THE LIFE Of the Learned and Reverend Dr. Peter Heylyn, CHAPLAIN to Charles I. and Charles II. MONARCHES of GREAT BRITAIN.  
Written by GEORGE VERNON, Rector of Bourton on the Water in Glocestershire.  Majorum gloria posteris lumen est, neque mala eorum in occulto patitur, Sal. Bell. Jug. Illum quidem nulla oratio ex animi sententia laedere potest: quip vera, necesse est vera praedicet; falsam, vita moresque illius superant, ibid. 
LONDON: Printed for C. Harper, at the Flower-de-luce over against St. Dunstan's Church, in Fleetstreet, 1682.   

To the Worthy and my ever Honoured Friends, HENRY HEYLYN of Minster-Lovel, Esq Nephew; AND HENRY HEYLYN Gentleman, Son, to Dr. Heylyn.  
I Know no persons in the Nation, that have a more unquestionable right unto these Papers, than you; who have not only running in your Veins the Blood, but, which is more material, abiding in your minds the Endowments of the Great Man, whose Life is now perfected and exposed to public view. In which it must be acknowledged there is sufficient matter for an useful History: And either of you might have named the man, who had been more able to have undertaken the Writing of it than myself; it being a very bold attempt for any one to give an account of the Actions and Sufferings of Dr. Heylyn, beside Dr. Heylyn; or at least such an one, who inherits his Natural, if not his Acquired Accomplishments, and to whom an equal, if not a double portion of his Spirit is imparted.  
However, 'tis no small satisfaction to me, that I have in this Composure obeyed your Commands, and in some measure answered your expectations in doing right to the memory of your very learned Ancestor, if your Friendship and Affection did not put a veil upon your Judgements, when you first read what I now again offer to your perusal.  
There is little doubt, but in the publication of these Papers, the very name of Dr. Heylyn will raise the Blood, and exasperate the Passions of some quarrelsome and unquiet spirits, who like Ghosts and Goblins fight with those that are dead, as well as affright others that are living. But whatever hard censures or harder names the Writer of these Papers meets with, 'tis no more than he expects from those who are such enemies unto peace, that notwithstanding all their plead for it, yet their souls are so connaturalized to turbulence and contention, that rather than have no enemy, they will fall out and fight with their own shadows. And who can expect but that the peace and quiet of private men should be ruffled and discomposed by those, whose business it is to embroil a whole Nation? And yet these persons must by all means be accounted the only True Protestants. A name, though it imports little in it of the positive part of Christianity (it being only a rejecting or protesting against the abominable Errors and Superstitions of the Roman Church) yet 'tis too honourable a Title to be bestowed upon many that boast of it.  
It was in April, 1529. when Reformed Christianity obtained the glorious name of Protestantism; 
Sleid. Com. l. 6.  which in a short time spread itself not only over the Germane Empire, but most of the European Nations. And here in England (especially) it prevailed over Popish Darkness and Superstitions by Peaceableness, Meekness, Modesty, Humility, Mercifulness; and by teaching men to be studious of doing good, and averse to vice and doing evil. What right then have those to it, who are Turbulent, Contentious, Malicious, Proud, Merciless, Wrathful, &c▪ Why should those be celebrated for zealous Protestants, who question the Being, and blaspheme the name of God▪ Who deny the only Lord that bought them? Who renounce all the Offices and Institutions of Christianity, and whose lives are a direct contradiction to all Moral as well as Evangelical Virtues. In a word, why should the Independents with some other Sects now reassume this Renowned Title, when in the days of ihe late Usurper they absolutely renounced it, call those, who would not list themselves as members in their Schismatical Assemblies, Queen Bess' Protestant's?  
The words of the devout Salvian are with a little variation applicable unto these Professors, In vobis patitur Christus opprobrium, in vobis patitur lex Protestantium maledictum. The name of Protestancy which heretofore commanded veneration from ingenuous (though professed) enemies, is now profaned and blasphemed through these persons and stinks amongst Papists and Infidels: either of which Sects do as much deserve the name of Catholics, as some do that of Protestants. When 'tis bestowed on them, 'tis only Titular, and a mere nickname. They are Pseudo-Protestants, as Papists are Pseudo-Catholicks. Neither is it material what way of Religion is embraced by them; whether True or False, Christian or Pagan, Protestant or Popish, any or none, or all.  
God be praised, notwithstanding the great declensions of true Goodness amongst us, we have many persons of Eminency and Honour in the Nation, who are not carried away from their Loyalty to their Prince, and Love to the Church by any popular Artifices of those Zealots who lie in wait to deceive unstable and less discerning minds. Amongst whom I heartily rejoice that both you are in the number; and I shall pray to God ever to continue you in that holy Fellowship, and to preserve you from the evil of this world, whilst you remain in it; as also to reward you for the many charitable and friendly Offices, which you have expressed and conferred upon  
Gentlemen, Your most devoted and for ever faithful Servant, George Vernon.   

TO THE READER.  
HAD it not been for the indiscretion of some persons, and the forwardness and ostentation of others, no one had been put to the trouble of reading, or expense of buying a second Impression of Dr. Heylyn's Life; this very Account of it having been writ on purpose to be printed with that learned Volume of his works that has been lately collected and exposed to public Light: wherein the Reader may reap the benefit of being satisfied in various Points, both Theological and Political. As, 1. In the way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England; and that both against the Papists who tell us we had too little of the Pope, and too much of the Parliament; and against the Genevizers, who affirm, that we had too little of the People, and too much of the Prince therein. 2. In the sacred Offices of the public Liturgy; wherein is presented to the Reader a History of Liturgies from the Patriarches, Jews, Gentiles and Christians; as also an Account of the Dedication of Churches, and the Anniversary Feasts occasioned thereby. 3. In the Church's Patrimony, and the Right of the Clergy to receive Tithes from the People. 4. In her Government; wherein both from the sacred Scriptures and Ancient Fathers is evinced by way of Historical Narration, (and matter of Fact cannot be so easily evaded as bare Logical Argumentation) the Imparity of Ministers in the Christian Church; the Foundation of which was laid in Episcopacy. 5. In the Time set apart for Divine Worship; wherein the constant Practice of the Church of God from the Creation to the Year 1635. is Learnedly and Laboriously represented in that matter. 6. In the Doctrine of the Western Churches, concerning the five Controverted points; an Historical Account of which is given out of the Public Acts and Monuments, aswell as the most approved Authors in those several Churches. 7. In the King's Supreme Dignity and Authority against that Stumbling-block of Disobedience and Rebellion, laid by Mr. Calvin about the Ephori of Sparta, the Tribunes of Rome, and the Demarchi of Athens; than which Treatise few more Rational or Learned have seen the light upon that subject. And lastly, in the Bishops Right of Peerage; a Treatise written in the Year 1640. when it was Voted in the House of Lords, That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the Earl of Strafford: this Tract was never before Printed; and as for the rest that were, they could rarely be met with to be sold; and those that could, were not to be purchased at any ordinary or easy rates. And there is no Reason, but that the old Books (Learned and useful as they are) reprinted, should meet with as kind reception from the World, as new Books composed with less judgement out of old ones; unless it be that some finical Readers will have their fancies gratified by the novelty of a Title Page, even like some Ladies that are always affecting new Modes and Fashions in their Garbs and Garments: And there are Butchers in Books as well as clothes, that have the knack to make new ones out of old ones.  
I shall not attempt to particularise or rectify either the mistakes or omissions, that are in the Life, as it stands before the collected Treatises now specified. The Reader may easily discern both, by comparing what is there writ, with the Memorials now published. In which, I have made use of no materials out of the Printed Folio, except these two, viz. The charitable zeal which the Doctor exerted in saving the Parish-Church of St. Nicholas in Abingdon from being laid even with the ground, and the Dream that he had immediately before his fatal Sickness: neither of which came unto my knowledge before I met with them before the Collection, And I hope he that favoured the World with the publication of them will pardon my presumption; since what I have made use of, tends to the adorning of the memory of so near a Relation; and since also many more particular passages were excerpted out of my Papers (the very words as well as matter) when he had them in his Custody; as any Reader may easily discern, who will be at the pains of comparing the Life now Published, with what is extant before the Keimelia Ecclesiastica.  
The truth is, though I did with some unwillingness and regret undertake the writing of what is here offered to the World, yet I was the more easily induced to it, not only out of Reverence to the memory of a right Learned man, and the honour that I owe to some of his nearest Relatives; but also from those black Clouds of darkness, which have of late threatened our public Peace and Common Interests; deeming that it would be beneficial unto myself, and not unacceptable unto Loyal Englishmen (especially those of the Clergy) if their minds were fortified with Courage and Resolution to suffer and submit unto the Will of God in the times that might happen, by calling to remembrance what others have done in the days that are past. For God does not only know the Frame of our Bodies, that they are dust, but the temper of our minds, viz. how averse they are to exercise patience under heavy Persecutions, and how unable to contend with the infelicity of an unrighteous World, unless he did now and then represent unto our view some fresh example of his righteous servants, who by their faith and patience, have beat out a path and made the way plain before us. And whoever reads over the following Account given of Dr. Heylyn, will find few of his Quality and Profession, who survived the fury of that storm that was raised in the Unnatural War, and who brought their Vessel to safe shore and landing at the last, that endured more numerous and violent Hurricanes, than he did. And what can be more seasonable or advantageous against that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that languishing and faintness of spirit which may possibly seize on us under the Cross, than that being in a tendency to endure and encounter with the like hardships, we should arm ourselves with the same Resolution of mind, as the person did, treated of in these papers? Perhaps the persecutions that are here mentioned are not of so wide an extent, as to furnish any one with a panoply against all the Evils, that this inconstant World may bring upon us, But although they may not in all respects parallel those sufferings which may be our Portion and Lot, yet they may be of that efficacy to mind us of our duty; and to prepare us for the vicissitudes of Providence, that whenever our Fiery Trial comes, we may not think it strange or unusual; but by some preparatory exercises of Piety and self-denial we may be mortifying in ourselves all that softness, tenderness and effeminacy of temper, which will render Affliction grievous and intollearable to us. The blessed Apostle acquaints us what good effect his passive fortitude produced in some new Converts to Christianity, when they became possessed of the very same zeal and constancy as he had; for waxing confident by his bonds, they were much more bold to speak the word without fear, Phil. 1. 14. God be praised, as yet we have no sharper persecutions to exercise our Christian Virtues, than what have befallen the holiest Christians in the most flourishing Condition of the Church. The Sun shines upon our Tabernacles, and notwithstanding all the outcries about Property and Liberty, yet there is no such irruption into either, as to occasion complaining in our streets. But we know not how soon our Fate may be the same with Dr. Heylyn's; to be brought before the Rulers of the darkness of this World for the sake of the Christian Righteousness. And whenever 'tis our lot, it concerns us to behave ourselves with that Faith and Courage, that we neither violate the Oaths we have taken, nor disgrace the Religion we profess, nor forfeit the happiness we hope for and expect. We see with our eyes, or hear with our ears, with what resolution men suffer for evil doing. And if a natural Sturdiness or Fool-hardiness does sustain the spirits of men against the Terrors of a violent Death, notwithstanding those black guilts of Schism, Faction, Sedition, Treason, Murder, etc. which lie upon their consciences; What a disgrace will it be unto our profession, for us to be weary and faint in our minds, when any external evils or dangers make disquieting impressions on them? And there is no better way for us to prevent that dishonour, than by looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith, and by taking those who have spoken in his Name for an example of suffering Affliction and of Patience, jam. 5. 10.  
But although Dr. Heylyn spoke in Name of the Lord, yet few will be prevailed with to take him for a pattern in suffering persecution, who believe those black Characters, that have been of late given him by some of the Writers of this pre●ent Age. And amongst the rest, 'tis matter of just wonder that Mr. Baxter, who writes so frequently of Death and judgement, and the account that must be given of all the hard speeches that are either spoke or writ against his Fellow-Christians, should not be desirous to leave the troublesome stage of this world in a peaceable and calm temper, and let those sleep quietly in their Graves, whom he 
* So he did in a Letter to Dr. Heylyn.  wished he had let alone, when alive; and unto whose learned labours he has not vouchsafed to return one word of Answer for above these two and twenty years. And yet so it is, that in his Preface to the Abridgement of Church-History he represents Dr. Heylyn to be a man of a malicious and bloody strain, and one who spoke of blood with pleasure, thirsting after more, etc. I shall say little of that Book of Mr. Baxters, understanding that it is taken into consideration by another hand. But this I will not be afraid to affirm, that if an impartial Pagan were to pass his judgement upon Christianity from those matters of Fact, that are recorded in the Abridgement, he would look upon it with a more uncharitable eye than Mr. Baxter does upon Dr. Heylyn; and conclude it the most horrid Imposture in the world. For what kind of Religion and Church was that, which had little or nothing but Covetousness, Ambition, Oppression, Simony, Anarchy, Tyranny, Cruelty, etc. prevailing in it for so many centuries of years, and no persons or conventions of men that had Wisdom and Power all that while to manage its affairs and concerns, and to put it into any Apostolical or tolerable Order, till an Army-Black-Coat, who first almost dreined his Veins of their Blood against his Prince, and then courted and caressed a Tyrant and Usurper; and since that time has been employing his Spleen against the Church; I say, till such an one arose in the world, and in affront to all the laws of Modesty and good Manners, first prescribed a Platform of Civil Polity or Holy-Commonwealth to the State, and then Rules of Government or Polity to the Church, which should bind all Christians, and be a Standard to all Superiors? Let but any one seriously peruse the Abridgement, and then judge, whether Herod endeavoured with more malice to suppress the Genealogies of the Jewish Nation (and especially those of the Royal Family) that he himself might reign with more security, than Mr. Baxter has done, in throwing dirt upon Antiquity: whereas a Divine, of all men in the World ought to be very tender, how he exposed the Nakedness of the Ancient Fathers, lest he thereby exposed Christianity itself to scorn and contempt. And we do not live in such an Age of piety and modesty, but that some men would be very glad from the Abridgement (if they had patience to read it) to fix the like Infamy upon the Christian Faith, as Cham did when he proclaimed the Nakedness of his Aged Father.  
For my own part I never had the Honour either to know Dr. Heylyn, or to be known by him. But those who were his Familiars represent him to be one of a tender compassionate Spirit, and that few men put a more candid construction upon Persons and Actions, than he did. 'Tis true, he writ of a bloody Sect; but with a purpose to prevent the shedding of more Blood. He vindicated the Monarchy and Hierarchy from the Calumnies of that Faction, that was and is the implacable and sworn enemy of both. And for this the Ashes of his Grave must be disturbed by one, who (as Tully speaks) does not consider but cast Lots in writing Books, and whose voluminous Treatises are no more to be compared with the Learned Writers of this Church, than the stuff of Kiderminster is to be valued at the same rate with the best Arras.  
Dr. Heylyn was no more a Man of Blood, than St. Paul was a Mover of Sedition. And if he had, 'tis to be hoped, he might have been as well Canonised for fight for his Prince, as some others are celebrated for Saints in the Everlasting Rest, who died in the very Act of Rebellion against him. But 'tis no new thing for those who cut a purse, to cry stop the Thief.  
Mr. Baxter may be pleased to call to mind, what was done to one Major Jenning the last War, in that Fight that was between Lynsel and Longford in the County of Salop; where the King's Party having unfortunately the worst of the day, the poor Major was stripped almost naked and left for dead in the Field. But Mr. Baxter and one Lieutenant Hurdman taking their walk among the wounded and dead Bodies, perceived some Life left in the Major, and Hurdman run him through the Body in cold blood; Mr. Baxter all the while looking on, and taking off with his own hand the King's Picture from about his Neck; telling him, as he was swimming in his gore, That he was a Popish Rogue, and that was his Crucifix. Which Picture was kept by Mr. Baxter for many years, till it was got from him (but not without much difficulty) by one Mr. Summerfield, who then lived with Sir Thomas Rouse, and generously restored it to the poor man, now alive at Wick near Parshore in Worcestershire, although at the Fight supposed to be dead; being, after the wounds given him, dragged up and down the Field by the merciless Soldiers, Mr. Baxter approving of the Inhumanity, by feeding his eyes with so bloody and barbarous a spectacle.  
I Thomas jenning's subscribe to the truth of this Narrative above mentioned, and have hereunto put my Hand and Seal, this second day of March 1681/2.  
Tho. jenning's. Signed and Sealed, March 2. 1681/ 2. in the Presence of John Clarke Minister of Wick, Thomas Darke.  
And now let it be left to the Readers judgement, who is of a more malicious and bloody strain, Dr. Heylyn or Mr. Baxter. Whatever ill opinion the Doctor gained in the World, was for the service which he did for his King, his Country and the Church. And it need not be told who says, Nemo pluris ●estimat virtutem, qu●m qui boni viri famam perdidit, ne conscientiam perderet● i. e. He puts the best value upon virtue, who to preserve the Integrity and Peace of his Conscience sacrifices the endearments of his Reputation.   

ERRATA  

in the Preface.  
PAge 3. line penult, deal the, P. 7. l. an●ep. for tender, r. tenderness.   

In the Life.  
Page 41. l. 23. r. Bounty designed and Mr.— p. 60. l. 3. r. Geneva, p 92. ●. 12. for jury, r. ●●uire, p. 100 l. 16. r. Reader, p. 118. l. ult r. Raillery, p. 119. l. 12. r. some few others, p. 1●. l. 16. r. Bodmin, p. ●37. l. 16. r. ejecting, p. 169 r. Warrant, p. 220. l. 1. for in, r. upon, p. ●49. l. 12. for that, r. may pass— p▪ 262. 1. 5. d●le and, & r. God Almighty's wise— p. ●63. l 9 r. man, for men, p 268. l 11. for acutum, r. oculatum, p. ●●9. l. 23. ●or lips, r. lusts, p. 287. l. 13. for partialis, r. Paritatis.    

Some Books Printed for, or Sold by Charles Harper at the Flower-de-luce over against St. Dunstan's Church.  
THe Historical and Miscellaneous Tracts of the Reverend and Learned Peter Heylyn, D. D. Now collected into one Volume: 1. Ec●lesia Vindicata, or the Church of England justified. 2. The History of the Sabbath: in two parts. 3. Historia Quinquarticularis, 4. The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience and Rebellion. 5. A Treatise De jure Paritatis Episcoporum, with an exact Table to th● whole.  
All the Statutes at large, to the Year 1681. By Keeble; with an exact Table to the whole: being the last Impression.  
The Lord Coke Eleven Reports in English, with a Table. Printed 1680.  
The Lord Coke Institutes, the three last Parts. Printed 1680.  
The Lord Hobart's Reports, with Additions in English. Printed 1678.  
There is now in the Press, Bishop usher's Power of the Prince, and Obedience of the Subject; with Bishop Sanderson's Preface to it: and will be Published speedily. Printed for Charles Harper.   

THE LIFE OF Dr. Peter Heylyn.  
IF any Augury or Conjecture could be made of the Course and Fortune of men's Lives by the Calculation of their Nativity, the Birth of Dr. Peter Heylyn, according to the Rules of our Astrologers, presaged firm Constitution of Body, and prosperous Success in the Civil Affairs of Humane Life. For it was Novemb. 29. 1599 at Burford, in the County of Oxon, between Eight and Nine in the Morning. At which time the Sun was in the Horoscope of his Nativity, and the Houses very well disposed. But our Almanac Prognostications about Wether, etc. show what inconsiderable Influence the Stars have upon the inanimate-part of the Creation, much less upon free and discerning Agents; especially upon men Wise and Learned: For Wisdom has an Empire over Stars and Constellations, according to that Adagy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And this Reverend Man was in this particular fortunate, that he ●ad the honour to carry the mark of the Cross, which was imprinted on him at the Font, through the most considerable part of his Pilgrimage; having frequent opportunities in Suffering for a Righteous Cause, to manifest his Passive, as well as his Active Courage; as will sufficiently appear in the subsequent Circumstances and Account of his Life.  
He was the second Son of Henry Heylyn, Gentleman, descended from the Ancient Family of the heylyn's of Pentre-Heylyn in Montgomery-shire, than part of Powesland; from the Princes whereof they were derived, and unto whom they were Hereditary Cupbearers: For so the word Heylyn doth signify in the Welsh or British Language. After which Office, they were in great Authority with the Princes of North-Wales; as plainly appears from lewelyn, the last Prince of that Country, who made choice of Grono-Ap-Heylyn to Treat with the Commissioners of Edward the First, King of England, for the Concluding of a full and final Peace between them. And Pentre-Heylyn continued the Seat of this Ancient Family till about the Year 1637. at which time Rowland Heylyn, Alderman and Sheriff of London, and Cousin-German to our Doctor's Father, dying without Issue-Male, the Seat was transferred to another Family, into which some of the Heiresses were Married: But the Doctor designed to repurchase it, and had infallibly effected it, had not Death prevented the Execution of his Purpose.  
His Mother was Elizabeth Clampard, Daughter of Francis Clampard of Wrotham in Kent, Gentleman, and of Mary Dodge his Wife; Descended in a direct Line from that Peter Dodge of Stopworth in Cheshire, unto whom King Edward the First gave the signory or Lordship of Padenhugh in the Barony of Coldingham in the Realm of Scotland, as well for the especial Services done by him in the Sieges of Barwick and Dunbar, as his Valour showed in divers Battles; Encontre son grand Enemy & Rebelle le Baillol Roy d' Escoce & Vassal d'Angleterre, as the words are in the Original Charter of Arms, given to the said Peter Dodge by Guienne King of Arms at the said Kings Command, dated April 8. in the 34th. year of King Edward the First. Neither is this unworthy of observation, that one of the Descendants from the said Peter Dodge was Uncle to Doctor Heylyn's Mother, and gave the Manor of Lechlade in Glocestershire, worth 1400 l. per ann. to Robert Bathurst Esq Uncle to our Reverend Doctor, and Grandfather to that honest and modest Gentleman Sir Edward Bathurst Baronet, now living.  
In the sixth year of his Age, he was committed to the Tuition of Master North, Schoolmaster of Burford; under whose Instructions he so well profited, that in a short time he was able to make true Latin: and his Improvements were so very considerable, that in a little space after he was advanced a Form higher than his Fellows; with which he kept pace and arrived to the ability of making Verses: to which excellency, together with History, his Genius did so naturally incline him, that at the Age of ten years he framed a Story in Verse and Prose upon a ludicrous Subject, of which he himself was Spectator. And he Composed it in imitation of the History of the Destruction of Troy, and some other Books of Chivalry, upon which he was then very studious and intent. The Story was exceedingly prized by his Schoolfellows, and afterward by one Master Hinton, Fellow of Merton-College, unto whom it was communicated by his Father. And I presume to specify it as an Argument of the prodigious pregnancy of those Endowments which God had bestowed upon him. For he may truly be accounted one of the Praecoces Fructus, the forward Fruits of his time, that was soon ripe, and contrary to the Proverb, of a lasting duration. It may be truly affirmed of him, as once of Lipsius, Ingenium babuit docile, & omnium capax: Memoria non sine praeceptorum miraculo (etiam in puero) quae senectute non defecit.  
But his proficiency in Letters was very much retarded by a Distemper that seized on his Head; the Cure of which was not effected under the space of two years; and therefore occasioned great loss of time, as well as infinite pain and torture of Body to one so young and tender. For by reason of the unskilfulness of Country Empirics who first undertook him, the Flesh in the forepart of his Head rotten to the Skull, where never any Hair came afterward. And the Distemper again returning upon him as the Flesh grew up, he was in the 13th. year of his Age sent to London by his Father, to be under the Cure of Dr. Turner (Husband to that Gentlewoman that had a hand in the Death of Sir Tho. Overbury) who keeping him to a strict Diet and frequent Sweatings, sent him back into the Country after four months' time. But his Distemper again returning, he was fain once more to apply himself unto his old Doctor, before a Cure could be completed.  
Upon his return to Burford, he found his old Master dead, and was committed to the Care of a Successor, viz. Mr. Davis, a Reverend good man; who notwithstanding his long discontinuance from School, found his Scholar not to have misspent or mis-employed any time, that gave him the least Relaxation from his Distemper, and therefore placed him Third in the uppermost Form. Mr. Davis spared no diligence that might tend to the cultivating of a Plant so flourishing and hopeful, making him fit for the University by having him but twelve Months under his Tuition: A kindness so gratefully resented by our Doctor, that he dedicated to him one of his Books, called Ecclesia Vindicata; and had it not been for the misfortune of the War, had given better Testimonies of a thankful and generous mind in preferring him to some considerable Benefice or Dignity in the Church.  
He was the beginning of December, 1613. in the 14th. year of his Age sent to Oxford, and placed under the Tuition of Mr. joseph Hill, an ancient Bachelor in Divinity, once one of the Fellows of Corpus Christi College, but then Commoner of Hart-Hall; by whom Mr. Walter Newberry (afterward a zealous Puritan) was made choice of to instruct him in Logic, and other Academical Studies, as far as the tenderness of his Age rendered him capable. And he made such progress in them, that upon the 22d. of july, 1614 he stood Candidate for a Demies place in Magdalen College, having no other Recommendations than Sir john walter's, than Attorney General to the Prince, and afterward Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Grandfather to that worthy Gentleman Sir William Walter now of Sarsden in the County of Oxford, Baronet. Dr. Langton, Precedent of the College, put Mr▪ Heylyn the Eighth upon the Roll; which was the first place of the second Course; but it succeeded not till the year following, being then Elected First upon the Roll, and having very much endeared himself to the Precedent and Fellows by a facetious Latin Poem upon a Journey that he made with his two Tutors, unto Woodstock.  
But immediately after his admission into that noble Foundation, he fell into a Consumption, which constrained him to retire to his Native Air, where he continued till Christmas following. He was a year after his Admission made Impositor of the Hall; in which Office he acquitted himself with so much Fidelity, that the College-Dean continued him longer in it, than any ever before; by which means he contracted a great deal of Hatred and Enmity from those Students that were of his own standing, being called by them the Perpetual Dictator. But he diverted the violence of the Storm by the assiduity of his Studies, and particularly by Composing an English Tragedy, called Spurius; which was so well approved of by some learned persons of that Foundation, that the Precedent caused it to be privately acted in his own Lodgings.  
In july 1617. he obtained his Grace for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, but was not Presented to it till the October following, by reason of the absence of one of his Seniors, holding it unworthy to prejudice another person for his own Advancement. After the performance of the Lent-Exercises for his Degree, he fell into a Fever, which increasing with great violence, at last turned into a Tertian Ague, and caused him again to retreat unto his Country Air; which he enjoyed till the middle of july following, and then according to the College Statutes (which require that Exercise to be performed every long Vacation by some Bachelor of Arts) he began his Cosmographical Lectures, and finished them in the end of the next August. His Reading of those Lectures drew the whole Society into a profound admiration of his Learning and Abilities; insomuch that before he had ended them, he was admitted Fellow upon Probation, in the place of one Mr. Love. And that he might give a Testimony of his grateful mind for so unexpected a Favour, he writ a Latin Comedy, called Theomachia, which he Composed and Transcribed in a Fortnight's space. On july 29. 1619. he was admitted in verum & perpetuum Socium; and not long before was made Moderator of the Signior Form, which he retained above two years: And within that compass of time he began to write his Geography, accordingly as he designed when he Read his Cosmographic-Lectures; which Book he finished in little more than two months, beginning it Feb. 22. and completing it the 29th. of April following. At the Act, Ann. Dom. 1620, he was admitted Master of Arts; the honour of which Degree was the more remarkable, because that very year the Earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University, signified his pleasure by special Letters, that from that time forward, the Masters of Arts, who before sat bare, should wear their Caps in all Congregations and Convocations; unto which Act of Grace his Lordship was induced by an humble Petition presented to him by the Regent Masters in behalf of themselves and Non-Regents; as also by Dr. Prideaux then Vicechancellor, who being pre-acquainted with the business, gave great encouragement to proceed onward in it; and lastly by the indefatigable pains of one Master Clopton, junior, of Corpus-Christi-Colledge, who was the principal Solicitor in that Affair.  
His Geography was committed by him to the perusal of some Learned Friends, and being by them well approved, he obtained his Father's consent for the Printing of it; which was done accordingly, November 7. 1621. The first Copy of it was presented by him to King Charles the First, than Prince of Wales, unto whom he Dedicated it; and by whom, together with its Author, it was very graciously received; being introduced into the Prince's Presence by Sir Robert Car, one of the Gentlemen of his Highness' Bedchamber, and since Earl of Ancram; unto whose Care Master Heylyn was commended by the Lord Danvers, then at Cornbury by reason of some bodily Indisposition. But after this Sunshine of Favour and Honour darted on him by the Prince, there followed a Cloud which darkened all his Joys: for in a few months after, his Father died at Oxon with an Ulcer in his Bladder, occasioned by the Stone, with which he had been for many years grievously afflicted: His Body was conveyed to Lechlade in Glocestershire, where he was buried near his Wife, who died six years before him of a Contagious Fever, and lay in the Chancel of that Parish-Church.  
