shot of a cannon from their pile-battery, with a hollow-holed bullet into the sea towards his quarter, which made a humming noise.  
When General Vere had got them under the swoop of his cannon and smallshot, he poured a volley of cannon and musket-shot upon them, raking through their battalions, and making lanes amongst them upon the bare strand; which did so amaze and startle them, that they were at a nonplus, whether they should fall on, or retreat back again; yet at last taking courage, and tumbling over their dead bodies, they rallyed themselves, and came under the foot of Sandhil, and along the foot of the curtain of the old town, to the very piles that were struck under the wall; where they began to make ready to send us a volley. Which Sir Francis Vere seeing that they were a presenting, and ready to give fire upon us, (because indeed all the breast-work and parapet was beaten down flat to the rampire that day with their Ordnance) and we standing open to the enemies shot; commanded all the soldiers to fall flat down upon the ground, while the enemy's shot flew like a shower of hail over their heads; which for the reasons abovesaid, saved a great many men's lives.  
This being done, our men rising saw the enemy hast●ng to come up to the breach, and mounting up the wall of the old town. Sir Francis Vere flourishing his sword, called to them in Spanish and Italian vienneza, causing the soldiers as they climbed up, to cast and tumble down among them the firkins of ashes, the barrels of Frize-ruyters, the hoops, stones, and brickbats, which were provided for them.  
The alarm being given, it was admirable to see with what courage and resolution our men fought; yea, the Lord did as it were infuse fresh courage and strength into a company of poor snakes and sick soldiers; which come running out of their huts up to the wall to fight their shares; and the women with their laps full of powder to supply them, when they had shot away all their ammunition.  
Now were the walls of Ostend all on a light fire, and our Ordnance thundering upon them from our bulwarks; now was there a lamentable cry of dying men among them: for they could no sooner come up to the top of the breach to enter it, or peep up between Sandhil and Schottenburch, but they were either knocked on the head with the stocks of our muskets, our Hercules-clubs, or run through with our pikes and swords. Twice or thrice when they strived to enter, they were beaten off, and could get no advantage upon us.  
The fight upon the breach and the old town continued hotter and hotter for the space of above an hour, the enemy falling on at the same instant upon the Porc-espic, Helmont, the West-raveline, & Quarriers, were so bravely repulsed, that they could not enter a man.  
The enemy fainting, and having had his belly full, those on the Westside heat a doleful retreat, while the Lord of Hosts ended our dispute for the town, crowned us with victory, and the roaring noise of our Cannon, rending the air, and rolling along the superficies of the water, the wind being South, and with us, carried that night the news thereof to our friends in England and Holland.  
General Vere perceiving the enemy to fall off, commanded me to run as fast as ever I could to Serjeant-major Carpenter, and the Auditor Fleming, who were upon Helmont, that they should presently open the West-slute, out of which there ran such a stream and torrent down through the channel of the West-haven, that upon their retreat it carried away many of their sound and hurt men into the sea; and besides, our men fell down our walls after them, slew a great many of their men as they retreated, and took some prisoners, pillaged and stripped a great many, and brought in gold-chains, Spanish-pistols, buff-jerkins, Spanish-cassocks, blades, swords, and targets; among the rest one, wherein was enameled in gold the seven Worthies, worth seven or eight hundred gilders; and among the rest, that soldier, which Sir Francis Vere had sent out to discover, with as much booty as ever he could lug, saying, That Sir Francis Vere was now as good as his word.  
Under Sandhil, and all along the walls of the old town, the Porc-espic and West-raveline, lay whole heaps of dead carcases, forty or fifty upon a heap, stark naked, goodly young men, Spaniards and Italians: among which, some (besides other marks to know them by) had their beards clean shaven off. There lay also upon the sand some dead horse, with baskets of hand-granadoes; they left also behind them their scaling-ladders, great store of spades, and showels, bills, hatchets, and axes, with other materials.  
Here the French diary adds, that those who gave the assault upon the old town, were furnished with two or three days' victuals, which they had brought in sacks, intending to have entrenched themselves, and maintained the place against the besieged; if their enterprise had succeeded. Also, that among the heaps of the slain was found in man's apparel the body of a young Spanish woman near unto Sandhill, who (as was conjectured by her wounds) had been slain in the assault, having under her apparel a chain of gold set with precious stones, besides other jewels & silver. And that during this assault the Archduke disposed of himself behind the battery of the Catteys, and the Infanta remained at the fort Isabel.  
Upon the East-side also they stood in three great battalions before the town upon the Gullet, but the tide coming in, they came too late; so that they could not second those on the Westside, and fall on where they were appointed; to wit, upon our new-haven, which lay upon the North-east-side of the town. For the water beginning to rise, it did amaze the soldiers, and they feared, if they stayed any longer, they could not be relieved by their fellows; howsoever for their honours they would do something, and resolved to give on upon our Spanish halfmoon, which lay over the Gullet on the Southeast part of the town. But a soldier of ours falling out of it (a policy of Sir Francis Vere) disappointed this design, and yielded himself prisoner unto them; telling them that there were but forty soldiers in the halfmoon, and offered to lead them to it; which he did, and they took it easily.  
For General Vere (with great judgement) had left it thus ill manned, to draw the enemy on the East-side thither, to separate them from their fellows on the Westside, to make them lose time; contenting himself to guard the places of most importance, assuring himself that he should soon recover the other at his pleasure.  
The Archdukes men having thus taken the halfmoon, and being many therein, they began with spades, shovels, pick-axes, and other instruments, to turn it up against the town. But all prevailed not, for it lay open towards the town, and those of the town began to shoot at them from the South and Spanish-bulwarks, both with Cannon and musket-shot, with such fury, as they slew many of them; and withal seeing the tide come in more and more, they began to faint: whereupon General Vere sent Captain Day with some troops to beat them out of it, who with great courage chased them out of it, with the effusion of much blood: for the next day they told three hundred men slain in the halfmoon, besides those that were drowned and hurt.  
In this general assault, which on both sides of the town continued above two hours upon all the places above-mentioned, the Archduke (besides some that were carried into the sea) lost above two thousand men. Among the which there were a great number of Noblemen, Chiefs, and Commanders. Amongst the rest, the Count d' Imbero, an Italian, who offered as much gold as he did weigh for his ransom, and yet he was slain by a private soldier; Don Durango Maistro del campo, or Colonel; Don Alvares Suares Knight of the Order of Saint Jaques; Simon Anthonio Colonel; the sergeant-major-general, who had been hostage in Ostend on the twenty fourth and twenty fifth of December 1601. and the Lieutenant-Governour of Antwerp, with divers others.  
On our side there were slain between thirty and forty soldiers, and about an hundred hurt. The men of command slain were Captain Haughton, Captain Nicolas vanden Liar, a Lieutenant of the new Geux, two English Lieutenants, an Ancient, and Captain Haughtons two Sergeants, and Master Tedcastle, Gentleman of Sir Francis Vere's horse, who was slain between Sir Francis Vere and myself, (his Page) with two musket-bullets chained together; and calling to me, bade me pull off his gold ring from off his little finger, and send it to his sister as a token of his last good-night, and so commending his spirit into the hands of the Lord, died. Sir Horace Vere was likewise hurt in the leg, with a splinter that flew from a Palizado. And thus much briefly of the assault, and the repulse they received in Ostend, that day and night, in memory of the heroic actions of Sir Francis Vere (of famous memory) my old Master.  