Septemb. 15. 1622. he received Confirmation from the hands of Bishop Lake, in the Parish Church of Wells; and in a short space after exhibited a Certificate to Doctor Langton concerning his Age; by which means he obtained a Dispensation, notwithstanding any Local Statutes to the contrary, that he should not be compelled to enter into Holy Orders till he was Twenty four years of Age, according to the time appointed, both in the Canons of the Church, and the Statutes of the Realm. And such were his fears to enter upon the Study, as well as undertake the profession of Divinity, that it was not without great Reluctance and Difficulty on his own part, as well as many weighty Arguments and Persuasions of a very Learned and Reverend person (Mr. Buckner) that he applied himself unto Theology. Thus Moses pleaded his Inability, and notwithstanding the express command of the Almighty, refused to be sent upon the Divine Embassy, persevering in his unseasonable modesty, till God threatened him with his Anger, as he had before encouraged him with his promises. But as the difficulties in Divinity made Mr. Heylyn for some time to desist, so the sweetness and amabilities of that Study alured him to undertake the Profession. And therefore he received the Orders of Deacon and Priest (but at distant times) in St. Aldates' Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson. And when he was Ordained Priest, he Preached the Ordination Sermon upon those words of our Blessed Saviour to St. Peter, Luke 22. 32. And when thou art converted, strengthen thy Brethren. What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies, he tells of with his own Pen; When I began my Studies in Divinity, 
Theol. Vet. Pref. to the Reader.  I thought no course so proper and expedient for me, as the way commended by King james (which was, that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England, 
K. james Instructions to the University, jan. 18. 1616.  and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils, Schoolmen, Histories, and Controversies, and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators, making them the grounds of their Study) and opened at the charges of Bishop Montague, though not then a Bishop. For though I had a good respect to the memory of Luther, and the name of Calvin, as those whose Writings had awakened all these parts of Europe out of the ignorance and superstition in which they suffered, yet I always took them to be men: men as obnoxious unto Error, as subject to humane Frailty, and as indulgent too unto their own Opinions, as any others whatsoever. The little knowledge I had gained in the course of Stories, had pre-acquainted me with the Fiery Spirit of the one, and the Busy Humour of the other; thought thereupon unfit by Archbishop Cranmer and others, the chief Agents in the Reformation of this Church, to be employed as Instruments in that weighty Business. Nor was I ignorant how much they differed fsom us in their Doctrinals and Forms of Government. And I was apt enough to think, that they were no fit Guides to direct my▪ Judgement in order to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England; to the establishing whereof they were held unuseful; and who both by their Practices and Positions had declared themselves Friends to neither.  
The Geography was in less than three years' reprinted; and in this second Edition Enlarged and again Presented by him to the Prince of Wales, and by him received with most affectionate Commendations of the Author. But it met with a far different entertainment from K. james. For the Book being put into the hands of that learned Monarch by Dr. Young Dean of Winton (who thereby designed nothing else but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn) the King at first expressed the great Value he had for the Author: but unfortunately falling on a passage, wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King, and called France the more Famous Kingdom, King james became very much offended, and ordered the Lord Keeper that the Book should be called in. The good Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesty's Displeasure, advising him to repair to Court, and to make use of the Prince's Patronage, as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound, lest it festered and became incurable. But he rather chose to abide at Oxon, acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business, and requesting his Advice and Intercession, and sending afterward an Apology and Explanation of his meaning to Doctor Young, the substance of which was, That some crimes are of a nature so unjustifiable, that they are improved by an Apology; yet considering the purpose he had in those places, which gave offence to his Sacred Majesty, he was unwilling that his Innocence should be condemned for want of an Advocate: The burden under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime, and that mistake not his own, but the Printers. For if in the first line of page 441. was be read instead of is, the sense runs as he designed it: And this appears from the words immediately following; for by them may be gathered the sense of this corrected reading, When Edward the Third quartered the Arms of France and England, he gave Precedency to the French; first, because France was the greater and more famous Kingdom. Secondly, That the French, etc. These Reasons are to be referred to the time of that King, by whom those Arms were first quartered with the Arms of England, and who desired by this honour done unto their Arms to gain upon the good opinion of that Nation, for the Crown and Love whereof he was a Suitor. For at this time (besides that it may seem ridiculous to use a Verb of the present Tense in a matter done so long ago) that Reason is not of the least force or consequence; the French having so long since forgot the Rights of England, and our late Princes claiming nothing but the Title only.  
The place and passage so corrected, I hope (says Mr. Heylyn) I may without detraction from the Glory of this Nation affirm, That France was at this time the more famous Kingdom. Our English Swords for more than half the time since the Norman Conquest had been turned against our own Bosoms; and the Wars we then made (except some fortunate Excursions of King Edward the First in France, and King Richard in the Holy Land) in my conceit were fuller of Pity than of Honor. For what was our Kingdom under the Reign of Edward the Second, Henry the Third, john, Stephen and Rufus but a public Theatre, on which the Tragedies of Blood and civil Dissensions had been continually acted? On the other side, the French had exercised their Arms with Credit and Renown both in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt; and had much added to the Glory of their Name and Nation by Conquering the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and driving the English themselves out of all France, Guienne only excepted. If we look higher, we shall find France to be the first Seat of the Western Empire, and the Forces of it to be known and felt by the Saracens in Spain, the Saxons in Germany, and the Lombard's in Italy; at which time the Valour of the English was imprisoned in the same Seas with their Island: And therefore France was at that time, when first the Arms were quartered, the more famous Kingdom. 'Tis true indeed, since the time of those victorious Princes, those Duo Fulmina Belli, Edward the Third and the Black Prince his Son, the Arms of England have been exercised in most parts of Europe. Nor am I ignorant how high we stand above France and all other Nations in the true fame of our Achievements. France itself divers times overrun, and once Conquered, the House of Burgundy upheld from Ruin, the Hollanders Supported, Spain Awed and the Ocean Commanded, are sufficient testimonies, that in pursuit of Fame and Honour, we had no Equals. That I was always of this opinion my Book speaks for me (and indeed so unworthy a person needs no better an Advocate) in which I have been no where wanting to commit to memory the honourable performances of my Country. The great Annalist Baronius pretending only a true and sincere History of the Church, yet tells the Pope in his Epistle Dedicatory, that he principally did intend that work, pro Sacrarum Traditionum Antiquitate, & Authoritate Romanae Ecclesiae. The like may I say of myself, though not with like imputation of Imposture. I promised a Description of all the World, and have according to the measure of my poor Abilities fully performed it: yet have I apprehended withal every modest occasion of enobling and extolling the So●●ers and Kings of England. Besides that I do not now speak of England as it now stands augmented with, by the happy Addition of Scotland, I had had it from an Author, whom in poverty of reading I conceived above all exception, viz. Cambden Clarencieux, that general and accomplished Scholar in the fifth part of his Remains, had so informed me. If there be error in it, 'tis not mine but my Authors. The Precedency which he there speaks of is in General Councils. And I do heartily wish it would please the Lord to give such a sudden Blessing to his Church, that I might live to see Mr. Cambden Confuted by so good an Argument as the sitting of a General Council.  
Thus Mr. Heylyn was the interpreter of his own words; and by these demonstrations of his integrity, King James' indignation was appeased, and his own fears were ended: Only he took care to have these offensive words blotted out of his Book, as the Dean of Winton advised him.  
In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France, where he visited more Cities, and made more Observations in the space of five weeks (for he stayed there no longer) than many others have done in so many years. The particulars of this Journey he put in Writing, and some years after gratified his Country with the Publication of it, together with some other very excellent Remarks made by him, when he attended upon the Earl of Danby to the Isles of Guernsey and jersey, Anno Dom. 1628. Had King james lived to have perused that Book, Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely Favour and Protection. For never was the Vanity and Levity of the Monsieurs, and the Deformity and Sluttishness of their Madams more ingeniously exposed both in Prose and Verse, than in the Account that he gives of his Voyage into France.  
On April 18. 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School, and the 24th. day following he answered pro Forma upon these two Questions, viz. 
An. Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis?  
An Ecclesia possit errare?  Both which he determined in the Negative: And in stating of the first, he fell upon a different way from that of Doctor Prideaux in his Lecture de Visibilitate Ecclesiae, 
Appendix to the Adu. on Mr. Sanderson's Histories.  and other Tractates of and about that time; in which the visibility of the Protestant Church (and consequently of the Renowned Church of England) was no otherwise proved, than by looking for it into the scattered Conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy, the Waldenses in France, the Wickliffs' in England, and the Hussites in Bohemia; which manner of proceeding not being liked by Mr. Heylyn, because it utterly discontinued that Succession in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, which the Church of England claims from the Apostles; he rather chose to look for a continual Visible Church in Asia, Aethiopia, Greece, Italy, yea and Rome itself; as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof: And for the proof whereof he showed, 1. That the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembered. 2. That the Wickliff's, together with the rest (before remembered) held many Heterodoxies in Religion, as different from the Established Doctrine of the Church of England, as any point that was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome. And 3. That the Learned Writers of that Church, and Bellarmin himself among them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some Fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Socinians, Anabaptists and Anti-Trinitarians, and other Heretics of these Ages, as any of the Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches; which point Mr. Heylyn closed with these words, viz. utinam quod ipse de Calvino, sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis. And this so much displeased the Doctor of the Chair, that so soon as our young Divine had ended his Determination, he fell most heavily upon him, calling him by the most odious names of Papicola, Bellarminianus, Pontificius, etc. bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients (unto whom he made the greatest part of his Addresses) of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them, if Bellarmin, whom he had laboured to decry for so many years, should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus. The like he did within a few days after (Tantaene animis coelestibus irae?) when the Respondent became prior Oppenent, loading him with so many Reproaches, that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was. And because this Report should not prepossess the minds of some great Persons, the Disputant went to London; and after the Lord Chamberlain had ordered him to Preach before the King's Household, Archbishop Laud, than Bishop of Bath and Wells, took notice of the passages that had happened at Oxford. But Mr. Heylyn told him the story at large, and for a farther testimony of his Judgement and Innocency, gave him a Copy of his Supposition; which, when it was perused, the Disputant waited on him, and his Lordship made him to sit down by him, and after enquiry made into the course of his Studies, told him, That his Supposition was strongly grounded, and not to be over thrown in a fair way of Scholastic Arguing, That he would not have him be discouraged by noise and clamour. That he himself had in his younger days maintained the same Positions in Disputation in St. john's College, for which he was much blamed by Archbishop Abbot, than Vicechancellor, and made a Byword and Reproach in the University. Finally he exhorted him to continue in that moderate course, telling him, That as God had given him more than ordinary Gifts, so he would pray to God that he might employ them in such a way and manner, as might make up the Breaches in the Walls of Christendom. The Discourse between them continued for the space of two hours, Amotis Arbitris. For he ordered his Servants that no one should come to him on any occasion before he called.  
But this was not all that was done then by our young Divine to secure himself from the Reproach of a Papist. For in November next following, he Preached before the King on those words, john 4. 20. Our Fathers worshipped on this Mountain. In which Sermon he declared himself with such warm zeal against some Errors and Corruptions in the Roman Church, that he showed himself to be far enough from any inclination to the Roman Religion, But his innocency in that matter will be made more apparent in some following passages of his Life.  
Unto one of the most principal parts of which the Reader is now invited, viz. his Marriage, which was so far from being Clandestine and Clancular (as it was objected to him in Print above thirty years after its solemnisation) that he ordered it to be performed upon St. Simon and judes' day, between ten and eleven of the Clock in the morning in his own College-Chappel, which by his appointment was set out with the richest Ornaments, in the presence of a sufficient number of Witnesses of both Sexes, according to Law and Practice. The Wedding-Dinner was kept in his own Chamber, some Doctors and their Wives, with five or six of the Society being invited to it. Mrs. Bride was placed at the head of the Table, the Town-Musick playing, and himself waiting most part of the Dinner, and no Formality wanting which was accustomably required (even to the very giving of Gloves) at the most solemn Wedding. These things are more particularly related, because some of his Enemies, having nothing else with which they could blast his Reputation, were pleased to accuse him of a Clandestine Marriage, and that he was obliged in Conscience to restore all the Emoluments that he had received from his Fellowship between that time and his Resignation. But what shall be given to thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue? It seems it must be injustice in Mr. Heylyn to receive his share of an half-years Dividend, which was usually allowed to persons in his circumstances, but it was no act of unrighteousness in other men to take bread out of the mouths of young Students, and send them to wander in solitary ways, being hungry and thirsty, and their souls ready to faint in them. The Ceremony was performed by his faithful and ingenuous friend Dr. Allibond; and the person that he made choice of for his Wife was Mrs. Laetitia Heygate, third Daughter of Thomas Heygate of Heys Esq one of his Majesty's Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex (who in his younger days, whilst his elder Brother was alive, had been Provost-Marshal-General of the Army under the Earl of Essex at the Action of Cales) and of Margery Skipwith his Wife, one of the Daughters of— Skipwith of— in the County of Leicester, a Family of good note and credit in those parts. Which said Thomas Heygate the Father was second Son of that Thomas Heygate, who was Field-Marshal-General of the English Forces before St. Quintin's, under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, Anno Dom. 1557. and of— Stonner his Wife, a Daughter of the ancient Family of the Stonners in Oxfordshire.  
These particulars are set down by our learned Doctor in his little Manuscript to this end, That Posterity might know from what Roots they sprang, and not engage in any thing unworthy their Extraction. 'Tis an inestimable blessing for any one to be well Born and Descended, but the present guilt and future account of that person will be increased who blemishes and stains his Family by unworthy and ill-done actions.  
Continuing this time, Mr. Heylyn had no very considerable subsistence for himself and his new Companion. For the Portion which he was to have by her (being a thousand pounds) was never paid, many irreparable losses and misfortunes happening to her eldest Brother, which he was not able to recover, though left by his Father in the possession of 800 l. per Annum. His Fellowship he resigned, and although he had the Advowson of Bradwel, a very good Living in Glocestershire, left him by his Father, together with a Rent-charge of Inheritance paid him out of the Manor of Lechlade, yet he was constrained for a while to wrestle with some necessities and frowns of Fortune. He parted with his Title to Bradwel, resolving to lay the foundation of his future Felicity in this world by his own honest industry, and not bury himself in the obscurity of a Rural Life. His noble Friend, the Earl of Danby, whom he attended in the quality of a Chaplain to the Isles of Guernsey and jersey (his own Chaplains modestly refusing a Voyage which they conceived to be troublesome and dangerous) was not a little troubled to see such extraordinary merits continue still discouraged and unrewarded; and therefore out of his generous Nature presented him to the great Judge and Maecenas of Learning, Archbishop Laud, than Bishop of London; who making a second and more narrow enquiry into his Temporal concerns, appointed him to meet him Court, which not long after was to remove to Woodstock. But his Lordship fell sick at Reading; and Mr. Heylyn met with some rude usages in the King's Chapel, which was talked of the more at Oxon, the interest he had at Court being universally known in that University. But it was not very many months after, that power was given him to revenge the Affront, being admitted Chaplain in Ordinary to the King, and into great Favour with the Grandees of that time. But a soul ennobled with the principles of Gratitude and Generosity is as averse to retaliate, as to do an injury. The first person therefore, unto whom he paid his thankful Acknowledgements for his honourable Preferment, was the Earl of Danby, who presently told him, That those thanks were not in the least due unto himself, but to the Lord Bishop of London, unto whose generous and active mind the whole of that Dignity was to be ascribed. Upon which hint he attended upon the Bishop; who after he had wished him happiness in his new Preferment, gave him some particular Instructions for his behaviour in it, which he carefully observed the whole time of his Attendance upon the Sacred Person of his gracious Master.  
Having thus gained the advantage of this rising ground, he found out an honest Art by which he might recommend himself to the Patronage of some noble mind; and that was to assert the History of St. George, Patron of the most noble Order of the Garter, A business (as he tells the King in his Epistle Dedicatory) of so intricate and involved a nature, that he had no Guide to follow, nor any Path to tread, but what he had made unto himself. Neither had that Task ever come to perfection, had not so able an hand undertaken it, whose industry and abilities were superior to every thing but themselves. Many enemies the Book met withal, when it came first to light. But 'tis more easy to load learned Authors with Railing and Reproaches, than to Encounter and Confute their Arguments.  
The Historian had the honour to be introduced by the Bishop of London into his Master's Bedchamber, unto whom he presented his Book, which his Majesty graciously accepted, and held some conference with the Author about the subject-matter contained in it. He also gave Copies of the History to all the Knights of the Order, that were then attending at Court, who all used him with respect suitable to his merits, except the Earl of E. who called him a begging Scholar; of which words he was afterward very much ashamed, when the incivility unbecoming a Nobleman and Courtier, came to the knowledge of those that were of hiw own Quality. Against this History Doctor Hackwel appeared in Print; of which the King was presently informed, and sending for Mr. Heylyn, commanded him to consider the Arguments of his Antagonist, and withal sent him to Windsor to search into the Records of the Order. This occasioned a second Edition of the History, wherein were answered all the Doctor's Arguments and Allegations, but no Reply made to his Invectives, which were too frequently interspersed in the Book of that learned Writer; of whom Mr. Heylyn heard no more till his very excellent Book about the Supposed Decay of Nature came out in a new Edition, wherein there was a Retractation made of those passages that related to St. George.  
Mr. Heylyn began now to conceive some hopes of not being any longer unkindly dealt withal by the hand of Fortune, having a Presentation given him by one Mr. Bridges to the Parsonage of Meysie-Hampton in the Diocese of Gloucester; unto the Bishop of which he made Application, but found him already pre-engaged to further the pretended Title of Corpus Christi College in Oxon. However his Lordship promised not to give Institution to any person, till the Title was cleared; advising Mr. Heylyn to leave his Presentation with him, and to enter a Caveat in his Court. But he who was false to God and his Mother-Church, could never be faithful to those engagements thich 〈◊〉 made to man; the one he deserted by turning Papist, being the only Bishop of the English Hierarchy, who renounced a Persecuted Church to embrace the Errors and Idolatries of the Roman Communion: And as for his promises to Mr. Heylyn, those he violated, giving one Mr. jackson who was presented by C.C.C. Institution so soon as ever he requested it. This engaged our young Married Divine in a tedious Suit at Law, which occasioned him great trouble, and that which he could not well at that time undergo, vast charge and expense; especially if we consider the bad success that attended it. For by reason of the absence of many of the jury, and the supply of Tales (who attended upon the Trial as Watermens wait for a Fare) together with the Tergiversation or rather Treachery of one of his Council, upon whose Wisdom and Integrity the Client most relied, the Cause went against him, though affirmed by all Standers-by, and by the Council himself the night immediately preceding the Trial, to be as fair and just an Action as ever was brought to Bar. But indignus es felictate, quem fortuitorum pudet. It was not the first time that a poor man was oppressed and a righteous Cause miscarried. And God ever rewards the quiet submission of his faithful Servants to his wise and unsearchable Providence with far more valuable Blessings, than those which he deprives or withholds from them. joseph had never met with those signal honours and dignities in Pharaohs Court, had not he been first sold by his Brethren for a Bondslave into Egypt.  
Neither was this the only disappointment he met with in his way to Preferment. For not long after, Preaching at Court in his second Attendance, his Majesty expressed a very high opinion of him to many noble Lords about him, and in a few months after gave him a Presentation to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Huntingdon. But this also miss of the desired effect, which his Majesty's Bounty and Mr. heylyn's necessities required. For the Bishop of Linclon, unto whom he made Application with his Presentation, would not allow the King to have any Title to the Living; so that the poor man was fain to return to London re infectâ. The Bishop was much offended as well as surprised that a young Divine should have so comprehensive a knowledge of the Law. For he made good the Kings Right upon the passages of the Conveyances of the other party. But the King soon understood the entertainment his Chaplain met with at Bugden, and sent him this gracious Message, That he was sorry he had p●t him to so much charge and trouble, but it should not be long before he would be out of his debt. And he soon performed his Royal promise; for within a week after, he bestowed on him a Prebendship of Westminster (void by the death of Dr. Darrel) to the extreme vexation of his Lordship, who was then Dean of the same Church. And that which added to the honour of this Preferment, was his not only being the same day initiated into the friendship of the Attorney-General, Mr. Noye, but the condescending Message that came along with the Royal Gift, viz. That he bestowed that Prebendship on him to bear the charges of his last journey, but he was still in his debt for the Living. When Moses was deserted by his Parents for fear of Pharaohs fury, God was pleased to provide him a Saviour and a Nurse; and he was taken out of the Bul-rushes, and fed and preserved in despite of all his enemies.  
Being possessed of this Preferment, he began the repairing and beautifying of his House, with many other things, so far as his narrow contracted Fortune would permit him. And the first honourable Visit that he received in his new Habitation, was from the learned Lord Falkland, who brought along with him one Captain Nelson, that pretended a new Invention, viz. The Discovery of the Longitude of the Sea. The Captain had imparted his design to many learned Mathematicians, who by no means could approve of, or subscribe to his Demonstrations. But the King referred him to Mr. Heylyn, who told that noble Lord, That his Majesty was mistaken in him; his skill and knowledge lying more in the Historical than Philosophical part of Geography▪ His Lordship seemed much offended with the answer, conceiving that out of a supercilious disdain of the old Captain, Mr. Heylyn declined the business. But he presently rectified his Lordship's misapprehensions, assuring his Honour that he would confer with some learned men about that Hypothesis, and by previous Study fit and prepare himself to discourse it with them, and in a short time give the King and his Lordship an account of what he did in the business. With this his Lordship went away satisfied, and commended to Mr. Heylyn he acquaintance of Mr. Oughtred, as he ablest person to be consulted in an affair of that nature. Some Letters also passed between his Lordship and Mr. Heylyn, in which his Lordship commended the honest old Captain to his Religious and Judicious care and consideration, telling him that in the credibility of that Phaenomenon, his Majesty's Resolution would be very much guided by his Judgement, which he found would be of special Authority with him: That he pressed the point the oftener to him, because he conceived it a duty which he owed to the Truth itself to have it made manifest one way or other; that is, either to be freed from the Captain's Imposition and Pretence, if upon trial it appeared to be fallacious; or else to be approved and declared for right and perfect (if such it be) to the perpetual silencing of all malicious impugners thereof, that the world may be deprived no longer of the participation and use of so public and common a Benefit.  
Mr. Heylyn being backward in nothing, wherein he might be really serviceable to any one part of Learning, went to Mr. Oughtred, with whom he had much discourse concerning the Captain's Hypothesis. Mr. Oughtred told his Visitant, that the Captain was very much mistaken in his Principle; which he made afterward appear unto the Captain at London, and gave this following account of it in a Letter to Mr. Heylyn.— I asked him the ground whereon he went, and tol● him the difficulties which other● found. His ground, he said, was by the Nodes of the Moon's Circle, because the Moon accompanies the Earth, having it the Centre of her Orb. The difficulties which others imagined was the finding out of the place of the Node or ☊ upon th● superficies of the Earth. His Principle I determine to omit till more le●sure (for I had but one whole day 〈◊〉 stay in London.) The difficulty of th● place of ☊ I saw factible at Sea, an● accordingly let him understand 〈◊〉▪ Now being at London, I desired conference with him, and thus I proceeded. You require for the discovery of the Longitude, the place of 〈◊〉 upon the earth. Well, imagine you were now at Sea in an unknown place, and what I gave you in degrees of Longitude, the distance of ☊ from that place where you are; what will you conclude? He was entering into I know not what by-demands of If this, or If that; but I held him to the Question in the Hypothesis, telling him he had what he required. At last he answered, Why methinks you have done it already yourself. You have the distance of ☊ in the degrees of Longitude of ☊ from an unknown place, and therefore the difference of the ☊ is also unknown, except to that place only. But we required the distance from the other known place which you promised to argue. At last he began to be sensible of his mistake, and I advised him to desist from such undertake; and being of so great an Age, to labour the Discovery of another Voyage, or rather only labour to attain to the blessed end thereof, being already opened to us by our Saviour. And this was the end of our Communication, and will be I suppose of that business also. I wonder how the Captain for these twelve years, wherein he hath mused upon this, and hath had conference with so many learned men, would receive no answer. But it seems they gave him too much liberty of digression; and he having a very ill expression of his of his confused Conceits, entangled himself more and more in perplexities.  
Thus this business ended; but before it was brought to this issue, there was an end put to the life of that learned Lord. However Mr. Heylyn continued his endeavours in the business, till the Captain was convinced of his mistake. Had the poor Captain lived unto these days, wherein Philosophy has met with such wonderful improvements, 'tis not unlikely but that he might have had the honour of giving the first hint of the truth of that Hypothesis. For I have been informed from a good hand, that Mr. Hooke the great pattern of modesty and industry, did not many years since in his Lectures at Gresham-College read upon this very subject; and divers of his Auditors as well as himself were of opinion, that he had really found out and demonstrated the Seas Longitude. And perhaps what is here inserted from Mr. Oughtred may invite him to oblige his Country with what he was written upon that Hypothesis.  
But to make our return unto the subject of these Papers; whose mind was intent rather upon useful than notional Learning; and therefore about this time he began with great diligence to read over the Statute-Laws of the Nation, and to compare them with the times and circumstances that occurred in Story: and this he did with the greatest care, to enable himself for the service of his Royal Master, who then had the Smallpox appearing on him, but soon recovered of that Distemper: and our young Divine to testify his joy, turned Poet, making a Copy of English Verses, which were presented by one of his Friends to his Majesty; and they were so well liked, that both their Majesties gave him the honour of their thanks.  
But the King found Improvement rather for the Judgement than Fancy of his Chaplain; and therefore jan. 27. 1632. s●nt for him to the Council-Table, where he received his Royal Commands to read over that Book of Mr. pryn's, called Histriomastix; and to collect thence all such passages, as were scandalous or dangerous to the King or State, and to reduce them into method. The Book was delivered to him, and a fortnight's time assigned him to perform the task imposed. But he had learned from the wisest of men, That diligence in business and a quick dispatch of it would qualify him for the service of Kings, and not mean persons. And therefore he performed what he undertook, and carried it to the Secretary of State in less than four days; for which he had his Majesty's thanks, as also new Commands to revise his Papers, and to write down such logical Inferences as might naturally arise from the Premises of Mr. Pryn. Which task was accordingly done by him, but either the Papers were lost, or at least pretended to be so. And he received a third Command to deliver his own Copy to the Attorney-General; and about this time, and upon this occasion wrote a small Tract touching the punishments due by Law, and in point of practice unto such Offenders as Mr. Pryn. And this was observable in the Trial of that person, that nothing was urged by the Counil to aggravate his Faults, but what was contained in the Collections made by Mr. Heylyn.  
For a reward of these and other Services, his Majesty bestowed on him the Parsonage of Houghton, in the Bishopric of Durham, now let for above 470 l. per ann. and made void by the preferment of Dr. Lendsel to the See of Peterborough; and ordered Mr. Secretary Windebank to take care for the Broad Seal; but within a few hours after intimated his Royal Pleasure to him by the Bishop of London, that it should be exchanged for some other Living nearer hand, and more for the convenience of his Chaplain, his Majesty conceiving that he might have frequent occasion to make use of his service, and therefore was unwilling that he should have any Preferment that was so far distant from his Court. Upon this Dr. Heylyn entered into a Treaty with Dr. Marshal for the Parsonage of Alreford in Hampshire; where the first thing he did after Instistution and Induction, was to order the daily Reading of Morning-Prayer, being a populous Market-Town, which gave very great content unto the people. And being Ordinary of the place, he removed the Communion-Table to the East end of the Chancel; the decency of which act, he not only justified by Reason, convincing the people how much it had been profaned by sitting on it, Scribbling and casting Hats on it in Sermon time, and at other times passing the Parish Accounts, and disputing businesses of like nature; and which was worst of all, by Dogs pissing against it, and sometimes snatching away the Bread that was provided for the use of the Blessed Sacrament, but by the place and posture which the Communion-Table and Altars had been situated in former times. And in a short time after, this act of his was justified and confirmed by what his Majesty determined in the case of St. Gregory's Church near St. Paul's, London.  
But before these things happened, he took his Degree of Bachelor in Divinity, viz. In july 1630. his Latin Sermon was upon those words, Mat. 4. 19 Faciam vos fieri piscatores hominum. Upon the Sunday following (being the time of the Act) ●e Preached in the Afternoon on Matth. 13. 25. In which Sermon he discovered the great Mystery of Iniquity that lay under the specious pretext of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations. And he was the first person that ever gave notice of the danger of it to the undeceiving of the people. What he said concerning it made a loud clamour throughout the whole Nation, and was one of the first things that exposed him to the implacable hatred and malice of a restless Faction. At first he looked upon the project with as great reverence and affection, as any that were deceived and abused by it; and could not but congratulate the felicity of those times, in giving birth to a design of such signal merit. But when he looked more narrowly into the mannagement and conduct of it, he apprehended it to be (as indeed it was) the most pernicious imposture that ever since the Reformation was imposed upon the people; and the most dangerous device to subvert the Church and undermine Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction. And having satisfied himself in the danger of it, he conceived it his bounden duty to give notice of it to other men; that being once discovered and set out in its proper Colours, it might be taken into deeper consideration, than had been to that time observed if it. The Sermon was Preached july 11. and the passage in it which concerned the Feoffees was in these words, Planting of Pensionary-Lecturers in so many places where it needs not, and upon days of common labour, will at last bring forth those fruits, that will appear to be a Tare indeed, though now no Wheat be accounted fairer. For what is that which is most aimed at in it, but to cry down the standing Clergy of this Kingdom, to undermine the Public Liturgy by Law Established, to foment Factions in the State, Schisms in the Church, and to have ready Sticklers in every place for the Advancement of some dangerous and deep Design? And now we are fallen upon this point, we will proceed a little farther in the proposal of some things to be considered. The Corporation of Feoffees for buying of Impropriations to the Church, doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat, a noble and gracious part of Piety? Is not this Templum Domini, Templum Domini? But blessed God that men should thus draw near to Thee with their mouths and be so far from Thee in their hearts! For what are those entrusted in the managing of this great Business? Are they not most of them the most active and best affected men in the whole cause, and Magna partium momenta, chief Patrons of this growing Faction? And what are those that they prefer? Are they not most of them such men as are and must be serviceable unto their dangerous Innovations? And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow than all the Bishops of the Kingdom? And so by consequence a greater number of Dependants to promote their Interest? yet all this while we sleep and slumber and fold our hands in sloth, and see perhaps, but dare not note it. High time it is assuredly you should be awaked and rouse up yourselves upon the apprehension of so near a danger. The noise and calumnies that were raised and fixed upon Mr. Heylyn after this Sermon, incited him to make a more narrow search into the matter, and to multiply as well as strengthen his former Arguments, which he delivered to his endeared Friend Mr. Noye, who undertook the suppression of the Feoffees in the King's name; and they were accordingly suppressed in a judicial way of proceeding in the Exchequer-Chamber, Feb. 13. 1633.  
In which year Mr. Heylyn commenced his Degree of Doctor in Divinity; an honour not usually in those days conferred upon men of such green years; but he verfied those excellent words of the Son of Syrach, 
Wisdom 4. 8, 9  That honourable Age is not that which stands in length of time, nor that which is measured by number of years, but Wisdom is the grey hair unto men, and an unspotted life is old age. He entertained some hopes that those prejudices and heats which for some years past he had fe●t at Oxon, had been cooled and allayed; and that the remembrance of them was quite buried by Dr. Prideaux, having so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 1633. to forget them. In his first Disputation he had insisted on the Church's Visibility; and now he resolved to assert and establish its Authority: and to that purpose made choice to answer upon these three Questions for his Degree of Doctor, 

An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem,  
In determinandis Fidei Controversiis?  
Interpretandi Scripturas?  
Decernendi Ritus & Ceremonias?   All which he held in the Affirmative, according to the plain and positive Doctrine of the Church of England in the 20th. Article, which thus runs in terminis, viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi Ius, & in Fidei Controversiis Authoritatem, etc. But the Regius Professor was as little pleased with these Questions, and the Respondents stating of them, as he was with the former: And therefore that he might the more effectually expose him, he openly declared how the Respondent had falsified the public Doctrine of the Church, and charged the Article with that Sentence, viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias, etc. which was not to be found in the whole Body of it; and for the proof thereof, he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus, Non licet Ecclesiae quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur, etc. To which the Respondent rea●i●y answered, That he perceived by the bigness of the Book which lay upon the Doctor's Cushion, that the Article he read was out of the Harmony of Confessions published at Ceneva, Anno Dom. 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edw. 6. Anno Dom. 1552. in which that Sentence was not found; but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation, Anno Dom. 1562. to which most of us had subscribed in our several places; but the Professor still insisting upon that point, and the Respondent perceiving the greatest part of his Auditory dissatisfied, he called to one Mr. Westly, who had formerly been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalen College, and desired him to fetch the Book of Articles from some Adjacent Booksellers; which being observed by the Professor, he declared himself very willing to decline any farther Debate about that business, and to go on directly in the Disputation; But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further, Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab istâ calumniâ, (as his own words were) till he had freed himself from that Imputation. And it was not long before the coming of the Book put an end to the Controversy; out of which he read the Article in English in his▪ verbis, The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of Faith, etc. which done, he delivered the Book to one of the Auditors who desired it of him, the Book passing from one hand to another till all were satisfied. And at this point of time it was, that the Bishop of Angolesme, Lord Almoner to the Queen, left the Schools, professing afterward, That he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning.  
It has been laid to Doctor Heylyn's charge, that at this time he was Hissed, because he excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church: But he never denied either to be parts of the Diffusive Body of the Church, but only to be parts of the Church Representative, which consists of the Bishops and Clergy in their several Councils. For neither King nor Parliament are Members of the Convocation, as he then proved and asserted. The Articles ascribe to the Church of England Represented in a National Council power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority of determining Controversies in Faith, as well as other Assemblies of that nature. And this neither deserved nor met with any Hiss. Perhaps a Hiss was then given, but it was when the Regius Professor went to prove, that not the Convocation, but the High Court of Parliament had power of ordering matters in the Church, in making Canons, ordaining Ceremonies, and determining Controversies in Religion. And he could find no other medium to make it good, but the Authority of Sir Edw. Coke in one of the Books of his Reports. An Argument unto which the Respondent returned no other Answer than Non credendum est cuique extra suam Artem; upon which immediately he gave place to the next Opponent, which put an end to the heats of that Disputation. But it did not so to the Regius Professors passion against Dr. Heylyn. For conceiving his Reputation somewhat lessened in the eye of the world, he gave an account in a paper of the whole transaction, that tended very much to the Doctor's disgrace, as well as his own Justification. But Dr. Heylyn well knew upon what bottom he stood, and therefore in his own Vindication caused the Professor to be brought before the Council-Table at Woodstock, where he was publicly rebuked for the misrepresentations that he had made of him. And upon the coming out of the King's Declaration concerning Lawful Sports, Dr. Heylyn took the pains to translate the Regius Professors Lecture upon the Sabbath into English, and putting a Preface before it, caused it to be Printed; A performance which did not only justify his Majesty's proceedings, but abated much of that opinion, which Dr. Prideaux had amongst the Puritanical Faction in those days.  
Pass we now from the University, the School of Learning and Study, to the Court, the Seat of Breeding and Business; where Dr. Potter (afterward Dean of Worcester) presented to the King a very learned Treatise, called Charity Mistaken; and for a reward of his great Abilities, had a Prebendship of Windsor designed for him, which was then likely to become vacant by the promotion of the Bishop of Gloucester to the See of Hereford. Many of Dr. Heylyn's Friends were very zealous with the King on his behalf, especially Dr. Neile then Archbishop of York. But his Lordship stuck faster to his Bishopric, than he did to his Principles, and so the business ended. But whilst it was in agitation, it occasioned this merry Epigram from our young Doctor, who was conceived by every one to have miss that Prebendship upon the supposed Vacancy; 
When Windsor- Prebend late disposed was,  
One asked me sadly how it came to pass,  
Potter was chose and Heylyn was forsaken?  
I answered, 'twas Charity Mistaken.  But the Doctor's Juvenile humour was presently converted iuto a far less pleasing passion. For Mr. Attorney-General Noye left this world for a better, very much to the sorrow, but much more to the loss of Dr. Heylyn. He kept his Whitsuntide in 1634. with the Doctor at Brentford, where he used all imaginable arguments and entreaties to dissuade him from going to Tunbridge-Waters the following Vacation, importuning him to accompany him to Alresford, where he would be certain to find a better Air, and a more careful Attendance. But we are very often wise to our own hurt, and stand in that light which would guide us to safety and felicity. But whatsoever damage our Doctor sustained by the loss of so invaluable a Friend, some persons else have gained well by it, having two large Manuscripts of Mr. Noys own hand-writing: The one contains the Collections he made of the Kings maintaining his Naval power accroding to the practice of his Royal Predecessors: The other about the Privileges and Jurisdictions of Ecclesiastical Courts. These two Books Doctor Heylyn had a sight of from Mr. Noye about two months before the death of that learned man. And it would be a generous act and highly conducive to the honour of Mr. Noy's memory, as well as the Kings and Church's interest, if such Treasures were communicated to the benefit of all his Majesty's Subjects, which are now only useful to some single persons.  
Neither was this all the trouble that Dr. Heylyn met with at this ●ime. For some enemies then living added to the sorrow and disturbance that he had for his departed Friend. The grievances which the Collegiate Church of Westminster suffered under the Government of john Lord Bishop of Lincoln, than Commendatory-Dean thereof, became so intolerable, that our Doctor was constrained for the common safety of that Foundation, to draw up certain Articles (no less than 36.) against his Lordship by way of charge; which he communicated to Dr. Thomas Wilson, Dr. Gabriel Moor, and Dr. Ludovicus Wemmys, Prebendaries of the said Church, who embarked themselves in the same bottom with him, and resolved to make complaint by way of Petition; which was drawn up and presented to the King by all four together in the Withdrawing-Chamber at Whitehal, March 31. 1634. And a Commission was issued out thereupon to the Archbishops of Centerbury and York, the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy-Seal, Earl of Portland Lord high Treasurer, the Lord Bishop of London, Lord Cottington, and the two Secretaries of State, viz. Sir john Coke and Sir Francis Windebank; authorising them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westminster to examine particular charges made against john Lord Bishop of Lincoln, and to redress such Grievances and Pressures as the Prebendaries of the said Church suffered by his Misgovernment. The Articles were returned to Dr. Heylyn to be put in Latin, and the Commission bore date April 20. But the whole thing lay dormant till December 1635. at which time the Bishop began again to rage in his Province of Westminster, dispossessing the Prebendaries of their Seats, neglecting to call the Chapter to pass accounts, conferring Orders in the said Church within the space of a month, permitting a Benefice in the gift of the said Church, and lying within his Diocese, to be lapsed unto himself; with many other Grievances which caused the forementioned Prebendaries to present a second Petition to his Majesty, Humbly beseeching him to take the ruinous and desperate estate of the said Church into his Princely consideration, as 'tis worded in the Petition itself.  
Upon which the former Commission was revived and delivered to the Lords whom it did concern; and a Citation fixed upon the Church-doors of Westminster accordingly. Upon january 25. they were warned by the Subdean to meet the Bishop in jerusalem-chamber, where amongst other matters his Lordship desired to know what those things were that were amiss, that so he might presently redress them. To whom Dr. Heylyn replied, That seeing they had put the business into his Majesty's hands, it would ill become them to take it out of his into their own▪ jan. 27. both parties met before the Lords in the Inner Star-Chamber, where the Commission was tendered and accepted, and the whole business put into a methodical course; each following Monday being appointed for the day of hearing, till the whole was concluded. Feb. 1. The Commissioners with the Plaintiffs and Defendant met in the Council-Chamber at Whitehal, where it was ordered that the Plaintiffs should be called by the name of Prebendaries-Supplicant. That they should be admitted upon Oath as Witnesses. That they should have a sight of all Registers, Records, Books of Accounts, etc. That the first business that they should proceed in should be that of the Seat, because that made the breach or difference more visible and offensive to the world, than those matters that were more private and domestic, and finally that the Prebendaries-Supplicant should have an Advocate, who should plead their Cause, defend their Rights, and represent their Grievances. And the person that they unanimously made choice of was Dr. Peter Heylyn.  
Feb. 8. the Dean put in his Plea about the Seat or great Pew under Richard the II. and the Advocate being appointed by the Prebendaries-Supplicant to speak in the defence of their common Interest, in the Seat now controverted, and of which the Bishop of Lincoln had most disgracefully dispossessed them, he made choice to represent to the Lord Commissioners, 1. Their Original Right. 2. Their Derivative Right, and lastly their Possessory Right.  
Their Original Right he proved from the Charter of their Foundation, from Queen Elizabeth their Foundress, who declared by Act of Parliament made in the first year of her Reign, the Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster fell into her hands, and that being seized thereof, and of all the Lands thereunto belonging, she did by her Letters Patents erect the said dissolved Abbey into a Collegiate Church, consisting of a Dean and twelve Prebendaries; and that the said Dean and Prebendaries should be both in re & nomine unum corpus corporatum, one only Body Politic; that they should have a perpetual Succession, a Common Seal; and that they should Call, Plead and be Impleaded by the name of the Dean and Chapter of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster.— So that by this Donation the Dean hath no propriety in the said Church (his own Stall excepted) but is joynt-Owner with the Prebendaries of the Site and Soil. Nor did the Queen bestow upon them the Church alone, but bestowed it jointly upon them, una cum omnibus antiquis privilegiis, libertatibus, ac liberis consuetudinibus; and those to be enjoined in as full a manner, as ever though Abbot and Convent did before enjoy the same. By which it appears, that all the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Church of Westminster is vested jointly in the Dean and Chapter, and not in the Dean alone. For as the Dean and Chapter are one Body, so they make one Ordinary; and as one Ordinary, have a common and joint Power to dispose of Seats.  
Their Derivative Right, he proved from their Original Right: For the Queen giving the Dean and Prebendaries with their Successors all Rights, Possessions, Privileges and Immunities, they need only to prove their Succession in the Church of St. Peter; and than whatever Right was in their Predecessors Original, must be on them derived.  
As for their Possessory Right, he desired their Lordship's pardon, if he should fail in the proof of it. For the Book of the Chapter-Acts was missing, which was very necessary in order to it. And although one offered to take his Oath, that the Bishop of Lincoln never saw it; yet the Oath was so desperate, that either the person who offered to take it had an hand in making away the Book, or else that he durst swear whatever the Bishop of Lincoln said or asserted. But being deprived of that Evidence, he proceeded to Testimony; where he did not make use of such Witnesses as were summoned by the Dean, viz. Col●ege-Servants and Tenants, who were obnoxious to him; but indifferent men, that were no way Friends to the Complainants, but only to the Truth; some of them Bishops, some Doctors in Divinity, all of them of unquestioned Credit, and such as spoke upon certain and affirmative knowledge.  
Finally, the Advocate (than whom never any Orator or Lawyer did better acquit himself) urged, that however things were in time past, yet the Bishop by his Non-Claim had pre-judged himself; and that the possession of the Prebendaries since his Lordship became Dean of Westminster was sufficient to create a Right, though they had never any right before. And this he made good by particular Cases and Decisions in the Civil, Canon, and Common Laws.  
First, for the Civil Law it was determined by the Laws of the twelve Tables, That a continued and quiet possession which any man had gained in a Personal Estate, for one year only, or for two years together in matters Real, which they call Immovable, should create a Right; (those times being thought sufficient for any man to put in his Claim.) And so it held in Rome many hundred years, till that upon some inconveniences which did thence arise, it pleased justinian to set out his Edict (which is still extant in the 7th. Book of his Code) and in that Edict to Decree, That a possession of three years in matters Personal should beget a Right: and as for Real Estates, it was determined that a possession of ten years inter praesentes, and twenty years inter absentes should conclude as much. And in almost all Nations Christened, the same Law has continued to this very time. So that if this be applied to my Lord of Lincoln, he is gone in Civil Law: For being resident here continually for fifteen years together, he never made his Claim to the Seat in question, and so has lost his Right, if ever he had any.  
Next for the Canon Law, it yields as many ruled Cases and Decisions, by which to regulate this point as the former. But the Advocate instanced only in one. The Church of Sutry in Tuscany being void, the Canons go to the Election of a Bishop, and make choice of one whom they desire to have confirmed. The Clergy of the Convents about the City interpose their Claim, and make it manifest, Eos Electionibus trium Episcoporum qui immediatè praefuerunt, etc. interfuisse, i. e. that they were present at the Election of the three last Bishops, and did give their Voices. The Pope thereupon determined, that seeing the Witnesses on the Canon's part did seem to differ among themselves, Et quod negativam quodammodo astruere satagebant, and that they went about to prove the Negative, viz. that the said Clerks had no Voices in the three last Elections, or were not present in the same: (which negative proof it seems was taken for a strange attempt.) And seeing on the other side, that it was manifest how the said Clerks were present at the three last Elections, and had their Voices in the same, the former Election was made void, and the said Clerks put into that possession which they had before. A Case (says Dr. Heylyn) that is very parallel to our present business, we claiming, that if not before, yet in the time of the three last Deans we had possession of this Seat, and therefore are to be restored unto that possession, out of which we had been cast by my Lord of Lincoln.  
Lastly, for the Common Law, however, there is nothing against which the Laws do provide more carefully, than the preventing or removing of a Force; nor any thing wherein they do proceed with more severity than in punishing of the same; yet by the Laws it is enacted, that they which keep their possessions by Force in any Lands or Tenements whereof they or their Ancestors, or they, whose Estate they have in such Lands or Tenements, have continued their Possession by the space of three years or more, be not endangered by any former Statutes against Force, Forcible Entries, and Forcible Detainers. So careful are the Laws to preserve Possession, that in most cases they do prefer it before Right; at least till Right be cleared and Judgement be pronounced in favour of it. And albeit in the Common Laws there is no ruled Case in the present business, as being merely of Ecclesiastical Cognizance and Jurisdiction, yet in the Common Law, there is one Case which comes very near it; and 'tis briefly this. If there be two joint-tenants, or Tenants in Common of certain Lands, and one of them doth expel or put forth the other out of Possession of the said Lands by force, he that is so expelled may either bring his Writ of Assize of Novel Disseisin, and so recover treble damages, or have his Action of Trespass of Forcible Entry against his Companion that did so expel him, and thereupon shall have a Writ of Restitution. This Case is very near ours, as before is said, the Dean and Prebendaries being joint-tenants, or Tenants in Common of the Seat in question, out of which we are expelled forcibly by my Lord of Lincoln, and now desire the benefit of the Law for our Restitution.  
But (says the Advocate) my Lord objects, that the Prebendaries are in subjection to him, that they swear Canonical Obedience to him, and therefore should not sit in the same Seat with him. But to both we answer with an Absque hoc, we are not in subjection to him; for we are made joynt-governors with him in every thing pertaining to the Church, and in the Statutes are entitled Primarii & principes viri, and are to be Assistants to him, and Associates with him in the common Government of the same. Nor do we swear Canonical Obedience to him, as is pretended. We only make Oath that we shall give him dignam debitamque Reverentiam, and that we swear to give to all Officers: So that if Digna Reverentia is ●o be construed Canonical Obedience, we owe Canonical Obedience to the Archdeacon, the Treasurer, the Subdean and Steward, as well as to the Bishop of Lincoln.  
Much more was spoken by Dr. Heylyn viuâ voce in this matter, which will be too tedious to be inserted in his Life. But when he had ended his Speech, the Lord Commissioners expected that the Bishop would have made a Reply: but after a long pause, he said no other words than these, If your Lordships will hear that young fellow prate, he will presently persuade you that I am no Dean of Westminster. But upon hearing the proofs of both sides, it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissioners, that the Prebendaries should be restored to their old Seat, and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls Eldest Sons, according to the ancient custom. After this, there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at Morning-Prayer in the Church, and seldom at Evening. Feb. 15. the Lord Commissioners went on in hearing the particulars of the second Petition, and so they proceeded from one Monday to another, till Monday April 4. and then adjourned till the 25th. of the same month: upon which day the business was again re-sumed, and the Bishop of Lincoln appeared not so well to the Lord Commissioners; except those of the Laity, who were apparently inclined to favour him; and therefore those of the Clergy thought it neither fit nor safe to proceed to Sentence; and upon that the Commission was put off sine die.  
The Advocate's Activity in this Affair procured him a great deal of enmity and ill-will both in Court and Country, as every man's Zeal will do, that will be true to his Principles, and faithful in his Station. For whoever does impartially administer, or peremptorily demand public Justice, will as certainly be exclaimed of, as a Patient will cry out of that Chirurgeon that Lances a gangrened or festered Wound. But Dr. Heylyn gained these two advantages by his zeal in this business, viz. That he justified the Privileges of the Prebendaries, out of whose Revenues the Bishop kept a plentiful Table; inviting to it the chiefest of the Nobility, Clergy and Gentry; the Prebendaries having no other advantages by his Hospitality, than to fill their bellies with the first Course, and then after the manner of great men's Chaplains, to rise up and wait till the coming in of the second: And the other was, that by his frequent and extempore Debates before the Lords Commissioners, he was at last brought to such an habit of speaking, that Preaching became more easy and familiar to him, than it had been in the first part of his life.  
I will not (as I before promised) mention all the Grievances that were complained of concerning that great person. One thing more it may not be amiss to insert in these Papers, and that is Dr. Heylyn's Refusal to sit in the Choir of Westminster, according to Academical Decrees. For the Bishop of Lincoln having taken a Resolution, that the twelve Prebendaries should sit in the Choir according to their Degrees in the University, our Doctor remonstrated against it, giving these Reasons for his Refusal.  
1. In the Charter of the Foundation of that Church, the Prebendaries are distinguished by Primus, Secundus, Tertius, etc. as now by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, etc. according unto which account, both in the Treasurer's Book, and in the Chanters, I am reckoned as the sixth Prebendary, and do preach accordingly, as Successor to Edmund Schambler, the Sextus Prebendarius here first established.  
2. In the same Charter of the Foundation, William Young being of no Degree is placed before Gabriel Coodman, Master of Arts, which makes it evident, there was no purpose that for the aftertimes, the Order of Academical Degrees should be observed in marshalling the Prebendaries places.  
3. The Statutes of the College give to the new succeeding Prebendaries the Stall and House belonging to their Predecessors in the same Prebend, according to these words thereof, Succed●nt Prebendarii praedecessoribus suis in eâdem praebenda tam in Stallo, loco & voce in Capitulo, quam in domo eidem Praebendae annexis. By which it is apparent, that the Stalls as well as Houses are annexed to the Prebendaries. But the Prebendaries by this Statute take not their places in the Chapterhouse by any such Seniority as is pretended; nor have two several Chapter-Acts been found of any force to sever the Houses from the Prebendaries, and therefore not their Stalls neither.  
4. His Majesty's Letters Patents, whereby I claim whatsoever I hold in Westminster, give me Praebendam illam quae vacat per mortem, G. Darrel (which was the sixth Prebend) cum omnibus juribus & praeheminenti●s, with all Rights and Pre-eminences thereunto belonging; and so by consequence the sixth Stall also, as the pre-eminenee appertaining to it.  
5. The Mandate in those Letters Patents is, that I be installed fully and absolutely in the same Prebend which was then vacant (In eandem Praebendam plenariè installari faciatis, as the Patent goes) which is not done at all, either plenariè or in eandem, if this order hold.  
6. The Mandate issuing out with the said Letters Patents, is, that I be Installed prout moris est, according to the ancient custom. But such a custom by sitting according to degrees of Schools was never yet known in Westminster, nor in any Church out of the University that I can hear of, and is not kept in many Colleges of the University, which I am sure of: therefore that clause reflects upon such a custom as hath formerly been used in Westminster, and hath both the Statute and the Charter for the ground thereof.  
7. Your Lordship did determine the last Chapter, that the way of sitting by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, etc. was most agreeable to Statute; and that if any man should take his place accordingly, he could not be hindered from so doing; to which determination there was then a full assent in Chapter, and divers of the Prebendaries have since sat accordingly.  
8. Whereas your Lordship took a Corporal Oath at your Admission into this Deanery to govern this Collegiate Church ex his Statutis, according to the tenor of these very Statutes which are now in use; and that the Prebendaries have all of them taken a several Oath faithfully to observe the same Statutes; and whereas the Statute is most plain, that the new Prebendaries are to have the Stalls of their Predecessors in the same Prebend, I cannot see how prossibly this new order can stand with the same Statute, and so by consequence with out Oaths, who have sworn to keep them.  
9 Upon this new order there will follow such confusion in the Church, that upon the coming in of a new Prebendary, the greatest part of the company will be still troubled to remove their Stalls higher or lower from one side to another, according as the New-comer is in Seniority; and so instead of order, we shall bring disorder into our Church.  
10. This new order is an Innovation never before known in this Church, and hath no ground in Statute or in Custom, which, as your Lordship noted, is optimus Insterpres Legis; but is quite contrary thereunto. Unto which Statute and his Majesty's Letters Patents I refer myself; humbly desiring that these just reasons of my refusal to yield to such an order, as neither stands with Statute, or with Custom, nor any other true ground of Reason, may find a favourable Interpretation and Admission.  
Whilst these hot contests continued, out came our Doctor's History of the Sabbath; the Argumentative or Scholastic part of which subject was referred to Bishop White of Ely; the Historical part to Dr. Heylyn, who had before that time given ample Testimony of his knowledge in the ancient Writers. The History is divided into two parts: The first whereof begins with the Foundation of the World, and carries on the story till the destruction of the Temple at jerusalem. The second begins with our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, and is drawn down to the year 1633. It was Written, Printed and Presented to the King (by whose Special Command he undertook it) in a less space of time than four months, and had a second Edition within three months after: and notwithstanding the polemical Debates upon that Argument, there was never any one yet that had the courage to return an Answer to that History. And whoever peruses it with serious and unprejudiced thoughts, will find that its Author principally designed to withdraw his Countrymen from a judaical Observation of the Lords day, i. e. from Dedicating the whole of that time to the services and offices of Religion; and refusing to engage in any business, which our own or our Neighbour's Conveniences or Necessities might exact from us. And when all that our voluminous Writers have said upon this Argument is summed up together, there are none of them but will subscribe to the truth of these two Propositions: 1. That worldly cares and bodily Recreations tend very much to discompose and rarify men● spirits, and to fill them full of froth and worldliness, of gaiety and wantonness; so that they cannot fix their thoughts upon Christian Duties with any serious or continued Attention. 2. That 'tis impossible for the minds of the generality of Christians, who are not used to Contemplation to be for a whole Lords day, or the greatest part of it, intent upon Religious Exercises. And besides, if all Refreshments and Recreations were absolutely unlawful upon that day. poor Servants and the laborious part of mankind would be highly prejudiced, for whose benefit the Sabbath was first instituted and appointed.  
No sooner had the Doctor perfected this History, but the Dean of Peterborough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincloln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham. He received it upon Good-Friday, and by Thursday night following discovered the Sophistry, Mistakes and Falsehoods of it; and yet did not for all that intermit any of the public Religious Exercises of the holy Feast of Easter. It was approved by the King; by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licenced and Published under the Title of A Coal from the Altar.— In less time than a● twelvemonth the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it, entitled, The Holy Table, Name and Thing: but pretended it was writ long before by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole, a Divine in the days of Queen Mary. Our Reverend Doctor received a Massage from his Majesty to return a Reply to it, and not in the least to spare the Author, April 1. 1637. And he obeyed the Royal Command, in the space of seven weeks, presenting it ready Printed to the King the 20th. of May following, and called it Antidotum Lincolniense. And although the Bishop's Book was (from the dissatisfaction of the times, the subject-matter of the Book itself, and the Religious esteem of the Author who was held in high Veneration) looked upon to be unanswerable, and sold for no less than 4 s. yet upon the coming out of the answer, it was brought to less than one. But before this, he answered Burtons' Seditious Sermon, being thereunto also appointed by the King; which Book although he dispatched in a fortnight, yet it was not published till june 26. 1637. being kept in readiness till the Execution of the Star-Chamber Sentence upon the Triumvirs; 
Pryn, Burto●, Bastwick.  that so people might be satisfied as well in the greatness of the Crimes, as the necessity and justice of the punishment inflicted upon those Offenders.  
In july, 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the King's Cause, being suspended à Beneficio & Officio, and sent to the Tower, where he continued three years, and did not in all that space of time hear either Sermon or Public Prayers. Not long after this, Dr. Heylyn was chosen Treasurer for the Church of Westminster, and continued in that Office all the while of the Bishop's Imprisonment and Suspension. And he made use of the power with which that place invested him to the best advantage of that Foundation. For first he regulated the Disorders of the jury by exacting the Sconces or Perdition-money, and dividing it amongst those that were most diligent and devout. Then he proceeded to repair the Timber-work of the great West Isle, which was ready to fall down; caused the new Arch over the Preaching-place to be new Valuted, and the Roof thereof to be raised to the same height with the rest of the Church; the Charge whereof amounted to 434 l. 18 s. 10 d. and lastly, made the Southside of the lower West-Isle to be new Timbered, Boarded and Leaded, being fallen into great decay. Thrice he assisted in the Election at Westminster-School, and every time had an opportunity of bringing in a Scholar into that Royal Foundation; for two of which he was never spoke unto: and for his kindness unto all three he never had the value of one pint of Wine, nor any thing of less moment.  
Whilst he continued Treasurer, the Parsonage of Islip became vacant by the Death of Dr. King, unto which he was presented by the Chapter. But he deferred receiving Institution by reason of its great distance from Alresford, being advised to exchange it for some other that was more near and convenient. After many offers, he at last exchanged with Mr. Atkinson of St. john's College in Oxon for South-Warnborough, which was eight miles distant from his other Living; and the perpetual Patronage of which Archbishop Laud had bestowed upon that forementioned Society. But that Gentleman enjoyed Islip but a few weeks; and those of his College conceiving themselves prejudiced by the change, our Doctor was so generous, as to obtain for one of the Fellows a second Presentation to Islip, for which he never received so much as the least civil Acknowledgement.  