After this bloody shower was once over, the weather cleared up into its usual temper, and so continued, not without good store of artificial ●hunder and lightning on both sides daily, but without any remarkable alteration until the seventh of March than next ensuing, which was in the year one thousand six hundred and two. Then did General Vere, having lately repaired the Powder and West-square, resign up his Government of Ostend unto others appointed by the States to succeed him; having valiantly defended it for above eight months against all the Archdukes power, and leaving it much better able to defend itself, than it was at his first coming thither. So the same night both he and his brother, Sir Horatio Vere, embarked themselves, having sent away their horses and baggage before them; and both carrying with them, and leaving behind them the marks of true honour and renown.   
FINIS.   

PRAELIUM NUPORTANUM Rerum fide tradebat IS. DORISLAUS. J. C.  
SAeviebat adhuc inter liberos victósque Belgas civile Bellum, 
1600.  avidum sanguinis, pecuniae prodigum, raptis per mutuas clades tot fortibus animis, & egestis in terrae punctum veteris simul & novi orbis immensis opibus; cùm, aerarii & stipendiorum inopiâ, Hispanicas legiones Seditio incessit. Vetus illâ militiâ malum, initio statim secularis anni in rabiem proruperat; orto à vexillariis per Brabantiam praesidia agitantibus initio, & tractis pari vel necessitate, vel praedandi lubidine Wâlonum Germanorúm que numeris, qui Crevekeuram, & ad Mosae Vahalis que confluentes S. Andreae munimentum insidebant. Excîverat ea res solito maturiùs, & vergente adhuc hyeme, Mauritium Orangii Principem, properum gnarúmque occasionis. Et ille quidem, non territis magìs quàm emptis seditiosorum animis, acceptísque in deditionem munimentis, clarâ in praesens victoriâ, & in posterum usui, adulto jam vere, Hagam reversus est. Sustulerant animos hoc successu liberi Belgae; & in Ordinum Conventu disserebatur, Instandum coeptis & famae, dum fluxâ aerarii & militum fide, vis dolúsque adversum discordes & iratos ex aequo valerent: Hispaniae Regem, imminutis ob praeclusa commercia vectigalium fructubus, attenuato Indiarum proventu, effusis priori anno in classem rursus Angliae minacem & irritam opibus, laesâque apud Italos fide, non sufficere necessitatibus belli: Archiducem Albertum, primo statim in Belgium ingressu, Imperii primordia Tributis & odiis oneravisse: ab ipsis provinciis jampridem bello attritis, equitum peditúmque vim, damna & injurias aegrè tolerari: Quare si acriùs ipsi incubuerint, externo simul impulsu, & interno motu ruiturum hostem. Multo haec inter proceres adsensu celebrabantur; & plerique sumptuum & pecuniae parci, verbis egregii & penè nimii erant. Sed Hollandi, in quos tota impendiorum moles inclinaverat, variè disserebant, de magnitudine aeris alieni, inopiâ quaestuum, & immensis civium oneribus; desolari urbes dilapsu opisicum, mercatores exhaustos; vires animámque Reipublicae elidi praedationibus Dunkerkanorum: abnuebántque ulteriores in aestatem sumptus, praeterquam pacando mari, & rapiendae praedantium sedi. In idem Zelandi, & acriùs pertendebant, quantò gravioribus ob viciniam damnis afflictabantur. Destinatio haec praepotentium Provinciarum specie & usu omnibus magnifica, sed aspera inceptu, perfectu ardua prudentibus videbatur: ea pars, quò suspectior sollicitis, Principi placebat; cujus pulcherrimum animum difficultas operis, & patrandi per id belli gloria exstimulaverant. Veruntamen cunctator naturâ, cautis potius quàm acribus consiliis summam expeditionis tractabat, quae crebra cum rerum bellíque prudentibus habebantur. Ibi maturissimus quisque oportunitates Ostendae loqui, quae praesidiis & ditione Ordinum in orâ Flandriae tenebatur: illâc invehi Oceano exercitum, & inde planitie littoris praeter Nuportum sub Dunkerkam duci in promptu esse; subfecuturâ classe cum Tormentis & annonâ militari; impulso simul terrâ, simul mari bello. Instantior aliis securitatis cura; nec imperatorium rebantur, ante captam Nuportum, Dunkerkam aggredi: ubi tergo consuluerint, haud magnâ mole expugnari urbem, neque situ, neque manu validam, fluxis aevo & incuriâ munimentis. Praecipuum fiduciae alimentum erat Seditio Hispanorum, praepeditura subsidium obsessis; & si forte motus consederint, impar equitatu & minor hostis non ausurus novissimum discrimen. Aderat consilio Franciscus Verius; quo nemo illâ tempestate reimilitaris callidior habebatur ille multo usu fui & hostium gnarus, pares & audentes pugnae Alberti copias, incessurásque praelio intra quartum & decimum à Mauritii in Flandriam appulsu diem, praesagus loquebatur. Erántque nonnulli consiliantium, quibus tuta magìs cum ratione quàm prospera ex casu placebant: hi modestiùs disserebant. Bellum suscipi avio itinere, hostili littore, inter incerta ventorum & maris: seditiosos ad obsequium flecti ingentibus promissis, & quantulacunque stipendiorum portione: imò ruituros ultro, ut assertâ in hostem capitali urbe, uberrimos Flandriae agros & opes excusatiùs rapiant in praemium & praedam: &, si rem dari in casum oporteat, frustrà equitem jactari, meliori hostium pedite, in quo praecipuum robur: modicum victoriae pretium esse commercii securitatem, subactâ urbe insidiatrice maris & raptubus infami: at fuso exercitu, cladem immensam, & nihil reliquum victis, uno praelii turbine, mari, commercio, libertate & patriâ excussis. Inexcusatum viris tot per annos belli sapientiam professis praeceps consilium: haesurámque temeritatis infamiam, tunc quoque cùm pericula effugissent. Salutaria haec, sed injucunda; flagrantibus Hollandorum animis in Dunkerkam, exitiabilem mercaturae, & publicis aerarii fructubus gravem. Ità victis tandem plurium consensu nolentibus, in Flandriam decernitur exercitus; ingentibus animis, nec minori paratu: mille navium classis in peditem equitémque distributa; curruum & Tormentorum ingens numerus; annonae permagna vis. Placebátque consilium, nè spatiis itinerum attereretur exercitus, impositos navibus militem, equos, commeatum, & extra fluminum ora in Oceanum evectos, exponere in portu Ostendae, ad usum belli terrâ maríque oportunae. Sed bene consultis, classíque jam inter Zelandiae aestuaria allabenti fortuna ventíque reflabant; cedente in Austrum coelo enavigantibus adversúm. Quare, cùm prima non provenissent, quod è praesentibus uberrimum erat, subducta fuit classis ad illam Flandriae oram, quam à Zelandia Scaldis, jam fluvii & maris ambiguus, abscindit. Ibi juxta Castellum, cui vocabulum Philippina, incitante sese aestu, naves in vadum adactae, quae, relabente pelago, in udi mollísque soli crepidine, utpote latâ alvo, & pandis more gentico carinis, sine noxa