But he had other things to afflict his spirit at that time, his whole Family being visited with a contagious Fever, and no person in it, except one Servant, but were all sick at one and the same time. The Doctor did as narrowly escape death, as St. Paul and his Companions did Shipwreck, when they went to Rome. The Fever had so seized upon his spirits, that after the abatement of its Paroxisms, he had many dull and sleepless nights: and returning upon him with greater violence a twelvemonth after, he was reduced to so extreme a weakness, that all his Friends together with himself supposed him fallen into a deep Consumption. And yet even at this time his mind was not idle or unactive. For now it was that he first meditated of a project of Writing a History of the Church of England since the Reformation. And no sooner had he recovered some measure and degrees of strength, but he prepared materials for it; and upon his return to London, obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cotton's Library, and by the recommendation of Archbishop Laud had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books, leaving 200 l. apiece as a pawn behind him.  
About this time it was, that the Commotions began to be hot in Scotland, and the Archbishop of Canterbury designing to put out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy, that he had recommended to that Kirk, desired our Doctor to translate it into Latin; that being published with the Apology, the world might be satisfied in his Majesty's Piety, as well as his Grace's care; as also that the rebellious and perverse temper of the Scots might be apparent unio all, who would raise such tumults upon the recommendation of a Book that was so venerable and Orthodoxy Our Reverend Doctor undertook and completed it; but the distemper and troubles of those times were the occasion that the Book went no farther than the hands of that learned Martyr.  
In Feb. 1639. Dr. Heylyn was put in Commission of the Peace for the County of Hampshire; into which he was no sooner admitted, but he occasioned the discovery of an horrid Murder, that had been committed many years before in that Country. April following he was elected Clerk of the Convocation for the College of Westminster. At which time the Archbishop of Canterbury sending a Canon to that Assembly for the Suppressing the further growth of Popery, and bringing Papists to Church, our Reverend Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the greater satisfaction of the people, as well as the protection of the Church, viz. That all persons entrusted with Care of Souls, should respectively use all possible Care and Diligence by open Conferences with the Parties, and by Censures of the Church in inferior Courts, as also by Complaints unto the Secular Powers, to reduce all such to the Church of England as were misled into Popish Superstition. This and much more was offered by Dr. Heylyn, as may be seen more at large in his Life of the Archbishop. 
Page 426.  And about the same time he drew up a Paper wherein he offered a mutual Conference by select Committees between the House of Commons and the Lower House of Convocation: And this he did that the Representatives of the Clergy might give satisfaction to the Commons in point of Ceremonies, and in other matters relating to the Church, if the motion was accepted; but if refused, that they might gain the advantage of Reputation among knowing and wise persons. But the unhappy Dissolution of the Parliament prevented all things of this nature: The news of which was so unwelcome and amazing to Dr. Heylyn, that being then busied at the Election for the School at Westminster, the Pen fel● out of his hand; and it was not without some difficulty before he could recollect his thoughts in the business about which he was engaged.  
The Convocation, according to usual custom, had expired the next day after the Parliament, had not our Reverend man gone to Lambeth, and there displayed to the Archbishop the King's necessities, and acquainted him with a precedent in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, for granting Subsidies or a Benevolence by Convocation to be taxed and levied without help of Parliament. Upon which proposal the Convocation was adjourned till Wednesday, May 13. on which day the Bishops met in full Convocation, and a Commission was sent down to the Lower-House, dated May 12, which enabled the Prelates and Clergy then Assembled to treat of, and conclude upon such Canons as they conceived necessary for the good of the Church. The greatest part of the Clergy very much scrupled this matter, conceiving the Convocation to end with the Parliament. But our Reverend Divine being well skilled in the Records of Convocations, showed the distinction between the Writ, 
Archbishop's Life, page 429.  for calling a Parliament, and that for assembling a Convocation; their different Forms, the independence of one upon the other, as also between the Writ, by which they were called to be a Convocation, to make Canons and do other business. He proved also, that although the Commission was expired with the Parliament, yet the Writ continued still in force; by which they were to remain a Convocation till they were Dissolved by another Writ. With this distinction he satisfied the greatest part of those who scrupled to sit after the Parliaments Dissolution. But the King proved the best Casuist in the case; who being acquainted with these scrupulosities, called the most learned in the Laws to consult about them; by whom it was determined, That the Convocation being called by the King's Writ, notwithstanding the Dissolution of the Parliament, was to be continued till it was Dissolved by the King's Writ, And this was subscribed by Finch, Lord Keeper, Littleton Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, Banks, Attorney-General, Whitfield, etc.  
It will be too tedious to insert into these Papers all the Debates that were in this learned Assembly; most of them are to be seen in the Life of the Archbishop. 
Page 430.  Suffice it to acquaint the Leader, that few or none of those propositions which either concerned the Institution, Power, or Privileges of Sovereign Kings, or related to the Episcopal Power, Doctrine, or Discipline of the English Church, but were either first proposed, or afterward drawn up by Dr. Heylyn, though he ou● of his great modesty and worth ascribes them to other persons. It was the Clerk of the Church of Westminster, who was placed on purpose by the Prolocutor to speak last in the Grand Committee for the Canon of Uniformity, and to answer all such Arguments as had been brought against any of the Points proposed, and were not answered to his hand. It was he who made a proposition for one uniform Book of Articles to be used by all Bishops and Arch-deacons in Visitations, to avoid the confusion that happened in most parts of the Church for want of it; those Articles of the Bishops many times everting those of the Arch-Deacons, one Bishop differing from another, the Successors from the Predecessors, and the same person not consistent to those Articles which himself had published; by means whereof the people were much disturbed; the Rules of the Church contemned for their multiplicity; unknown by reason of their uncertainty, and despised by reason of the inconstancy of those that made them. The motion backed by these Reasons did so well please the Prolocutor, with the rest of the Clergy, that they desired the Doctor in pursuit of his own project to undertake the Compiling of the said Book of Articles, and to present it to the House with all convenient speed. It was the same learned man who took into consideration the great Excesses and Abuses, which were crept in, and complained of Ecclesiastical Courts: the redress and Reformation of which Grievances, was brought within the compass of these seven Heads. 1. Concerning Chancellors Patents, and how long their virtue was to continue. 2. That Chancellors were not alone to censure the Clergy in sundry cases. 3. That Excommunication and Absolution were not to be pronounced but by a Priest. 4. Concerning Commutations and the way of disposing of them. 5. Concerning Concurrent jurisdictions. 6. Concerning Licences to Marry. 7. Against Vexatious Citations. Some other things were proposed and designed, but never put in execution; there being intended an English Pontifical, which was to contain the Form and Manner of the Coronation of King Charles I. and to serve as a standing Rule to succeeding Ages on the like occasions. Another Form to be observed by all Archbishops and Bishops for consecrating Churches, Churchyards and Chapels. And a third for reconciling such Penitents as either had done open Penance, or had revolted from the Faith of Christ to the Law of Mahomet. Which three, together with the Form of Confirmation, and that of ordering Bishops, Priests and Deacons, (which were then in force) were to make up the whole Body of the Book intended. But the troubles of the times increasing, it was thought expedient to defer the prosecution of it till a fitter conjuncture. And yet notwithstanding all the storms that were then rising, this excellent person went through the Book of Articles; the compiling of which gave no obstruction to him from attending the service of the Committee upon all occasions. And for the better Authorising of the Articles, he placed before every one of them in the Margin, the Canon, Rubric, Law, Injunction, or other Authentic Evidence upon which they were grounded: Which being finished, were by him openly read in the House, and by the House approved and passed without any alteration; only that exegatical or explanatory clause in the fourth Article of the fourth Chapter touching the reading of the Communion-Service at the Lords Table, was desired by some to be omitted, which was done accordingly. Finally, it was Dr. Heylyn who proposed a Canon for enjoining the said Book to be only used in Parochial Visitations, for the better settling of Uniformity in the outward Government and Administration of the Church, and for preventing of such just Grievances as might be laid upon the Churchwardens and other sworn men by any impertinent, inconvenient, or illegal Inquiries in the Articles for Ecclesiastical Visitations.  
Neither were these the only Fruits of his labours and travels in this business; there being six Subsidies granted to the King; and the Bishops and Clergy in Convocation upon the 20th. of May received his Majesty's Letters, Sealed with his Royal Signet, and attested by his Sign Manual, which required and authorized them to proceed in making Synodical Constitutions for levying of those Subsidies which had been before granted. And this was easily done, there being nothing to be altered but the changing of the name of Subsidy into that of Benevolence. Friday, May 29. the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy, no one dissenting except the Bishop of Gloucester (who died in the Communion of the Roman Church, and was all that part of his life in which he revolted from the Church of England, a dear Favourite and Servant of Oliver Cromwell, unto whom he dedicated some of his Books) for which he was voted worthy of Suspension by the Convocation, and was accordingly Suspended by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Which being done, the Convocation was dissolved.  
Proceed we now from the Active to the more Passive part of Dr. Heyly's life. For the Long Parliament, the Churches as well as the King's Scourge, began to sit at Westminster, and a general Rumour was spread both in City and Country, that our Doctor being conscious to himself of many Crimes, durst not stand the brunt of their displeasure, and therefore had made use of his heels as his best weapons of defence; being run away out of a fear and foresight of an approaching storm. When these rumours were raised, he was at his Parsonage of Alresford, from whence he hastened with all convenient speed, confuting the Calumny, by showing himself the very next day after his coming to London in his Gown and Tippet in Westminster-Hall. And upon a Vote passed in the House of Lords, that no Bishop should be of the Committee for the Preparatory Examinations in the Cause of the Earl of Strafford, under colour that they were excluded from acting in it by some ancient Canons, as in cause of Blood, our learned Divine did thereupon draw up a brief Discourse, entitled, De jure Paritatis Episcoporum (now inserted in the reprinted Volume of his Works) which he presented unto many of the Bishops to assert all their Rights of Peerage (and this of being of that Committee among the rest) which either by Law or ancient custom did belong unto them.  
The Parliament began their Session Novemb. 3. 1640. and upon the 9th. of December following, upon the Complaint of Mr. Pryn, our Doctor was called before the Committee of the Courts of Justice; who accosted him with that fierce fury, that no one could have withstood the Torrent, but one whose Soul was fortified with Innocence equal to his Courage. The Crime objected against him, was, that he had been a subservient Instrument under the Archbishop of Canterbury all the sufferings of Mr. Pryn, having read the Histriomastix, out of which he had furnished the Lords of the Council and many other persons with matter to proceed against its Author. But our Doctor made a bold and just Defence for himself, telling his Accusers, That the Task was imposed upon him by Royal Authority, which he would readily prove, if they would have so much patience as to allow him time for that purpose. Great hopes they had to squeeze something out of him concerning his being engaged in it by the Archbishop: but he was too wary to be ensnared by any of their Artifices, and being faithful to his Friend and Patron, was kept four days under Examination, suffering for the two first the brutish Rage of the People, more perhaps than St. Paul did at Ephesus; for that blessed man did not adventure himself amongst those Savages. But our poor Doctor was tossed up and down by the fury of an ungoverned multitude, and railed at as he passed through them by their lewd and ungoverned tongues. But God who sets bounds to the Waves of the proud Ocean, rebuked their rage, and rescued him from their malice.  
But alas! what civility can be expected from the illbred Rabble unto Clergymen, when they themselves like the Eagle in the Greek Apologue wound one another with Arrows feathered with their own Plumes. For four days after he had received order to appear before the Committee, he preached his turn in the Abbey at Westminster, and in the midst of his Sermon was insufferably affronted by the Bishop of Lincoln, who knocking the Pulpit with his Staff, cried out aloud, No more of that Point, No more of that Point, Peter. This happened to the poor man in very ill circumstances, for it occasioned new clamours, and animated his enemies to proceed on with greater violence against him. But notwithstanding all their united malice, he held out bravely, sending the whole passage of his Sermon as he designed to Preach it both to his Friends at Court, and Enemies in Parliament: and taking Sir Robert Filmore, with some other Gentlemen that were his Auditors, out of the Church along with him to his House, where he immediately sealed up his Sermon-Notes in their presence, they setting their Seals to them, that so there might not be the least Alteration in the Sermon, nor any ground to suspect it. Nay he made choice of one Mr. White, the fiercest man in the Committee, to be judge of the affront offered to him, desiring him in his Letter, That he would recommend him to the House of Commons, that they might so far take him into their protection, as might consist with the Honour and Justice of their House; otherwise he would rather choose to put himself upon their Censure for a Contempt in not appearing, than be again exposed to the fury of an outrageous people, whose malice is most merciless because most groundless: That after he was dismissed from the Committee, he was set upon by the rude and uncivil Multitude with thrustings, justling, spurning, and worse than that, with such opprobrious and reviling language, that as he never endured the like before, so he was confident it would add much to the esteem and reputation of that honourable House, if neither he nor any other honest man do endure it more. And lastly, whereas he was intertupted in his Sermon by the Bishop of Lincoln, and thereupon might justly think that there was some strange matter like to follow, which might enforce him to such an unusual course, therefore he entreated him to accept of the whole passage, as it should have been spoken verbatim out of the original Copy.  
And the whole passage I shall here transcribe, as being that which may at least gratify the curiosity, if not inform the judgement of the Reader. Such also should the correspondence and affections be between the Members and particular Assemblies of the Church Militant▪ all which, though many and of different natures, make but one Body in the whole; and therefore to be so affected each to other as the bodily members. Now God hath so disposed the members in the body natural, that they should have the same care of one another; and though they be of several qualities, yet do endeavour the subsistence of the whole composition, that so there may be no Schism nor dangerous division in the body of man. An excellent Item unto us, to teach us our behaviour to our Fellow-members in the Church of Christ; that we aim all of us at God's glory, and the Church's peace, raising no Schism, nor making any Division in this blessed body. But we alas! neglect this Item, and harken not to those instructions of peace and unity which every member of the Body doth even preach unto us. Men of dull spirits in the Lord, who will not give an ear to his word and works, when now the very flesh is become a preacher to them. How comes it else to pass, that in the very Church of Christ there be almost as many Schisms as Nations; such differences not alone in points of Doctrine, but also in the Forms of our Devotions? The Christian Church divided into the Eastern and Western: the Western into Popish and Protestant: the Protestant into the Lutheran and Zuinglian: the Zuinglian into Calvinist and Remonstant. Not to say any thing of any other Sects, or Subdivisions into the same Sects, more dangerous though not so notable. And how comes this to pass, but that forgetting that we make together one Body only, we would have every member be a several Body, and thereby make our Saviour Christ more monstrous than the Giant Geryon, and not to have three Bodies only, but three hundred thousand.  
That so it is, who knows not that knows any thing? But why it should be so we must ask ourselves. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions, that we condemn whoever shall opine the contrary? And so far wedded to our own wills, that when we have espoused a Quarrel, neither the Love of God, nor the God of Love shall divorce us from it? Instead of harkening to the voice of the Church, every man hearkens to himself, and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices. Upon which stubborn height of pride, what quarrels have been raised! What Schisms in every corner of this our Church! (to inquire no further) some rather putting all into open tumult, than that they would conform to a lawful Government derived from Christ and his Apostles to these very times. 
* At these words the Bishop knocked with his Staff on the Pulpit.  Others combining into close and dangerous Factions, because some points of Speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained than they would have them. All so regardless of the common peace, that rather than be quiet, we will quarrel with our Blessed Peacemaker for seeking to compose the differences, though to the prejudice of neither party. Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour, and rend his Sacred Body on the least occasion; vainly conceiving that a difference in point of Judgement must needs draw after it a dis-jointing of the affection also, and that conclude at last in an open Schism. Whereas diversity of Opinions if wisely managed, would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth, than the disturbance of the Church; and rather whet our Industry than excite our Passions. It was S. Cyprian's Resolution, Neminem, licet aliter senserit, à communione amovere; not to suspend any from the Church's Communion; although the matter then debated was (as I take it) of more weight than any of the points now controverted. Which moderation, if the present age had attained unto, we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces, nor by our frequent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviour's Body, which was not offered to his Garments by those that Crucified him.  
These were the feuds that passed between these two Clergymen; and 'tis worthy of remark, that although both of them were at so wide a distance in the prosperous condition of the Church, yet there was a closure made when the heavy storm fell upon it. For a motion being offered by Dr. Newel, but coming originally from the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Heylyn, with the privity and consent of the Archbishop paid the respects of a Visit to his Lordship at his Lodging in Westminster, where he met rather▪ with a ceremonious than a kind Reception. A short Recapitulation there was made of some past differences between them, and a proposal for atonement of all faults, viz. the calling in of the Antidotum Lincolniense, and that too by the King's command. Unto which our Doctor answered, That it was Writ and Published by the King's Command, and therefore it was improbable that he would call it in; however he would try all possible ways to give his Lordship satisfaction; and then presented to him his Papers about the Peerage of Bishops, which he then read over and approved. After this there was no more meeting between them, till about a year following the Doctor gave his Lordship a Visit in the Tower, which he received so kindly, that for ever after a fair correspondence passed interchangeably between them.  
And the passage in the Sermon had as kindly an effect upon the Committee, as his Visit had upon the Bishop. For he found those fierce Gentlemen, after the perusal of his Notes, much more favourable and respective than before. They demanded a Copy of the Charge which he drew up against Mr. Pryn, which being delivered, Mr. Pryn accused him of Libelling and Preaching against him; for proof of which he produced in Court some of the Doctor's Books, urging many passages out of them; but all concluded nothing. That which was at last most insisted on was a Sermon Preached some years before Mr. Pryn's Censure in the Star-Chamber before his Majesty. but the sense of his past dangers before the Committee was in some measure recompensed by this days mirth and jollity. For Mr. Pryn resolving effectually to damnify the Doctor, produced a company of Butchers to bring in Evidence against him about a Sermon formerly Preached by him. And after the Testimony of these great Critics had been managed to the best advantage of Raillery and Mirth, the Criminal was favourably dismissed and never more called before them. 'Tis true, many attempts were made to create him new Disturbances, some being employed to make a severe inquisition into his Life and Manners, which they found too spotless for their spleen and malice. Others engaged his Neighbours at Alresford to draw up Articles against him; which was accordingly done by two of them, and few others of the most inconsiderable Inhabitants; who were prevailed on to make their Marks (for Write they could not) by telling them it was a business, in which the Town were very much concerned. But when the Articles were produced before the Committee, they appeared so foolish and frivolous, as not to be deemed worthy of consideration, and upon that were returned to be amended upon a Melius Inquirendum: and this being done in a more correct and enlarged Edition, they were again returned to the Committee, and a set day was appointed for a Hearing: And that being come, the Complaint was put off sine die, and a Copy of the Articles delivered to the person accused, together with those newly put in against him by Mr. Pryn, collected out of his Printed Books. But the poor Doctor being quite tired with Business and Attendance, obtained leave of the Chairman to retire into the Country, who freely promised to send a private Messenger to him, if there were any occasion for his return. Upon which he removed his Study to Alresford, setting his House for no more than 3 l. a year, with a purpose never more to come back to Westminster, whilst those two incomparable Friends remained in it, viz. the House of Commons, and Bishop of Lincoln. At his coming to Alresford the people were amazed to see him, having been persuaded that they should never more fix eye on him, unless they took a journey to a Goal or a Gallows.  
About this time it was that Doctor Hacwel taking advantage of the innumerable troubles and enemies of this learned man, published a book against him concerning the Sacrifice of the Eucharist. It was not without some difficulty that he obtained one of them to be sent to him in the Country, where he wrote a speedy Answer to it. But Dr. Hackwel's Friends thought fit to call in the Book, so soon as it first came into light, and then our Doctor was easily persuaded to suppress his Answer, diverting his Studies to more pleasing and no less necessary subjects, viz. The History of Episcopacy, and the History of Liturgies. The first was Printed presently after it was written, and Presented to the King by Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and Published under the name of Theophilus Churchman; but the other, although sent to London, and received by the Bookseller, was not Printed till some years after.  
For now there was more employment found out for the Sword than the Pen, the noise of Bellona and Mars silencing the Laws of God and Men; and Christians conceiving it their duty rath●r to spill the Blood of their Countrymen for Religion, than to part with one drop out of their own veins, and to plunder the Goods of their Neighbours than to endure the spoiling of their own. Sir Will. Waller sent eighty of his Soldiers to be quartered at the Doctor's house, with full Commission to strip him naked of all he had: But his fair and affable carriage towards them did so mollify the Austerity of their natures, that they quite dismissed all thoughts of violence and revenge: So were Esau's bloody resolutions quite converted into kindness and respect by the humble deportment as well as noble presents that were made to him by his Brother jacob. But notwithstanding the Diversion of this storm, the Reverend man was early the next morning brought before Sir William by his Provost-Marshal; by whom he was told that he had received Commands from the Parliament to seize upon him, and send him Prisoner unto Portsmouth. The Doctor had the like privilege with St. Paul, being permitted to plead for himself, and by his powerful reasoning did so far prevail upon the General, as to be dismissed back to his house in safety. But prudently foreseeing that this would only be a Reprieve till a further mischief, within a few days he left Hampshire and went to Oxon; where he no sooner arrived, but he received his Majesty's Commands by the Clerk of his Closet to address himself to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, from whom he was to take directions for some special and important Service; which was at last signified to Dr. Heylyn under the Kings own hand, viz. to write the Weekly Occurrences which befell his Majesty's Government and Armies in the unnatural War that was raised against him. The Reverend Man was hugely unwilling to undertake the employment, conceiving it not only somewhat disagreeable to the Dignity and Profession that he had in the Church, and directly thwarting his former Studies and Contemplations; but that by a faithful discharge of his Duty in that Service, he should expose both his Family and himself to the implacable malice of those persons, whose very mercies were Cruelty and Blood. But no Arguments or Intercessions could prevail to have him excused from that Employment, at least for some time, till he had made it facile by his own diligence and example. Neither were dangers or difficulties of any moment with him, when the Service of his Prince and Master required his Labours and Assistance. 
Tacit. in Vit. lul. Agr.  Discere à peritis, sequi optimos, nihil appetere ob jactationem, nihil ob formidinem recusare, simulque anxius & intentus agere, is a Character as truly applicable to Dr. Heylyn, as to the brave Roman of whom it was first written. For he desired no employment out of vainglory, and refused none out of fear, but equally was careful and intent in whatever he undertook; and at that time too, when he was denied the poor Deanery of Chichester, for which his Majesty was earnestly importuned in his behalf by Mr. Secretary Nicholas. The Weekly Occurrences that were wrote by him, he called by the name of Mercurius Anglicus; which name continued as long as the Cause did for which it was written. And besides these weekly Tasks, being influenced by the same Royal Commands, he writ divers other Treatises, before he could obtain his Quietus est from that ungrateful Employment, viz. 1. A Relation of the Lord Hopton' s Victory at Bodwin. 2. A View of the Proceedings in the West for Pacification. 3. A Letter to a Gentleman in Leicestershire about the Treaty. 4. A Relation of the Queens Return from Holland, and the seizing of Newark. 5. A Relation of the Proceedings of Sir John Gell. 6. The Black Cross, showing that the Londoners were the cause of the present Rebellion, with some others that were never Printed.  
These zealous services produced the very same effect, that he foresaw when he first undertook them. For in the space of six months, he was voted a Delinquent in the House of Commons; this being given for a reason, viz. that he resided and lived at Oxon. Upon which, an Order was sent to the Committee at Portsmouth to Sequester his whole Estate and seize upon all his Goods. And Reading being taken by the Earl of Essex, a free and easy passage was opened for the Execution of those unrighteous Decrees. For in a short space after, his Corn, Cattle and Money were taken by one Captain Watts, and all his Books carried to Portsmouth. Colonel Norton's hand being set to the Warrant of his Sequestration, he twice Petitioned to have some Reparation out of his Estate; but was denied the first time, and put off in a more Courtly manner the last. Before he left Alresford, he took care to hide some of his choicest and most costly Goods, designing the first opportunity to have them conveyed to Oxon. But either by ill luck, or the treachery and baseness of some of his Neighbours, the Cart with all the Goods were taken by part of Nortons' Horse, and carried to Portsmouth; himself also violently pursued, and by Divine Providence delivered from the snare of those Fowlers, who thirsted after his Blood and lay in wait for his Life. The Cart with all contained in it was carried to Southampton, and delivered unto Norton (Saintship then being the ground of Propriety, as it afterward was of Sovereignty.) A loss great in itself, but much more so to a poor Divine; and chiefly to be ascribed to a Colonel in the King's Army, who denied to send a Convoy of Horse for the guarding of his Goods, although the Marquis of Newcastle gave Order for it. And these Oppressions which he suffered from his Enemies were increased by as unjust proceedings of those who ought to have been his Friends. For part of the Royal Army defaced his Parsonage-House at Alresford, making it unhabitable and taking up all the Tithes; for which he never had the least satisfaction, unless it was the Manumission of himself from the troublesome Employment under Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and at his going off, at the request of that worthy Gentleman, he writ a little Book called The Rebel's Catechism.  
Being thus dismissed from business so disagreeable to his Genius, he found leisure to employ his Contemplative thoughts about subjects more weighty and serious. And having obeyed the Commands of his Superiors, he endeavoured to satisfy the doubts of his Friends; and particularly of one whose thoughts were confusedly perplexed about our Reformation. And to do this, he drew up a Discourse in answer to that common but groundless Calumny of the Papists, who brand the Religion of our Church with the nickname of that which is Parliamentary. But our Reverend Doctor Demonstrates in that Book how little, or indeed nothing the Parliament acted in the Reformation. For some years indeed that are past, there have been Parliaments that have had a Committee for Religion, which is to have an Apostolical care of all the Churches. And our Reverend Doctor observes that this custom was first introduced into the House of Commons, when the Divinity-School in Oxon was made the Seat of their Debates. For the Speaker being placed in or near the Chair in which the King's Professor of Divinity did usually read his public Lectures and moderate in 
Observations on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 34.  all public Disputations, they were put into a conceit, that the determining in all Points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them. As Vibius Rufus having married Tully's Widow, and bought Caesar's Chair, conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one, and the Power of the other. For, after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion, and no Committee for Religion but what did ●h●nk itself sufficiently instructed to manage▪ the greatest Controversies in Divinity which were brought before them: And with what success to the Religion here by Law Established, we have seen too clearly. — Tractent fabrilia fabri. Let things of a spiritual nature in the name of God be debated and determined by Spiritual persons. Doctrinal matters are proper for the cognizance of a Convocation▪ not of a Committee; which does often consist of wise men, but the common Title given to 
* Committee of Affectio●s.  some of them, does at least prove that those wise men are not always either the best Christians or greatest Clerks.  
Neither were these things the only Subjects of the vast mind and contemplative ● thoughts of this great man. For toward the latter end of this year (being 1644.) he Presented to his Majesty a Paper containing the Heads of a Discourse writ by him, called, The Stumbling-block of Disobedience removed— in answer to and examination of the two last Sections in Mr. calvin's Institutions, against Sovereign Monarchy. The Lord Hatton, the Bishop of Sarum, Sir Orlando Bridgman, and Dr. Steward perused the whole Treatise, and the King approving of the Contents, commanded the Lord Digby further to consider the Book, in whose hands it did for a long time rest; neither was it made public till about ten years after the War was ended.  
In the beginning of the year 1645. he left Oxon, and went into Hampshire, settling himself and Family at Winchester; Alresford with all the rest of his Preferments being taken from him, and having nothing to subsist upon besides his own Temporal Estate. And yet even now the exuberancy of an honest zeal (that I may use his own words though upon another occasion) carried him rather to the maintenance of his brethren's and the Church's Cause, than to the preservation of his own peace and particular contentments. And therefore considering unto what a deplorable condition the poor Loyal Clergy were reduced, how they were hungry and thirsty, and their souls ready to faint in them; as also how the Parliament were about to establish those Presbyterian Ministers for term of life in those Livings, out of which himself and many others were ejected, he drew up some Considerations, and presented them to some Members of the House of Commons, to see whether he could move them to any Christian Charity and Compassion. And they are so clear and convincing, that they would have prevailed upon any, but those that were made up all of Guts, but no Bowels. They are these that follow.  
1. The Clergy which were sequastrated in the time of the Long Parliament, were charged for the most part with no other Crime, than their adhaesion to the late King in the long course of his Troubles; which many of them did in gratitude for Preferments received; others in relation to their services and personal Duties; and all as I conceive out of conscience of that Loyalty and Allegiance, in which by their several Oaths and Subscriptions they were bound to him.  
2. Sequestration is in Law no other than a suspension à Beneficio, depriving a man only of the profits, not of the rights of his Incumbency; nor leaving him in an incapacity in returning to those profits again, upon the taking off of the Sequestration, or Suspension, which in the intendment of the Law is reckoned only for a temporary, no perpetual punishment.  
3. The persons put into those Benefices have been ever since looked upon but as Curates, not as Proprietaries of those Livings; and in the wisdom of the Parliament were considered but as Tenants at will, or quamdiu benè se gesserint at the best: the power of presenting to those Livings upon the death or deprivation of the right Incumbent, being left wholly to the Patron, as by Law it ought; which kept those Ministers (for the most part Presbyterian) in a continual obnoxiousness to the Commands and Will of that Parliament, to which they were very useful on all occasions.  
4. The Bill now brought into the House for settling those new Ministers for term of life, hath many things which seem worthy of consideration, as carrying in it many disadvantages to parties interessed therein, and something prejudicial to the public peace: For,  
1. It deprives the right Patron of his lawful power of nominating to those Livings, descended to him from his Ancestors, or purchased by his money; and consequently settled on him in as strong a way, as the established Laws of the Land could confirm the same.  
2. It destroys many a learned, peaceable and Religious man without hope of remedy; but serves withal for a great justification of their Innocence, when for want of Crime to proceed upon, and legality in their conviction, the power of the legislative Sword is fain to be made use of to effect the business.  
3. It subverts those ends for which those men were first put into their Livings; who being settled in the same for term of life by Act of Parliament, and following the impetuosity of their own spirits, will be apt when time and opportunity serves, to let fly all their fury at the present Government, as they did formerly at the other in the late King's Reign. And though it be conceived by some, that the Ordinance for ejecting scandalous Ministers will be curb sufficient to hold them in, yet I find no such thing as turbulent and factious Preachings to be specified amongst the scandals which are therein enumerated.  
5. Whereas it is intended that the Minister thus deprived shall have a Fifth part of the Profits of the Living, if he be not otherwise provided of some temporal means sufficient to maintain himself and Family, I conceive with all submission to better Judgements, that the said limitation will be occasion of much trouble to the men deprived, if it doth not quite overthrow the benefit intended to them; that being a sufficient means for one man which is not for another, with reference to their Degrees, Families and ways of Living: whereas to these new-comers-in the profits of the Living will be always certainly sufficient with an overplus, if we measure by that Standard wherewith they make others; it being no unusual thing in some of that Party to tell the sequestered Clergy, when they sued for their Fifths, That it was sufficient for them to be suffered to live. And then assuredly — Populo satis est Fluviusque Ceresque. It will be accounted a high degree of sufficiency (if not of superfluity rather) that they have wherewithal to buy themselves a morsel of Bread and a cup of cold Water.  
And accordingly as this Reverend Person foretold, so it came to pass. For when the Presbyterian Intruders were settled in the Benefices of the Sequestered Clergy for term of life, although the Commissioners for Rejecting of Scandalous Ministers had power to grant a Fifth part, together with the Arrears thereof to the Ejected Clergy, yet the Bill was clogged with two such circumstances, as made it unuseful to some and but a little beneficial to the rest. For first it was ordered that no man should receive any benefit by the Bill, who had either 30 l. per ann. in Real, or 500 l. in Personal Estate: By means whereof many who had formerly 500 l. yearly to maintain their Families, were tied up to so poor a pittance, as would hardly keep their Children from begging in the open Streets. And 2dly. There was such a power given to the Commissioners, that not exceeding the Fifth part, they might give to the poor Sequestered Clergy as much and as little as they pleased, under that proportion. And the 
* Exam. Hist. p. 111.  Doctor instances in one of his certain knowledge, who for an Arrear of 12 years out of a Benefice Rent formerly for 250 l, per ann. obtained but 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. (the first Intruder being then alive and possessed of the Benefice) and no more than 20 Marks per ann. for his future subsistence; which is but a Nineteenth part instead of a Fifth.  
Not long after which Oppressions, the Intruders themselves were in as imminent danger to be devested of all their maintenance, as the Loyal Clergy, who had suffered the utmost extremity of Cruelty and Injustice. For Tithes being represented as a Public Grievance in the Rump-Parliament, the Gentry were in a fair way to be deprived of their Impropriations, and the Presbyterians themselves of their Patrimony. And although our Reverend Doctor paid Tithes himself, and therefore had no Obligations to appear in the defence of them for private Ends or Interests, yet for the upholding of the common Christianity and some kind of standing Ministry in the Nation, he endeavoured in a modest and rational way the undeceiving of the people in that particular. For whereas it was objected  
1. That the maintenance allowed the Clergy was too great for their Calling; He showed that never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is maintained with less charge to the Subject, than the Established Clergy of the Church of England.  
2. Whereas it was objected that their Maintenance was made up out of the Tenth part of each man's estate; He demonstrated, That there is no man in the Realm of England, who pays any thing of his own toward the Maintenance of his Parish-Minister, but his Easter-Offerings.  
3. Whereas it is suggested, That the changing of this way by the payment of Tithes into Stipends, wou●d be more grateful to the Country, and more ease to the Clergy; He proved, That the changing of Tithes into Stipends would bring greater trouble to the Clergy, than is yet considered, and far less profit to the Country, than was then pretended. So zealous was this excellent person, not only for his Friends and Fellow-sufferers, viz. the poor oppressed and ejected Clergy; but for his very enemies the Intruders, that had Preached the King out of his Life, and himself and Brethren out of all their Livelihoods and Preferments. And at that time too his zeal appeared, when he was by a small temporal Estate incapacitated to receive the least benefit by any Act of Mercy that could accrue to him by his labours in that particular: Nay had the project of removing Hirelings out of the Church (as it was then phrased) taken effect, Doctor Heylyn's Estate would have received considerable improvements and advantages. For which he was fain to compound with the Committee-men in Goldsmiths-Hall in the year 1645. But he has left no memorial of what he paid to those insatiable Leeches and Oppressors. However he sped well, as the case stood with him. For being (as was before observed) voted a Delinquent, the Parliament marked him out for an Oblation, resolving, that whenever they could get Heylyn into their snares, who had been an instrument of so much mischief to them, his Blood should appease their Fury, and expiate his own Guilts. But being at the Siege at Oxon, he shared with the Royalists in the common benefit of those Articles, that were made at the surrender of that City; and by that means saved his Life, as well as his Estate.  
Anno Dom. 1648. he settled himself and Family at Minster-Lovel in Oxfordshire. And although he had lost his Library (which for choiceness of Authors was inferior to few clergymen's in England) and therefore might well be deemed unfit to write Books for others, when he was robbed of his own; yet he would not permit his own private Economics to swallow up his precious minutes, but endeavoured to benefit his Country, and to divert his mind from the sad complexion of the times, by enlarging his Geography into a Cosmography; which as it now remains perfected by him, may be truly averred to be a Repository of as much useful and delightful Learning, as any published either in that present, or in preceding Ages. It is true many material Errors were justly charged upon it, when it was a Geography, but his own Apology is more powerful than any can be made in his behalf; 
Preface to the Cosmography.  for being writ in an Age, on which the pride of Youth and Self-opinion might have some predominancies, I thought it freer from mistakes than since I have found it: and those mistakes by running through eight Editions (six of them without my perusal or supervising) so increased and multiplied, that I could no longer call it mine, or look upon it with any tolerable degree of patience.  
If it be said, that as 'tis now completed by him, he has as well run into new Errors, as corrected the old ones; it may be so too. For those humane Abilities are yet to be named, that were in all things governed by an infallible Spirit. And no man that is not so guided, can plead the privilege of not being liable to mistakes. But his own words are the most satisfactory answer to this objection. I must have been a greater Traveller than either the Greek Ulysses, or the English Mandeville, all Purchase his Pilgrims, 
Certam. Epist. 369.  many of our late Jesuits and Tom Coriot into the bargain, if in describing of the whole world, with all the Kingdoms, Provinces, Seas and Isles thereof, I had not relied more on the Credit of others, than any knowledge of my own. But if any Gentleman, Merchant, or other Traveller shall please to let me understand in what those Authors, which I trusted, have misinformed me, let it be done in jest or earnest, in love or anger, in a fair manner or a foul, with respect or disrespect unto me, in what way soever, I shall most thankfully receive the Instructions from him, and give him the honour of the Reformation, when that Book shall come out in another Edition. I will neither kick against those who rub upon such sores as I have about me, nor fling dirt on them who shall take the pains to bestow a brushing on my Coat. I was trained up, when I was a Child, to kiss the Rod, and I can do it, I thank God, now I am a man. Cur nescire pudens pravae quam discere mallem? Rather to be ashamed of mistaking in any thing I have written, than to learn of any body what I was to write, was taken by me both for a Rule and a Resolution in the first putting out of my Geography, and I shall be at the very same pass to the very last.  
In the year 1653. he removed to Lacies-Court in Abingdon. For being robbed of his choicest Companions, his Books; he resolved to fix himself as near as possibly he could to Oxford; loss of time, together with the charge and trouble of a Journey, rendering his Visits less frequent to the Bedleian Library, than would well comport with his condition. For although he was a Living Library, 
As Euscapius said of Longinus.  a Locomotive Study, a Scribe fully instructed in the Kingdom of God, a Housholder that could bring out of his Treasury things both new and old, yet for all that he resolved to continue a laborious Searcher after Wisdom, and gave his Flesh no rest, that he might entertain his mind with the noblest Contemplations: neither would he fix his thoughts upon notional and useless Speculations, but whenever he could by any kind of labour either of Body or Brain be really serviceable to the just Interests of his Prince or Church, he refused no pains or expenses, but would undergo (to others) the most unsupportable burdens, to testify his zealous affection unto both. One instance of which is evident in what he contributed to Saint Nicholas Church in Abingdon, the utter demolishing of which was resolved on by the Sacrilegious Schismatics of those times.  
The then Usurping Powers had by the severest Edicts solemnly interdicted the Regular Clergy, the discharge of their public Ministry in the sacred Offices of Religion: Nay they were forbid the teaching and instructing of Youth in all private houses, though they wanted the necessaries of Humane Life for themselves and Families. In which sad prospect of Affairs, our Divine built a private Oratory, where he had frequency of Synaxes; the Liturgy of the Church being daily read by him, and the Holy Eucharist administered as often as opportunity gave leave; many devout and well-affected persons, after the manner of the Primitive Christians when they lived under Heathen persecutions, resorting to his little Chapel, that there they might wrestle with the Almighty for his blessing upon themselves, and upon a divided infatuated people. But in a few years, the rage of the Higher Powers abating, the Liturgy of the Church began in some places to be publicly read; and Mr. Huish (than Minister in Abingdon) had a numerous Auditory of Loyal persons, who frequented public Prayers at St. Nicholas; which became so greatly offensive to the Factious party, that they laboured all they could to have the Church razed to its very Foundations: But notwithstanding the Authority which then ruled, God rendered the endeavours of Dr. Heylyn and some other Royalists successful in the preservation of his own house. And because Mr. Huish either out of a principle of prudence or fear had for some time whilst those contests continued. desisted from performing the sacred Offices of Religion, therefore our Doctor to animate him unto the performance of his Duty, sent him the following Letter after his return from London, where he had been soliciting in the common Cause of the Church, which was to have been laid even with the ground.  
SIR,  
We are much beholden to you for your cheerful condescending unto our desires, so for as to the Lords-days Service; which though it be Opus Diei in Die suo, yet we cannot think ourselves to be fully masters of our requests, till you have yielded to bestow your pains on the other days also. We hope in reasonable time to alter the condition of Mr. Blackwel's pious Gift, that without hazarding the loss of his Donation, which would be an irrecoverable blow unto this poor Parish, you may sue out your Quietus est from that daily Attendance, unless you find some further motives and inducements to persuade you to it: yet so to alter it, that there shall be no greater wrong done to his Intentions, than to most part of he Founders of each University, by changing Prayers for the Souls first by them intended, into a Commemoration of their Bounties as was practised. All dispositions of this kind must vary with those changes which befall the Church, or else be alienated and estranged to other purposes. I know it must be some discouragement to you to read to Walls, or to pray in public with so thin a company, as hardly will amount to a Congregation: But withal I desire you to consider, that magis and minus, all Logicians say, do not change the Species of things; that Quantities of themselves are of little efficacy (if at all of any) and that he who promised to be in the midst of two or three when they meet together in his name, hath clearly showed, that even the smallest Congregations shall not want his presence. And why then should we think much to bestow our pains where he vouchsafes his presence? or think our labour ill bestowed, if some few only do partake of the present benefit? And yet no doubt the benefit extends to more than the parties present: For you know well that the Priest or Minister is not only to pray with, but for the people; that he is not only to offer up the people's Prayers to Almighty God, but to offer up his own Prayers for them; the benefit whereof may charitably be presumed to extend to, as well as it was intended for, the absent also. And if a whole Nation may be represented in a Parliament of 400 persons, and they derive the Blessings of Peace and Comfort upon all the Land, why may we not conceive that God will look on three or four of this little Parish, as the Representative of the whole, and for their sakes extend his Grace and Blessings unto all the rest; that he who would have saved that sinful City of Sodom, had he found but ten righteous persons in it, may not vouchsafe to bless a less sinful people upon the Prayers of a like or less number of Pious and Religious persons. When the High Priest went into the Sanctum Sanctorum to make Atonement for the Sins of the People, went he not thither by himself? none of the people being suffered to enter into that place. Do not we read, that when Zacharias offered up Incense, which figured the Prayers of the Saints within the Temple, the people waited all that while in the outward Courts? Or find we any where that the Priest, who offered up the daily Sacrifice (and this comes nearest to our Case) did ever intermit that Office by reason of the slackness or indevotion of the people in repairing to it? But you will say There is a Lion in the way, there is danger in it. Assuredly I hope none at all; or if any, none that you would care for. The Sword of the Committee had as sharp an edge, and was managed with as strong a malice, as any Ordinance of later Date can empower men with. Having so fortunately escaped the danger of that. why should you think of any thing but despising this? as Tully did unto Mark Antony, Catilinae Gladios contempsi, non timebo tuos. Why may you not conclude with David in the like sense and apprehensions of God's preservation, that he who saved him from the Bear and the Lion, would also save him from the Sword of that railing Philistine. And you may see that the Divine Providence is still awake over that poor Remnant of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy, which have not yet bowed their knees to the Golden Calves of late erected, by putting so unexpectedly a hook into the nostrils of those Leviathans which threatened with an open mouth to devour them all. I will not say as Clemens of Alexandria did in a case much like that, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to indulge too much to apprehensions of this nature in matters which relate to God's public Service. All I shall add is briefly this, that having presented you with these Considerations, I shall with greediness expect the sounding of the Bell to morrow morning; and in the mean time make my Prayers to Almighty God so to direct you in this business, as may be most for his Glory, your own particular Comfort, and the good of this people: with which expressions of my Soul, I subscribe myself,  
Your most affectionate Friend and Brother in Christ jesus Peter Heylyn.  
Upon the receipt and reading of this Letter, Mr. Huish betook himself to his wont duty, reading the Church's Prayers with that frequency, gravity and devotion as became a man of his Reverence and Profession.  
And the daily visits which were paid by our Doctor to the place of God's public Worship, the better enabled him as well to undergo the severity of Study, as to contend with the hardships of Fortune. And amongst the products of his Studies, the Theologia Veterum or Exposition of the Apostles Creed does first merit our Commendations. Indeed many other Books were written by him, when the King and Church were in their low and calamitous condition; some of which were Historical relating to matters of Fact; some Political, relating to the power of Princes and various Forms of Government; and lastly others Theological; and those either Didactical, tending to the settling and informing of men's understandings; or Practical, that conduced to the amending of their manners; or Polemical, that vindicated the Truths of God and Unity of his Church against the Errors, Schisms and Persecutions of its Enemies, whether Papists, Socinians, or Disciplinarians. His Book upon the Creed is a mixture of all these excellent Ingredients; insomuch that whoever would be acquainted with the Sense of the Greek and Latin Fathers upon the Twelve Articles of our Faith, as also with Positive, Polemical and Philological Theology, he will not find either his labour lost, or his time mispended, if he peruse what our learned Doctor has writ upon that Subject.  
But neither Learning or Innocency are a sufficient safeguard against the assaults of mischievous and malicious men; many of whom combined together to render Dr. Heylyn as infamous in his Name, as they had before made him improsperous in his Estate And to that purpose they used their utmost endeavours to have one of his Books burned (called Respondet Petrus) by an Order from oliver's Council-Table. For Dr. N. Bernard Preacher of Grays-Inn putting out a Book, entitled, The judgement of the Lord Primate of Ireland, etc. our Reverend Doctor being therein accused for violating his Subscription and running cross to the public Doctrine of the Church or England; as also being taxed with Sophistry, Shamelesness, and some other things which he could not well endure either from the Dead, or the Living, he returned an Answer to it, against which, Articles were presently form and presented to the then Council-Table; and the common Rumour went, that the Book was publicly burnt: A fame (as the 
* Certam Epist. 100  Doctor says) that had little truth in it, though more colour for it, than many other charges which had been laid upon him. He was in London, when he received the first notice of it; and though he was persuaded by his friends to neglect the matter, as that which would redound to his honour, and knew very well what Sentence had been passed by Tacitus upon the Order of Senate, or Roman Consul for burning the Books of 
Tacit. An. lib. 4.  Cremutius Cordus the Historian, Neque aliud externi Reges, aut qui eâdem saevitiâ usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, i. e. they gained nothing but ignominy to themselves and glory to all those whose Books they burned; yet our Doctor was rather in that particular of Sir john Falstaff's mind, not liking such grinning honour; and therefore rather chose to prevent the Obloquy, than boast in it. To which purpose he applied himself to the Lord Mayor of London and a great Man in the Council of State, and receiving from them a true information of what had passed, he left his Solicitude, being quite freed from all fear and danger.  
About this time it was that the King, Church and Churchmen were arraigned and traduced by many voluminous Writers of the Age; and the Doctor being solicited to answer them by Letters, Messages and several personal Addresses, by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church, and of all Degrees in the Universities, was at last overcome by their Importunities; the irresistible Entreaties of so many Friends having something in them of Commands. And the first Author, whose Mistakes, Falsities and Defects he examined, was Mr. Thomas Fuller the Church-Historian, who intermingling his History with some dangerous Positions, which if reduced into practice, would overthrow the Power of the Church, and lay a probable Foundation for Disturbances in the Civil-State; the Doctor made some Animadversions on him by way of Antidote, that so, if possible, he might be read without danger. Another was Mr. Sandersons long History of the Life and Reign of King Charles I. whose errors being of that nature as might misguide the Reader in the way of Knowledge and Discourse, our Doctor rectified him with some Advertisements, that so he might be read with the greater profit. It would swell these Papers into too great a bulk, if I should give a particular account of the Contests that this Reverend man had with Mr. Harington, Mr. Hickman, and Mr. Baxter; the last of which was so very bold as to disgorge himself upon the whole Clergy of England 
Epist. Ded. before Cert. Epist.  in his Grotian Religion, which caused in our Doctor, (as he tells his Brethren the old Regular Clergy) So great an horror and amazement, that he could not tell whether or no he could give any credit to his Senses; the words sounding loud in his ears and not sinking at first into his heart. Neither Did Mr. Baxter arraign the whole Clergy in general, but more particularly directed his Spleen against Dr. Heylyn; whose name he wished afterwards he had spared. But it was whilst he was living; he has made more bold with him since he was dead; and that for no other reason (that I can learn) but for exposing the Follies, Falsehoods, and uncharitableness of a daring and rash Writer, who never returned one word of Answer (besides Railing and Reproaches) unto what our Doctor Published against him.  
And having made mention of these Authors, against whom our excellent Doctor appeared in the Lists, it may not perhaps be deemed unacceptable to those Readers who are either unable to buy, or unwilling to read the Books written against them, to transcribe some particular passages which may be a farther testification of the zeal of this great Scholar for the King and Church.  
And the first (relating to the King) shall be about the Coronation; it being a piece of new State-Doctrine, that the Coronation 
Exam. Histor. 201.  of the King should depend upon the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. For in the Form and Manner of the Coronation of King Edward VI described in the Catalogue of Honour, set forth by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, Anno Dom. 1610, we find it thus: The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage, was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared to the people standing round about, both by Gods and man's Laws to be the Right and Lawful King of England, France and Ireland, and proclaimed that day to be Crowned, Consecrated and Anointed: unto whom he demanded, Whether they would Obey and Serve, or not? By whom it was again with a loud cry answered, God save the King, and ever live his Majesty. The same we have in substance both in fewer words in the Coronation of King james; where it is said, The King was showed to the people, and that they were required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Archbishop, which they did with Acclamations. But assuredly (says Dr. Heylyn) the difference is exceeding vast between Obeying and Consenting; between the people's acknowledging their Allegiance, and promising to Obey and Serve their Lawful Sovereign, and giving their Consent to his Coronation, as if it could not be performed without it. This makes the King to be either made or unmade by his people, according to the Maxim of Buchanan, Populo jus est, imperium cui velit deferat: than which passage there is nothing in all his Books more pestilent or seditious.  
Neither is another Position any less derogatory to Regal Power, viz. That Parliaments are to be Assistant to the King in the exercise of his Regal Government. Unto which our excellent Doctor says, That Parliaments or Common-Councils consisting of the Prelates, 
Cert. Epist. 243.  Peers and other great men of the Realm were frequently held in the time of the Saxon Kings, and that the Commons were first called to those great Assemblies at the Coronation of K. Henry I. to the end that his Succession to the Crown being approved by the Nobility and People, he might have the better colour to exclude his Brother. And as the Parliament was not instituted by King Henry III. so was it not instituted by him to become an Assistant to him in the Government, unless it were from some of the Declarations of the Commons in the Long Parliament, in which it is frequently affirmed, That the Fundamental Government of this Realm is by King, Lords and Commons; which if so, then what became of the government of this Kingdom under Henry III. when he had no such Assistants joined with him? Or what became of the Foundation in the Intervals of following Parliaments, when there was neither Lords nor Commons on which the Government could be laid? And therefore it must be apparently necessary, either that the Parliaments were not instituted by King Henry III. to be his Assistants in the Government; or else that for the greatest space of time since Henry III. the Kingdom hath been under no Government at all for want of such Assistants. And I would fain learn, who should be Judge touching the Fitness or unfitness of such Laws and Liberties, by which the People and Nobility are to be gratified by their Kings: For if the Kings themselves must judge it, it is not likely that they will part with any of their just Prerogatives, which might make them less obeyed at home, or less feared abroad, but where invincible necessity or violent importunity might force them to it. And then the Laws and Liberties, which were so extorted were either violated or annulled whensoever the Granter was in power to weaken or make void the Grant; for Malus diuturnitatis Custos est metus. But if the People must be Judges of such Laws and Liberties as were fittest for them, there would be no end of their Demands, unreasonable in their own nature and in number infinite. For when they meet with a King of the Giving hand, they will press him so to give from one point to another, till he give away Royalty itself; and if they be not satisfied in all their Askings, they will be pleased with none of his former Grants.  
But that which pared the Prerogative to the quick, was, that the Reformation of Religion was the Province of the People, or that they might do their Duty in the business when the King omitted his; concerning which our excellent Doctor delivers his judgement in these clear and convincing words, [Exam. Hist. 135.] That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it, is easily granted. But than it must be understood of lawful Power, and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence. Id possumus quod jure possumus, was the Rule of old, and it hath held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times. For when the Fabric of the jewish Church was out of order, and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with Superstitions, or intermingled with Idolatries, as it was too often; did not Gods Servants tarry and wait for leisure, till those who were Supreme both in Place and Power, were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation? How many years had that whole People made an Idol of the Brazenserpent and burnt Incense to it, before it was defaced by Hezekiah? How many more might it have stood longer undefaced, untouched by any of the common People, had not the King given order to demolish it? How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar at Bethel, before it was hewn down and cut in pieces by the good josiah? And yet it cannot be denied but that it was much in the power of the jews to destroy that Idol, and of the honest and Religious Israelites to break down that Altar, as it either was or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down Superstitious Pictures and Images, had they been so minded. Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church to an Army, Acies castrorum ordinata, as the Vulgar hath it; An Army terrible with Banners, as we read it: A powerful Body without doubt, able which way soever it moves to waste and destroy the Country, to burn and sack the Villages through which it passes. And questionless many of the Soldiers knowing their own Power, would be apt to do it, if not restrained by the Authority of their Commanders and the Laws 
Tacit. Hist. l. 1.  of War. Ita se ducum Authoritas, sic gor disciplinae habet, as we find in Tacitus. And if those be not kept as they ought to be, Confusi equites peditesque in exitium ruunt; the whole runs to a swift destruction. Thus it is also in the Church with the Camp of God; If there be no subordination in it, if every one might do what he list himself, and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into his hands▪ what a confusion would ensue? how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it? Courage and zeal do never show more zealously in inferior powers, than when they are subordinate unto good Directions, from the right hand, i. e. from the Supreme Magistrate, not from the interests and passions of their Fellow-Subjects. It is the Prince's Office to Command, and theirs to execute; with which wise Caution the Emperor Otho once repressed the too great forwardness of his Soldiers, when he found them apt enough to make use of that power in a matter not commanded by him. Vobis 
Tacit. Hist. l. 1.  arma & animus, mihi Concilium & virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquite, as his words are. He understood their Duty and his own Authority; allows them to have power and will, but regulates and restrains them both unto his own Command. So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition, proceeding by the starrant and examples of Holy Scripture; or in resemblance to an Army (as compared by Solomon) there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reformamation or Execution, till they be vested and entrusted with some lawful Power derived from him, whom God hath placed in Authority over them. And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroyed, and to be destroyed by all which have Power to do it, yet must all those be furnished with a lawful Power, or otherwise stand guilty of as high a Crime, as that which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others. And if it be urged, That the Sovereign forgetting his Duty, the Subjects should remember theirs; 'tis a lesson which was never taught in the Book of God. For beside the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazenserpent and the Altar of Bethel, not acted by the Power of the People, but by the Command of the Prince, I would fain know where we shall find in the whole course and current of Holy Scriptures, that the common people in and by their own Authority, removed the High Places, and destroyed Images, or cut down the Groves, those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry; or that they did attempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers? Where shall we find that any of the seventy thousand persons, which had not bowed the knee to Baal, did go about to destroy that Idol? or that Elijah or Elisha (two men as extraordinary for their Calling, as for their Zeal and Courage) did excite them to it? Where shall we find the Primitive Christians, when living under the command of Heathenish Emperors, busied in destroying Idols, or defacing the Temples of those gods, whom the Pagans worshipped, though grown in those times unto those infinite multitudes, that they filled all places of the Empire, Et vestra omnia implevimus, Cities, Castles, Burroughs, your places of Assembly, Camps, Tribes, Palaces, yea the very Senate and common Forum, as Tertullian pleads. No other Doctrine preached or heard of, till either the new Gospel of Wickliff, or the new Lights shining from Geneva.  
These, with many more if it were safe to insert them in these Papers, were the Doctrines which this Reverend man taught when there was no King in our English Israel. He did not only rescue the actions of his Sovereign's Life and Reign from those CaCalumnies and Mistakes which were obtruded on him by malicious or inobservant Writers; but he took care that what he writ should be beneficial to Regal Government, and that those his Countrymen who had any share of guilt in the unnatural Rebellion might be induced to a hearty Contrition and Reformation. And this he did too in those days of Libertinism and Danger, when he could expect nothing for his pains, but Death mingled with all the ingredients of Cruelty and Torment. Suffice it to acquaint the Reader that Dr. Bates imparted to his judicious perusal his Elenchus Motuum, (a secret of that weight and importance that it ought only to be lodged in so faithful and loyal a Breast) upon which he made many Considerations, that very much tended to the honour of the King and Church, as well as of that loyal Physician and Historian. And which is not unworthy of remark; in whatever he Writ or Preached either before or afther the Murder of his Royal Master, he took care in asserting the Prerogative and Rights of the Crown, not to entrench the least upon the Liberties and Privileges of the People. For thus he himself acquaints us, [Cert. Epist. 326.] If any were faulty in this kind, viz. in maintaining that all the Goods of the Subject were at the King's absolute disposal, let them speak for themselves; neither my Tongue nor Pen shall ever be employed in their behalf: Certain I am, that I am free enough from the Accusation; my nearest kindred being persons of too fair a Fortune to be betrayed by one of their own Blood to a loss of that property, which they have by Law in their Estates. And no less certain am I, that no flattery or time-serving, no preaching up of the King's Prerogative, nor derogating from the property of the English Subject, could be found in any of my Sermons before his Majesty, had they been sifted to the very Bran. In confidence whereof, I offered the Committee of the Courts of justice (before whom I was called on the Complaint of Mr. Pryn) to put into their hands all the Sermons which I had either Preached at Court of in Westminster-Abby, to the end they might see how free and innocent I was from broaching any such new Doctrines, as might not be good Parliament-Proof, whensoever they should come to be examined.  
Nor was the courage of our Doctor for the Church, less active and vigorous, than for the King. For whenever its Doctrine, of Discipline; its Ministry, or Government; its Liturgy, or Ceremonies; its Offices, or Revenues were assaulted by Tongue or Pen, its enemies were in a short space of time made acquainted with their Malice or Mistakes. For he encountered the Errors and Heresies, the Schisms and Sacrileges, the Disloyalties and Rebellions of the Age with no less zeal than St. Paul did the gross Idolatries and Superstitions of the Athenians.  