sidebant; adeò ut horarum quinque spatio tota belli moles haud sanè gravi labore in terram redderetur. Ipsâ specie exscendentis exercitûs territi hostes, qui Philippinam insederant, sese dediderunt. Tum lustratae copiae equitum peditúmque: illae ter, hae duodecim millium; dispertitaeque in tres manus, viribus & dignitate pares; alternante inter duces, more militiae, frontis & tergi vice. Harum unam ducebat Ernestus, comes Nassavius, vir belli egregius; & cui nunquam ratio, nonnunquam fortuna defuit: altera Everardo habebatur Comiti Solmensi, clarâ & veteri per Germanian nobilitate: tertiam regebat Franciscus Verius, domi egregiis natalibus, forìs ingentibus ausis factísque celebratus. Consultor omnibus & autor aderat praeerátque Mauricius Orangianus, columen partium. Modicis deinde itineribus, per depressum Flandriae agrum, prope Ekeloam & Brugas inclytam olim opibus & mercimoniis advenarum, transductus exercitus apud Oldenburgum, quarto ab Ostenda milliari, aestu sitíque perustus conaêdit: flagrantissimis quippe solibus, ardente Junio, iter fecerant; & omnis illo tractu aqua turbida, & uligine decolor est, potúque nocens. Aperuerat hoc Castellum defessis hostium fuga, simúlque viam quae Ostendam pertingit: unde cibariorum & cerevisiae affluenti copiâ toto sese triduo miles refecit. Ibi consultatum inter militiae proceres, ecquo primùm molimine famam auspicarentur & bellum. Id maximè ambigebatur, utrum ad decus usúmve potius foret; oppugnatámne Nuportum hosti eripere; an verò exuere eundem Castellis, quae fallaces inter & humentes campos veluti claustra Ostendae insidebat. Nuporti obsidio primò pluribus; mox omnibus placuit. Tum primores Ordinum, comites itineris & consilium ducibus additi, Ostendam concessêre, tutam mari, viris, murísque urbem; ut exempti dubiis belli, summae rerum servarentur: unáque Solmensis sua cum manu, quà brevissimum iter, Ostendam praemissus, ut capto Castello, cui nomen Albertus, viam, quae ab Ostenda Nuportum ducit, incursu & periculis hostium exsolveret. Et huic quidem sua vis & praesidii metus facilem victoriam dedêre. Exinde Mauritius motis ab Oldenburgo castris, per interiora Flandriae Nuportum versùs ducebat exercitum; rapturus in transitu Dammam, Castellum ignobile quidem, sed accumbens flumini, quod praetervehens Nuportum sorbetur mari. At Oldenburgum & vicinas arces, vacuas metu & fugâ hostium, suis ipse militibus discedens firmaverat; nam operibus munitae erant; ut hostem si fortè excîtum, illo viae compendio praecluderet, objectarétque labori & casubus, per longinquos circuitus Nuporto obsessae subventurum. Ceterùm proficiscentes jam copias putris soli labes, & curruum Tormentórumque ponderi subsidens humus ab itinere destinato avertit: igitur, cùm in tenui viculo prope Hemskerkam pernoctavisset exercitus, flexo in dextram & maritima itinere, per laeta & pinguia pascuorum viam moliebantur versus planitiem littoris; oppletis passim, dum incedunt, humilioribus fossis; & latioribus alveis, aut quibus altior gurges est, ponte junctis; non enim alia incilibus dissectior & foecundior aquarum regio est. Ità tandem perventum ad colles littori praetextos; castráque posita prope munimentum, quod captum antè Solmensi memoravimus. Primâ statim luce fulsêre signa in planitie littorea; laetóque & composito agmine Nuportum ductae legiones; fluviúmque, quo littus diffinditur, sidente aestu, vado transiêre. Ardebat interim Hispanorum Seditio, flagrantissimâ vi illorum, qui, occupatis Diestâ Brabantiae & conterminis Hanonniae, terrore & minis pecuniam & spolia civium, velut ex hoste praedam, convectabant. Hi pernicie & lue exempli integros quoque traxerant; egressosque ab Archiduce Legatos, hos irrisu & ludibrio, alios impulsu & verberibus proturbaverant; donec Isabel Infans Hispaniae, Alberto nupta, timens dotali Belgio, ire Ipsa & opponere sanguinis Majestatem furentibus non muliebriter constituit; ingens animi Heroina; & virilibus sub patre Philippo curis supra faeminam exercita. Illa per decus Hispani nominis & ante-actae militiae obtestabatur, nè se, nè maritum, hosti inultos Flandriae agros rapienti in praedam relinquerent; admonebátque milites optatae & elusae toties pugnae; nunc montibus, mari, armis cinctum hostem: nec ullum deprensis iter, nisi quod ferro aperiant: irent, properarent culpam in decus vertere; imponerentque triginta & quatuor annis magnum diem▪ sed finis sermonum in promisso mercedis & praemiorum; idque datis obsidibus firmabatur: tum preces valuêre. Reversos ad obsequium cupido involat eundi in hostem, piaculum furoris: secutúsque ardorem militum Albertus▪ quantum in praesidiis copiarum est, sub signis educit: undecim millia peditum, equites mille & quadringentos, veteranum militem & expertae virtutis: rapiebátque exercitum adeò citus & praeceps, ut famam sui praeveniret: vir acer bello, & quantam modestiae famam in purpura, tantam militiâ vigoris laudem apud posteros meritus. At securus hostium Orangianus exercitus loca castris apud Nuportum ceperat, tuta oppugnaturis, arctatura obsessos, dispertitáque munia circummoenientibus: premendarum urbium artifice Mauritii ingenio. Jámque classis, dives annonae, cum omni instrumento militari appulerat: pontémque contextu navium classiarii inceperant sternendo fluvio quà is coit arctior; ut castra & tendens in illis cis ultráque miles, viribus & usu promptiùs miscerentur: cùm, quarto quo haec properantur die, trepidi ab Ostenda nuncii attulêre, hostem virium famâque ingentem prope Oldenburgum consedisse. Sanè Rivasius, Hispanus, multis stipendiis et belli gnarus, ostentandis circa Slusam copiis, & rumore supra verum auctis, Nuporti obsidione avertere Mauritium, jam antè agitaverat. Quare, vocato concilio, cùm plerique notam Rivasii jactantiam spernerent, simulatione virium illudentis timori praesidiorum; Verius semper magna belli, mox ingens pars praelii, memor augurii, & tenax prioris sententiae, contrà disserebat: Haud dubiè ingruere hostem cum robore exercitûs & praelio incedere; quare repentino discrimini unum esse remedium, si, relictâ Nuporto, totâ belli mole protinus occurrant, antequàm vel minando exterritis, vel vi obtritis Oldenburgi & Snaeskerkae praesidiis, perruptóque itineris obice, medium se Ostendam inter & Nuportum hostis objiciat; posse, si universi festinaverint, simul praesidiis suis reddi salutem, & hostium Castellis, inter mersa & uliginosa camporum, claudi aditum exitúmque: pretium laboris haud inglorium; & paulò antè capturae Nuporti à prudentibus aequatum. Haec quidem haud frustrà moneri Mauritius fatebatur; sed cunctator naturâ, dum percoquit consilium, corrupit. Sub noctem, acrioribus, & alium alio urgentibus nuntiis adferebatur; hosti magnum & infestum agmen