The Doctrines of the Church he defended against Papists and Calvinists. What he did against the first will be a sufficient vindication of his sincerity in the Protestant Religion; a thing not only doubted of, but called in question in the Long Parliament; before whom he made a large Protestation touching his soundness in Religion and his averseness from Popery. The Form of his Protestation I never had communicated to me; but whatever it was, he was then freed by it from all suspicion of that Crimination in the judgement of all sober men. He had before set himself right in the opinion of the King and the whole Court in the Sermons which he Preached upon the Parable of the Tares. For making the principal points controverted between Us and the Papists the constant Arguments of his Discourses upon that Subject, his Auditory were so well satisfied about his integrity in Protestantism, that some of the most judicious did not stick to say, That Dr. Heylyn had in his Tare-Sermons pulled up Popery by the Root and subverted the Foundations of it: To which it was replied by some bitter spirits (whether with more uncharitableness or imprudent zeal, is hard to say) That the Archbishop might Print and Dr. Heylyn might Preach what they pleased against Popery, but they should never believe them to be any thing the less Papists for all that. A censure of a very strange nature, and so little ●avouring of Christianity, that it is hard to parallel it by any instance, except it be of the Age we now live in. And so industrious has the Devil, the great Calumniator and Accuser of Holy men, been to propagate this Reproach, that some persons, whose Tongues are their own and will admit of no Lords over them, have visited the very Grave of this Reverend person and like Vultures preyed upon his body. Amongst whom, the Author of that pestilent Pamphlet, called An Appeal from the Country to the City, le's fly at him in these words, 
Page 6.  Dr. Heylyn has made more Papists by his Books than Christians by his Sermons. And Dr. Heylyn, though dead, does yet speak for himself to the eternal confutation of the Calumny, as well as shame of the Calumniator. The present Dean of St. Paul's has very generously justified the Doctor 
General Preface to an Answer of several Treatises.  against T. G. who by all means would have brought him over to his Cause and Party in the Controversy between them, about the Idolatry of the Roman Church, quoting a passage out of his fourth Sermon upon the Tares, where he lays to the charge of the Papists the most gross Idolatry, greater than which, was never known among the Gentiles. And indeed the whole Volume of those Sermons is studiously contrived against Popery; and put out on purpose in the last times of Confusion, by our Doctor, to obstruct the spreading of that Canker of Christianity. And when he had preached only the two first, some of his judicious hearers did not stick to declare, That Dr. Heylyn had done more in two Sermons for the Suppression of Popery, than ever Dr. Pr. had done in all his life.  
But that the Reader may be convinced about the Doctor's sincerity in Protestantism, let it be considered that never any Writer upon the Apostles Creed did more industriously expose and strenuously confute the Errors of the Roman Church, than he does in his Treatise upon that Subject; which was put out also at that time, when he and the exauctorated Clergy (as he calls them) had all the provocations of want and scorn to have forsaken a persecuted Church and embraced Popery. He disproves their 
* Preface to Theo. Vet. p. 13.  Traditions: And as for their Idolatry, 
Theol. Vet. p. 27, 28. Edit. 1.  he speaks in these words, That although they publicly profess but one Sovereign God, yet the poor Christians in the Roman Church are taught every where to place their confidence in more local Saints, than ever Heathen-Rome did muster of its Topical gods.— And how in a very little time Rome- Heathen-Rome should gods, or goddesses.— Neither is this any studied Calumny, but so clear a Truth, that it was never yet gainsaid by their greatest Advocates: so much hath Rome relapsed into her ancient Gentilism, revived again so many of her gods and goddesses, that both Jews and Infidels may have cause to question, whether she doth believe in one God alone, or that he only is the Almighty Father, whom the Creed mentions. Neither does he stick in generals, but particularly proves the Popish Idolatries in 
b Ib. 72.  Worshipping Saints and Angels, and employing them as Mediators unto God; in 
c Ib. 152.  adoring the Blessed Virgin, and bestowing those blasphemous Titles of Mater misericordiae, Mater Gratiae, Regina Caeli, etc. in 
d Ib. 187.  Worshipping the Cross, and the impudence of those Writers that defend it; in 
e Ib. 418, 419, 420.  the Invocation of Saints, showing how it first came to be introduced in the Church, together with the unlawfulness and danger of that Doctrine and practice, from Scripture, Reason and the Fathers; answering the Objections made by Schoolmen and others for it; proving that that Doctrine, together with that of Worshippiug of Images is a Fruit of Gentilism; and showing the vanity of their distinctions; as also upon what ground the device of Purgatory is obtruded on us, and how 'tis rejected as well by the whole Greek Church, as by the ancient Fathers. He 
f 130.  censures the whole herd of Schoolmen, telling how they have entangled the simplicity of the Christian Faith within the labyrinth of curious and intricate distinctions, insomuch that it became at last a matter of great wit and judgement to know what was believed in the things of Christ. He 
g 138.  exposes those impure Blasphemies that the Papists fix upon the Holy Spirit and Blessed Virgin-Mother, unmasking the obscenities of the lazy Monks and Friars, who fancied themselves to have had unclean commixtures with her: relating the Bull of Pope L●o 10. that gave Tekelius a Dominican Friar authority to absolve any man whatsoever, etiamsi virginem matrem vitiaverit, although he had deflowered the Virgin-Mother. 
h 152.  Perstringing those that would free her from the contagion of all Venial and Original Sin; and assert her Virginity so far, as to extend it to the integrity of her Body as well as purity of her Mind; and 
i 277.  condemning Maldonate for not only making Christ, but God the Father inferior to her. He 
k 195.  largely disproves the monstrous Paradox of Transubstantiation, which he shows was hammered in the brains of capricious Schoolmen, 
ib 269, 270, 294.  and that the Sacrifice of the Mass is a dangerous deceit and blasphemous Fable affabulated to Transubstantiation by the Popes of Rome; the Rise and absurd consequences of which Doctrine he at large illustrates. He is content 
l 292.  to be accounted a Heretic by the Papists, because he will admit of no more Mediators of Intercession than Christ, who is the Mediator of Redemption. He 
m 294.  confutes the strange Positions of the Trent-Council about the Mass, showing how absurd it is that a poor Priest should have power to make his Maker; and having made him with the Breath of his Mouth, he should fall down and Worship what himself had made: That having worshipped him as God, he should presume to lay hands upon him, and Offer him in Sacrifice as soon as Worshipped; that his Oblation once made is efficacious both to Quick and Dead; to the Absent and the Present; and that such as are present at it, may, if they find their stomaches serve, devour their God. He 
n 304.  attacks the Papists in the Fundamental of their Religion, viz. That Christ must have the Pope for his Viceroy to supply his place and absence, and to govern and direct his Church in Peace and Unity; and he 
o 384.  again reassumes the Argument and confutes all that Bellarmin and others produce for it. But then the mischief is, he tells of those, who would 
p 305.  impose upon the Church as many petite Popes as there are Parishes— by means whereof they make Christ's Body more monstrous, than the Monster Hydra, not, to have seven Heads only, but seven hundred thousand— He takes 
q 332.  Estius to task for making Christ in his Exposition of Mark 13. 32. the Author of Equivocation. He 
r 359.  confutes Harding for asserting, that the proof of Christ's Deity depended not upon the Holy Scriptures, but the Tradition of the Church, and the Authority of some subsequent Councils confirmed by Popes; as if God could not be God, unless the Pope allowed it. He vindicates 
s 361, 362.  the Greek Church against the uncharitableness of the Roman, and 
t 371, 372.  the Authority and Honour of the Scriptures against the Blasphemies that are fixed upon them by the Papists; but then as luck would have it, he speaks of some Reformers, who assert that Preaching viva voce is only able to convert sinners, and that the Word sermonized, not written, is alone the Food that nourishes to eternal life; and he proves unanswerably how such men detract more from its perfection and sufficiency than the Papists. He condemns those who call Papists by the name of Catholics, professing that he never gave that name to them either in Writing or common Speech, as thinking it a greater condemnation to ourselves than men are aware of— And that if we once grant them to be Catholics, we thereby do conclude ourselves to be no Christians. 
De not. Eccles. l. 4. c. 4.  Nay he proves out of Bellarmin, how they are delighted with the name of Papists, and that they have no mind to be called Christians; the name in most parts of Italy being grown so despicable, that Fool and Christian are become Synonymous. Since then (says the Doctor) they have no mind to be called Christians, no reason to be called Catholics, let us call them as they are, by the name of Papists, considering their dependence on the Pope's decisions for all points of Faith. But then he tells of another Faction that make as ill an use of the Title Holy, as the Papists do of the name Catholic; that are holy in the sense of Corah and his Factious Complices, who made all the Congregation holy and all holy alike. He gives also an excellent account of the Presbyterian and Independent platforms, and 
u 386, 387.  proves against both of them, that the Church's Government is not Democratical, and against the Papists, that 'tis not Monarchical, but in the judgement of the purest Antiquity Aristocratical. In a word, he 
w 397, 398.  shows how both the Eastern and Western Churches opposed the Pope's Supremacy, forced Celibacy of Priests, Transubstantiation, Half-Communion, Purgatory, Worshipping of Images, and Auricular Confession: Of which last Doctrine, he at large 
x 457, 458.  states the whole business about it from Bishop Morton, showing how it ought to be free in regard of Conscience, and possible in regard of Performance. But then withal he asserts the Efficacy and Power of the Sacerdotal Absolution, proving it not only Declarative but Authoritative and judicial; as also the 
y 403, 404.  Right that every National Church has to decree Rites and Ceremonies for the more orderly officiating in God's Public Worship, and the procuring of a greater degree of Reverence to the Holy Sacraments.  
In the belief of these Doctrines, this great Scholar lived and died: And with what confidence can any one rake in his Grave and asperse his Memory, not only with things which he never opined, but with those which his soul ever abhorred? But, if there can be any accession to the degrees of Bliss in the other world, I doubt not but his Rewards are advanced and grow more massy with the persecutions which his name suffers upon earth. Our Blessed Saviour himself was not out of the reach of malevolent tongues, when his Body was laid in the Grave, 
Mat. 27. 63.  being then called a Deceiver by his Murderers. And thrice welcome are those aspersions and misconstructions that make us conformable to so glorious a pattern. Spiteful and inconsiderate men do ever judge rashly of things and persons, taking a great pleasure to assault the Innocence and undermine the Reputations of those that are more upright and virtuous than themselves.  
But against these things 'tis commonly said, and as commonly believed, that some persons, and those too of the most illustrious Quality have been perverted from the Protestant Faith to Popery, by reading some of Dr. Heylyn's Books, and particularly his Ecclesia Restaurata, or History of the Reformation. And Dr. Burnet in the first Volume of his History upon the same Subject, has done all he can to confirm the world in the belief of that injurious imputation: For after a short commendation of our Doctor's stile and method (it being usual with some men slightly to praise those at first, whom they design to lash more severely afterward) he presumes to tell his Reader, 
Dr. Burnet's Preface to the History of the Reformation, Vol. I.  That either Doctor Heylyn was very ill informed, or very much led by his Passions; and he being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were concerned in that time, delivers many things in such a manner and so strangely, that one would think that he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome, though I doubt not he was a sincere Protestant, but violently carried away by some particular conceits. In one thing he is not to be excused, That he never vouched any Authority for what he writ, which is not to be forgiven any who write of Transactions beyond their own time, and deliver new things not known before. So that upon what ground he wrote a great deal of his Book, we can only conjecture; and many in their ghesses are not apt to be very favourable to him.  
This Objection containing many particulars in it, will require as many distinct Answers in the Vindication of the Doctor's Honour and Writings, and more especially of his History of the Reformation.  
And first, if it be true, that any have embraced the Roman Faith by reading of that Book, we may conclude them very incompetent Judges in matters of Religion, who will be prevailed on to change it upon the perusal of one single History; and especially in the Controversies between US and the Papists, which do not so very much depend upon matters of Fact, or upon an Historical Narration of what occurrences happened in England, in the Reigns of any of our preceding Princes; but upon Doctrines of Faith, viz. what we are to believe or disbelieve in order to our pleasing of God in this life, and our being eternally blessed with him in the next. Although junius and others have by their reading of Holy Writ found the efficacy of it upon their hearts, and from profligate Atheists have become Gods faithful Servants; yet the blessed Doctrine of the Bible, has through the depravation of man's Nature, had a quite contrary efficacy upon other persons; being just like wholesome meat which administers health and vigour unto Atheletick and sound Bodies, but infeebles nature and feeds the diseases of those that are sickly and distempered. Let the History of the Reformation be never so fatal to unwary and less intelligent Readers, yet it was writ with an intent to justify the Reformation, 
Epist. Ded.  and that upon such just and solid Reasons as might sufficiently endear it to all knowing men, as its Author tells his Majesty. Bonae res neminem scandalizant nisi malam mentem, says one of the Ancients. Some men have such inveterate Diseases, that no Physic can do them good; and some Stomaches are so foul, that Antidotes are turned by them into poison. If any one was ever unsettled in Protestantism by reading of Ecclesia Restaurata, it was only accidental; his perversion being to be ascribed either to the ignorance or weakness of his Judgement, or to the stubbornness of his Will, or some other evil principle of his Mind. It cannot proceed from any intrinsic evil quality in that or any other Book of Doctor heylyn's, which abound with unanswerable Arguments to establish the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England against its professed Enemies of Rome and Geneva. But our Doctors own words will be a sufficient defence of him unto all equal and unprejudiced Judgements, In the whole carriage of this work, I have assumed unto myself the freedom of a just Historian; concealing nothing out of Fear, nor speaking any thing out of Favour; delivering nothing for a Truth without good Authority; but so delivering that Truth, as to witness for me, that I am neither biased by Love or Hatred, nor overswayed by partiality and corrupt affections, I know 'tis impossible in a work of this nature to please all parties, though I have made it my endeavour to dissatisfy none, but those that hate to be reform; or otherwise are so tenaciously wedded to their own opinion, that neither Reason nor Authority can divorce them from it. In short, his love to Truth, and veneration to the Church of England were the only motives that made him undertake to write that History: The one was the Mistress, which he ever served; and the other was the Mother, whose Paps he had always sucked, And whoever disregards, or deviates from either of those, may perhaps be offended with some particular passages in Ecclesia Restaurata.  
As for his never vouching Authority f●r what he writ, which is not to be forgiven him; I hope he has met with a more merciful Judge in another world, than it seems Dr. Burnet is in this. But who is to pardon Dr. B. for accusing Dr. Heylyn of violent prejudices against persons, of writing things so strangely, as if he had been a Factor for the Papists, and yet not specifying one particular Instance, wherein he was thus partial and perfidious. He began the writing of that History in September 1638, communicating his design to Archbishop Laud, from who● he received all imaginable encouragement. And what benefit would any Reader receive to have quoted to him the pages of Manuscripts, Acts of Parliament, Registers of Convocation, old Records and Charters, orders of Council-Table, or other of those rare pieces in the Cottonian Library, which were made use of in that elaborate History. Had D●. Heylyn borrowed his materials out of Vulgar or Printed Authors, he ought then to have vouched particular Authorities for what he writ, but making use of those which few Scholars either could or had perused, it had been the part of a Pedant, not of an Historian, to have been exact and particular in his Quotations. Not to mention either Greek or Latin Historians. Does not Dr. B. esteem the Lord Bacon's History of Henry VII. to contain as complete and judicious an account of the Affairs of that Prince's Reign, as any thing of that nature, that is extant in English Story? But the Margin of that Book is not stust with many more Quotations, than the Doctors Ecclesia Restaurata. And yet the Lord Bacon writ of Transactions beyond his own time, and lived as far distant from the Reign of King Henry VII. as Dr. Heylyn did from King Henry VIII. who laid the first Foundation of our Reformation. For my own part I cannot with the most diligent search find out any passages in Ecclesia Restaurata, which evert the great Rule that ought to be observed by all Historians, viz. Ne quid false audeant, to commit nothing unto Writing which they know to be false, or cannot justify to be true. History is the Record of time, by which the Revolutions of Providence are transmitted from one Age unto another. And if it can be proved that Dr. Heylyn has either suborned Witnesses, falsified Records, or so wrested Evidence, that posterity cannot make a certain judgement of those Transactions, of which he undertook to inform his Countrymen, than it must be confessed that he was led by Passion more than Judgement, and by violent prejudices more than the substantial evidences of Truth.  
And yet if all this were made out, 'tis no more than what may be laid at the door of that Author, 
Hist. D. Ham. p. 29, 30.  who not many years since writ the History of Duke Hamilton; where are reported the most abominable Scandals, broached by the malicious Covenanteers against the Hierarchy of the Scotish Church. And the Historian, without the least contradiction or confutation, permits them to pass for infallible Truths, that so Posterity as well as the present prejudiced Age might be leavened with an implacable enmity and hatred against the whole Order of Bishops. And although the hamilton's were the old inveterate enemies of the Stuarts; and the Duke, of whom that large History is compiled, was an enemy as treacherous to K. Charles I. as any that ever appeared against him in open Arms, drawing the Scots in the English Court to be his Dependants; alienating their Affections from the King his Master. Tho wise men of both Nations thought that the first Tumult at Edinborough was raised by his Instruments, and the Combustions that ensued were secretly fomented by him: Tho when he was High Commissioner, he drew the King from one Condescension to another in behalf of the Covenanteers, till he had little else left to give but his Crown and Life: Tho he drew him first to suspend and then to suppress the Liturgy and Canons made for the use of the Scotish Church, and to abrogate the five Articles of Perth, procured with so much difficulty by K. james, and confirmed by Parliament: Tho he authorised the Covenant with some few alterations in it, and generally imposed it on that Kingdom: Tho he yielded to the calling of the Assembly, and was assured by that means, that the Bishops by the Majority of their Enemy's Voices should be Censured and Excommunicated; that Episcopacy should be abolished, and all the Regular Clergy exposed to Ruin: Tho he got to himself so strong a Party in the Kingdom, that the King stood but for a Party in the Calculation: Tho when he had Command over a considerable part of the Royal Navy in the Frith at Edinburough, he made good that saying of the Scots, That the Son of so good a Mother (being a most rigid Covenanter) could do them no hurt, by loitering about on purpose till he heatd that the Treaty of Pacification was begun at Barwick, whither he came in Posthaste, pretending to disturb that business, when he knew it would be concluded before he came thither: Tho he was guilty of the vilest Treachery to the Best of Princes, and the Best of Subjects, viz. Charles I. and the Marquis of Montross, who returning out of France, and designing to put himself into the King's Service, made his way to Hamilton, who (knowing the gallantry of the man, and fearing a Competitor in his Majesty's Favour) told Montross on the one hand, That the King slighted the Scottish Nation, that he designed to reduce it unto a Province, and that he would no longer continue in the Court were it not for some services that he was engaged to do for his Country: And on the other hand told the King, That Montross was so popular and powerful among the Scots, that he would embroil the Affairs, and endanger the Interest of his Majesty in that Kingdom; which suggestions made the King take little notice of him, and the Martyred Hero was confirmed in the belief of what Hamilton had secretly whispered to him; which caused him to go to Scotland, and there to list himself with the Malcontents of that Kingdom, whose concerns he espoused till he saw his own Error, and Hamilton's Treachery: Thomas D. Hamilton was the man that prevailed with the King to pass that Act for continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses, and boasted how he had got a perpetual Parliament for the English, and would do the like for the Scots too, and contrary to the wishes of all good men, prevailed with the King to Dissolve that Parliament which was immediately precedent, playing with both hands at once; pulling with one hand back the Commons from all Compliance with the King, and thrusting on the King with the other hand to Dissolve the Parliament: In fine (for the repetition of these things is not very delighting) Tho this D. Hamilton did in the opinion of very many wise men aim at nothing less than the Crown of Scotland, and had so courted the Common Soldiers, raised for the Service of the Swedes, and obliged their Commanders, that David Ramsey openly began an health to King james the Seventh; yet all these with many more particulars are either quite smothered, or so painted over by Dr. Burnet, that the Volume he has writ upon Hamilton may rather be called an Apology, or a Panegyric than a History. But Dr. Heylyn had the courage to acquaint the world with these harsh Truths in the Life of the Archbishop, and in the Observations that he has writ upon Mr. L'Estrange's History of King Charles I. And there was no other way to be revenged on him, than to traduce his Labours, and blast his Memory, as if he had been secretly set on to write by those of the Church of Rome. A Calumny so improbable, that 'tis confuted in the very Preface to Ecclesia Restaurata, 
Page 6.  where he tells how the Owners of the Abby-Lands had all the reason in the world to maintain that Right, which by the known Laws of the Land had been vested in them.— And that the Exchanges, Grants and Sales of the Monasteries and Religious Houses were passed and confirmed by the King's Letters-Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of Law, which gave unto the Patentees as good a Title as the Law could make them; and that Pope Julius the Second in Queen Mary's Reign confirmed all those Lands by his Decree to the present Occupants, of which they stood possessed (justo titulo) by a lawful Title. But the Doctor's Observation is verified in himself, viz. That 'Tis the Faction a man joins with, not the Life or Principles of the man himself that makes him a good or a bad man; And I will add a learned or good Writer. He did not write Books, or Preach Sermons, as anciently Poets did Comedies, of whom Terence tells us, 
Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit,  
Id sibi negotii credidit solum dari,  
Populo ut placerent, quas fecissit fabulas.   
Thus Englished by Dr. Heylyn.  
Thus Poets when their mind they first apply,  
In loser Verse to frame a Comedy.  
Think there is nothing more for them to do  
Than please the people whom they speak unto.  
But this Reverend man was of no crouching temper to popular Factions, or Opinions, And whoever they are that oppose those, will be charged with Railing and Reviling, as well as with Falsities and Mistakes, though they use the most unaffected propriety of words to represent the conceptions of their minds, in giving an account of things in their proper and due circumstances. Dr. Heylyn had too much in him of a Gentleman and a Scholar to use any unseemly expressions in his Writings, to render either Persons, Opinions, or Actions odious. If he found them so, he ought so to represent them, or else he would not have acquitted himself like an Historian, i. e. faithful to the just interests of Truth. Had he but employed his Pen to have written one half of those things against the King and Church of England, which he writ for them, he would have been accounted by very many persons (I will not say by Dr. B.) the greatest Scholar, the greatest Protestant, the most faithful Historian, or in their own phrase, the most precious man that ever yet breathed in this Nation. But he had the good luck to be a Scholar, and better luck to employ his Learning like an honest man and a good Christian, in the defence of a Righteous and pious King; of an Apostolical and true Church; of a Venerable and Learned Clergy: And this drew upon him all the odium and malice that two opposite Factions, Papist and Sectary could heap upon him.  
Had he writ only against the first, his name had received no more disturbance from men upon earth, than his Soul does amongst its blessed associates in Heaven. But diving into unbeaten paths, in his Theological Studies, he gives an account of the first entrance of the Calvinian Tenets into this Kingdom, viz. 
Exam. Hist. 162.  How the controversies about Grace, Predestination, etc. had had been long agitated in the Schools between the Dominicans on the one side and the Franciscans on the other: the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of S. Austin, Prosper, and some others of the following Writers: The Franciscans on the general current of the ancient Fathers, who lived ante mota certamina Pelagiana, before the rising of the Pelagian Heresies. Which Disputes being after taken up in the Lutheran Churches, the moderate Lutherans (as they call them) followed the Doctrine of Melancthon, conformable to the Franciscans in those particulars. The others whom they call Stiff or Rigid Lutherans, of whom Flaccius Illyricus was chief, go in the same way with the Dominicans. The Authority of which last opinion, after it had been entertained and published in the works of Calvin, 
Observat. on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 72.  for his sake found admittance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches. And being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in Prison in Qu. Mary's days, after her death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva, Basil, and such other places, where calvin's Dictates were received as celestial Oracles, brought with them his opinions in the points of Predestination, Grace and Perseverance: which being dispersed and scattered over all the Church by calvin's authority and the diligence of the Presbyterian party (than busy in advancing their Holy Discipline) they came to be received for the only true and orthodox Doctrine, and were so publicly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge, till Dr. Peter Baroe, Professor for the Lady Margaret in that University, revived the Melancthonian way in his public Lectures, and by his great Learning and Arguments had drawn many others to the same persuasions.  
From which words it appears what little show of reason there is to call those Divines Arminians, who are of a different judgement from Mr. Calvin in the points aforesaid. For first, The Arminians are rather a Branch of the Sect of Calvin; to whose Discipline in all particulars they conform themselves, and to this Doctrines in most, differing from him only in Predestination and the Points subordinate; but managing those differences with a far better temper than their Opposites, as may be seen at large in Mr. Hales' Letters. And secondly, Arminius (as our Doctor 
Cert. Epist. 22.  Tells us) was too much a puisne, of too late standing in the world, to be accounted the first Broacher of those Doctrinal Points, which have such warrant from the Scriptures, and were so generally held by the ancient Fathers both Greek and Latin, till St. Augustine's time; defended since that time by the Jesuits and Franciscans in the Church of Rome, by all the Melancthonian Divines among the Lutherans; by Castalio in Geneva itself; by Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper in the time of K. Edward VI; by some of our Confessors in Prison in the days of Qu. Mary: by Bishop Harsnet in the Pulpit; by Dr. Peter Baroe in the Schools in the Reign of Qu. Elizabeth; by Hardem Bergius the first Reformer of the Church and City of Emden; and finally by Anastasius Velvanus, A. D. 1554. and afterward by Henricus Antonii, johannes Ibrandi, Clemens Martini, Cornelius Meinardi, the Ministers generally of the Province of Vtrecht; by Manaus the Divinity Professor of Leyden; by Gellius Succanus in the Province of Friezeland, before the name of jacob van Harmine was heard of in the world.  
And if it be objected that the whole stream of Protestant Divines, who were famous either for Piety or Learning embraced the Calvinian Doctrines; to this also the Doctor gives a satisfactory answer in many places of his learned Writings. The Reader may please to consider, 
Cert. Epist. 173.  1. That this being granted to be a truth, we are rather to look upon it as an infelicity which befell the Church, than as an argument that she concurred with those Divines in all points of judgement. That which was most aimed at immediately after the Reformation, and for a long time after, in preferring men to the highest dignities of the Church, and chief places in the Universities, was their zeal against Popery, and such a sufficiency of learning as might enable him to defend those Points, on which our separation from the Church of Rome was to be maintained, and the Queen's Interest most preserved. The Pope's Supermacy, the Mass, with all the Points and Niceties which depended on it, justification by Faith, Marriage of Priests, Purgatory, the Power of the Civil Magistrate, were the Points most agitated: And whoever appeared right in those, and withal declared himself against the corruptions of that Church in point of Manners, was seldom or never looked into for his other Opinions, until the Church began to find the sad consequences of it in such a general tendency to Innovation both in Doctrine and Discipline, as could not easily be redressed. 2. In answer to the forementioned objection, 
Ib. 153.  It is recorded in St. Marks Gospel, cap. 8. that the blind man whom our Saviour restored to sight at Bethsaida, at the first opening of his eyes saw men as Trees walking, ver. 24. i. e. walking as Trees; quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video, non homines sed arbores mihi viderentur, as we read in Maldonate. By which words, the blind man declared (saith he) se qavidem videre aliquid, cum nihil antè videret, imperfectè tamen videre, cum inter homines & arbores distinguere non posset. More briefly Estius upon the place, Nondum ita clarè & perfectè video, ut discernere possim inter homines & arbores. I discern somewhat, said the poor man, but so imperfectly, that I am not able to distinguish between Trees and Men. Such an imperfect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness, who not being able to discern all Divine Truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understandings, were not to be a Rule and Precedent to those that followed and lived in clearer times. and under a brighter Beam of Illumination than others did.  
What grounds were laid down by this excellent person for Unity and Charity in the Worship of God, and in the Doctrine and Government of the Church, may be seen in these words to Mr. Baxter; 
Cert. Epist. 57  Unity and Charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine, Worship, and Government, no man likes better than myself; bring but the same affections with you, and the wide Breach that is between us (in some of the Causes which we manage on either side) will be suddenly closed: but than you must be sure to stand to the word Ancient also, and not keep yourself to simplicity only. If Unity and Charity will content you in the ancient Doctrine, in the simplicity thereof without subsepuent mixtures of the Church, I know no Doctrine in the Church more pure and Ancient, than that which is publicly held forth by the Church of England in the Book of Articles, the Homilies, and the Catechism authorized by Law, of which I may safely affirm as St. Austin does in his Book Ad Marcelinum, His qui contradicit, aut a Christi fide alienus est, aut est Haereticus, i. e. He must either be an Infidel or an Heretic who assents not to them, If Unity and Charity in the simplicity of Worship be the thing you aim at, you must not give every man the liberty of worshipping in what Form he pleaseth, which destroys all Unity; nor Cursing many times instead of Praying, which destroys all Charity. The ancient and most simple way of Worship in the church of God was by regular Forms prescribed for the public use of God's people in the Congregations, and not by unpremeditated undigested Prayers, which every man makes unto himself, as his fancy shall lead him. And if set Forms of Worship are to be retained, you will not easily meet with any, which hath more in it of the ancient simplicity of the Primitive Times, than the English Liturgy. And if ancient simplicity of Government be the point you drive at, what Government can you find more pure or Ancient than that of Bishops; of which you have this Character in the Petition of the County of Rutland, where it is said to be, That Government which the Apostles left the Church in; that the Three Ages of Martyrs were governed by; that the thirteen Ages since have always gloried in; (by their Succession of Bishops from the Apostles, proving themselves Members of the Catholic and Apostolic Church) that our Laws have established; that so many Kings and Parliaments have protected; into which we were Baptised; as certainly Apostolical as the Lords day; as the distinction of Books were written by such Evangelists and Apostles, as the Consecration of the Eucharist by Presbyters, etc. An ample commendation of Episcopal Government, but such as exceeds not the bounds of Truth or Modesty. Stand to these grounds for keeping Unity and Charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine, Worship and Government in the Church of God, and you shall see how cheerfully the Regal and Prelatical Party will join hands with you, and embrace you with most dear affections. But you tell me, That if I will have men in peace as Brethren, our Union must be Law, or Ceremonies, or indifferent Forms. This is a pretty Speculation, but such as would not pass for practicable in any well-governed Commonwealth, unless it be in the old Utopia, the new Atlantis, or the last discovered Oceana. For how can men possibly live in peace as Brethren, where there is no Law to limit their desires, or direct their actions? Take away Law, and every man will be a Law unto himself, and do whatsoever seems best in his own eyes without control: then Lust will be a Law for one; Felony for another; Perjury shall be held no Crime; nor shall any Treason or Rebellion receive their punishments; for where there is no Law, there can be no Transgression: and where there is no Transgression, there can be no punishment; punishments being only due for the breach of Laws. Thus is it also in the Worship of God; which by the Hedge of Ceremonies is preserved from lying open to all profaneness; and by Set-Forms (be they as indifferent as they will) is kept from breaking out into open confusion. St. Paul tells us, that God is the God of Order, not of Confusion in the Churches. If therefore we desire to avoid Confusion, let us keep some Order; and if we would keep Order, we must have some Forms; it being impossible that men should live in peace as Brethren in the house of God, where we do not find both. David has told us in the Psalms, that jerusalem is like a City which is at Unity with itself. And in jerusalem there were not only solemn Sacrifices, Set-Forms of Blessing, and some significant Ceremonies prescribed by God; but Musical Instruments and Singers, and Linen Vestures for those Singers, and certain Hymns and several Times and Places for them ordained by David. Had every Ward in that City, and every Street in that Ward, and every Family in that Street, and perhaps every Person in that Family used his own way in Worshipping the Lord his God, jerusalem could not long have kept the name of a City, much less the honour of being that City which was at Unity in itself— When therefore the Apostle gives us this good counsel, that we endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, he seems to intimate that there can be no Unity, where there is no Peace; and that Peace cannot be preserved without some Bond. If you destroy all Ceremonies and subvert all Forms, you must break the Bond; and if the Bond be broken, you must break the Peace; and if you break the Peace, what becomes of the Unity? So that it is but the dream of a dry Summer (as the saying is) to think that without Law, or Forms, or Ceremonies, men may live peaceably together as becomes Brethren, though they profess one Faith, acknowledge one Lord, receive one Baptism, and be Sons of one Father which is in Heaven.  
Having thus surveyed some particulars pertaining to the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Church, proeced we next to take a short view of some things delivered by this right learned man concerning the Convocation; which in ancient times was part of the Parliament, 
Exam. Hist 126.  there being a Clause in every Letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in Parliament, that they should warn the Clergy of their respective Dioceses, some in their Persons, and others by their Procurators to attend there also▪ But this has be●n so long unpractised, that we find no footsteps of it since the Parliaments in the time of King Richard the Second. It is true indeed that in the 8th. year of Henry VI there passed a Statute, by which it was enacted, That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the King's Writ, together with their Servants and Families, should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty and immunity in coming, tarrying and returning, as the Great men and Commonalty of the Realm of England called or to be called to the King's Parliament have used, or aught to have or enjoy. Which though it makes the Convocation equal to the Parliament as to the freedom of their Persons; yet cannot it from hence be reckoned or reputed for a part thereof.  
And as it is now no part of the Parliament, so neither has it any necessary dependence upon that Honourable Council and Assembly, 
Observat. on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 220.  either in the Calling or Dissolving of it, or in the Confirmation or Authorising of the Acts thereof, but only in the King himself; and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament, but in his Palace or Court-Royal where ever it be. And this appears both by the Statute made in the 26th. of Henry VIII. and the constant practice ever since. Indeed since the 25th. year of Henry VIII. no Convocation is to assemble, but as it is Convocated and Convened by the Kings Writ? for in the Year 1532. the Clergy made their Acknowledgement and Submission in their Convocation to that mighty and great Monarch; which Submission passed into a Statute the very next year following. But this does not hinder, but that their Acts and Constitutions ratified by Royal Assent, are of force to bind the Subject to submit and conform to them. For before the Statute of Proemunire, and the Act for Submission, Convocations made Canons that were binding, 
Exam. Hist. 97.  although none other than Synodical Authority did confirm the same. And certainly they must have the same power; when the King's Authority signified in his Royal Assent is added to them. They also gave away the money of the Clergy, by whom they were chosen, even as the Commons in Parliament gave the money of the Cities, 
Obs. 196.  Towns and Countries, for which they served. For in choosing the Clerks for Convocation, there is an Instrument drawn up and sealed by the Clergy, in which they bind themselves to the Arch-Deacons of their several Dioceses upon the pain of forfeiting all their Lands and Goods, Se ratum, gratum & acceptum habere, quicquid Dicti Procuratores sui dixerint, fecerint vel constituerint, i. e. to allow, stand and perform whatsoever their said Clerks shall say, do, or condescend unto on their behalf. Nor is this a speculative Authority only and not reducible unto practice, but precedented in Queen Elizabeth's time. For in the year 1585. the Convocation having given one Subsidy confirmed by Parliament, and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queen's occasions, did after add a Benevolence or Aid of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergy; and to be levied by such Synodical Acts and Constitutions, as they digested for that purpose, without having any recourse to the Parliament for it.  
But against these things it was objected in the Long Parliament of King Charles I, That the Clergy had no power to make Canons without common consent in Parliament, because in the Saxon times, Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical had the Confirmation of Peers, and sometimes of the people, unto which great Councils our Parliaments do succeed. 
Exam. Hist. 237.  Which argumeut (says our Reverend Doctor) if it be of force to prove, that the Clergy can make no Canons without consent of the Peers and People in Parliament, it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation. My reason is, because such Councils in time of the Saxons were mixed Assemblies, consisting as well of Laics as ecclesiastics? and the matters there concluded on of a mixed nature also; Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good Governance of the Commonwealth, as Canons for the regulating such things as concerned Religion. And these great Councils of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing, their Clergy did their work by themselves without any Confirmation of the King or Parliament, till the Submission of the Clergy to King Henry VIII. And if Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councils, it was because that anciently the Procurators of the Clergy, not the Bishops only had their place in Parliament, though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations. Which being so, it is not much to be admired that the Commons repined about the disuse of the general making of Church-Laws, as they did in the beginning of the Long Parliament, when they voted the proceedings of the Clergy to be prejudicial and destructive to the Fundamental Liberties and Privileges of the Subject. For besides that this repining at the proceedings of any Superior Court does not make its Acts illegal, there is a new memorable passage in the Parliament of the 51. of Edw. III. which will clear this matter, which in brief is this: The Commons finding themselves aggrieved as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods, as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed, more to the advantage of the Clergy than the common People, put in a Bill to this effect, viz. That no Act or Ordinance should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy without consent of the Commons: and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage, to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent. The reason of which is this, and 'tis worth the marking Car eux ne veulent estre obligez anul de vos Estatuz ne ordinances faits sanz leur Assent, i. e. because the Clergy did not think themselves bound (as indeed they were not in those times) by any Statute, Act, or Ordinance made without their Assent in the Court of Parliament. And besides these precedents already mentioned, there is another memorable Convocation in the 4th. and 5th. years of Philip and Mary; 
Introduct. unto Exam. Hist.  in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed, by which the Subjects of the Temporalty, having Lands in the yearly value of five pounds and upwards, were charged with finding Horse and Armour according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions, did by their sole Authority in the Convocation, impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land, the finding of a like number of Horses, Armour and other necessaries for the War, according to their yearly Income, proportion for proportion, and rate for rate, as by that Statute hath been laid on the Temporal Subjects. And this they did by their own sole Authority, as was before said; ordering the same to be levied on all such as were refractory, by Sequestration, Deprivation, Suspension, Excommunication, without relating to any subsequent Confirmation by Act of Parliament, which they conceived they had no need of.  
Nor did the zeal of our learned Doctor here terminate; it was like Aaron's Ointment, that descended from his Beard to the lowest Skirts and Fringes of his Garments. For first, as for the Bishops, he did not only write for them when their Order flourished, but he defended their Function and Honour when their power was expired. For that Episcopacy might never revive in this Kingdom, its enemies used all possible endeavours to render it odious to all sober and considering Christians. And to do that, 1. The Bishops were made the cause of the Civil War; to which calumny our Doctor answers; It's true, the Covenanteers called it the Bishop's War, and gave out, 
Observ. on— 151.  that it was raised only to maintain the Hierarchy; The truth is, Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions, but they were not the causes of the War; Religion being but the Vizard to disguise the business, which Covetousness, Sacrilege and Rapine had the greatest hand in. But the thing was thus. The King being engaged in a War with Spain, and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it, was fain to have recourse to such other ways of Assistance as were offered to him. But what those ways were will be too tedious to acquaint the Reader with in this place: he may better inform himself in the Observations on Master L'Estrange his History. 2. Another Engine raised to demolish Episcopacy, was to persuade the People that Bishops were an imperious proud sort of men, or as Mr. Baxter (who was resolved as well to make up the measure of his own Incivilities as of the Bishop's Afflictions) a Turgid persecuting sort of Prelacy; as also that in respect of their Studies, they were no way fit for Government, or to be Barons in Parliament. Unto which the Doctor answers with an old story of a Nobleman in K. Henry viii time, who told Mr. Place one of the King's Secretaries, in contempt of Learning, 
Exam. Hist. ●46.  That it was enough for Nobleman's Sons to Wind their Horn, and carry their Hawk fair, and leave Learning to the study of mean men. To whom Mr. Pace replied, Then you and other Noblemen must be content that your Children may wind their Horns and keep their Hawks, whilst the Children of mean men do manage matters of State. And certainly there can be no reason, why men that have been versed in Books, studied in Histories, and thereby made acquainted with the chiefest Occurrences of most States and Kingdoms, should not be thought as fit to manage the Affairs of State, as those who spend their time in Hawking or Hunting, if not in worse Employments. For that a Superinduction of Holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence, is such a wild extravagant fancy, as no man of Judgement can allow of. And as for the Clergies Pride and Covetousness, he thus tells their Accuser: How sad their Condition is, 
Cert. Epist. 44.  and under what impossibilities of giving content unto the people. For if they keep close, and privately, and live any thing below their Fortunes, the People then cry out, O the base sordidness of the Clergy! But if according to their means, or in any outward lustre; then on the other side, Oh the pride of the Clergy! But tell me (Mr. Baxter) if you can, in what the Turgidness or high swelling pride of the Prelates did appear most visibly. Was it in the bravery of their Apparel, or in the train of their Attendance, or in their Lordly Port, or lofty looks, or in all, or in none? Admitting the most and worst you can of these particulars, would you have men that shine in a higher Orb, move in a lower Sphere, than that in which God has placed them? Or being ranked in Order and Degree about you, would you not have them keep that distance which belongs to their Places: Or because you affect a Parity in the Church, would you have all men brought to the same Level with yourself, without admitting Sub and Supra in the Scale of Government? If they were your Fathers in God, why did not you look upon them with such reverence as becomes Children? If your Superiors in the Lord, why did not you yield them that subjection which was due unto them? If fixed in Place and Power above you by the Laws of the Land only, and no more than so, why did not you give obedience to those Laws under which you lived, and by which you were to be directed? Take heed I beseech you Mr. Baxter, that more Spiritual Pride be not found in that heart of yours, than ever you found worldly and external Pride in any of my Lords the ●●●hops; and that you do not trample on them with greater insolence (Calco platonis Fastum, sed majori Fastu, as you know who said) in these unfortunate days of their Calamity, than ever they expressed toward any in the time of their Glory. Were it my case, as it is yours, I would not for ten thousand worlds depart this life, before I had obtained their pardon, and given satisfaction to the world for these horrible Scandals. 3. As for those persons that were heartily affected with Episcopacy, and dissatisfied with the extinction of an Order so sacred and venerable, there was this way found out to quiet their discontents, viz. to persuade them that Bishops and Presbyters were of equivolent importance, and comprehended under the same name in the Holy Scriptures. But grant (says this their Champion) that they be so: 
Obser. 183.  who, that pretends to Logic, can dispute so lamely, as from a Community of names to infer an Identity or Sameness in the thing so named? King's are called Gods in Holy Scripture; and God does frequently call himself by the name of King: yet if a man should thence infer, that from this Community of names, there arises an Identity or Sameness between God and the King, he might worthily be condemned for so great a Blasphemer. St. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop, and himself a Presbyter or Priest, 
1 Pet 2. 25.  or an Elder, 
1 Pet. 5. 1.  as we unhandsomely read it: yet were it a sorry piece of Logic to conclude from hence, that there is no distinction between an Apostle and an Elder, the Prince of the Apostles, and a simple Presbyter; or between Christ the Supreme Pastor of his Church and every ordinary Bishop. Lastly, take it for granted that Bishops have an Identity or Sameness in Name, Office, Ordination and Qualification with Presbyters, it will not follow convertibly that Presbyters have the like Identity or Sameness of Qualification, Ordination, Name and Office, which the Bishop hath. My reason is, because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest before he take the Order and Degree of a Bishop, hath in him all the Qualifications, the Ordination, Name and Office which a Presbyter has; and something further superadded, as well in point of Order and jurisdiction, which every Presbyter hath not: So that although every Bishop be a Priest, or Presbyter, yet every Presbyter is not a Bishop. To make this clear by an example in the Civil Government. When Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, and principal Secretary of State was made first Earl of Salisbury, and then Lord Treasurer, continuing Knight and Secretary as he was before; it might be said that he had an Identity or Sameness in Name, Office, Order and Qualification with Sir john Herbert the other Secretary; yet this could not be said reciprocally of Sir john Herbert, because there was something superadded to Sir Robert Cecil, viz. the Dignity of an Earl and the Office of Lord Treasurer, which the other had not. So true is that of Lactantius, Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus. It is ordinary for Arguments built upon weak grounds to have worse Conclusions. And a better Instance cannot be given of this, than in the Retortion that Mr. Selden made to one in the House of Commons, 
Ib. 188.  who disputed against the Divine Right of Episcopacy, His argument was this. 1. That Bishops are jure Divino is of Question. 2. That Archbishops are not jure Divino is out of Question. 3. That Ministers are jure Divino, there is no Question. Now if Bishops which are questioned whether jure Divino shall Suspend Ministers which are jure Divino, I leave it to you Mr. Speaker. Which Mr. Selden (whether with greater Wit or Scorn is hard to say) thus retorted on him. 1. That the Convocation is jure Divino, is a Question. 2. That Parliaments are not jure Divino, is out of Question. 3. That Religion is jure Divino, is no Question. Now, Mr. Speaker, that the Convocation which is questioned whether jure Divino, and Parliaments which out of Question are not jure Divino, should meddle with Religion, which questionless is jure Divino, I leave to you Mr. Speaker.  
There are some other Points relating to Episcopacy, which Dr. Heylyn has long time since cleared and determined. And if some of our pretending Statesmen had considered and read what was written upon those Subjects, their time and pains would have been more profitably spent to the honour and security of this Church and Kingdom, than in raising doubts and scruples, which had long before been so clearly stated and resolved. For, 1. As for Bishops sitting in Parliament to Vote in Causes of Blood and Death, this the Doctor evinced not only in the Tract, entitled, De jure paritatis Episcoporum, 
P. 224.  but in his Observations upon Mr. L'Estrange's History, where he says, that although the ancient Canons disable Bishops from Sentencing any man to Death, yet they do not from being Assistants in such cases; from taking Examinations, hearing Depositions of Witnesses, or giving Counsel in such matters as they saw occasion. The Bishops sitting as Peers in the English Parliament, were never excluded from the Earl of Strafford's Trial, from any such Assistances, as by their Gravity and Learning and other Abilities, they were enabled to give in any dark and difficult business (though of Blood and Death) which were brought before them. 2. With the like solid reasoning, the Doctor has evinced the Bishops to be one of the Three Estates. For, not to mention what he says upon this Argument in his Stumbling-Block of Disobedience: That they have their Vote in Parliament as a Third Estate, not in capacity of Temporal Barons (although they are so, as Mr. Selden evinces, 
Yitles of Hon. p. 2. cap. 5.  and an Act of Parliament, Stat. 25. Edw. III.) will evidently appear from these following Reasons, For, first the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these North-West Parts make the Third Estate; that is to say, in the Germane Empire, as appears by Thuanus the Historian, lib. 2. In France, as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius, lib. 9 In Spain, as testifieth Bodinus de Republics. lib. 3. For which also consult the general History of Spain, as in point of practice, lib. 9, 10, 11, 14. In Hungary, as witnesseth Bonfinius, Decl. 2. lib. 1. In Poland, as is verified by Thuanus also, l. 56. In Denmark, as Pontanus tells us in Historia rerum Danicarum, l. 7. The Swedes observing anciently the same Form and Order of Government as was used by the Danes. The like we find in Cambden for the Realm of Scotland, in which anciently the Lords Spiritual, viz. Bishops, Abbots, and Priors made the Third Estate. And certainly it was very strange, if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England, being a great and powerful Body, should move in a lower Sphere in England, than they do elsewhere. But 2dly. Not to stand only upon probable inferences, we find first in History, touching the Reign and Acts of Henry V. That when his Funerals were ended, the Three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together, and declared his Son King Henry VI. being an Infant of eight Months old to be their Sovereign Lord, as his Heir and Successor. And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the Third Estate, I would fain know who did? Secondly, The Petition tendered to Richard Duke of Gloucester, to accept the Crown, occurring in the Parliament Rolls, runs in the name of the Three Estates of the Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons thereof. Thirdly, In the said Parliament of the said Rich. Crowned King, it is said expressly, That at the request and by the consent of the Three Estates of this Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of this Land Assembled in this present Parliament, and by Authority of the same, it be Pronounced, Decreed and Declared, That our Sovereign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England, etc. Fourthly, It is acknowledged in the Statute of 1. Eliz. c. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in that Parliament Assembled, being said expressly and in terminis, to represent the Three Estates of this Realm of England, did recognize the Queen's Majesty to be their true, lawful, and undoubted Sovereign Liege Lady and Queen. Add unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cook, though a private person, who in his Book of the jurisdiction of Courts (published by Order of the Long Parliament) c. 1. doth expressly say, That the Parliament consists of the Head and the Body, that the Head is the King, that the Body is the Three Estates, viz. the Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and the Commons. In which words we have not only the Opinion and Testimony of that learned Lawyer, but the Authority of the Long Parliament also, though against itself.  
I hope the perusal of these things will be no less acceptable to the sober Reader, than the transcribing of them has been unto myself; which I have done to the end as well of informing my Countrymen about the Rights of the Crown and Privileges of the Church and Clergy, as to show that Dr. Heylyn had a zeal according unto knowledge, and was not less zealous for knowledge-sake.  
And the Doctor having thus stood up in the defence of Monarchy and Hierarchy, both in their prosperous and adverse condition; when the black Cloud was dispelled, and a fair Sunshine began to dawn upon these harrassed and oppressed Islands, by the Return of his Sacred Majesty, this excellent man having in his mind Tully's Resolution, Defendi Rempub. Adolescens, non deseram Senex, thought it unbecoming him to desert the Church in any of its pressing needs: and therefore when the door of Hope began to open, he busied his active and searching mind in finding out several expedients for the restoring and securing of its Power and Privileges in future Ages against the attempts of Factious and Sacrilegious men. And the first thing that he engaged in, was to draw up several Papers, and tender them to those Persons in Authority, who in the days of Anarchy and Oppression, had given the most signal Testimonies of their Affection to the Church. In which Papers he first showed what Alterations, Explanations, etc. were made in the Public Liturgy in the Reigns of King Edward VI Queen Elizabeth, and King james; that so those who were entrusted with so sacred a Depositum, might be the better enabled to proceed in the Alteration and enlargement of it; as they afterward did, and as it now stands by Law Established in this Church. Secondly, Whereas in the first year of King Edward VI. it was enacted that all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. should make their Processes, Writings, and Instruments in the King's name, and not under their own Names— (which Act was afterward extended unto Ordinations, as appears by the Form of a Testimonial extant in Sanders' Seditious Book, De Schismate Anglicano) and whereas the Act was repealed in the last year of Queen Mary, and did stand so repealed all the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but was by the activity of some, and the incogitancy of others revived again in the first year of King james, but lay dorment all the Reign of that Prince, and during the first ten years of King Charles I. after which it was endeavoured to be set on foot by some disturbers of the Public Peace; upon which, the King having it under the hand of his Judges, that the proceedings of the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. were not contrary to the Laws of the Land, inserted their Judgement about it in a Proclamation for indemnifying the Bishops, and the satisfying of his loving Subjects in that Point; therefore Dr. Heylyn considering that what the Judges did was extrajudicial, and that the King's Proclamation expired at his Death, solicited the concerns of the Church in this Affair, viz. that the Act so pas●ed, as before is said, in the first of King james, might be repealed, that so the Bishops might proceed as formerly in the exercise of their Jurisdiction without fear or danger. Thirdly, Whereas in the 16. year of Charles. I. there passed an Act that no Archbishop, Bishop, etc. should minister any Corporal Oath unto any Churchwarden, Sideman, or any other person whatsoever, with many other things whereby the whole Episcopal Jurisdiction was subverted (except Canonical Obedience only) and all proceedings in Courts Ecclesiastical in Causes Matrimonial, Testamentory, etc. were weakened, and all Episcopal Visitations were made void as to the ordinary Punishments of Heresy, Schism, Nonconformity, Incest, Adultery and other Crimes of Ecclesiastical Cognizance, therefore Dr. Heylyn stated the Case, and in a Petition drawn up by him, prayed, that for the restoring of the Episcopal Jurisdiction, the Clauses of that Act, and the penalties thereunto annexed, might be wholly abrogated and annulled.  
But the most remarkable Effort of his zeal for the Church, after the King's Restauration, was the Application made by him to the great Minister of State in those days, that there might be a Convocation called with the Parliament. What good effects were produced by his endeavours in that particular, let the Reader judge, when he has perused the following Letter, with which the Reverend Doctor saluted that powerful Statesman.  
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,  
I Cannot tell how welcome or unwelcome this Address may prove in regard of the greatness of the Cause and the low condition of the Party, who negotiates in it. But I am apt enough to persuade myself, that the honest zeal which moves me to it, not only will excuse, but endear the boldness.  
There is, my Lord, a general Speech, but a more general Fear withal amongst some of the Clergy, that there will be no Convocation called with the following Parliament; which if it should be so resolved on, cannot but raise sad thoughts in the hearts of those, who wish the peace and happiness of our English Zion. But being the Bishops are excluded from their Votes in Parliament, there is no other way to keep up their Honour and Esteem in the eyes of the people, but the retaining of their places in the Convocation. Nor have the lower Clergy any other means to show their duty to the King, and keep that little freedom which is left unto them, then by assembling in such Meetings, where they may exercise the Power of a Convocation, in granting Subsidies to his Majesty, though in nothing else. And should that Power be taken from them, according to the constant (but unprecedented) practice of the late Long Parliament, and that they must be taxed and rated with the rest of the Subjects without their liking and consent, I cannot see what will become of the first Article of Magna Charta, so solemnly, so frequently confirmed in Parliament, or what can possibly be left unto them of either of the Rights or Liberties belonging to an English Subject.  
I know 'tis conceived by some, that the distrust which his Majesty hath in some of the Clergy, and the Diffidence which the Clergy have of one another, is looked on as the principal cause of the Innovation: For I must needs behold it as an Innovation, that any Parliament should be called without a meeting of the Clergy at the same time with it. The first year of King Edward VI Qu. Marry, and Qu. Elizabeth were times of greater diffidence and distraction, than this present Conjuncture. And yet no Parliament was called in the beginning of their several Reigns, without the company and attendance of the Convocation, though the intendments of the State aimed then at greater alterations in the face of the Church, than are now pretended or desired. And to say the truth, there was no ●anger to be feared from a Convocation, though the times were ticklish and unsettled, and the Clergy was divided into Sides and Factions, as the case then stood, and so stands with us at this present time. For since the Clergy in their Convocations are in no Authothority to propound, treat, or conclude any thing (more than the passing of a Bill of Subsides for his Majesty's use) until they are empowered by the King's Commission, the King may tie them up for what time he pleases, and give them nothing but the opportunity of entertaining one another with the news of the day. But if it be objected, that the Commission now on foot for altering and explaining certain passages in the Public Liturgy, that either pass instead of a Convocation, or else is thought to be neither competable nor consistent with it; I hope far better in the one, and must profess that I can see no reason in the other. For first, I hope that the selecting of some few Bishops and other learned men of the lower Clergy to debate on certain Points contained in the Common-Prayer-Book, is not intended for a Representation of the Church of England, which is a Body more diffused, and cannot legally stand bound by their Acts and Counsets. And if this Conference be for no other purpose, but only to prepare matter for a Convocation (as some say it is not) why may not such a Conference and Convocation be held both at once? For neither the selecting of some learned men out of both the Orders for the composing and reviewing of the two Liturgies digested in the Reign of King Edward VI proved any hindrance in the calling of those Convocations, which were held both in the second and third, and in the fifth and sixth of the said Kings Reign. Nor was it found that the holding of a Convocation together with the first Parliament under Queen Elizabeth, proved any hindrance to that Conference or Disputation which was designed between the Bishops and some learned men of the opposite parties. All which considered, I do most humbly beg your Lordship to put his Majesty in mind of sending out his Mandates to the two Arch● Bishops for summoning a Convocation (according to the usual Form) in their several Provinces, that this poor Church may be held with some degree of Veneration, both at home and abroad. And in the next place, I do no less humbly beseech your Lordship to excuse this freedom, which nothing but my zeal for God's glory and my affection to this Church could have forced from me. I know how ill this present office does become me, and how much fitter it had been, for such as shine in a more eminent Sphere in the holy Hierarchy to have tendered these Particulars to consideration. Which since they either have not done, or that no visible effect hath appeared thereof, I could not choose but cast my poor Mite into the Treasury; which if it may conduce to the Churches good, I shall have my wish; and howsoever shall be satisfied in point of Conscience, that I have not failed of doing my duty to this Church, according to the light of my understanding; and than what happens unto me shall not be material. And thus again most humbly craving pardon for this presumption, I kiss your Lordship's hands, and subscribe myself  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most humble Servant to be commanded Peter Heylyn.  
Having thus surveyed the most important Occurrences of Dr. Heylyn's Life, I doubt not but every judicious and impartial Reader will be convinced at once of his vast Abilities and Acquirements in the large Circle of Learning and Sciences, of his immovable Integrity in the Protestant Religion, and of his indefatigable Industry and Service to the just Interests both of the Crown and Mitre. For though I will not say as St. Paul does of his Son Timothy, that there was no man likeminded, yet no one had more hearty and unbiased affections, no man did more naturally care for this Church and Kingdom than Dr. Heylyn; and at that time too, when he expected nothing for his pains and industry, but all the miseries and mischiefs, which armed Malice and successful usurped Tyranny could inflict upon him. Preach indeed he could not in those days of danger and persecution. But he plentifully made up that unavoidable omission by his Writings: through all which there runs such a native plainness and elegancy, as can be paralleled in very few of the Writers of that Age he lived in. In all his Books his Style is smooth and masculine, his Sense full and copious, his Words plain and intelligible, his Notions numerous and perspicuous, his Arguments pertinent, ponderous and convincing. Those Accomplishments which rarely concentred in any Individual, were in Doctor Heylyn, in their eminency and perfection, viz. a solid Judgement, an acute Wit, a rich teeming Fancy, and a memory so prodigiously quick and tenacious, that it was the Storehouse of most Arts and Sciences. And which is most wonderful, it was not impaired either by Age or by Afflictions. For many of those learned Volumes that have his learned Name annexed to them, were writ when his Sight failed him. And here I cannot forget that deserved Character, which a right learned man, and now an eminent Prelate of our Church bestowed on him, viz. That Dr. Heylyn never writ any Book, let the Argument be never so mean and trivial, but it was worthy of a Scholars reading. And another very celebrated Professor (now) in Oxon, paying him the respects of a Visit at Abingdon, returned home with the profoundes● Admiration of his incomparable Abilities, saying, That he never heard any Doctor of the Chair deliver his judgement more copiously and perspicuously upon any Subject, than our Doctor did upon those various Theological Points, that were proposed to him. Insomuch that what Livy affirmed of Cato, might without any injury to Truth be affirmed of this Reverend person, Natum ad id diceres, quodcunque ageret.  