esse, instructúmque Tormentis: mox, militi in Oldenburgi praesidium agitanti ab Archiducis Alberti foecialibus minaciter imperatam deditionem; neque pòst multò, impares tutelae sui imminentem perniciem tempestiuâ deditione praevenisse. Nox ducibus inquies erat & pervigil, turbidis nuntiorum rumoribus, et expendente rursus belli consilia Principe. Igitur Verius, quoniam primâ consiliorum frustrà ceciderant, perruptis munimentis, inter quae sisti hostem speraverat, hortari, orare, ut motis confestim castris, arriperent insideréntque citeriorem illius itineris exitum, quod per depressa pascuorum et humida paludum, ab Hemskerka adusque colles littoreos, obrutis fossis, jactúque pontium sibi transituris constraverant: non enim alium hosti in littus aditum esse, nisi flexu, et per avia circumerranti. Hactenus Verianae sententiae Mauritius accesserat, ut Ernestum Nassavium cum underviginti peditum signis, equitibus quingentis, Tormentis duobus, et cetero paratu militari, jusserit praemitti, fauces itineris immuniturum; ipse cum reliqui exercitûs viribus, ubi res posceret, adfuturus. At Verius carpi vires & dispergi copias abnuebat; saepe omnes vinci, pugnantibus singulis: fas enim credi▪ hostem, occasionum haud segnem, cum milite primi agminis ante erupturum ex anguistiis, quàm illae occupari possint ab Ernestianis; quos, numero et viribus impares, objici veterano exercitui, et successubus feroci: enimvero motis simul omnibus copiis, parem sore cum hoste congressum; et locis aequis aequam fortunam, si totus transîerit: at si modò partem sui explicuisset è faucibus transitûs; uti angustiae viarum et temporis, incertáque noctis persuadebant, in promptu victoriam: quòd si citi, et omnes, hosti praevertant, itineris et belli arbitrium, occupantium fore. Jam adulta nox erat, cùm acceptis, utì jussum fuerat, Solmensibus copiis, quae metatae ultra fluvium expeditioni promptiores erant, Ernestus digreditur. Sequebantur ducem signa Scotorum duodecim: Zelandi centuriis septem; quinque equitum turmae: lectus miles; et fide meliori quàm fortunâ. Vixdum orto die aggerem viae ingressis, adventare hostem exploratores nuntiauêre. Interfluebat in medio rivus, quem ponte Mauritius junxerat; hunc pariter & viam hosti auferre, immissis ocyùs equitibus Ernestus jubet; nam limosa circùm loca, aut paludibus incerta erant. Sed invecti non minore impetu Hispani pontem anteceperant. Hoc irrito conatu, arma corporáque hosti objiciunt; structâ acie in viae angustiis; nullâ quidem boni spe, sed aemulatione obsequii, & curâ decôri exitûs. Irrupit hostis ferox & iratus; totâque exercitûs mole incubuit: at illi, numero fatoque dispares, firmati inter se, densis ordinibus excipere impetum, obniti prementibus, & inquietare victoriam. Obruti adversis, & saluâ virtutis famâ cecidêre omnes contrariis vulneribus, versi in hostem: adjacentibus prope fractis hastilibus, & infelicibus armis. Hoc pedites fato finiuêre. At Ernestum Edmundiûmque Scotorum Tribunum, pernix equorum virtus Ostendam intulit: subsecuto omni ferè equitatu, cui vitae major quàm gloriae cupido. Ibi atroci nuntio perculsi Ordines, & ad preces ac supplicia versi nimias spes & praeceps consilium execrabantur. Verùm Archidux Albertus, blandiente coeptis fortunâ, cumulos super & recentia caede vestigia evectus properabat in littus: ipse praelii avidus, & seditiosorum maximè vocibus instinctus, qui, rapturi imperium nî ducerentur, occupari Orangianos in transitu fluminis, & extingui reliqua belli postulabant. Ceterùm, digrediente è castris Ernesto, imperatum ceteris ducibus fuerat, ut, albente statim coelo, sua quisque signa ad ripam fluvii sisterent, alveum transitura simul ac aestus detumuisset. Quare curam ducum studia militum aequaverant, dubiâ adhuc luce, compositis ordinibus flumini adstantium. Ibi, dum opperiuntur donec sese aestus evolveret, Mauritium, haud procul à cepto ponte, procerum coronâ circundatum, nuntius perculit de clade Ernesti; hostémque, jam transitis collibus, infesto agmine appropinquare in littore. Substitit Princeps defixus illaetabili imagine, & magnae cogitationis manifestus: obversante scilicet ingentis diei specie, quâ libertatem, decus, opes, spem Reipublicae novissimam, in paucorum manubus & armis fortuna collocaverat. Sed diu bello exercitus, & tristium laetorúmque sciens, nihil infracto animo unum gliscentibus periculis remedium docet, si, transmisso statim exercitu, ulteriorem ripam hosti praeripiant; nî festinaverint, deprensis clausisque inulto sanguine pereundum. Ordo ducendi agminis illo die ad Verium, ritu militiae, redîerat. Hunc, prioris gloriae virtutísque admonitum, ire properè, & agmen suum transmittere, unáque Ludovicum Nassavium, qui equitatui praeerat, promptum ausis & laudi juvenem, transgredi jubet: ut, imminente fortunâ certaminis, maturo annis & spectato bellis rectore uteretur. Neque certis tamen mandaris Verium Mauritius instruxerat, pro re, loco, tempore, suóque belli usu, consulturum: tantâ virtutis & fidei opinione erat. Neque Verio cessatum, quin altiores adhuc inter undas agmen suum transduceret, per catervas & cuneos praelio compositum; adeò properè, ut militi tegmina detracturo, nè marinâ immadescerent, tantillum morae negaverit; addito, propinquis hostibus, inanem esse vestimenti curam▪ Suum enim cuique vel supervacuum ante noctem, vel siccum & opulentius praedae & usui futurum. Ità traductos equitem peditémque: hos Oceanum inter & colles subsistere jubet in aequore littoris, illos correpto spatio propiùs invehit in hostem (eminus adhuc, tamen, ut cerni possit, incedentem in littore), non quidem irritando praelio; sed legendo, si quà possit, aequiori loco, in quo impetum adventantium hostium exciperet sustentarétque: unum hoc etenim arti Imperatoriae reliquum fortuna fecerat. Nam lubricum illum & versatilem in omnes flexus cohortium motum, quo Mauritiana militia praepollere Hispanicae credebatur, inutilem fecerant Genius situsque regionis. Omnis enim exporrecta secundùm mare planities, imminentium collium jugis obnoxia premitur: & ipsa collium temere disjecta congeries, praeruptis undique tumulis & obliquo glomeratu inter se transversis exsurgit, ut inter anfractus nec oculis provideri, nec manu succurri laborantibus possit: plurimâque sui parte id latitudini spatium est, cui explendae insidendaeque impar esset Mauritianus exercitus. Unde periculum erat, ne introrsum, & quà tumor collium subsidit, per incustodita transgressus hostis haerentem vadis in navali Nuportano classem incendio popularetur. Nam ad Meridiem, inter ima collium & impervia pascuorum, laeve virentis campi dorsum porrigitur equiti peditíque firmum juxtà & inoffensum. Huic obviàm discrimini Verius ibat, cùm, quatuor à Nuporto