And 'tis just matter of wonder, how any Scholar that had so many Sicknesses and Avocations from the Muses in his Childhood and Youth, and that was encumbered with the burden of so many secular businesses in his middle Age, should arrive to such vast knowledge and improvements. For he was a Critic (and that no vulgar one) both in the Greek and Latin Languages: A polite Humanist, being exactly acquainted with the best Poets, Orators and Historians: He was also an excellent Poet; but a more able Judge of it in others, than a practiser of it himself. Philosophy he studied no farther, than as it was subservient to nobler Contemplations. But as for History, Chronology, and Geography, they were as familiar to him, as the Transactions of one months' business can be to any private person. And that Divine is yet to be named, whose knowledge did exceed Dr. Heylyn's in the Canon, Civil, Statute, or Common Laws: To the profession of which last if he had betook himself, few men in the Nation would have exceeded him either in Fame or Estate.  
In all things that were either spoke or writ by him, he did loqui cum vulgo, so speak as to be understood by the meanest Hearer, and so write as to be comprehended by the most vulgar Reader. 
Observ. on the Hist.— page 2.  It is true indeed (as he himself observes) that when there is necessity of using either Terms of Law, or Logical Notions, or any other words of Art, an Author is then to keep himself to such Terms and Words, as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their several Faculties. But to affect new Notions, and indeed new Nothings, when there is no necessity to invite us to it, is a Vein of writing which the two great Masters of the Greek and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of. But many think, that they can never speak elegantly, nor write significantly, except they do it in a language of their own devising, as if they were ashamed of their Mother-Tongue, and thought it not sufficiently curious to express their fancies. By means whereof more French and Latin words have gained ground upon us since the middle of Queen Elizabeth, than were admitted by our Ancestors (whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon Race) not only since the Norman, but the Roman Conquest. A folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram, where the spruce Gallant thus bespeaks his Page, or Lackey 
Diminutive and my defective Slave,  
Reach my Corpse Coverture immediately:  
'Tis my complacency that Vest to have,  
IT ensconce my person from Frigidity.  
The Boy believed all Welsh his Master spoke,  
Till railed in English, Rogue go fetch my Cloak.   
And yet this simplicity and plainness of writing is the true cause, why so many were heretofore and are still scandalised at the Doctor's Books. But let the Reader attend to him whilst he pleads for himself: 
Pref. to Theol. Vet.  The truth is, I never voluntarily engaged myself in any of those public Quarrels, by which the Unity and Order of the Church of England hath been so miserably distracted in these later times. Nor have I loved to run before or against Authority; but always took the just Counsels and Commands thereof for my ground and warrant: which when I had received, I could not think that there was any thing left on my part, but obsequii gloria, the honour of a cheerful and free obedience. And in this part of my obedience, it was my lot most commonly to be employed in the Puritan Controversies; in managing of which, although I used all equanimity and temper which reasonably could be expected (the argument and persons against whom I writ being well considered) yet I did thereby so exasperate that prevailing party, that I became the greatest object of their spleen and fury.  
When the Jewish Libertines could not resist the wisdom, and spirit, and excellence of Elocution with which St. Stephen defended himself and blessed Saviour, 
Acts 6. 10.  we find in the next Chapter, that his enemies deserted all rational arguings, and betook themselves to acts of the most inhuman violence; first gnashing upon him with their teeth, and then assaulting him with stones. Add the truth is, Dr. Heylyn had few other answers returned to the many learned Volumes written by him, besides volleys of audacious and virulent slanders to wound his name, and to hinder easy and credulous persons from perusing of his Books. He tells one, who called him the Primipilus, or chief of the Defenders of Prelacy, that although he did sometimes put vinegar in his Ink to make it quick and operative, 
Cert. Epist. 31.  as the case did require, yet there was nothing of scurrility or malice in it; nothing that savoured of uncharitableness, o● of such bitter reproaches, as he was unjustly charged with. When he met with such a Firebrand as Mr. Burton, it was not to be expected, that he should pour oil upon him to increase the flame, and not bring water to quench it, whether foul or clean. And when he met with other unsavoury pieces, it was fit that he should rub them with a little salt to keep them sweet. The good Samaritan, when he took care of the wounded passenger, is said to have poured into his wounds both Oil and Wine, i. e. Oil to cherish and refresh it, and Wine to cleanse it; Oleum quo foveatur, vinum quo mordeatur. He had not been a skilful Chirurgeon, if he had done otherwise. And the Doctor being to contend with so many and malicious Adversaries, had been a very unwary writer, had he made no distinction, but accosted them all after one and the same manner. The grand Exemplar of Sweetness, Candour and Ingenuity, used the severest invectives against the hypocritical Scribes and Pharisees. Certainly one Plaster is not medicinal to all kind of sores; some of which may be cured with Balm, when others more corrupt and putrified, do require a Lancing. And thus did this Reverend man deal with the enemies of the King and Church; insomuch that he received thanks from the Ministers of Surrey and Bucks (in the name of themselves and that party) for his fair and respectful language to them, both in his Preface to his History of the Sabbath and conclusion of the same. To conclude, unless good words may receive pollution by confuting bad principles, and describing bad things, nothing of any rude or uncharitable language can be found in any of the Writings of Dr. Heylyn,  
But as all men have not abilities to write Books, so neither to pass sentence on them, when written. And yet whatever hard censures the Doctor's Books have met with in the world, I am persuaded his most inveterate enemies who will have but so much patience as to peruse impartially this Account given of his Life, will believe that one who had acted, written and suffered so much in the defence of the King and Church, might have met with some Rewards or Respects in some measure suitable to his merits. But God Almighty and wise Providence had otherwise ordered the Event of things; purposing (no doubt) that this excellent person, who had for the greatest part of his pilgrimage encountered with the spite and threatenings, oppositions and persecutions of those who had subverted Monarchy in the State, and Order and Decency in the Church, (should (notwithstanding the King's Restauration) have administered to him another Trial of his passive Fortitude; and that was to wrestle with the neglects and ingratitude of his Friends. Indeed some Right Reverend Fathers in the Church (amongst whom Bishop Cousins ought not to be passed over in silence) protested not their wonder only, but their grief, that so great a Friend and Sufferer for the Royal Family and Church, should like the wounded men in the Gospel, be passed by both by Priest and Levite, and have no recompense for his past Services, besides the pleasure of reflecting on them. But the Statesmen of those days ranked the Doctor with the Milites emeriti, the old Cavaliers, of whose Principles there could be no fear, and of whose Services there could be no more need. But notwithstanding all the frowns of Fortune, yet he could say his Nunc Dimittis with more sensible joy and cheerfulness, than he was able to do, for many of the precedent years; having the satisfaction to live, (I cannot say to see) till the King was restored to his Throne, and the Church to its Immunities and Rights. Yea, let them take all, forasmuch as my Lord the King is come again in peace unto his own House. The Doctor had nothing given him, but what neither Law nor Justice could detain from him; and that was the former Preferments that he had in the Church, from the profits and possession of which he had been kept above seventeen years. And with those he contentedly acquiesced; and not unlike some of the old famous Romans, after they had done all the Services they could for their Country, returned home to their poor Wives, and little Farms, yoking again their Oxen for the Plough, when they had fettered their enemies in Chains. Above all, this excellent Scholar enjoyed the inward peace and tranquillity of his own mind; in that he fought a good fight, kept the Faith, finished his course, discharged his Duty and Trust, and had been counted worthy to suffer the loss of all things (except his Conscience) for the best of Princes, and the most righteous of Causes in the world. And I pray God grant that an old observation which I have somewhere met withal, may not be verified either as to the concerns of Dr. Heylyn, or any of the old Royalists, viz. It is an ill sign of prosperity to any Kingdom, where such as deserve well, find no other recompense, than the peace of their own Consciences.  
But alas! all these unkindnesses and neglects were trivial to the irreparable loss of his eyesight: of which he found a sensible and gradual decay for many years; and therefore was the better enabled to endure it. But about the year 1654. tenebrescunt videntes per foramina; those that looked out of the windows were darkened, and he was constrained to make use of other men's eyes (but not in the sense as great persons do) to guide him in the Motions of his Body▪ though not in the Contemplations of his Mind. Like good old jacob, 
Gen. 48. 10.  his eyes were dim and he could not see: but there was this difference between them, that the Patriarches eyes were grown dim by reason of Age, but Dr. heylyn's were darkened with Study and Industry. As the whole frame of his Body was uniform, comely and upright, his Stature of a middle size and proportion; so his Eye naturally was strong, sparkling, and vivacious; and as likely to continue useful and serviceable to its Owner, as any man's whatsoever. But by constant and indefatigable Study (which for many years he took in the night, being hurried up and down with a successive crowd of Business in the day) either the Crystalline humour was dried up, or the optic Nerves became perforated and obstructed; by which means the Visive Spirits were stopped, and an imperfect kind of Cataract was fixed in his eyes, which neither by inward Medicines nor outward Remedies could ever be brought to that maturity and consistence, as to be fit for cutting. Detestabilis est caecitas, si n●mo oculos perdiderit, nisi cui eruendi snnt. No punishment would be more dreadful than blindness, if none lost their eyes, but those that had them pulled out by tortures and burning basons. But this 
* Stalius calls blindness so.  Sors Letho dirior omni, this heavy affliction was by God laid upon Dr. Heylyn to exercise his Faith, to quicken Devotion, to try his Patience, 
Tul. Tus. Quaest lib. 5.  and to prepare him for his merciful Rewards. Animo multis modis variisque delectari licet, etiamsi non adhibeatur Aspectus, Loquor autem de docto homine & erudito, cui vivere est cogitare: Sapientis autem cogitatio non fermè ad investigandum adhibet oculos advocatos: etenim si nox non adimit vitam beatam, cur dies nocti similis adimat? A man may recreate himself various ways, although his sight fail, if he be knowing and learned: For a wise man will entertain himself with the noblest Contemplations without the help of his bodily organs; the life of such an one consisting more in Meditation than Action. And if a dark night cannot render our lives miserable, why should daylight be able to effect it, which to a blind man is no other than night? And that incomparable Author proceeds in presenting his Reader with many instances of persons that were highly useful in their Generations after they were deprived of their sight. And Dr. Heylyn, as well as Cnëus Aufidius, having Animum acutum, was able to give advice to his Friends, to solve Doubts, to clear and defend Truth, to write Histories, & videre in literis: For when the windows were quite darkened, the Candle of the Lord, 
Ibid.  his itellectual lamp, burned more clear and bright within him. Democritus (as the Orator goes on) luminibus amissis, Alba scil▪ & Atra discernere non poterat: at verò bona, mala; equa, iniqua; honesta, turpia; utilia, inutilia; magna, parva poterat▪ & sine varietate colorum licebat vivere beatè: sine notione rerum non licebat.— Our Reverend Divine, when he had lost his eyes, could not ('tis true) discern white from black; but which was a more advantageous Speculation, he could discern good from evil; and just from unjust, and things lovely, and honest and profitable, from those which were impure, unrighteous and incommodions. And a man may be happy, though he does not discern variety of Colours, but he cannot be so, unless he his senses exercised to discern between good and evil.  
Another of the Roman Orators reckons up many advantages of blindness; 
Quintilian. in Declam.  telling us, Caecus non irascitur, non odit, non concupiscit; & cum corpora nostra vigorem de luminibus accipiunt, pereunt cum suis vitia causis, i. e. one that is deprived of sight has no objects to kindle his Anger, to precipitate his Revenge, to inflame his Lips; which must needs languish and decay, when those bodily Members, through which they commonly gain admission into our Souls, are impaired and become useless. And amongst other advantages which the Doctor received from this heavy misfortune, he acquaints Mr. Harington of one: 
Certam. Epist. 310.  For looking on him (as he writes) as a generous and ingenuous Adversary, I should count it no crime to be ambitious of your society and friendship, had not my great decay of sight (besides other infirmities growing on me) rendered me more desirous of a private and retired life, than of such an agreeable conversation. And so apprehensive was he of his approaching End, that he elsewhere tells his Reader, The small remainder of my life will be better spent in looking back upon those errors, which the infirmities of nature and other humane frailties, have made me subject to, that so I may redeem the time, because my former days were evil. And I can truly say, that of those short Memoirs which he left behind him of the eleven first Lustrums of his Life (for they extended no further) he ever and anon intersperses some Religious Sentence or other, relating to those Vicissitudes, with which the Divine Providence was pleased to exercise him, to express the devout affections that he had toward his Maker and Redeemer; taking all occasions, according to the various accidents and occurrences that happened unto him, to stir up his Soul, either to magnify the Mercies, or acknowledge the Justice, or adore the Wisdom, or trust in the Power, or rely upon the promises of God. When 
* Sir W. S.  one of his Adversaries was surprised with the Advertisements, that were so speedily made upon one of his Books, and twitted him with having numerous Helpers; conceiving it impossible, that a Treatise so accurately writ should be exposed to public light within so short a space of time; the Doctor replies, Tho I cannot say that I have many H●lpers, yet I cannot but confess in all humble Gratitude, that I have one great Helper, which is instar ●mnium, even the Lord my God: Auxilium meum a Domino, my help cometh even from the Lord which made Heaven and Earth. And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of God's mercies to me, as jacob did, when he was asked about the quick dispatch which he made in preparing savoury meat for his aged Father, Voluntas Dei fuit ut tam citò occurreret mihi quod volebam, Gen. 27. 20. It is God's goodness and his only, that I am able to do what I do.  
That name is yet to be mentioned, that was ever loaded with more reproach and infamy than Dr. Heylyn's. And he ever kept silence, unless it was when he was accused of gross errors against any Fundamentals in Religion: For that he looked upon to be a self-conviction; having that advice of St. Hierom frequently in his Writings, but oftener in his thoughts, In suspicion haereseos se nolle quenquem fore patientem. But as for private whispers or bold calumnies, which reached only to the private concerns of his Name and Repute, they did not in the least move him; having long learned with him in the old Historian (as he once told one of his friends) civili animo laceratam existimationem far, to bear with an undisturbed mind the greatest calumnies which either the tongues or pens of malicious men could lay upon him. But when ever the concerns of Church or State in general, or his Friends in particular required his helping hand, then like the dumb Son of Croesus, he found a Tongue (and a Pen too) though no extremity of his own (unless in the Instance now mentioned) could remove him from his espoused silence.  
And as he had learned to contemn calumnies himself; so he endeavoured to fix the same resolution in the poor ejected Clergy; 
Cert. Epistola. Epist. Ded.  thus writing to them, You, my Brethren, who have been so long trained up in the School of patience; the suffering of Reproaches, whether from theTongue or Pen, from the Press or Pulpit, cannot be taken out as a new Lesson, never learned before. I know I speak to men, who are not to be put in mind of that which you have learned in Aesop's Fables: In one of the Morals, you are taught to imitate those generous Horses, Qui latrantes caniculos cum contemptu praetereunt, which use to pass by barking Curs with neglect and scorn: Or to be told of that which you once read in the Annals of Tacitus, 
Tacit. Anal. l. 13.  viz. Convitia spreta exolescunt, Those contumelies die soon, that are least regarded: or to be remembered of that memorable saying of St. Cyprian, who had suffered as much in this kind, as the most amongst us; but having suffered no more from the tongues of his enemies, than Christ our Saviour did before from the hands of judas, he thus encouraged himself and others by this golden sentence, Nec nobis turpe esse pati, quae passus est Christus; nec illis gloriam facere, quae fecerit Judas. Which passages, though very full of use and comfort, how infinitely short are they of that celestial consolation, which our Saviour gives us in his Gospel, pronouncing a Blessing upon all those who are persecuted and reviled, and against whom all manner of evil is falsely spoken for his name sake; assuring them, that it should be cause of gladness and rejoicing to them in this present life, and of great reward in Heaven for the life to come. Let us therefore behave ourselves with such Sobriety and Moderation, such Piety and Christian Candour, that the ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence, and that all those who speak against us as evil-doers, may be convicted of their faults and malicious speaking, before God and man.— Let us entertain Fortune bythe day, and patiently submit ourselves to the appointments of that heavenly Providence, which powerfully disposeth all things to the good of the Universe. So doing we shall show ourselves the Followers of that Lamb of God, who opened not his mouth before the Shearers; the Scholars of that gracious Master, who when he was reviled, reviled not again, nor used any unbecoming speeches in the midst of his sufferings.  
Nor were these the only instances of Christian Goodness, that were conspicuous in this Reverend person. His Charity was more than verbal or persuasive. For not to enlarge upon those particular Testimonies of his Liberality to private Christians in relieving their Wants, as well as rescuing them from their Errors and evil Principles (of which there might be given considerable Instances) those public demonstrations of his Bounty and Generosity in contributing to the necessities of his Prince, not only to his power, but beyond his power, ought not to be passed over in silence. For first in the year 1639. when King Charles I. began his Journey against the Scots, the English Clergy by means of Archbishop Laud (but first thought on and proposed by Dr. Heylyn) were aiding and assisting to his Majesty in their speedy and liberal Contributions; and the Doctor for his Parsonage of Alresford gave 50 l. for South-Warnb. 20 Marks; and at that time he was in the First-Fruits for it. He was the very first of of the Clergy that subscribed in Hampshire, and his example proved so powerful, that in that very County, the sum of what was given by the Clergy amounted to no less than 1348 l. 2 s. 4 d. In the year 1642. when the War was actually begun, he attending upon his Royal Master at Reading, made a Present to him of Money and Plate, to the value of 100 l. Neither was his liberal hand defective in some other Instances of Bounty; for An. Dom. 2634. he gave 20 l. toward the repairing of S. Paul's Church. And after the return of King Charles II. tho by the neglect of his Friends he was rendered an object of scorn and triumph to his Enemies, yet he gave in the Royal Benevolence 50 l. for his Parsonage of Alresford, besides his share of 1000 l. as he was Prebendary of Westminster.  
And that which enabled him to do these and many other such Charitable acts, was an honest Providence or Thrift; that being (as one calls it) the Fuel of Magnificence. And certainly our Churches, with other Monuments of Honour, that are in this and other Nations erected to the Worship of God and the benefit of mankind, were no more built by the riotous prodigal Spendthrift, than by the penurious Mammonist.  
Temperance is the common Attendant of Frugality: in the exercise of which Virtue, the Doctor was a perfect Christian Philososopher. For in what ever he eat or drank, he confined himself to simple nourishments, designing only to satisfy natures necessities; but never irritating his Appetite with any artificial Delicacies either of Meat or Drink. And of all the calumnies with which his Reputation was sullied and aspersed, none of his virulent Enemies had the confidence ever to charge him either with incontinency or insobriety. For he never gratified or diverted himself in any wanton behaviour or brutish desires. And the only reason that induced him so soon to sorsake the Seat of the Muses and enter into the state of Marriage, was to avoid all unchaste and impure inclinations, and to be possessed of an habitual chastity of mind, as well as of body. To preserve which, he had not only a continual watchfulness over his Appetite, being never seen raised by Drink beyond his usual cheerfulness; but like the holy Apostle he was in weariness and painfulness, 
2 Cor. 11. 27.  in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often. His Study was seldom without his company, except his Meals, or necessary business, or the Rules of Civility obliged him to take his leave of it. Little or no exercise was allowed by him for his bodily health, except walking in his House or Garden; and then he was digesting and fixing those Notions and Observations in his mind, which he had before read, or caused to be read to him. His Fast or Abstinencies were not only very frequent, but so long and tedious, 
Psal. 32. 4.  that his bodily moisture was turned into the drought of Summer; and his digestive faculty became so debilitated and depraved, that he was very often subject unto Fevers. And perhaps the severity and frequency of his Fast might be the cause of his little and short Angers, which were quickly raised and as speedily stilled and calmed in him; and were also rendered very tolerable unto those on whom they lighted, not only by the shortness foe their continuance, but by the wonderful goodness of his Nature, which expressed itself (as in many other things, so) in an habitual pleasantness and cheerfulness of conversation, and a tender compassion to all persons that groaned under the weight of any Trouble or Affliction.  
The Son of Syrach resembles 
Ecclus. c. 34. 2, 7.  him, that regardeth dreams, to one that catcheth at a shadow, and followeth after the wind, And he gives a reason, For dreams have deceived many, and those have failed that have put their trust in them. But notwithstanding his decrying of Dreams as vain and foolish; yet in the very same Chapter he intimates, 
Verse 6.  that if they be sent from the most High in our Visitation, we may then set our hearts upon them. And such a Dream as this had our Reverend Doctor of his approaching End. For on Saturday night before his fatal Sickness, he had this Dream, viz. That being in an extraordinary pleasant Place, and admiring the beauty and glory of it, he saw King Charles I. his Martyred Master, and heard him speaking to him in these words, viz. Peter, I will have you buried under your Seat at Church, for you are rarely seen but there, or in your Study. This Dream he related to his Wife the very next morning, telling her it was extraordinary and significant, and desired her that his Burial might be exactly according to it. On the Monday he purchased an House in the Almonry, and the same day had the Writings Sealed and the Money paid; and at night told his dear Companion, that he had bought that House on purpose near the Abbey, that she might be near the Church, and serve God after his Copy and Example. And renewing the charge to her, he went to Bed in as good bodily health, as he had done before for many years; but after his first sleep, he found himself taken with a violent Fever, occasioned (as was conceived by his Physician) by eating of a little Tansy at Supper. It seized him, May 1. 1662. and deprived him of his understanding for seven days: the eighth day he died; but for some hours before had the use of his Faculties restored to him, telling one of the Vergers of the Church, who came to him; I know it is Church-time with you, and this is As●ension-day, I am ascending to the Church triumphant, I go to my God and Saviour, into joys Celestial, and to Hallelujahs Eternal. He died in his great Climacterical upon Ascension-day 1662. when our Blessed Saviour entered into his Glory, and as a Harbinger went to prepare his place for all his faithful Followers and Disciples.  
The Synagogus annexed to Mr. Herbert's Poems.  

Mount, mount my Soul, and climb, or rather fly,  
With all thy force on high.  
Thy Saviour rose not only, but ascended,  
And he must be attended,  
Both in his Conquest and his Triumph too  
His Glories strongly woe  
His Graces to them, and will not appear  
In their full lustre, until both be there.   

Where he now sits not for himself alone,  
But that upon his Throne,  
All his Redeemed may Attendants be,  
Robbed and Crowned as he.  
Kings without Courtiers are loan men, they say;  
And dost thou think to stay  
Behind one earth, whilst thy King Reigns in Heaven?  
Yet not be of thy happiness bereaven.   

Nothing that thou canst think worth havings here:  
Nothing is wanting there,  
That thou canst wish to make thee truly blest,  
And above all the rest,  
Thy Life is hid with God in jesus Christ,  
Higher than what is highest.  
O grovel then no longer here on earth,  
Where misery every moment drowns thy mirth.   

But tower, my Soul, and soar above the Skies,  
Where thy true Treasure lies.  
Tho with corruption and mortality,  
Thou clogged and pinioned be;  
Yet thy fleet thoughts and sprightly wishes may  
Speedily glide away.  
To what thou canst not reach, at least aspire,  
Ascend, if not indeed, yet in desire.   
As for the Offspring of his Loins, God gave him the blessing of the Religious man in Psalm 128. his Wife being like a fruitful Vine, and his Children (being in all eleven) as Olive-plants encompassed his Table: nay he saw his children's Children, and (which to him was more than all) he saw peace upon Israel; i. e. the Church and State restored, quieted and established after many concussions and confusions, and a total Abolition of their Government.  
But the issue of his Brain was far more numerous, than that of his Body; as will appear by the following Catalogue of Books written by him, viz.  
Spurius, a Tragedy MSS. Written An. Dom. 1616.  
Theomachia, a Comedy, MSS. 1619.  
Geography, twice Printed at Oxon: in Quarto, 1621. 1624. and four times in London; but afterward in 1652. enlarged into a Folio, under the Title of Cosmography.  
An Essay called Augustus, 1631. inserted since into his Cosmography.  
The History of St. George, London, 1631. Reprinted 1633.  
The History of the Sabbath, 1635. Reprinted 1636.  
An Answer to the Bishop of Lincoln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham, 1636. Afterward twice Reprinted.  
An Answer to Mr. Burtons' two Seditious Sermons, 1637.  
A short Treatise concerning a Form of Prayer to be used according to what is enjoined in the 55. Canon, MSS. Written at the request of the Bishop of Winchester.  
Antidotum Lincolniense, or an Answer to the Bishop of Lincoln's Book, entitled, Holy-Table, Name and Thing, 1637. Reprinted 1638.  
An uniform Book of Articles, fitted for Bishops and Arch-Deacons in their Visitations, 1640.  
De jure partialis Episcoporum, or containing the Peerage of the Bishops. Printed in the last Collection of his Works, 1681.  
A Reply to Dr. Hackwel, concerning the Sacrifice of the Eucharist MSS. 1641.  
A Help to English History, containing a Succession of all the Kings, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Bishops, etc. of England and Wales, Written An. Dom. 1641. under the name of Robert Hall, but now enlarged under the name of Dr. Heylyn.  
The History of Episcopacy, London, 1641. And now Reprinted, 1681.  
The History of Liturgies, Written 1642. and now Reprinted, 1681.  
A Relation of the Lord Hopton's Victory at Bodmin.  
A View of the Proceedings in the West for a Pacification.  
A Letter to a Gentleman in Leicestershire about the Treaty.  
A Relation of the Proceedings of Sir john Gell.  
A Relation of the Queen's return from Holland, and the Siege of Newark.  
The +, or Black Cross, showing that the Londoners were the cause of the Rebellion.  
The Rebel's Catechism. All these seven Printed at Oxon, 1644.  
An Answer to the Papists Groundless Clamour, who nickname the Religion of the Church of England by th● name of a Parliamentary Religion, 1644. and now Reprinted, 1681.  
A Relation of the Death and Sufferings of William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1644.  
The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience removed. Written 1644. Printed 1658. and Reprinted 1681.  
An Exposition of the Creed. Folio. London, 1654.  
A Survey of France, with an account of the Isles of Guernsey and jersey. London, 1656. Quarto.  
Examen Historicum, or a Discovery and Examination of the Mistakes, Falsities and Defects in some modern Histories: in two Books. London, 1659. Octavo.  
Certamen Epistolare, or the Letter-Combat managed with Mr. Baxter, Dr. Bernard, Mr. Hickman, and I. H. Esq London, 1658 Octavo.  
Historia Quinque-Articularies. Quarto. London, 1660. Reprinted, 1681.  
Respondet Petrus, or, An Answer of Peter Heylyn, D. D. to Dr. Bernard's Book, entitled, The judgement of the late Primate, etc. London, 1658. Quarto.  
Observations on Mr. Ham. L'Strange's History, on the Life of King Charles I London, 1658. Octavo.  
Extraneus Vapulans, or a Defence of those Observations. London, 1658. Octavo.  
A Short History of King Charles I. from his Cradle to his Grave, 1658.  
Thirteen Sermons; some of which are an Exposition of the Parable of the Tares, London, 1659. Reprinted 1661.  
The History of the Reformation. London, 1661. Fol.  
Cyprianus Anglicus; or the History of the Life and Death of Archbishop Laud. Folio. London, 1668.  
Aërius Redivivus, or the History of the Presbyterians, from the year 1636, to the year 1647. Oxon. 1670. Fol.  
His Monument has, since the erection of it, had violence offered it by some rude and irreligious hand; there being ever in the world those ill men, who regard the Names of the Learned, neither whilst they are living, nor when they are dead. It is erected on the North-side of the Abbey in Westminster, over against the Sub-Deans Seat; and the Right Reverend Dr. Earl, than Dean of Westminster, and afterward Bishop of Salisbury, was pleased to honour the memory of his dear Friend with this following Inscription.  
Depositum mortal  
Petri Heylyn S. Th. D.  
Hujus Ecclesiae Prebendarii & Subdecani,  
Viri planè memorabilis,  
Egregiis dotibus instructissimi,  
Ingenio acri & foecundo,  
judicio subacto,  
Memoriâ ad prodigium tenaci;  
Cui adjunxit incredibilem in Studiis patientiam;  
Quae, cessantibus oculis, non cessarunt.  
Scripsit varia & plurima,  
Quae jam manibus teruntur;  
Et argumentis non vulgaribus  
Stylo non vulgari suffecit.  
Constans ubique Ecclesiae,  
Et Majestatis Regiae Assertor;  
Nec florentis magis utriusque  
Quam afflictae:  
Idemque perduellium & Schismaticae Factionis  
Impugnator acerrimus.  
Contemptor Invidiae,  
Et animo infracto.  
Plura ejusmodi meditanti,  
Mors indixit Silentium;  
Vt sileatur  
Efficere non potest.  
Obiit Anno Aetat. 63.  
Posuit hoc illi moestissima Conjux.  
FINIS.