passuum millibus, advertit inter colles locum, ubi tumulorum fastigia celsiùs in Septentriones, in Meridiem leniùs efferuntur; simúlque universam collium molem, transverso cavae vallis interjectu diductam penitus abscindi: castigatiori ibidem latitudinis spatio, & cui occupandae non impares copiae, hinc introrsus & per campi dorsum, indè planitie littoris transiturum hostem infestis supernè telis incessiturae. Hâc regione, oportunis citra vallim, quam memoravi, collium tumulis, expectare hostem & fortunam praelii constituit. Igitur ex agmine suo jam procedere jusso mille virorum robora excerpsit: Praetorianos Mauritii ducentos & quinquaginta; hastatos sclopetariósque: Anglos paribus numero & armis: Frisios duplice numero; sed omnes sclopetarios. Et Anglos quidem, admistis quinquaginta Praetorianis, summitati collis imposuit, qui in sinum memoratae convallis projectior ceteris excurrit, praeceps, abruptus, & ob mollitiem arenae adscensu arduus, ac vertice in tantam cavitatem depresso, ut miles ab collium adversorum ictubus tutus, è margine & labris tumuli, tanquam è vallo & lorica, propugnaret. Ponè hunc collem passuum ducentorum intervallo insurgit alter, praecelso & insigni fastigio: illum insidere reliquos Praetorianos jubet, suopte ingenio juxtà validum, & addito levi manuum opere, haud minùs tutum: connectit utrumque velut aggestus arenae perpetuus, paris naturae, sed depressiori fastigio, qui rectus ad orientem Solem, latere in Austrum obtenditur; subjacente intrà vim & jactum telorum omni campo, quem inter infida pascuorum & collium radices pervium memoravi. Hujus insessum & tutelam Frisiis attribuit; jussis, ubi res ad manus venisset, tela sua & vulnera in Meridien spargere; quae tum coeli regio dextra erat in hostem obversis. Sed ab aggestûs hujus, quem diximus, sinistra, quà Oceanum spectat, inter praerupta & confusa collium, locis naturâ tutis munitísque, Anglos collocat septingentos, vultu & armis versos in Boream, & in vicinam subjectanque littoris planitiem, integris ordinibus, ubi usus posceret, facilè prorupturos: hos tela sua & fulgura vibrare in oculos & ora hostium jusserat, si fortè transitum in littore molirentur. Secundùm hos in ipsa planitie, quam verberat Oceanus, sed paulò in Ortum productiùs, quicquid reliquum Anglorum, & erant admodum sexcenti, explicuit gemino agmine, & aequis frontibus. Modico post Anglos intervallo, et propiores mari, bis mille Frisii, quatuor agminibus, sed binis in frontem, astitêre. Densatis arctatísque manipulorum ordinibus, ipsa agmina patentioribus spatiis discreverat, ut postremorum inter primos facili receptu, viribus & audaciâ mutuis singuli augerentur; & interim non obumbrantibus alias aliis, universae simul copiae, majore specie sui, hostium oculos implerent. Equites, signis decem, Oceano proximi, & omnium in Orientem primi, nudatam aestu arenam tenuêre. Vixdum primoren aciem Verius instruxerat, cùm Mauritius, comitante totâ Procerum manu, ante prima signa equo advectus, tractare palàm coepit consilia viásque praelii: circumfusos militiae Principes percunctatus, num illis in vestigiis opperiri hostem, an ire cominus & ultro lacessere, constantius foret. Nihil aequè indecorum viris militaribus quàm argui timoris. Igitur, abruptâ consultandi morâ, Duces certatim proclamant, Capienda arma, ducendum in hostem, non impetu modò, sed ratione: Minorem scilicet hostibus animum fore, quò majorem ipsi praetulerint; audaciâ conciliari fortunam; & siquae speciosiùs jactat militaris facundia: at cunctari, & summae rei discrimen trahere, propiùs formidinem esse, cujus opinione vel aliturum hostem fiduciam sui, vel usurum morâ cunctantium ad usum belli; intercepto interim castris limit qui Ostendam ducit; unde arcti & infesti undique commeatus; inexplicabilis receptus. Ad ea Verius multâ militari prudentiâ disserebat: Hostem, improviso tumultu excîtum, inopem esse copiarum; aestate jam praecipiti, inanibus horreis, & attritâ regione: Quare frustrà timeri, ut positis ibi castris subsidat, moliturus famem exercitui, cui congesta in naves cibaria et apertus subvectioni Oceanus: Nec vereri se vanam illam fiduciam et citò defluxuram, ubi post tanta itinerum spatia, perusti Solis ardoribus, et attriti inter collium arenas vestigiis infidas et arduas adscensu, fessi cum integris, turbati cum compositis congressi, non loco minùs quàm virtute pellerentur. Ipsos satis citò victuros, ubi provisum foret nè vincerentur. At Duces eò pervicaciùs consilium suum amplexi, clamore jam et strepitu Verium obturbabant: nec sequiùs ille, animo, voce, & oculis ardens, suis se sententiâ aut loco motum iri negabat, non si totius orbis impulsu urgeretur; donec animorum sententiarúmque discordiam, approbato Verii consilio, Mauritius composuio: statímque ad ordinandas ceteras acies, quae jam fluvium transîerant, revectus est: & illis quidem, resorbente aestu prout arenae nudaverant, expansis in littore, suum cuique agmini equitem affudit à cornu sinistro, quod Oceano proximum. At sex Tormenta in frontem Veriani agminis promoveri jussit; ingenti mox ad victoriam adjumento. Sic instructi intentíque hostem eminus adstantem opperiebantur. At ille, cùm duabus horis loco non movisset, devius tandem à littore, collium impedita transverso itineris flexu pertransiit; ad quorum radices, ubi in campos desinunt, pares iterum horas refovendo militi absumpsit. Unde opinio rumórque invaluit; hostem obsepiendo itineri castra in medio positurum: sed apud gnaros militiae, & consilia hostium ex rerum actu rimantes, inania rumorum rationibus revincebantur. Ideo scilicet festinatum hosti, ut ipsos vel transitu fluminis praecluderet, vel impeditos in transitu aggrederetur: tantae spei irritum, & nocturno praelio et matutino itinere fessum substitisse in littore; haud absurdè opinantem, ipsos (quibus in loco necessitas, una salus in armis) ultro incubituros; primùm spe propioris ab Ernesto auxilii, si fortè copias Ostendam receperit; mox cupidine ultionis, si cladem nuntii patefecerint: Nunc compertâ ipsorum loco se tenentium constantiâ, & urgente annonae penuriâ rem da●e in casum, praetulisse squalori littoris commoditatem camporum, ad requiem militis: simul expectare, donec adlabente pelago, et stagnantibus vadis corripiatur planities, nè veteranus pedes, et nullâ praeliorum fortunâ attritus, patentibus locis equestri procellâ ●underetur. His rerum argumentis et sententiam et locum prudentes tuebantur. Medio ferè intumescentis Oceani aestu, hostium copiae, transmissis iterum collibus regressae in littus, incedebant praelio; praecurrentibus haud modico ante aciem intervallo aliquot levis armaturae equitibus, quorum unus sponte tuens et praefestinans capi, protractúsque ad Mauritium, clarâ voce, Ernesti cladem, imminens praelium, robur et virtutem Hispanorum, et cuncta in majus extollebat. Et quanquam, Mauritii jussu, os declamanti clauderetur, proximi ramen militum quae tristia acceperant, cumulata moerore in vicinos, et illi rursus in alios, vel voce, vel vultu enuntiabant. At Princeps pugnandi certus, & tument jam aestu, enavigare classem jubet, quò, sublatâ spe fugae, manus & arma miles respiceres, & in illis omnia. Aderat illi frater Henricus Fredericus primâ juventâ: hunc monuit, ut ascensa navi, si quid tristius fata pararen 〈…〉 impetu velitantes hostium Carabinarios retro impingeret in agmen turmarum, & nusas rursus instantèsque turmas, sponte refugus eliceret sub ictum. Tormentorum, ut pilis disjectae perculsaeque totâ protinus equitum vi protererentur. Verùm Ludovicus Nassavius dignationis anxius, aspernatus rectorem & consilium, nullo adfultu impertúque in hostem invehi; sed turmis lentè ingruentibus cedere paulatim, & referri in suos. Cùm acriter consultis exsecutio deesser; & non ità procul abessent hostium turmae; librari Tormenta Verius jubet: nec irritis libratorum ictubus mortes & vulnera toto agmine sparguntur: unde obliti dedecoris equites, trepidâ fugâ, et solutis ordinibus, vicinorum collium latebris se tuebantur: quae res maturam & incruentam victoriam Nassavianis equitibus praebuisset, si prompti & alacres, fractis & obtritis hostium turmis, nudatas equitum praesidio legiones perrupissent Aemulatione, & occultâ invidiâ, pulcherrimi facinoris occasio defluxit. At pedites hostium extra vim casúmque fulminum, nihil labante fiduciâ, & continuato per littus itinere, Tormentis ante aciem longiùs evectis, cladem illatam non vanis ignibus ulciscebantur. Dum haec geruntur, adcreverant undae, magnâque sui parte stagnabat planities; adeò ut utriusque exercitûs miles arctioribus manipulatim ordinibus illigaretur. At hostis, inopino flexu avertens à littore, cum omnibus copiis in edita collium enitebatur: sive consilium id fuit; ut equite minor, peditum robore inter impedita valeret; sive metus intonantium in littore Tormentorum; certè non adeò maris ignarus erat, ut, improvisâ aestuum vice, destinatione suâ excuteretur. Unde sicut agminum, ità novae consiliorum formae oriebantur. Et hostium quidem equitatus, transverso per colles itinere evectus, virenti illâ, quam suprà memoravi, inter infida camporum, tumulorúmque arenas, planitie substitit. In Mauritiano exercitu prima acies, mutatis leviter ordinibus, locis penitus iisdem inhaerebat: at secunduam postremámque è littore in colles subductas, paribus à latere & tergo intervallis cura Ducum discreverat, quibus antea in littore distinctae steterant; ità ut trium acierum frontibus omnis collium latitudo expleretur: equites, eâdem illâ planitie turmis hostilibus oppositi, tenui agmine, pro loci angustiis, exporrigebantur. Composito jam pugnae exercitu, Tormenta duo, monstrante Verio, & Mauritio jubente, in fastigium tumuli subvecta sunt; quorum telis omnis illa planities, quam equitatus occupaverat, supernè infestaretur. Sic omnibus ad novissimum casum paratis, digressuri ad sua quisque munia Duces, gravibus sanè Mauritii animum argumentis pervicerunt, ut postremam Ipse aciem praesens curaret; minoribus periculis non immixtus, majoribus non defuturus. Verius ad primam advectus, ubi alacrem instinctumque militem videt; in vertice collis, quem prominere prae ceteris in vallem, & insessum Anglis Praetorianísque suprà retuli, velut in specula constitit; arduus, & vago in subjecta prospectu; unde & hostem observaret & regeret suos. Elegerat hunc, ut defensantibus oportunum & irrupturis iniquum, in quo cum fato diei transigeret: et quamvis ratio praelii frequentem totâ acie Ducem posceret, qui promptos laude, labantes ope, dubios exemplo firmaret, prohibebat tamen ratio sitúsque loci, inaequali regione, ubi inter obliquos & implicatos collium anfractus, nec ipse visu hostem, nec illius imperium miles vel oculis vel auribus assequerentur. Jam praecurrentes à principiis hostium sclopetarii, quos vitae prodigos & obvios morti, militari vocabulo Perditos vocant, occupatis collium valli imminentium superciliis, Verii militē glandium conjectu lacessere, dum prima suorum acies adventaret: quâ adpropinquante, quingenti numero Hispani, non tam hastis sclopísque quàm virtute & animis armati, nullo praelato vexillo, neque certo imperio, laeti periculis, & decôris avidi, impetu in ardua facto, quanquam gravibus supernè ictubus afflictarentur, perrumpere Verii collem insigni patientiâ vulnerum annitebantur. Eodémque momento primae aciei eques per planiti●m erupit in Mauritianos; quos sollers Ducum cura à latere medii agminis retrorsum instruxerat. Statim fulminantibus è vertice tumuli Tormentis, promptissimi quique proruebantur; reliqui praeter latus Veriani agminis progressi, à quingentis illis, quos suprà memoravi, Frisiis in Meridiem collineantibus, tam infestâ scloporum grandine verberabantur, ut perculsi turbatíque post primum Mauritianorum impetum, foedâ retro fugâ in peditum agmen impingerentur. Ibi fugae temperatum & caedi. Majoribus animis pedites collem aggressi fatum provocabant & gloriam; adjuti firmatíque creberrimâ vi telorum, quibus prima Hispanorum acies suis è fastigiis Veriani collis propugnatores superurgebat. At Verius, incrudescente ferociâ hostium, ex Anglis septingentis, quos in Boream obversos, proximis littori jugis arcendo illàc hosti locaverat, centum signi unius milites accersiri jubet, occultis inter prominentia collium gressubus, repentino impetu in latus oppugnantium incursaturos. Illi cùm impigrè paruissent imperio, majorèmque quàm pro numero terrorem inferrent, Verius è summo vertice, per obtectum cauúmque collis descensum, sexaginta subsignanos in frontem praeliantium demisit. Obstupefecit hostem ruentium alacritas; pulsísque gradu, et protinus in fugam, Verianus miles totâ valle inhaerebat, multâ pernicie, donec aciei primae suffugio protegerentur. Indè novus iterum globus integri militis, neque numero, nec animis, nec impetu minor, suis quisque signis & ordinibus soluti, aemulatione gloriae proruunt, protrudúntque Verianos, quorum acerrimus quisque sequentium, ve●●a pugnae fortunâ, fugae ultimus erat. Surgebant in ipsa valle aliquot colliculi, modico tumore: hos Hispani, dum cedentibus instant, arripiunt, ingenti locorum oportunitate; obtectis dejectu laterum hastatis, & erectis in vertices sclopetariis; unde acrior propiorque vis glandium in velitantes Verii vexillarios ingruebat. Ipse terram suis eripi flagitii ratus, centenos iterum ex Anglis custodibus littoris, excîtos & permistos ceteris, ire ocyùs, & deturbare tumulis hostem jubet. Praelium ibi atrox, varium, anceps; his, rursus illis; exitiabile. Modò glandibus, volatili malo, saepe collato gradu, manubus, corpore, armis annixi implexíque, sternebant & sternebantur; à fronte, à tergo; cominus, eminus; sed certior eminus pernicies: patenti quippe valle; nec colliculorum modò, ad quos pugna exarserat, sed insessorum utrinque collium ignibus & procellis telorum infestâ. Unde missus hinc indè in subsidium miles, festinato per vallē cursu, ruere in latera tumulorum, ubi à longinquis & inultis ictubus tuti, honestâ morte non inglorii caderent. Neque segniùs qui tumulos insederant, impellere scandentes, detrudere obvios, ferire sclopis, fodere pugionibus: utrinque pudor, utrinque gloria: utrobique vulnera, sanguis, caedes, stragésque, variâ pereuntium formâ, & omni imagine mortium; donec, obstinatis inter se Verianis, labantes Hispanorum copiae tumulis proturbarentur. Dum in valle mutuis invicem cladibus inter primanos saevitur: media hostium acies per arduum progressa ad primam propinquaverat, eodémque, quo prima, positu, in dextra collium ad sinistram primae, levi intervallo, & adaequatâ ambarum fronte, constitit: primùm apertior, mox adversorum collium telis percussa, cautiùs, & flexis aut prominentibus jugis obumbrata magìs quàm obtecta. Ex hac, foeta viris animísque, rursus in vallem, & insedentes Verianos promptissimi ruebant: plerique militiae veteres, & clari bello, aucta stipendia & sua quisque decora praeferentes. Neque Verius cessabat suis cursu pugnâque fessis, & recentium robore impetúque inclinantibus, & impulsis, integros submittere, quorum virtute instauratum denuo praelium, & aequata pugna est. Sic alternante, prout subsidia invaluerant, successu; hi, rursus illi, pellebant et pellebantur; dato haustóque non modico sanguine. Par utrinque studium rapiendae vallis, & in tuenda non impar virtus & pertinacia: sola collium oportunitas, provisu ducis, Verianis aequior erat, stabili gradu & tanquam è vallo vulnera dirigentibus in hostem, malè tectum in collibus, in valle apertum: unde crebrior in illum caedes, clades damnosior: & obstinaverat animo Verius, in se & primam aciem, quamuìs diuturnitate pugnae exhaustam & infrequentem, totam Hispani exercitûs molem avertere; ut, attrito carptim hostium robore, segnis posteà & imbellior numerus, pulsu impetúque recentium exterriti, à media et postrema Mauritianorum acie perrupti obtererentur. Non improspere interim, aciei mediae proprius eques suo in campo ruebat in Mauritianos; qui successu prioris pugnae feroces, avidiùs quàm consultiùs, extra cohortis Frisiae tutelam proruperant: sed illa labantibus et retro versis, contra vim cladémque, conjectis desuper in sequentes telis, munimento fuit: Ità impetus stetit, et manubus aequis abscessum. At postrema hostium acies ad sinistram collium provecta, impetu et specie ferebatur incubiturae in mediam ultimàmque Mauritianorum; quae intrà conjectum teli ponè Verianum agmen instructae, & nullâ adhuc hostium vi lacessitae fuerant: sed hi praetervecti dextrum cornu Verianae manûs, ubi intectum latus Frisiis, inter oportuna tumulorum collineantibus, aperuerant, atroci & improvisâ telorum tempestate consternabantur; defixísque pudore simul & metu, neque gradum inferre, neque fugam consciscere in promptu fuit; donec in vallem vicinam inter inaequales arenarum adgestus sinuatam descenderent. His erga partes meritis Frisii, diu hostium equiti, nunc peditum agmini graves, diem & nomen decorauêre. Sed è valle rursum, acerrimus quisque, & animo vel robore validus, effundebantur; soluti signis, sparsi conglobatíve, hostis laudísque cupidine, Australia collium armis & tumultu permiscebant: cum his pugnam & arma per montosa spargentibus, lecta toto Mauritiano exercitu virorum robora, aequâ virtute, sed iniquis hosti locis, certabant; in quem ex edito et occulto collium, praegrandibus scloporum tubis, tela & caedes inulta ingerebantur. Minùs acri discrimine equites novissimi agminis, & parciori sanguine, fortuna collidebat: ostentatae enim hinc indè turmae, post brevem impetum, extra teli hostilis adjectum sub praesidia suorum revehebantur; diversâ omnium, quae ferè accidunt, praeliorum facie: Nam cùm pleraeque peditum fortunae equestrium pugnarum fato temperentur; hîc è contrà, spes & equitum virtus vi & oportunitate peditum nitebantur: nec exui campis fugaríve eques poterat, quoad potens collium peditatus, armis & loco praepollebat; tutela pulsis, & prementibus infestus. Interim nihil remisso ad tumulos ardore pugnae; primani secundaníque hostium & Verianus miles, ferali invicem lanienâ, multa cum strage implicabantur. Haerebátque vir viro, & pede pes; nullóque missilibus spatio, gladiorum & hastarum mucronibus vita & sanguis praeliantium hauriebantur: adfluentibus hinc indè auxiliis, vel spe, vel metu, indomabili pertinaciâ; donec universa Anglorum cohors, praeter paucos qui summa collium insederant, discrimini immisceretur. Nec sanè multi apud hostium acies laborum periculorúmque exsortes supererant; nomen magìs legionum quàm robur: abductis cohortium viribus, et oportuna collium, vel caesorum apud tumulos vestigia occupantibus. Solus hostium eques composito agmine, et frequens apud signa erat: in illo, integris adhuc ordinibus, unicum robur, sed impar, et citò defluxurum in fugam, ubi nudi suorum praesidio peditum, ab equite Mauritiano, recentium legionum peditibus immisto, impellerentur. Itaque Verius, patefactam in hostem ratus occasionem novissimi casûs, simúlque reputans militem suum numero minorem, nî validioribus subsidiis firmetur, superante ex adverso multitudine, vel vi hostium, vel suâ lassitudine periturum, pernicibus nuntiis Frisios aciei primae pedites, quos in littore instructos suprà retuli, acciri jubet; simul Mauritio, quo suae, quo res hostium loco sint, exponi; additis precibus, submitteret properè secundi agminis equitem; eriperétque devotam morti legionem. Ac prout hosti perculsos prementi ferocia, ità nunciorum auxilia implorantium preces, acriùs intendebantur. Ipse periculo suorum, summaeque rei percussus, relicto colle, quem institerat, descendit in vallem, praelióque eques occurrit: statim advecto crus glande trajicitur; nihil vulnere territus, huc & illuc volitans, ferire hostem, hortari suos, firmare animos, minuendo metu, accendendâ spe, & omnibus belli incitamentis. Ità ruenti, & aegrè sustemanti aciem, missile rursus plumbum graviori vulnere femur transadigit: sed ille supremi discriminis anxius, sui incuriosus, nec ostentationem vulneribus neque fomenta adhibuit; certus non excedere praelio, nè fracti pugnantium animi hoc velut omine consternarentur: Et sanè tot annorum stipendiis, tam durâ & exercitâ militiâ, Neque Ducem militis, neque milites Ducis unquam poenituerat. Igitur durare in vim extremam constituit; & si fortuna contrà daret, receptum non minùs quàm arma temperare consiliis & exemplo; adversa tolerans spe subsidiorum, quae tot nuntiis exciverat. Sed illis ad pugnam inpromptis, certè non satìs properantibus, Verianus miles, numeris obrutus, misceri primò & turbari, tum referre pedem, cedere loco, mox turbine irruentium impelli▪ Nullum in illa trepidatione Verius Ducis officium, militísve omisit. Increpare paventes, retinere dubios; retrahere fugientes; consilio, manu, voce, insignis hosti, conspicuus suis contra fortunam obniti: sed impe●u turbatorum abreptus propulsúsque cessit ad extremum ingruenti tempestati, ultimus & invitus. Cedentibus spes novissima erat in praesidio Tormentorum; itaque eluctati altinudinem arenae inter collium salebras; illuc non effuso quidem, intento tamen per plana littoris gradii se recipiebant: impigro ad sequendum hostium equite▪ et tergis gravi. In littore obvias habuêre Frisiorum cohortes, serum et i●●ne auxilium; quae neque turbatis constantiam addidêre, et alieni pavioris contactu in fugam auferebantur. At Verii cedentis equut pluribus in pugna vulneribus suffossus, multâ tandem morte procumbens, pondere herum & toto cadavere implicuitineque militum quis neque famulorum praestò erat ferendae opi; & propè hostis aberat ferociâ ardens & successu. Insignem dies illa virum vidit Thomain Highamium; domo non obscurum; sed civis Ducisque servati gloriâ nobilem; is è familia Roberti Drurii equitis Angli, & inter palantes Domino suo comes, simul equo & hosti incumbentibus subreptum Ducem imposuit in tergum equi, quo Drurius vehebatur. Sic advectus sub Tormenta Verius, fratrem ibi reperie Horatium non indecorem fratri, & multis in bello Belgico palmis saepe memorandum. Adstabant cum illo centuriones Angli lanienae superstites, & accisae reliquiae pedites trecenti lo●o certè, nondum spe & animis excussi; ●rma quippe, suprema victis solati●, 〈◊〉 Hos immoto gradu consistere p●o Tormentis; & ipsa in hostem toto ●am ●ittore ●olita●▪ tem explodi Verius jubet. Veoterat huo for●●●a ferme eodem momen●o duas equi●●m ●urmas▪ quarum una proprius Verii miles; al●eram Balenius decurio praesens regebat, acer & clarus militiâ: his imperat prorumpere in hostem pilarum turbine ●●●onirum▪ misso statim fratre, qui equestrem impe●um, pedestri impressione subsequeretur. Redîerat jam fortuna virtúsque victis; tantâque vi pedi●um equitumque manus, numero exigua, animas ingens, incubuit in hostem; ut quantò ferociùs ille fiduciâ victoriae accurrerat, tantò acriùs pulsus in fugam disjiceretur: Ingens ibi strages, & plurimum sanguinis, persultante planitiem equite, & ardente in caedem; haerentésque fugacium tergis victores in fuffugia collium irrupêre; planáque & edita pari terrore & exitio permiscebant. At hostium acies, quae sub signis vexillísque summa collium, expertes praelii, insederant, admonitae periculis excitabantur: nec ulturorum commilitones ille motus erat; sed consulentium sibi; debántque se incautos & indefensos telis Verianorum, qui fastigiis suis immoti, in hostem apertum & expofitum atroci procellâ detonabant. Simul ceteri Anglorum, excîti prospero clamore, & insigni ferociâ victoriae se miscentes, incursabant nutantes hostium acies impellebántque, fulgentes quidem signis, sed nudatas & infrequentes milite, abducto jam antè & attrito in subsidia pugnae sclopetariorum robore, quorum locis inaequalibus praecipuus usus est. Inclinatâ demum spe hostium sencundam aciem, equitem juxtà peditémque, in consternatos invehi Mauritius jubet. At hostis fugam circumspectans, pulsu, sonitúque, & nube ipsâ invadentium superfundebatur. Tum verò atrox ubique spectaculum; fugere, capi, vulnerare, trucidari: passim arma & corpora, & laceri artus, & cruenta humus. Fortissimus quisque ex Hispanis, quantum peditum erat, funduntur. Rapta signa vexilláque centum & viginti, modico equitum sanguine. Apud Mauritianos dispari fato, cruentati equites: duae peditum acies propè illaesae. Asperrima Anglorum fortuna fuit, octingenti milites in pugna occisi; trucidati octo Centuriones, reliqui, duobus exceptis, vulnerati: Et ferè nemo in illis cohortibus, vel ordine, vel animo ante vulgus fuit, quem non dies ista sicuti virtute, sic teste virtutis vulnere insigniverit.  
FINIS.   

Add this, Page 161. after line 21.  Concerning what was done within the town during the Treaty, Henry Hexham gives us this further account upon his own knowledge. 
THe next day towards evening the enemy's Commissioners, Cerano and Ottanes, returned again: General Vere his last entertainment of them was better than his first; for he then feasted them, made them the best cheer he could, drank many healths, as the Queen of England's, the King of Spain's, the Archduke's, Prince Maurice's, and divers others, and discoursed with them at the table before his brother Sir Horace Vere, and the chief Officers of the town, whom he had invited to keep them company; and having drunk freely led them into his own chamber, and laid them in his own bed to take their rests.  
The Commissioners going to bed, the General took his leave of them, and presently after went to the old town, where he found Captain Dexter, and Captain Clark with their men silently at work, and having been with them an hour or two to give them directions what they should do, returning to his lodging, he laid him down upon his quilt, and gave me charge, that an hour before day I should go to Ralph Dexter and command him from him, not to draw off his men till the dawning of the day, but that they should follow their work lustily. And coming to him at the time appointed, according to my Lords command, after the break of day we looked out towards the sea, and espied five men of War come out of Zealand, riding in the road, which had brought four hundred men, and some materials for the sea-works; and coming home, I wakened my Master, and told him the first news of it. He presently sent for the Captain of the shallops and long-boats, which lancing out landed them on the strand, by our new middle-haven: and notwithstanding the enemy shot mightily upon them with their Cannon from their four batteries on the East and Westside to sink them, and hinder their landing, yet did they no other harm, but only hurt three Mariners.  
These pieces of Ordnance roused Cerano from his naked bed, who knocking asked me, what was the reason of this shooting: I answered him in French, Il y avoit quelque gens d' Armes des nostres enters dans la ville; whereat he was much amazed, and would hardly give credit to it, till Captain Potley, who came with these ships, and whom he knew well, was brought before him, and assured him it was so.  
FINIS.